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The author believes that an individual who applies to work overseas _ .

Interest in pursuing international careers has soared in recent years, enhanced by chronic personnel shortages that are causing companies to search beyond their home borders for talent. Professionals seek career experience outside of their home countries for a variety of reasons. They may feel the need to recharge their batteries with a new challenge. They may want a position with more responsibility that encourages creativity and initiative. Or they may wish to expose their children to another culture, and the opportunity to learn a second language. When applying for a job, one usually has to submit a resume or curriculum vitae (CV). The two terms generally mean the same thing: a one-or two-page document describing one's educational qualifications and professional experience. However, guidelines for preparing a resume are constantly changing. The best advice is to find out what is appropriate regarding the corporate culture, the country culture, and the culture of the person making the hiring decision. The challenge will be to embrace two or more cultures in one document. The following list is a good place to start. ● "Educational requirements differ from country to country. In almost every case of ‘cross-border' job hunting, just stating the title of your degree will not bean adequate description. Provide the reader with details about your studies and any related experience." ● Pay attention to the resume format you use-chronological or reverse-chronological order. Chronological order means listing your ‘oldest' work experience first. Reverse-chronological order means listing your current or most recent experience first. Most countries have preferences about which format is most acceptable. If you find no specific guidelines, the general preference is for the reverse-chronological format." ● If you are submitting your resume in English, find out if the recipient uses British English or American English because there are variations between the two versions. For example, university education is often referred to as ‘tertiary education' in the United Kingdom, but this term is almost never used in the United States. A reader who is unfamiliar with these variations may assume that your resume contains errors.

1530.txt

When it comes to resume writing, it is best to _ .

Interest in pursuing international careers has soared in recent years, enhanced by chronic personnel shortages that are causing companies to search beyond their home borders for talent. Professionals seek career experience outside of their home countries for a variety of reasons. They may feel the need to recharge their batteries with a new challenge. They may want a position with more responsibility that encourages creativity and initiative. Or they may wish to expose their children to another culture, and the opportunity to learn a second language. When applying for a job, one usually has to submit a resume or curriculum vitae (CV). The two terms generally mean the same thing: a one-or two-page document describing one's educational qualifications and professional experience. However, guidelines for preparing a resume are constantly changing. The best advice is to find out what is appropriate regarding the corporate culture, the country culture, and the culture of the person making the hiring decision. The challenge will be to embrace two or more cultures in one document. The following list is a good place to start. ● "Educational requirements differ from country to country. In almost every case of ‘cross-border' job hunting, just stating the title of your degree will not bean adequate description. Provide the reader with details about your studies and any related experience." ● Pay attention to the resume format you use-chronological or reverse-chronological order. Chronological order means listing your ‘oldest' work experience first. Reverse-chronological order means listing your current or most recent experience first. Most countries have preferences about which format is most acceptable. If you find no specific guidelines, the general preference is for the reverse-chronological format." ● If you are submitting your resume in English, find out if the recipient uses British English or American English because there are variations between the two versions. For example, university education is often referred to as ‘tertiary education' in the United Kingdom, but this term is almost never used in the United States. A reader who is unfamiliar with these variations may assume that your resume contains errors.

1530.txt

When writing about qualifications, applicants are advised to _ .

Interest in pursuing international careers has soared in recent years, enhanced by chronic personnel shortages that are causing companies to search beyond their home borders for talent. Professionals seek career experience outside of their home countries for a variety of reasons. They may feel the need to recharge their batteries with a new challenge. They may want a position with more responsibility that encourages creativity and initiative. Or they may wish to expose their children to another culture, and the opportunity to learn a second language. When applying for a job, one usually has to submit a resume or curriculum vitae (CV). The two terms generally mean the same thing: a one-or two-page document describing one's educational qualifications and professional experience. However, guidelines for preparing a resume are constantly changing. The best advice is to find out what is appropriate regarding the corporate culture, the country culture, and the culture of the person making the hiring decision. The challenge will be to embrace two or more cultures in one document. The following list is a good place to start. ● "Educational requirements differ from country to country. In almost every case of ‘cross-border' job hunting, just stating the title of your degree will not bean adequate description. Provide the reader with details about your studies and any related experience." ● Pay attention to the resume format you use-chronological or reverse-chronological order. Chronological order means listing your ‘oldest' work experience first. Reverse-chronological order means listing your current or most recent experience first. Most countries have preferences about which format is most acceptable. If you find no specific guidelines, the general preference is for the reverse-chronological format." ● If you are submitting your resume in English, find out if the recipient uses British English or American English because there are variations between the two versions. For example, university education is often referred to as ‘tertiary education' in the United Kingdom, but this term is almost never used in the United States. A reader who is unfamiliar with these variations may assume that your resume contains errors.

1530.txt

According to the author's last piece of advice, the applicants should be aware of _ .

Interest in pursuing international careers has soared in recent years, enhanced by chronic personnel shortages that are causing companies to search beyond their home borders for talent. Professionals seek career experience outside of their home countries for a variety of reasons. They may feel the need to recharge their batteries with a new challenge. They may want a position with more responsibility that encourages creativity and initiative. Or they may wish to expose their children to another culture, and the opportunity to learn a second language. When applying for a job, one usually has to submit a resume or curriculum vitae (CV). The two terms generally mean the same thing: a one-or two-page document describing one's educational qualifications and professional experience. However, guidelines for preparing a resume are constantly changing. The best advice is to find out what is appropriate regarding the corporate culture, the country culture, and the culture of the person making the hiring decision. The challenge will be to embrace two or more cultures in one document. The following list is a good place to start. ● "Educational requirements differ from country to country. In almost every case of ‘cross-border' job hunting, just stating the title of your degree will not bean adequate description. Provide the reader with details about your studies and any related experience." ● Pay attention to the resume format you use-chronological or reverse-chronological order. Chronological order means listing your ‘oldest' work experience first. Reverse-chronological order means listing your current or most recent experience first. Most countries have preferences about which format is most acceptable. If you find no specific guidelines, the general preference is for the reverse-chronological format." ● If you are submitting your resume in English, find out if the recipient uses British English or American English because there are variations between the two versions. For example, university education is often referred to as ‘tertiary education' in the United Kingdom, but this term is almost never used in the United States. A reader who is unfamiliar with these variations may assume that your resume contains errors.

1530.txt

The problem with the reading course as mentioned in the first paragraph is that ________.

So long as teachers fail to distinguish between teaching and learning, they will continue to undertake to do for children that which only children can do for themselves. Teaching children to read is not passing reading on to them. It is certainly not endless hours spent in activities about reading. Douglas insists that "reading cannot be taught directly and schools should stop trying to do the impossible." Teaching and learning are two entirely different processes. They differ in kind and function. The function of teaching is to create the conditions and the climate that will make it possible for children to devise the most efficient system for teaching themselves to read. Teaching is also public activity: It can be seen and observed. Learning to read involves all that each individual does to make sense of the world of printed language. Almost all of it is private, for learning is an occupation of the mind, and that process is not open to public scrutiny. If teacher and learner roles are not interchangeable, what then can be done through teaching that will aid the child in the quest for knowledge? Smith has one principal rule for all teaching instructions. "Make learning to read easy, which means making reading a meaningful, enjoyable and frequent experience for children." When the roles of teacher and learner are seen for what they are, and when both teacher and learner fulfill them appropriately, then much of the pressure and feeling of failure for both is eliminated. Learning to read is made easier when teachers create an environment where children are given the opportunity to solve the problem of leaning to read by reading.

379.txt

The teaching of reading will be successful if ________.

So long as teachers fail to distinguish between teaching and learning, they will continue to undertake to do for children that which only children can do for themselves. Teaching children to read is not passing reading on to them. It is certainly not endless hours spent in activities about reading. Douglas insists that "reading cannot be taught directly and schools should stop trying to do the impossible." Teaching and learning are two entirely different processes. They differ in kind and function. The function of teaching is to create the conditions and the climate that will make it possible for children to devise the most efficient system for teaching themselves to read. Teaching is also public activity: It can be seen and observed. Learning to read involves all that each individual does to make sense of the world of printed language. Almost all of it is private, for learning is an occupation of the mind, and that process is not open to public scrutiny. If teacher and learner roles are not interchangeable, what then can be done through teaching that will aid the child in the quest for knowledge? Smith has one principal rule for all teaching instructions. "Make learning to read easy, which means making reading a meaningful, enjoyable and frequent experience for children." When the roles of teacher and learner are seen for what they are, and when both teacher and learner fulfill them appropriately, then much of the pressure and feeling of failure for both is eliminated. Learning to read is made easier when teachers create an environment where children are given the opportunity to solve the problem of leaning to read by reading.

379.txt

The word "scrutiny" (Line 3, Para. 3) most probably means "________".

So long as teachers fail to distinguish between teaching and learning, they will continue to undertake to do for children that which only children can do for themselves. Teaching children to read is not passing reading on to them. It is certainly not endless hours spent in activities about reading. Douglas insists that "reading cannot be taught directly and schools should stop trying to do the impossible." Teaching and learning are two entirely different processes. They differ in kind and function. The function of teaching is to create the conditions and the climate that will make it possible for children to devise the most efficient system for teaching themselves to read. Teaching is also public activity: It can be seen and observed. Learning to read involves all that each individual does to make sense of the world of printed language. Almost all of it is private, for learning is an occupation of the mind, and that process is not open to public scrutiny. If teacher and learner roles are not interchangeable, what then can be done through teaching that will aid the child in the quest for knowledge? Smith has one principal rule for all teaching instructions. "Make learning to read easy, which means making reading a meaningful, enjoyable and frequent experience for children." When the roles of teacher and learner are seen for what they are, and when both teacher and learner fulfill them appropriately, then much of the pressure and feeling of failure for both is eliminated. Learning to read is made easier when teachers create an environment where children are given the opportunity to solve the problem of leaning to read by reading.

379.txt

According to the passage, learning to read will no longer be a difficult task when ________.

So long as teachers fail to distinguish between teaching and learning, they will continue to undertake to do for children that which only children can do for themselves. Teaching children to read is not passing reading on to them. It is certainly not endless hours spent in activities about reading. Douglas insists that "reading cannot be taught directly and schools should stop trying to do the impossible." Teaching and learning are two entirely different processes. They differ in kind and function. The function of teaching is to create the conditions and the climate that will make it possible for children to devise the most efficient system for teaching themselves to read. Teaching is also public activity: It can be seen and observed. Learning to read involves all that each individual does to make sense of the world of printed language. Almost all of it is private, for learning is an occupation of the mind, and that process is not open to public scrutiny. If teacher and learner roles are not interchangeable, what then can be done through teaching that will aid the child in the quest for knowledge? Smith has one principal rule for all teaching instructions. "Make learning to read easy, which means making reading a meaningful, enjoyable and frequent experience for children." When the roles of teacher and learner are seen for what they are, and when both teacher and learner fulfill them appropriately, then much of the pressure and feeling of failure for both is eliminated. Learning to read is made easier when teachers create an environment where children are given the opportunity to solve the problem of leaning to read by reading.

379.txt

The main idea of the passage is that ________.

So long as teachers fail to distinguish between teaching and learning, they will continue to undertake to do for children that which only children can do for themselves. Teaching children to read is not passing reading on to them. It is certainly not endless hours spent in activities about reading. Douglas insists that "reading cannot be taught directly and schools should stop trying to do the impossible." Teaching and learning are two entirely different processes. They differ in kind and function. The function of teaching is to create the conditions and the climate that will make it possible for children to devise the most efficient system for teaching themselves to read. Teaching is also public activity: It can be seen and observed. Learning to read involves all that each individual does to make sense of the world of printed language. Almost all of it is private, for learning is an occupation of the mind, and that process is not open to public scrutiny. If teacher and learner roles are not interchangeable, what then can be done through teaching that will aid the child in the quest for knowledge? Smith has one principal rule for all teaching instructions. "Make learning to read easy, which means making reading a meaningful, enjoyable and frequent experience for children." When the roles of teacher and learner are seen for what they are, and when both teacher and learner fulfill them appropriately, then much of the pressure and feeling of failure for both is eliminated. Learning to read is made easier when teachers create an environment where children are given the opportunity to solve the problem of leaning to read by reading.

379.txt

What used to be the author's hope for his son?

Every man wants his son to be somewhat of a clone, not in features but in footsteps. As he grows you also age, and your ambitions become more unachievable. You begin to realize that your boy, in your footsteps, could probably accomplish what you hoped for. But footsteps can be muddied and they can go off in different directions. My son Jody has hated school since day one in kindergarten. Science projects waited until the last moment. Book reports weren't written until the final threat. I've been a newspaperman all my adult life. My daughter is a university graduate working toward her master's degree in English. But Jody? When he entered the tenth grade he became a "vo-tech" student. They're called "motorheads" by the rest of the student body. When a secretary in my office first called him "motorhead", I was shocked. "Hey, he's a good kid," I wanted to say. "And smart, really." I learned later that motorheads are, indeed, different. They usually have dirty hands and wear dirty work clothes. And they don't often make school honor rolls. But being the parent of a motorhead is itself an experience in education. We who labor in clean shirts in offices don't have the abilities that motorheads have. I began to learn this when I had my car crashed. The cost to repair it was estimated at $800. "Hey, I can fix it," said Jody. I doubted it , but let him go ahead, for I had nothing to lose. My son ,with other motorheads, fixed the car. They got partsfrom a junkyard, and ability from vo-tech classes.The cost was $25 instead of $800. Since that first repair job, a broken air-conditioner, a non-functioning washer and a non-toasting toaster have been fixed. Neighbors and co-workers trust their car repairs to him. These kids are happiest when doing repairs. They joke and laugh and are living in their own relaxed world. And their minds are bright despite their dirty hands and clothes. I have learned a lot from my motorhead: publishers need printers, engineers need mechanics, and architects need builders. Most important, I have learned that fathers don't need clones in footsteps or anywhere else. My son may never make the school honor roll. But he made mine.

466.txt

What can we learn about the author's children?

Every man wants his son to be somewhat of a clone, not in features but in footsteps. As he grows you also age, and your ambitions become more unachievable. You begin to realize that your boy, in your footsteps, could probably accomplish what you hoped for. But footsteps can be muddied and they can go off in different directions. My son Jody has hated school since day one in kindergarten. Science projects waited until the last moment. Book reports weren't written until the final threat. I've been a newspaperman all my adult life. My daughter is a university graduate working toward her master's degree in English. But Jody? When he entered the tenth grade he became a "vo-tech" student. They're called "motorheads" by the rest of the student body. When a secretary in my office first called him "motorhead", I was shocked. "Hey, he's a good kid," I wanted to say. "And smart, really." I learned later that motorheads are, indeed, different. They usually have dirty hands and wear dirty work clothes. And they don't often make school honor rolls. But being the parent of a motorhead is itself an experience in education. We who labor in clean shirts in offices don't have the abilities that motorheads have. I began to learn this when I had my car crashed. The cost to repair it was estimated at $800. "Hey, I can fix it," said Jody. I doubted it , but let him go ahead, for I had nothing to lose. My son ,with other motorheads, fixed the car. They got partsfrom a junkyard, and ability from vo-tech classes.The cost was $25 instead of $800. Since that first repair job, a broken air-conditioner, a non-functioning washer and a non-toasting toaster have been fixed. Neighbors and co-workers trust their car repairs to him. These kids are happiest when doing repairs. They joke and laugh and are living in their own relaxed world. And their minds are bright despite their dirty hands and clothes. I have learned a lot from my motorhead: publishers need printers, engineers need mechanics, and architects need builders. Most important, I have learned that fathers don't need clones in footsteps or anywhere else. My son may never make the school honor roll. But he made mine.

466.txt

The author let his son repair the car because he believed that _ .

Every man wants his son to be somewhat of a clone, not in features but in footsteps. As he grows you also age, and your ambitions become more unachievable. You begin to realize that your boy, in your footsteps, could probably accomplish what you hoped for. But footsteps can be muddied and they can go off in different directions. My son Jody has hated school since day one in kindergarten. Science projects waited until the last moment. Book reports weren't written until the final threat. I've been a newspaperman all my adult life. My daughter is a university graduate working toward her master's degree in English. But Jody? When he entered the tenth grade he became a "vo-tech" student. They're called "motorheads" by the rest of the student body. When a secretary in my office first called him "motorhead", I was shocked. "Hey, he's a good kid," I wanted to say. "And smart, really." I learned later that motorheads are, indeed, different. They usually have dirty hands and wear dirty work clothes. And they don't often make school honor rolls. But being the parent of a motorhead is itself an experience in education. We who labor in clean shirts in offices don't have the abilities that motorheads have. I began to learn this when I had my car crashed. The cost to repair it was estimated at $800. "Hey, I can fix it," said Jody. I doubted it , but let him go ahead, for I had nothing to lose. My son ,with other motorheads, fixed the car. They got partsfrom a junkyard, and ability from vo-tech classes.The cost was $25 instead of $800. Since that first repair job, a broken air-conditioner, a non-functioning washer and a non-toasting toaster have been fixed. Neighbors and co-workers trust their car repairs to him. These kids are happiest when doing repairs. They joke and laugh and are living in their own relaxed world. And their minds are bright despite their dirty hands and clothes. I have learned a lot from my motorhead: publishers need printers, engineers need mechanics, and architects need builders. Most important, I have learned that fathers don't need clones in footsteps or anywhere else. My son may never make the school honor roll. But he made mine.

466.txt

In the author's eyes, motorheads are _ .

Every man wants his son to be somewhat of a clone, not in features but in footsteps. As he grows you also age, and your ambitions become more unachievable. You begin to realize that your boy, in your footsteps, could probably accomplish what you hoped for. But footsteps can be muddied and they can go off in different directions. My son Jody has hated school since day one in kindergarten. Science projects waited until the last moment. Book reports weren't written until the final threat. I've been a newspaperman all my adult life. My daughter is a university graduate working toward her master's degree in English. But Jody? When he entered the tenth grade he became a "vo-tech" student. They're called "motorheads" by the rest of the student body. When a secretary in my office first called him "motorhead", I was shocked. "Hey, he's a good kid," I wanted to say. "And smart, really." I learned later that motorheads are, indeed, different. They usually have dirty hands and wear dirty work clothes. And they don't often make school honor rolls. But being the parent of a motorhead is itself an experience in education. We who labor in clean shirts in offices don't have the abilities that motorheads have. I began to learn this when I had my car crashed. The cost to repair it was estimated at $800. "Hey, I can fix it," said Jody. I doubted it , but let him go ahead, for I had nothing to lose. My son ,with other motorheads, fixed the car. They got partsfrom a junkyard, and ability from vo-tech classes.The cost was $25 instead of $800. Since that first repair job, a broken air-conditioner, a non-functioning washer and a non-toasting toaster have been fixed. Neighbors and co-workers trust their car repairs to him. These kids are happiest when doing repairs. They joke and laugh and are living in their own relaxed world. And their minds are bright despite their dirty hands and clothes. I have learned a lot from my motorhead: publishers need printers, engineers need mechanics, and architects need builders. Most important, I have learned that fathers don't need clones in footsteps or anywhere else. My son may never make the school honor roll. But he made mine.

466.txt

What did the author realize in the end?

Every man wants his son to be somewhat of a clone, not in features but in footsteps. As he grows you also age, and your ambitions become more unachievable. You begin to realize that your boy, in your footsteps, could probably accomplish what you hoped for. But footsteps can be muddied and they can go off in different directions. My son Jody has hated school since day one in kindergarten. Science projects waited until the last moment. Book reports weren't written until the final threat. I've been a newspaperman all my adult life. My daughter is a university graduate working toward her master's degree in English. But Jody? When he entered the tenth grade he became a "vo-tech" student. They're called "motorheads" by the rest of the student body. When a secretary in my office first called him "motorhead", I was shocked. "Hey, he's a good kid," I wanted to say. "And smart, really." I learned later that motorheads are, indeed, different. They usually have dirty hands and wear dirty work clothes. And they don't often make school honor rolls. But being the parent of a motorhead is itself an experience in education. We who labor in clean shirts in offices don't have the abilities that motorheads have. I began to learn this when I had my car crashed. The cost to repair it was estimated at $800. "Hey, I can fix it," said Jody. I doubted it , but let him go ahead, for I had nothing to lose. My son ,with other motorheads, fixed the car. They got partsfrom a junkyard, and ability from vo-tech classes.The cost was $25 instead of $800. Since that first repair job, a broken air-conditioner, a non-functioning washer and a non-toasting toaster have been fixed. Neighbors and co-workers trust their car repairs to him. These kids are happiest when doing repairs. They joke and laugh and are living in their own relaxed world. And their minds are bright despite their dirty hands and clothes. I have learned a lot from my motorhead: publishers need printers, engineers need mechanics, and architects need builders. Most important, I have learned that fathers don't need clones in footsteps or anywhere else. My son may never make the school honor roll. But he made mine.

466.txt

What is the passage mainly about？

The African，elephant，the largest lard animal remaining on earth. is of great importance to African ecosystem（）.Unlike other animals，the African elephant is to a great extent the builder of its environment. As a big plant-eater，it largely shapes the forest-and-savanna（） surroundings in which it lives，therefore setting the terms of existence for millions of other animals that live in its habitat（）. It is the elephant's great desire for food that makes it a disturber of the environment and an important builder of its habitat. In its continuous search for the 300 pounds of plants it must have every day，it kills small trees and underbushes，and pulls branches off big trees. This results in numerous open spaces to both deep tropical forests and in the woodlands that cover part of the African savannas. In these open spaces are numerous plants in various stages of grewd that attract a variety of other plant-eaters. Take the min forests for example. In their natural state，the spreading branches overhead shut out sunlight and prevent the growth of plants on the forest floor. By pulling down trees and eating plants，elephants make open spaces，allowing new plants to grow on the forest floor，In such situations，the forests become suitable for large hoofed plant-eaters to move around and for small plant-eaters to get their food as well. What worries scientists now is that the African elephant has become an endangered species. If the elephant disappears，scientists say， many other animals will also disappear from vast arcos of forest and savanna，greatly changing and worsening the whole ecosystem.

3713.txt

What do we know about the open spaces in the passage？

The African，elephant，the largest lard animal remaining on earth. is of great importance to African ecosystem（）.Unlike other animals，the African elephant is to a great extent the builder of its environment. As a big plant-eater，it largely shapes the forest-and-savanna（） surroundings in which it lives，therefore setting the terms of existence for millions of other animals that live in its habitat（）. It is the elephant's great desire for food that makes it a disturber of the environment and an important builder of its habitat. In its continuous search for the 300 pounds of plants it must have every day，it kills small trees and underbushes，and pulls branches off big trees. This results in numerous open spaces to both deep tropical forests and in the woodlands that cover part of the African savannas. In these open spaces are numerous plants in various stages of grewd that attract a variety of other plant-eaters. Take the min forests for example. In their natural state，the spreading branches overhead shut out sunlight and prevent the growth of plants on the forest floor. By pulling down trees and eating plants，elephants make open spaces，allowing new plants to grow on the forest floor，In such situations，the forests become suitable for large hoofed plant-eaters to move around and for small plant-eaters to get their food as well. What worries scientists now is that the African elephant has become an endangered species. If the elephant disappears，scientists say， many other animals will also disappear from vast arcos of forest and savanna，greatly changing and worsening the whole ecosystem.

3713.txt

The passage is developed mainly by _ .

The African，elephant，the largest lard animal remaining on earth. is of great importance to African ecosystem（）.Unlike other animals，the African elephant is to a great extent the builder of its environment. As a big plant-eater，it largely shapes the forest-and-savanna（） surroundings in which it lives，therefore setting the terms of existence for millions of other animals that live in its habitat（）. It is the elephant's great desire for food that makes it a disturber of the environment and an important builder of its habitat. In its continuous search for the 300 pounds of plants it must have every day，it kills small trees and underbushes，and pulls branches off big trees. This results in numerous open spaces to both deep tropical forests and in the woodlands that cover part of the African savannas. In these open spaces are numerous plants in various stages of grewd that attract a variety of other plant-eaters. Take the min forests for example. In their natural state，the spreading branches overhead shut out sunlight and prevent the growth of plants on the forest floor. By pulling down trees and eating plants，elephants make open spaces，allowing new plants to grow on the forest floor，In such situations，the forests become suitable for large hoofed plant-eaters to move around and for small plant-eaters to get their food as well. What worries scientists now is that the African elephant has become an endangered species. If the elephant disappears，scientists say， many other animals will also disappear from vast arcos of forest and savanna，greatly changing and worsening the whole ecosystem.

3713.txt

What's the author's main purpose in writing this passage?

The health-care economy is filled with unusual and even unique economic relationships. One of the least understood involves the peculiar roles of producer or "provider" and purchaser or "consumer" in the typical doctor-patient relationship. In most sectors of the economy, it is the seller who attempts to attract a potential buyer with various inducements of price, quality, and utility, and it is the buyer who makes the decision, Such condition, however, does not prevail in most of the health-care industry. In the health-care industry, the doctor-patient relationship is the mirror image of the ordinary relationship between producer and consumer. Once an individual has chosen to see a physician-and even then there may be no real choice-it is the physician who usually makes all significant purchasing decisions: whether the patient should return "next Wednesday", whether X-rays are needed, whether drugs should be prescribed, etc. It is a rare and sophisticated patient who will challenge such professional decisions or raise in advance questions about price, especially when the disease is regarded as serious. This is particularly significant in relation to hospital care. The physician must certify the need for hospitalization, determine what procedures will be performed, and announce when the patient may be discharged. The patient may be consulted about some of these decisions, but in the main it is the doctor's judgments that are final. Little wonder then that in the eye of the hospital it is the physician who is the real "consumer." As a consequence, the medical staff represents the "power center" in hospital policy and decision-making, not the administration. Although usually there are in this situation four identifiable participants-the physician, the hospital, the patient, and the payer (generally an insurance carrier or government)-the physician makes the essential decisions for all of them. The hospital becomes an extension of the physician; the payer generally meets most of the bills generated by the physician/hospital, and for t/he most part the patient plays a passive role. We estimate that about 75-80 percent of health-care expenditures are determined by physicians, not patients. For this reason, the economy directed at patients or t.he general is relatively ineffective.

195.txt

In the health-care industry, the patients

The health-care economy is filled with unusual and even unique economic relationships. One of the least understood involves the peculiar roles of producer or "provider" and purchaser or "consumer" in the typical doctor-patient relationship. In most sectors of the economy, it is the seller who attempts to attract a potential buyer with various inducements of price, quality, and utility, and it is the buyer who makes the decision, Such condition, however, does not prevail in most of the health-care industry. In the health-care industry, the doctor-patient relationship is the mirror image of the ordinary relationship between producer and consumer. Once an individual has chosen to see a physician-and even then there may be no real choice-it is the physician who usually makes all significant purchasing decisions: whether the patient should return "next Wednesday", whether X-rays are needed, whether drugs should be prescribed, etc. It is a rare and sophisticated patient who will challenge such professional decisions or raise in advance questions about price, especially when the disease is regarded as serious. This is particularly significant in relation to hospital care. The physician must certify the need for hospitalization, determine what procedures will be performed, and announce when the patient may be discharged. The patient may be consulted about some of these decisions, but in the main it is the doctor's judgments that are final. Little wonder then that in the eye of the hospital it is the physician who is the real "consumer." As a consequence, the medical staff represents the "power center" in hospital policy and decision-making, not the administration. Although usually there are in this situation four identifiable participants-the physician, the hospital, the patient, and the payer (generally an insurance carrier or government)-the physician makes the essential decisions for all of them. The hospital becomes an extension of the physician; the payer generally meets most of the bills generated by the physician/hospital, and for t/he most part the patient plays a passive role. We estimate that about 75-80 percent of health-care expenditures are determined by physicians, not patients. For this reason, the economy directed at patients or t.he general is relatively ineffective.

195.txt

According to the author, when a doctor tells a patient to "return next Wednesday", the doctor is in effect _ ,

The health-care economy is filled with unusual and even unique economic relationships. One of the least understood involves the peculiar roles of producer or "provider" and purchaser or "consumer" in the typical doctor-patient relationship. In most sectors of the economy, it is the seller who attempts to attract a potential buyer with various inducements of price, quality, and utility, and it is the buyer who makes the decision, Such condition, however, does not prevail in most of the health-care industry. In the health-care industry, the doctor-patient relationship is the mirror image of the ordinary relationship between producer and consumer. Once an individual has chosen to see a physician-and even then there may be no real choice-it is the physician who usually makes all significant purchasing decisions: whether the patient should return "next Wednesday", whether X-rays are needed, whether drugs should be prescribed, etc. It is a rare and sophisticated patient who will challenge such professional decisions or raise in advance questions about price, especially when the disease is regarded as serious. This is particularly significant in relation to hospital care. The physician must certify the need for hospitalization, determine what procedures will be performed, and announce when the patient may be discharged. The patient may be consulted about some of these decisions, but in the main it is the doctor's judgments that are final. Little wonder then that in the eye of the hospital it is the physician who is the real "consumer." As a consequence, the medical staff represents the "power center" in hospital policy and decision-making, not the administration. Although usually there are in this situation four identifiable participants-the physician, the hospital, the patient, and the payer (generally an insurance carrier or government)-the physician makes the essential decisions for all of them. The hospital becomes an extension of the physician; the payer generally meets most of the bills generated by the physician/hospital, and for t/he most part the patient plays a passive role. We estimate that about 75-80 percent of health-care expenditures are determined by physicians, not patients. For this reason, the economy directed at patients or t.he general is relatively ineffective.

195.txt

Doctors are able to determine hospital policies most probably because _ .

The health-care economy is filled with unusual and even unique economic relationships. One of the least understood involves the peculiar roles of producer or "provider" and purchaser or "consumer" in the typical doctor-patient relationship. In most sectors of the economy, it is the seller who attempts to attract a potential buyer with various inducements of price, quality, and utility, and it is the buyer who makes the decision, Such condition, however, does not prevail in most of the health-care industry. In the health-care industry, the doctor-patient relationship is the mirror image of the ordinary relationship between producer and consumer. Once an individual has chosen to see a physician-and even then there may be no real choice-it is the physician who usually makes all significant purchasing decisions: whether the patient should return "next Wednesday", whether X-rays are needed, whether drugs should be prescribed, etc. It is a rare and sophisticated patient who will challenge such professional decisions or raise in advance questions about price, especially when the disease is regarded as serious. This is particularly significant in relation to hospital care. The physician must certify the need for hospitalization, determine what procedures will be performed, and announce when the patient may be discharged. The patient may be consulted about some of these decisions, but in the main it is the doctor's judgments that are final. Little wonder then that in the eye of the hospital it is the physician who is the real "consumer." As a consequence, the medical staff represents the "power center" in hospital policy and decision-making, not the administration. Although usually there are in this situation four identifiable participants-the physician, the hospital, the patient, and the payer (generally an insurance carrier or government)-the physician makes the essential decisions for all of them. The hospital becomes an extension of the physician; the payer generally meets most of the bills generated by the physician/hospital, and for t/he most part the patient plays a passive role. We estimate that about 75-80 percent of health-care expenditures are determined by physicians, not patients. For this reason, the economy directed at patients or t.he general is relatively ineffective.

195.txt

The author is most probably leading up to _ .

The health-care economy is filled with unusual and even unique economic relationships. One of the least understood involves the peculiar roles of producer or "provider" and purchaser or "consumer" in the typical doctor-patient relationship. In most sectors of the economy, it is the seller who attempts to attract a potential buyer with various inducements of price, quality, and utility, and it is the buyer who makes the decision, Such condition, however, does not prevail in most of the health-care industry. In the health-care industry, the doctor-patient relationship is the mirror image of the ordinary relationship between producer and consumer. Once an individual has chosen to see a physician-and even then there may be no real choice-it is the physician who usually makes all significant purchasing decisions: whether the patient should return "next Wednesday", whether X-rays are needed, whether drugs should be prescribed, etc. It is a rare and sophisticated patient who will challenge such professional decisions or raise in advance questions about price, especially when the disease is regarded as serious. This is particularly significant in relation to hospital care. The physician must certify the need for hospitalization, determine what procedures will be performed, and announce when the patient may be discharged. The patient may be consulted about some of these decisions, but in the main it is the doctor's judgments that are final. Little wonder then that in the eye of the hospital it is the physician who is the real "consumer." As a consequence, the medical staff represents the "power center" in hospital policy and decision-making, not the administration. Although usually there are in this situation four identifiable participants-the physician, the hospital, the patient, and the payer (generally an insurance carrier or government)-the physician makes the essential decisions for all of them. The hospital becomes an extension of the physician; the payer generally meets most of the bills generated by the physician/hospital, and for t/he most part the patient plays a passive role. We estimate that about 75-80 percent of health-care expenditures are determined by physicians, not patients. For this reason, the economy directed at patients or t.he general is relatively ineffective.

195.txt

The firm claims that all its winter sports centers have been the recent target of

As a reliable travel agency, we really do try to describe our centers and accommodation as realistically as possible. All our Super Centers and Main Centers have been extensively investigated during the winter season 1975-1976. As a result we have first-hand information on the way in which hotels, life networks and ski schools, etc. operate during the season. We have not been able to investigate, at first hand, all our Independent Centers during the last season but all have been visited during the past three seasons. Should you need any more information about these centers we will try to get it for you. Our American centers have been investigated on our behalf by United Airlines Tours Department and by the U. S. tour operators who are assisting United and ourselves to offer you this novel program to the United States. Where possible we have eliminated the use of superlatives from the text (possibly making our brochure less attractive to read than it might be) and have concentrated on as accurate a description as possible. Nevertheless you should bear in mind that your opinion and the opinion of our investigator might differ and there may be changes between the time of a visit by our investigator and the visit of one of our customers. We trust that it is evident to you that we have done all in our power to eliminate misdescription and that there really is no question of misrepresenta-tion on our part-either careless or otherwise. We welcome your constructive criticism-it is the best way we know of improving our brochures and our service. Although complaints are very expensive to handle, your complaint or criticism will be thoroughly investigated and a refund made if it is justified-none will be made if it isn't.

772.txt

The "Independent Centers" were personally inspected _ .

As a reliable travel agency, we really do try to describe our centers and accommodation as realistically as possible. All our Super Centers and Main Centers have been extensively investigated during the winter season 1975-1976. As a result we have first-hand information on the way in which hotels, life networks and ski schools, etc. operate during the season. We have not been able to investigate, at first hand, all our Independent Centers during the last season but all have been visited during the past three seasons. Should you need any more information about these centers we will try to get it for you. Our American centers have been investigated on our behalf by United Airlines Tours Department and by the U. S. tour operators who are assisting United and ourselves to offer you this novel program to the United States. Where possible we have eliminated the use of superlatives from the text (possibly making our brochure less attractive to read than it might be) and have concentrated on as accurate a description as possible. Nevertheless you should bear in mind that your opinion and the opinion of our investigator might differ and there may be changes between the time of a visit by our investigator and the visit of one of our customers. We trust that it is evident to you that we have done all in our power to eliminate misdescription and that there really is no question of misrepresenta-tion on our part-either careless or otherwise. We welcome your constructive criticism-it is the best way we know of improving our brochures and our service. Although complaints are very expensive to handle, your complaint or criticism will be thoroughly investigated and a refund made if it is justified-none will be made if it isn't.

772.txt

The program of tours to the United States appears to be _ .

As a reliable travel agency, we really do try to describe our centers and accommodation as realistically as possible. All our Super Centers and Main Centers have been extensively investigated during the winter season 1975-1976. As a result we have first-hand information on the way in which hotels, life networks and ski schools, etc. operate during the season. We have not been able to investigate, at first hand, all our Independent Centers during the last season but all have been visited during the past three seasons. Should you need any more information about these centers we will try to get it for you. Our American centers have been investigated on our behalf by United Airlines Tours Department and by the U. S. tour operators who are assisting United and ourselves to offer you this novel program to the United States. Where possible we have eliminated the use of superlatives from the text (possibly making our brochure less attractive to read than it might be) and have concentrated on as accurate a description as possible. Nevertheless you should bear in mind that your opinion and the opinion of our investigator might differ and there may be changes between the time of a visit by our investigator and the visit of one of our customers. We trust that it is evident to you that we have done all in our power to eliminate misdescription and that there really is no question of misrepresenta-tion on our part-either careless or otherwise. We welcome your constructive criticism-it is the best way we know of improving our brochures and our service. Although complaints are very expensive to handle, your complaint or criticism will be thoroughly investigated and a refund made if it is justified-none will be made if it isn't.

772.txt

Their brochure would be more attractive to read, they say, if _ .

As a reliable travel agency, we really do try to describe our centers and accommodation as realistically as possible. All our Super Centers and Main Centers have been extensively investigated during the winter season 1975-1976. As a result we have first-hand information on the way in which hotels, life networks and ski schools, etc. operate during the season. We have not been able to investigate, at first hand, all our Independent Centers during the last season but all have been visited during the past three seasons. Should you need any more information about these centers we will try to get it for you. Our American centers have been investigated on our behalf by United Airlines Tours Department and by the U. S. tour operators who are assisting United and ourselves to offer you this novel program to the United States. Where possible we have eliminated the use of superlatives from the text (possibly making our brochure less attractive to read than it might be) and have concentrated on as accurate a description as possible. Nevertheless you should bear in mind that your opinion and the opinion of our investigator might differ and there may be changes between the time of a visit by our investigator and the visit of one of our customers. We trust that it is evident to you that we have done all in our power to eliminate misdescription and that there really is no question of misrepresenta-tion on our part-either careless or otherwise. We welcome your constructive criticism-it is the best way we know of improving our brochures and our service. Although complaints are very expensive to handle, your complaint or criticism will be thoroughly investigated and a refund made if it is justified-none will be made if it isn't.

772.txt

The firm's claim is that their program is improved by _ .

As a reliable travel agency, we really do try to describe our centers and accommodation as realistically as possible. All our Super Centers and Main Centers have been extensively investigated during the winter season 1975-1976. As a result we have first-hand information on the way in which hotels, life networks and ski schools, etc. operate during the season. We have not been able to investigate, at first hand, all our Independent Centers during the last season but all have been visited during the past three seasons. Should you need any more information about these centers we will try to get it for you. Our American centers have been investigated on our behalf by United Airlines Tours Department and by the U. S. tour operators who are assisting United and ourselves to offer you this novel program to the United States. Where possible we have eliminated the use of superlatives from the text (possibly making our brochure less attractive to read than it might be) and have concentrated on as accurate a description as possible. Nevertheless you should bear in mind that your opinion and the opinion of our investigator might differ and there may be changes between the time of a visit by our investigator and the visit of one of our customers. We trust that it is evident to you that we have done all in our power to eliminate misdescription and that there really is no question of misrepresenta-tion on our part-either careless or otherwise. We welcome your constructive criticism-it is the best way we know of improving our brochures and our service. Although complaints are very expensive to handle, your complaint or criticism will be thoroughly investigated and a refund made if it is justified-none will be made if it isn't.

772.txt

What is the text about ?

To be a good teacher, you need some of the gifts of a good actor; you must be able to hold the attention and interest of your audience; you must be a clear speaker, with a good, strong, pleasing voice which is fully under your control; and you must be able to act what you are teaching, in order to make its meaning clear. Watch a good teacher, and you will see that he does not sit still before his class： he stands the whole time he is teaching; he walks about, using his arms, hands and fingers to help him in his explanations, and his face to express feelings. Listen to him, and you will hear the loudness, the quality and the musical note of his voice always changing according to what he is talking about. The fact that a good teacher has some of the gifts of a good actor doesn't mean that he will indeed be able to act well on the stage, for there are very important differences between the teacher's work and the actor's. The actor has to speak words which he has learnt by heart; he has to repeat exactly the same words each time he plays a certain part, even his movements and the ways in which he uses his voice are usually fixed beforehand . What he has to do is to make all these carefully learnt words and actions seem natural on the stage. A good teacher works in quite a different way. His audience takes an active part in his play： they ask and answer questions, they obey orders, and if they don't understand something, they say so. The teacher therefore has to meet the needs of his audience, which is his class. He cannot learn his part by heart, but must invent it as he goes along. I have known many teachers who were fine actors in class but were unable to take part in a stage-play because they could not keep strictly to what another had written.

831.txt

The word "audience" in the fourth paragraph means _ .

To be a good teacher, you need some of the gifts of a good actor; you must be able to hold the attention and interest of your audience; you must be a clear speaker, with a good, strong, pleasing voice which is fully under your control; and you must be able to act what you are teaching, in order to make its meaning clear. Watch a good teacher, and you will see that he does not sit still before his class： he stands the whole time he is teaching; he walks about, using his arms, hands and fingers to help him in his explanations, and his face to express feelings. Listen to him, and you will hear the loudness, the quality and the musical note of his voice always changing according to what he is talking about. The fact that a good teacher has some of the gifts of a good actor doesn't mean that he will indeed be able to act well on the stage, for there are very important differences between the teacher's work and the actor's. The actor has to speak words which he has learnt by heart; he has to repeat exactly the same words each time he plays a certain part, even his movements and the ways in which he uses his voice are usually fixed beforehand . What he has to do is to make all these carefully learnt words and actions seem natural on the stage. A good teacher works in quite a different way. His audience takes an active part in his play： they ask and answer questions, they obey orders, and if they don't understand something, they say so. The teacher therefore has to meet the needs of his audience, which is his class. He cannot learn his part by heart, but must invent it as he goes along. I have known many teachers who were fine actors in class but were unable to take part in a stage-play because they could not keep strictly to what another had written.

831.txt

A good teacher _ .

To be a good teacher, you need some of the gifts of a good actor; you must be able to hold the attention and interest of your audience; you must be a clear speaker, with a good, strong, pleasing voice which is fully under your control; and you must be able to act what you are teaching, in order to make its meaning clear. Watch a good teacher, and you will see that he does not sit still before his class： he stands the whole time he is teaching; he walks about, using his arms, hands and fingers to help him in his explanations, and his face to express feelings. Listen to him, and you will hear the loudness, the quality and the musical note of his voice always changing according to what he is talking about. The fact that a good teacher has some of the gifts of a good actor doesn't mean that he will indeed be able to act well on the stage, for there are very important differences between the teacher's work and the actor's. The actor has to speak words which he has learnt by heart; he has to repeat exactly the same words each time he plays a certain part, even his movements and the ways in which he uses his voice are usually fixed beforehand . What he has to do is to make all these carefully learnt words and actions seem natural on the stage. A good teacher works in quite a different way. His audience takes an active part in his play： they ask and answer questions, they obey orders, and if they don't understand something, they say so. The teacher therefore has to meet the needs of his audience, which is his class. He cannot learn his part by heart, but must invent it as he goes along. I have known many teachers who were fine actors in class but were unable to take part in a stage-play because they could not keep strictly to what another had written.

831.txt

In what way is a teacher's work different from an actor's ?

To be a good teacher, you need some of the gifts of a good actor; you must be able to hold the attention and interest of your audience; you must be a clear speaker, with a good, strong, pleasing voice which is fully under your control; and you must be able to act what you are teaching, in order to make its meaning clear. Watch a good teacher, and you will see that he does not sit still before his class： he stands the whole time he is teaching; he walks about, using his arms, hands and fingers to help him in his explanations, and his face to express feelings. Listen to him, and you will hear the loudness, the quality and the musical note of his voice always changing according to what he is talking about. The fact that a good teacher has some of the gifts of a good actor doesn't mean that he will indeed be able to act well on the stage, for there are very important differences between the teacher's work and the actor's. The actor has to speak words which he has learnt by heart; he has to repeat exactly the same words each time he plays a certain part, even his movements and the ways in which he uses his voice are usually fixed beforehand . What he has to do is to make all these carefully learnt words and actions seem natural on the stage. A good teacher works in quite a different way. His audience takes an active part in his play： they ask and answer questions, they obey orders, and if they don't understand something, they say so. The teacher therefore has to meet the needs of his audience, which is his class. He cannot learn his part by heart, but must invent it as he goes along. I have known many teachers who were fine actors in class but were unable to take part in a stage-play because they could not keep strictly to what another had written.

831.txt

The main difference between students in class and a theatre audience is that _ .

To be a good teacher, you need some of the gifts of a good actor; you must be able to hold the attention and interest of your audience; you must be a clear speaker, with a good, strong, pleasing voice which is fully under your control; and you must be able to act what you are teaching, in order to make its meaning clear. Watch a good teacher, and you will see that he does not sit still before his class： he stands the whole time he is teaching; he walks about, using his arms, hands and fingers to help him in his explanations, and his face to express feelings. Listen to him, and you will hear the loudness, the quality and the musical note of his voice always changing according to what he is talking about. The fact that a good teacher has some of the gifts of a good actor doesn't mean that he will indeed be able to act well on the stage, for there are very important differences between the teacher's work and the actor's. The actor has to speak words which he has learnt by heart; he has to repeat exactly the same words each time he plays a certain part, even his movements and the ways in which he uses his voice are usually fixed beforehand . What he has to do is to make all these carefully learnt words and actions seem natural on the stage. A good teacher works in quite a different way. His audience takes an active part in his play： they ask and answer questions, they obey orders, and if they don't understand something, they say so. The teacher therefore has to meet the needs of his audience, which is his class. He cannot learn his part by heart, but must invent it as he goes along. I have known many teachers who were fine actors in class but were unable to take part in a stage-play because they could not keep strictly to what another had written.

831.txt

Why is it that some good teachers are unable to play well on the stage ?

To be a good teacher, you need some of the gifts of a good actor; you must be able to hold the attention and interest of your audience; you must be a clear speaker, with a good, strong, pleasing voice which is fully under your control; and you must be able to act what you are teaching, in order to make its meaning clear. Watch a good teacher, and you will see that he does not sit still before his class： he stands the whole time he is teaching; he walks about, using his arms, hands and fingers to help him in his explanations, and his face to express feelings. Listen to him, and you will hear the loudness, the quality and the musical note of his voice always changing according to what he is talking about. The fact that a good teacher has some of the gifts of a good actor doesn't mean that he will indeed be able to act well on the stage, for there are very important differences between the teacher's work and the actor's. The actor has to speak words which he has learnt by heart; he has to repeat exactly the same words each time he plays a certain part, even his movements and the ways in which he uses his voice are usually fixed beforehand . What he has to do is to make all these carefully learnt words and actions seem natural on the stage. A good teacher works in quite a different way. His audience takes an active part in his play： they ask and answer questions, they obey orders, and if they don't understand something, they say so. The teacher therefore has to meet the needs of his audience, which is his class. He cannot learn his part by heart, but must invent it as he goes along. I have known many teachers who were fine actors in class but were unable to take part in a stage-play because they could not keep strictly to what another had written.

831.txt

Which of the following is true ?

To be a good teacher, you need some of the gifts of a good actor; you must be able to hold the attention and interest of your audience; you must be a clear speaker, with a good, strong, pleasing voice which is fully under your control; and you must be able to act what you are teaching, in order to make its meaning clear. Watch a good teacher, and you will see that he does not sit still before his class： he stands the whole time he is teaching; he walks about, using his arms, hands and fingers to help him in his explanations, and his face to express feelings. Listen to him, and you will hear the loudness, the quality and the musical note of his voice always changing according to what he is talking about. The fact that a good teacher has some of the gifts of a good actor doesn't mean that he will indeed be able to act well on the stage, for there are very important differences between the teacher's work and the actor's. The actor has to speak words which he has learnt by heart; he has to repeat exactly the same words each time he plays a certain part, even his movements and the ways in which he uses his voice are usually fixed beforehand . What he has to do is to make all these carefully learnt words and actions seem natural on the stage. A good teacher works in quite a different way. His audience takes an active part in his play： they ask and answer questions, they obey orders, and if they don't understand something, they say so. The teacher therefore has to meet the needs of his audience, which is his class. He cannot learn his part by heart, but must invent it as he goes along. I have known many teachers who were fine actors in class but were unable to take part in a stage-play because they could not keep strictly to what another had written.

831.txt

The expression "he or she is like fish out of water" suggests _ .

"Culture shock" occurs as a result of total immersion in a new culture. It happens to "people who have been suddenly transplanted abroad. " Newcomers may be anxious because they do not speak the language, know the customs, or understand people's behavior in daily life. The visitor finds that "yes" may not always mean "yes", that friendliness does not necessarily mean friendship, or that statements that appear to be serious are really intended as jokes. The foreigner may be unsure as to when to shake hands, when to start conversations, or how to approach a stranger. The notion of "culture shock" helps explain feelings of bewilderment and disorientation. Language problems do not account for all the frustrations that people feel. When one is deprived of everything that was once so familiar, such as understanding a transportation system, knowing how to register for university classes, or knowing how to make friends, difficulties in coping with the new society may arise. "... when an individual enters a strange culture, he or she is like fish out of water, " Newcomers feel at times that they do not belong to and feel alienated from the native members of the culture. When this happens visitors may want to reject everything about the new environment and may glorify and exaggerate the positive aspects of their own culture. Conversely visitors may scorn their native country by rejecting its values and instead choosing to identify with (if only temporarily) the value of the new country. This may occur as an attempt to over-identify with the new culture in order to be accepted by the people in it.

1978.txt

In order to identify with the new environment, some people may _ .

"Culture shock" occurs as a result of total immersion in a new culture. It happens to "people who have been suddenly transplanted abroad. " Newcomers may be anxious because they do not speak the language, know the customs, or understand people's behavior in daily life. The visitor finds that "yes" may not always mean "yes", that friendliness does not necessarily mean friendship, or that statements that appear to be serious are really intended as jokes. The foreigner may be unsure as to when to shake hands, when to start conversations, or how to approach a stranger. The notion of "culture shock" helps explain feelings of bewilderment and disorientation. Language problems do not account for all the frustrations that people feel. When one is deprived of everything that was once so familiar, such as understanding a transportation system, knowing how to register for university classes, or knowing how to make friends, difficulties in coping with the new society may arise. "... when an individual enters a strange culture, he or she is like fish out of water, " Newcomers feel at times that they do not belong to and feel alienated from the native members of the culture. When this happens visitors may want to reject everything about the new environment and may glorify and exaggerate the positive aspects of their own culture. Conversely visitors may scorn their native country by rejecting its values and instead choosing to identify with (if only temporarily) the value of the new country. This may occur as an attempt to over-identify with the new culture in order to be accepted by the people in it.

1978.txt

Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the author?

"Culture shock" occurs as a result of total immersion in a new culture. It happens to "people who have been suddenly transplanted abroad. " Newcomers may be anxious because they do not speak the language, know the customs, or understand people's behavior in daily life. The visitor finds that "yes" may not always mean "yes", that friendliness does not necessarily mean friendship, or that statements that appear to be serious are really intended as jokes. The foreigner may be unsure as to when to shake hands, when to start conversations, or how to approach a stranger. The notion of "culture shock" helps explain feelings of bewilderment and disorientation. Language problems do not account for all the frustrations that people feel. When one is deprived of everything that was once so familiar, such as understanding a transportation system, knowing how to register for university classes, or knowing how to make friends, difficulties in coping with the new society may arise. "... when an individual enters a strange culture, he or she is like fish out of water, " Newcomers feel at times that they do not belong to and feel alienated from the native members of the culture. When this happens visitors may want to reject everything about the new environment and may glorify and exaggerate the positive aspects of their own culture. Conversely visitors may scorn their native country by rejecting its values and instead choosing to identify with (if only temporarily) the value of the new country. This may occur as an attempt to over-identify with the new culture in order to be accepted by the people in it.

1978.txt

Newcomers may worry about

"Culture shock" occurs as a result of total immersion in a new culture. It happens to "people who have been suddenly transplanted abroad. " Newcomers may be anxious because they do not speak the language, know the customs, or understand people's behavior in daily life. The visitor finds that "yes" may not always mean "yes", that friendliness does not necessarily mean friendship, or that statements that appear to be serious are really intended as jokes. The foreigner may be unsure as to when to shake hands, when to start conversations, or how to approach a stranger. The notion of "culture shock" helps explain feelings of bewilderment and disorientation. Language problems do not account for all the frustrations that people feel. When one is deprived of everything that was once so familiar, such as understanding a transportation system, knowing how to register for university classes, or knowing how to make friends, difficulties in coping with the new society may arise. "... when an individual enters a strange culture, he or she is like fish out of water, " Newcomers feel at times that they do not belong to and feel alienated from the native members of the culture. When this happens visitors may want to reject everything about the new environment and may glorify and exaggerate the positive aspects of their own culture. Conversely visitors may scorn their native country by rejecting its values and instead choosing to identify with (if only temporarily) the value of the new country. This may occur as an attempt to over-identify with the new culture in order to be accepted by the people in it.

1978.txt

When the foreign visitor is immersed in new problems he finds hard to cope with, he is most likely to feel _ .

"Culture shock" occurs as a result of total immersion in a new culture. It happens to "people who have been suddenly transplanted abroad. " Newcomers may be anxious because they do not speak the language, know the customs, or understand people's behavior in daily life. The visitor finds that "yes" may not always mean "yes", that friendliness does not necessarily mean friendship, or that statements that appear to be serious are really intended as jokes. The foreigner may be unsure as to when to shake hands, when to start conversations, or how to approach a stranger. The notion of "culture shock" helps explain feelings of bewilderment and disorientation. Language problems do not account for all the frustrations that people feel. When one is deprived of everything that was once so familiar, such as understanding a transportation system, knowing how to register for university classes, or knowing how to make friends, difficulties in coping with the new society may arise. "... when an individual enters a strange culture, he or she is like fish out of water, " Newcomers feel at times that they do not belong to and feel alienated from the native members of the culture. When this happens visitors may want to reject everything about the new environment and may glorify and exaggerate the positive aspects of their own culture. Conversely visitors may scorn their native country by rejecting its values and instead choosing to identify with (if only temporarily) the value of the new country. This may occur as an attempt to over-identify with the new culture in order to be accepted by the people in it.

1978.txt

Which of the following can be inferred about bird migration from paragraph 1?

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

The word "perplexed" in the passage(Paragraph 1)is closest in meaning to

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

The word "preposterous" in the passage(Paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

According to paragraph 3, why did Kramer use mirrors to change the apparent position of the Sun?

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

According to paragraph 3, when do caged starlings become restless?

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

Which of the following can be inferred from paragraph 4 about Kramer's reason for filling one food boxand leaving the rest empty?

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

According to paragraph 5, how did the birds fly when the real Sun was visible?

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

The experiment described in paragraph 5 caused Kramer to conclude that birds possess a biological clock because

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

According to paragraph 6, how did the birds navigate in the planetarium's nighttime environment?

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

Which of the following best describes the author's presentation of information in the passage?

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

The word "accumulating" in the passage(Paragraph 7)is closest in meaning to

To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in North American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and, in the process, raised new questions. Kramer initiated important new kinds of research regarding how animals orient and navigate. Orientation is simply facing in the right direction; navigation involves finding ones way from point A to point B. Early in his research, Kramer found that caged migratory birds became very restless at about the time they would normally have begun migration in the wild. Furthermore, he noticed that as they fluttered around in the cage, they often launched themselves in the direction of their normal migratory route. He then set up experiments with caged starlings and found that their orientation was, in fact, in the proper migratory direction except when the sky was overcast, at which times there was no clear direction to their restless movements. Kramer surmised, therefore, that they were orienting according to the position of the Sun. To test this idea, he blocked their view of the Sun and used mirrors to change its apparent position. He found that under these circumstances, the birds oriented with respect to the new "Sun." They seemed to be using the Sun as a compass to determine direction. At the time, this idea seemed preposterous. How could a bird navigate by the Sun when some of us lose our way with road maps? Obviously, more testing was in order. So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass. However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correct food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. In experimenting with artificial suns, Kramer made another interesting discovery. If the artificial Sun remained stationary, the birds would shift their direction with respect to it at a rate of about 15 degrees per hour, the Sun's rate of movement across the sky. Apparently, the birds were assuming that the "Sun" they saw was moving at that rate. When the real Sun was visible, however, the birds maintained a constant direction as it moved across the sky. In other words, they were able to compensate for the Sun's movement. This meant that some sort of biological clock was operating-and a very precise clock at that. What about birds that migrate at night? Perhaps they navigate by the night sky. To test the idea, caged night-migrating birds were placed on the floor of a planetarium during their migratory period. A planetarium is essentially a theater with a domelike ceiling onto which a night sky can be projected for any night of the year. When the planetarium sky matched the sky outside, the birds fluttered in the direction of their normal migration. But when the dome was rotated, the birds changed their direction to match the artificial sky. The results clearly indicated that the birds were orienting according to the stars. There is accumulating evidence indicating that birds navigate by using a wide variety of environmental cues. Other areas under investigation include magnetism, landmarks, coastlines, sonar, and even smells. The studies are complicated by the fact that the data are sometimes contradictory and the mechanisms apparently change from time to time. Furthermore, one sensory ability may back up another.

904.txt

The author begins his article by _ .

As a track star in high school, Sallie Krawcheck ranked among her state's best at the high jump. But she hasn't jumped for anyone since, and her unshakable independence has propelled her career on Wall Street to heights unimaginable to a girl coming of age in Charleston, S.C., in the 1970s. Then, Krawcheck-always an outstanding student-thought mostly of cheerleading and" dating the coolest boy," she acknowledges. " She was in danger of becoming terminally cute," recalls her high school guidance counselor, Nancy Wise, who recognized Krawcheck's potential early and stoked her business ambitions. Today Krawcheck, 37, is one of the most powerful women in the corporate world and a rising star. How far she climbs depends on how well she meets her latest challenge: closing the credibility gap at financial-services giant Citigroup, after government inquiries put a cloud over the firm's reputation-and its stock. Krawcheck was hired in October from the independent stock-research firm Sanford C. Bernstein（where she was CEO）to be Citi's designated savior. Citigroup's proud CEO, Sanford Weill, personally wooed her, reorganizing a large chunk of Citi around her. Krawcheck is now CEO of a reconstituted Smith Barney, which encompasses Citi's stock-research and retail-brokerage operations. This large stage leaves Krawcheck outwardly undaunted. She's relaxed and confident, with a self-deprecating sense of humor. She says she's" incredibly insecure," and has had nightmares in which she fails to win the respect of her new colleagues. But this soft-spoken humility belies a toughness present from the start. Daughter of a lawyer and sister of three more, Krawcheck learned early on to substantiate her assertions-or keep quiet. " It used to get quite interesting around the dinner table," says her father Lenny, who practices law in Charleston. " Politics, relationships-you name it. It was every man for himself and awful tough to make your point." says jokes Sallie, " None of us could get a friend to come over for dinner." Krawcheck earned a journalism degree from the University of North Carolina and an M.B.A. from Columbia University. She went to work at Salomon Brothers but soon moved to Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette, where she met her husband Gary Appel. In 1994 Krawcheck moved to Bernstein and dived into stock research. She began covering financial-services firms in 1997 and immediately became the most influential analyst in that field. During those years, Krawcheck earned Weill's ire-and respect when she was later proved correct-by dwelling on the pitfalls of Weill's acquisition of Salomon.

444.txt

Krawcheck was chosen the CEO of Smith Barney because _ .

As a track star in high school, Sallie Krawcheck ranked among her state's best at the high jump. But she hasn't jumped for anyone since, and her unshakable independence has propelled her career on Wall Street to heights unimaginable to a girl coming of age in Charleston, S.C., in the 1970s. Then, Krawcheck-always an outstanding student-thought mostly of cheerleading and" dating the coolest boy," she acknowledges. " She was in danger of becoming terminally cute," recalls her high school guidance counselor, Nancy Wise, who recognized Krawcheck's potential early and stoked her business ambitions. Today Krawcheck, 37, is one of the most powerful women in the corporate world and a rising star. How far she climbs depends on how well she meets her latest challenge: closing the credibility gap at financial-services giant Citigroup, after government inquiries put a cloud over the firm's reputation-and its stock. Krawcheck was hired in October from the independent stock-research firm Sanford C. Bernstein（where she was CEO）to be Citi's designated savior. Citigroup's proud CEO, Sanford Weill, personally wooed her, reorganizing a large chunk of Citi around her. Krawcheck is now CEO of a reconstituted Smith Barney, which encompasses Citi's stock-research and retail-brokerage operations. This large stage leaves Krawcheck outwardly undaunted. She's relaxed and confident, with a self-deprecating sense of humor. She says she's" incredibly insecure," and has had nightmares in which she fails to win the respect of her new colleagues. But this soft-spoken humility belies a toughness present from the start. Daughter of a lawyer and sister of three more, Krawcheck learned early on to substantiate her assertions-or keep quiet. " It used to get quite interesting around the dinner table," says her father Lenny, who practices law in Charleston. " Politics, relationships-you name it. It was every man for himself and awful tough to make your point." says jokes Sallie, " None of us could get a friend to come over for dinner." Krawcheck earned a journalism degree from the University of North Carolina and an M.B.A. from Columbia University. She went to work at Salomon Brothers but soon moved to Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette, where she met her husband Gary Appel. In 1994 Krawcheck moved to Bernstein and dived into stock research. She began covering financial-services firms in 1997 and immediately became the most influential analyst in that field. During those years, Krawcheck earned Weill's ire-and respect when she was later proved correct-by dwelling on the pitfalls of Weill's acquisition of Salomon.

444.txt

Krawcheck's success depends on _ .

As a track star in high school, Sallie Krawcheck ranked among her state's best at the high jump. But she hasn't jumped for anyone since, and her unshakable independence has propelled her career on Wall Street to heights unimaginable to a girl coming of age in Charleston, S.C., in the 1970s. Then, Krawcheck-always an outstanding student-thought mostly of cheerleading and" dating the coolest boy," she acknowledges. " She was in danger of becoming terminally cute," recalls her high school guidance counselor, Nancy Wise, who recognized Krawcheck's potential early and stoked her business ambitions. Today Krawcheck, 37, is one of the most powerful women in the corporate world and a rising star. How far she climbs depends on how well she meets her latest challenge: closing the credibility gap at financial-services giant Citigroup, after government inquiries put a cloud over the firm's reputation-and its stock. Krawcheck was hired in October from the independent stock-research firm Sanford C. Bernstein（where she was CEO）to be Citi's designated savior. Citigroup's proud CEO, Sanford Weill, personally wooed her, reorganizing a large chunk of Citi around her. Krawcheck is now CEO of a reconstituted Smith Barney, which encompasses Citi's stock-research and retail-brokerage operations. This large stage leaves Krawcheck outwardly undaunted. She's relaxed and confident, with a self-deprecating sense of humor. She says she's" incredibly insecure," and has had nightmares in which she fails to win the respect of her new colleagues. But this soft-spoken humility belies a toughness present from the start. Daughter of a lawyer and sister of three more, Krawcheck learned early on to substantiate her assertions-or keep quiet. " It used to get quite interesting around the dinner table," says her father Lenny, who practices law in Charleston. " Politics, relationships-you name it. It was every man for himself and awful tough to make your point." says jokes Sallie, " None of us could get a friend to come over for dinner." Krawcheck earned a journalism degree from the University of North Carolina and an M.B.A. from Columbia University. She went to work at Salomon Brothers but soon moved to Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette, where she met her husband Gary Appel. In 1994 Krawcheck moved to Bernstein and dived into stock research. She began covering financial-services firms in 1997 and immediately became the most influential analyst in that field. During those years, Krawcheck earned Weill's ire-and respect when she was later proved correct-by dwelling on the pitfalls of Weill's acquisition of Salomon.

444.txt

The previous days Krawcheck spent at home are mentioned to show that _ .

As a track star in high school, Sallie Krawcheck ranked among her state's best at the high jump. But she hasn't jumped for anyone since, and her unshakable independence has propelled her career on Wall Street to heights unimaginable to a girl coming of age in Charleston, S.C., in the 1970s. Then, Krawcheck-always an outstanding student-thought mostly of cheerleading and" dating the coolest boy," she acknowledges. " She was in danger of becoming terminally cute," recalls her high school guidance counselor, Nancy Wise, who recognized Krawcheck's potential early and stoked her business ambitions. Today Krawcheck, 37, is one of the most powerful women in the corporate world and a rising star. How far she climbs depends on how well she meets her latest challenge: closing the credibility gap at financial-services giant Citigroup, after government inquiries put a cloud over the firm's reputation-and its stock. Krawcheck was hired in October from the independent stock-research firm Sanford C. Bernstein（where she was CEO）to be Citi's designated savior. Citigroup's proud CEO, Sanford Weill, personally wooed her, reorganizing a large chunk of Citi around her. Krawcheck is now CEO of a reconstituted Smith Barney, which encompasses Citi's stock-research and retail-brokerage operations. This large stage leaves Krawcheck outwardly undaunted. She's relaxed and confident, with a self-deprecating sense of humor. She says she's" incredibly insecure," and has had nightmares in which she fails to win the respect of her new colleagues. But this soft-spoken humility belies a toughness present from the start. Daughter of a lawyer and sister of three more, Krawcheck learned early on to substantiate her assertions-or keep quiet. " It used to get quite interesting around the dinner table," says her father Lenny, who practices law in Charleston. " Politics, relationships-you name it. It was every man for himself and awful tough to make your point." says jokes Sallie, " None of us could get a friend to come over for dinner." Krawcheck earned a journalism degree from the University of North Carolina and an M.B.A. from Columbia University. She went to work at Salomon Brothers but soon moved to Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette, where she met her husband Gary Appel. In 1994 Krawcheck moved to Bernstein and dived into stock research. She began covering financial-services firms in 1997 and immediately became the most influential analyst in that field. During those years, Krawcheck earned Weill's ire-and respect when she was later proved correct-by dwelling on the pitfalls of Weill's acquisition of Salomon.

444.txt

From the text we learn that Krawcheck is _ .

As a track star in high school, Sallie Krawcheck ranked among her state's best at the high jump. But she hasn't jumped for anyone since, and her unshakable independence has propelled her career on Wall Street to heights unimaginable to a girl coming of age in Charleston, S.C., in the 1970s. Then, Krawcheck-always an outstanding student-thought mostly of cheerleading and" dating the coolest boy," she acknowledges. " She was in danger of becoming terminally cute," recalls her high school guidance counselor, Nancy Wise, who recognized Krawcheck's potential early and stoked her business ambitions. Today Krawcheck, 37, is one of the most powerful women in the corporate world and a rising star. How far she climbs depends on how well she meets her latest challenge: closing the credibility gap at financial-services giant Citigroup, after government inquiries put a cloud over the firm's reputation-and its stock. Krawcheck was hired in October from the independent stock-research firm Sanford C. Bernstein（where she was CEO）to be Citi's designated savior. Citigroup's proud CEO, Sanford Weill, personally wooed her, reorganizing a large chunk of Citi around her. Krawcheck is now CEO of a reconstituted Smith Barney, which encompasses Citi's stock-research and retail-brokerage operations. This large stage leaves Krawcheck outwardly undaunted. She's relaxed and confident, with a self-deprecating sense of humor. She says she's" incredibly insecure," and has had nightmares in which she fails to win the respect of her new colleagues. But this soft-spoken humility belies a toughness present from the start. Daughter of a lawyer and sister of three more, Krawcheck learned early on to substantiate her assertions-or keep quiet. " It used to get quite interesting around the dinner table," says her father Lenny, who practices law in Charleston. " Politics, relationships-you name it. It was every man for himself and awful tough to make your point." says jokes Sallie, " None of us could get a friend to come over for dinner." Krawcheck earned a journalism degree from the University of North Carolina and an M.B.A. from Columbia University. She went to work at Salomon Brothers but soon moved to Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette, where she met her husband Gary Appel. In 1994 Krawcheck moved to Bernstein and dived into stock research. She began covering financial-services firms in 1997 and immediately became the most influential analyst in that field. During those years, Krawcheck earned Weill's ire-and respect when she was later proved correct-by dwelling on the pitfalls of Weill's acquisition of Salomon.

444.txt

What do we learn from the government report?

Among the government?s most interesting reports is one that estimates what parents spend on their children. Not surprisingly, the costs are steep. For a middle-class, husband-and-wife family (average pretax income in 2009: $76,250), spending per child is about $12,000 a year. With inflation the family?s spending on a child will total $286,050 by age 17. The dry statistics ought to inform the ongoing deficit debate, because a budget is not just a catalog of programs and taxes. It reflects a society?s priorities and values. Our society does not- despite rhetoric to the contrary-put much value on raising children. Present budget policies tax parents heavily to support the elderly. Meanwhile, tax breaks for children are modest. If deficit reduction aggravates these biases, more Americans may choose not to have children or to have fewer children. Down that path lies economic decline. Societies that cannot replace their populations discourage investment and innovation. They have stagnant or shrinking markets for goods and services. With older populations, theyresist change. To stabilize its population-discounting immigration-women must have an average of two children. That?s a fertility rate of 2.0.Many countries with struggling economies are well below that. Though having a child is a deeply personal decision, it?s shaped by culture, religion, economics, and government policy. "No one has a good answer" asto why fertility varies among countries, says sociologist Andrew Cherlin of The Johns Hopkins University. Eroding religious belief in Europe may partly explain lowered birthrates. In Japan young women may be rebelling against their mothers? isolated lives of child rearing. General optimism and pessimism count. Hopefulness fueled America?s baby boom. After the Soviet Union?s collapse, says Cherlin, "anxiety for the future" depressed birthrates in Russiaand Eastern Europe. In poor societies, people have children to improve their economic well-being by increasing the number of family workers and providing supports for parents in their old age. In wealthy societies, the logic often reverses. Government now supports the elderly, diminishing the need for children. By some studies, the safety nets for retirees have reduced fertility rates by 0.5 children in the United States and almost 1.0 in Western Europe, reports economist Robert Stein in the journal National Affairs. Similarly, some couples don?t have children because they don?t want to sacrifice their own lifestyles to the lime and expense of a family. Young Americans already face a bleak labor market that cannot instill confidence about having children. Piling on higher taxes won?t help, "If higher taxes make it more expensive to raise children," says Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute, "people will think twice about having another child." That seems like common sense, despite the multiple influences on becoming parents.

1223.txt

What is said to be the consequence of a shrinking population?

Among the government?s most interesting reports is one that estimates what parents spend on their children. Not surprisingly, the costs are steep. For a middle-class, husband-and-wife family (average pretax income in 2009: $76,250), spending per child is about $12,000 a year. With inflation the family?s spending on a child will total $286,050 by age 17. The dry statistics ought to inform the ongoing deficit debate, because a budget is not just a catalog of programs and taxes. It reflects a society?s priorities and values. Our society does not- despite rhetoric to the contrary-put much value on raising children. Present budget policies tax parents heavily to support the elderly. Meanwhile, tax breaks for children are modest. If deficit reduction aggravates these biases, more Americans may choose not to have children or to have fewer children. Down that path lies economic decline. Societies that cannot replace their populations discourage investment and innovation. They have stagnant or shrinking markets for goods and services. With older populations, theyresist change. To stabilize its population-discounting immigration-women must have an average of two children. That?s a fertility rate of 2.0.Many countries with struggling economies are well below that. Though having a child is a deeply personal decision, it?s shaped by culture, religion, economics, and government policy. "No one has a good answer" asto why fertility varies among countries, says sociologist Andrew Cherlin of The Johns Hopkins University. Eroding religious belief in Europe may partly explain lowered birthrates. In Japan young women may be rebelling against their mothers? isolated lives of child rearing. General optimism and pessimism count. Hopefulness fueled America?s baby boom. After the Soviet Union?s collapse, says Cherlin, "anxiety for the future" depressed birthrates in Russiaand Eastern Europe. In poor societies, people have children to improve their economic well-being by increasing the number of family workers and providing supports for parents in their old age. In wealthy societies, the logic often reverses. Government now supports the elderly, diminishing the need for children. By some studies, the safety nets for retirees have reduced fertility rates by 0.5 children in the United States and almost 1.0 in Western Europe, reports economist Robert Stein in the journal National Affairs. Similarly, some couples don?t have children because they don?t want to sacrifice their own lifestyles to the lime and expense of a family. Young Americans already face a bleak labor market that cannot instill confidence about having children. Piling on higher taxes won?t help, "If higher taxes make it more expensive to raise children," says Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute, "people will think twice about having another child." That seems like common sense, despite the multiple influences on becoming parents.

1223.txt

What accounted for America?s baby boom?

Among the government?s most interesting reports is one that estimates what parents spend on their children. Not surprisingly, the costs are steep. For a middle-class, husband-and-wife family (average pretax income in 2009: $76,250), spending per child is about $12,000 a year. With inflation the family?s spending on a child will total $286,050 by age 17. The dry statistics ought to inform the ongoing deficit debate, because a budget is not just a catalog of programs and taxes. It reflects a society?s priorities and values. Our society does not- despite rhetoric to the contrary-put much value on raising children. Present budget policies tax parents heavily to support the elderly. Meanwhile, tax breaks for children are modest. If deficit reduction aggravates these biases, more Americans may choose not to have children or to have fewer children. Down that path lies economic decline. Societies that cannot replace their populations discourage investment and innovation. They have stagnant or shrinking markets for goods and services. With older populations, theyresist change. To stabilize its population-discounting immigration-women must have an average of two children. That?s a fertility rate of 2.0.Many countries with struggling economies are well below that. Though having a child is a deeply personal decision, it?s shaped by culture, religion, economics, and government policy. "No one has a good answer" asto why fertility varies among countries, says sociologist Andrew Cherlin of The Johns Hopkins University. Eroding religious belief in Europe may partly explain lowered birthrates. In Japan young women may be rebelling against their mothers? isolated lives of child rearing. General optimism and pessimism count. Hopefulness fueled America?s baby boom. After the Soviet Union?s collapse, says Cherlin, "anxiety for the future" depressed birthrates in Russiaand Eastern Europe. In poor societies, people have children to improve their economic well-being by increasing the number of family workers and providing supports for parents in their old age. In wealthy societies, the logic often reverses. Government now supports the elderly, diminishing the need for children. By some studies, the safety nets for retirees have reduced fertility rates by 0.5 children in the United States and almost 1.0 in Western Europe, reports economist Robert Stein in the journal National Affairs. Similarly, some couples don?t have children because they don?t want to sacrifice their own lifestyles to the lime and expense of a family. Young Americans already face a bleak labor market that cannot instill confidence about having children. Piling on higher taxes won?t help, "If higher taxes make it more expensive to raise children," says Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute, "people will think twice about having another child." That seems like common sense, despite the multiple influences on becoming parents.

1223.txt

Why do people in wealthy countries prefer to have fewer children?

Among the government?s most interesting reports is one that estimates what parents spend on their children. Not surprisingly, the costs are steep. For a middle-class, husband-and-wife family (average pretax income in 2009: $76,250), spending per child is about $12,000 a year. With inflation the family?s spending on a child will total $286,050 by age 17. The dry statistics ought to inform the ongoing deficit debate, because a budget is not just a catalog of programs and taxes. It reflects a society?s priorities and values. Our society does not- despite rhetoric to the contrary-put much value on raising children. Present budget policies tax parents heavily to support the elderly. Meanwhile, tax breaks for children are modest. If deficit reduction aggravates these biases, more Americans may choose not to have children or to have fewer children. Down that path lies economic decline. Societies that cannot replace their populations discourage investment and innovation. They have stagnant or shrinking markets for goods and services. With older populations, theyresist change. To stabilize its population-discounting immigration-women must have an average of two children. That?s a fertility rate of 2.0.Many countries with struggling economies are well below that. Though having a child is a deeply personal decision, it?s shaped by culture, religion, economics, and government policy. "No one has a good answer" asto why fertility varies among countries, says sociologist Andrew Cherlin of The Johns Hopkins University. Eroding religious belief in Europe may partly explain lowered birthrates. In Japan young women may be rebelling against their mothers? isolated lives of child rearing. General optimism and pessimism count. Hopefulness fueled America?s baby boom. After the Soviet Union?s collapse, says Cherlin, "anxiety for the future" depressed birthrates in Russiaand Eastern Europe. In poor societies, people have children to improve their economic well-being by increasing the number of family workers and providing supports for parents in their old age. In wealthy societies, the logic often reverses. Government now supports the elderly, diminishing the need for children. By some studies, the safety nets for retirees have reduced fertility rates by 0.5 children in the United States and almost 1.0 in Western Europe, reports economist Robert Stein in the journal National Affairs. Similarly, some couples don?t have children because they don?t want to sacrifice their own lifestyles to the lime and expense of a family. Young Americans already face a bleak labor market that cannot instill confidence about having children. Piling on higher taxes won?t help, "If higher taxes make it more expensive to raise children," says Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute, "people will think twice about having another child." That seems like common sense, despite the multiple influences on becoming parents.

1223.txt

What is the author?s purpose in writing the passage?

Among the government?s most interesting reports is one that estimates what parents spend on their children. Not surprisingly, the costs are steep. For a middle-class, husband-and-wife family (average pretax income in 2009: $76,250), spending per child is about $12,000 a year. With inflation the family?s spending on a child will total $286,050 by age 17. The dry statistics ought to inform the ongoing deficit debate, because a budget is not just a catalog of programs and taxes. It reflects a society?s priorities and values. Our society does not- despite rhetoric to the contrary-put much value on raising children. Present budget policies tax parents heavily to support the elderly. Meanwhile, tax breaks for children are modest. If deficit reduction aggravates these biases, more Americans may choose not to have children or to have fewer children. Down that path lies economic decline. Societies that cannot replace their populations discourage investment and innovation. They have stagnant or shrinking markets for goods and services. With older populations, theyresist change. To stabilize its population-discounting immigration-women must have an average of two children. That?s a fertility rate of 2.0.Many countries with struggling economies are well below that. Though having a child is a deeply personal decision, it?s shaped by culture, religion, economics, and government policy. "No one has a good answer" asto why fertility varies among countries, says sociologist Andrew Cherlin of The Johns Hopkins University. Eroding religious belief in Europe may partly explain lowered birthrates. In Japan young women may be rebelling against their mothers? isolated lives of child rearing. General optimism and pessimism count. Hopefulness fueled America?s baby boom. After the Soviet Union?s collapse, says Cherlin, "anxiety for the future" depressed birthrates in Russiaand Eastern Europe. In poor societies, people have children to improve their economic well-being by increasing the number of family workers and providing supports for parents in their old age. In wealthy societies, the logic often reverses. Government now supports the elderly, diminishing the need for children. By some studies, the safety nets for retirees have reduced fertility rates by 0.5 children in the United States and almost 1.0 in Western Europe, reports economist Robert Stein in the journal National Affairs. Similarly, some couples don?t have children because they don?t want to sacrifice their own lifestyles to the lime and expense of a family. Young Americans already face a bleak labor market that cannot instill confidence about having children. Piling on higher taxes won?t help, "If higher taxes make it more expensive to raise children," says Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute, "people will think twice about having another child." That seems like common sense, despite the multiple influences on becoming parents.

1223.txt

The best title of this passage is _ .

Not very long ago, a special family systemexisted in certain parts of South India. In thissystem, the actual head of a family unit was themother‘s eldest brother, though the mother also hadan important position in the family. In families ofthis kind, a husband was actually no more than avisitor. He did not live with his wife, but with his ownmother, brothers and sisters in another house. Hesaw his sons and daughters sometimes, but the man who actually fed and cared for them andacted as their father was their uncle-their mother‘s brother. But this system, in which brother and sisters take the place of the father, no longer exists inSouth India except in a few villages. Economic changes have had far reaching effect on familylife. Family life began to change when men went out to work in factories and offices instead ofworking with their mothers, brothers, and sisters on the land. When a man went out to work hehad money of his own and could buy his own land and build his own family, instead ofdepending on his mother and his brothers. He wanted to be independent. This is an exampleof the way in which economic relations can have an effect on family relation-ships.

2594.txt

Who had the actual control of a family in South India not long ago?

Not very long ago, a special family systemexisted in certain parts of South India. In thissystem, the actual head of a family unit was themother‘s eldest brother, though the mother also hadan important position in the family. In families ofthis kind, a husband was actually no more than avisitor. He did not live with his wife, but with his ownmother, brothers and sisters in another house. Hesaw his sons and daughters sometimes, but the man who actually fed and cared for them andacted as their father was their uncle-their mother‘s brother. But this system, in which brother and sisters take the place of the father, no longer exists inSouth India except in a few villages. Economic changes have had far reaching effect on familylife. Family life began to change when men went out to work in factories and offices instead ofworking with their mothers, brothers, and sisters on the land. When a man went out to work hehad money of his own and could buy his own land and build his own family, instead ofdepending on his mother and his brothers. He wanted to be independent. This is an exampleof the way in which economic relations can have an effect on family relation-ships.

2594.txt

In this system, the husband lived together with _ .

Not very long ago, a special family systemexisted in certain parts of South India. In thissystem, the actual head of a family unit was themother‘s eldest brother, though the mother also hadan important position in the family. In families ofthis kind, a husband was actually no more than avisitor. He did not live with his wife, but with his ownmother, brothers and sisters in another house. Hesaw his sons and daughters sometimes, but the man who actually fed and cared for them andacted as their father was their uncle-their mother‘s brother. But this system, in which brother and sisters take the place of the father, no longer exists inSouth India except in a few villages. Economic changes have had far reaching effect on familylife. Family life began to change when men went out to work in factories and offices instead ofworking with their mothers, brothers, and sisters on the land. When a man went out to work hehad money of his own and could buy his own land and build his own family, instead ofdepending on his mother and his brothers. He wanted to be independent. This is an exampleof the way in which economic relations can have an effect on family relation-ships.

2594.txt

What has caused such a strange family system to die away?

Not very long ago, a special family systemexisted in certain parts of South India. In thissystem, the actual head of a family unit was themother‘s eldest brother, though the mother also hadan important position in the family. In families ofthis kind, a husband was actually no more than avisitor. He did not live with his wife, but with his ownmother, brothers and sisters in another house. Hesaw his sons and daughters sometimes, but the man who actually fed and cared for them andacted as their father was their uncle-their mother‘s brother. But this system, in which brother and sisters take the place of the father, no longer exists inSouth India except in a few villages. Economic changes have had far reaching effect on familylife. Family life began to change when men went out to work in factories and offices instead ofworking with their mothers, brothers, and sisters on the land. When a man went out to work hehad money of his own and could buy his own land and build his own family, instead ofdepending on his mother and his brothers. He wanted to be independent. This is an exampleof the way in which economic relations can have an effect on family relation-ships.

2594.txt

The author's purpose in writing this passage is to tell _ .

I hear many parents complaining that their teenage children are rebelling. I wish it were so. At young age you ought to be growing away from you parents. You should be learning to stand on your own two feet. But take a good look at the present rebellion. It seems that teenagers are a1l taking the same way of snowing that they disagree with their parents. Instead of striking out on their own,most of them are clutching at one another's hands for reassurance. They say they want to dress as they please,but all of them wear the same clothes. They set off in new directions in music,but all of them end up huddled round listening to the same record. Their reason for thinking or acting in this and that way is that the crowd is doing it. (84)It has become harder and harder for a teenager to stand up against the popularity wave and go his or her own way. These days every teenager can 1earn from the advertisements what a teenager should have and be. And many of today's parents have come to award high marks for the popularity of their children. (85)All this adds up to a great barrier for the teenager who wants to find his or her own path. But the barrier is worth climbing over. The path is worth following. You may want to listen to classical music instead of going to a party. You may want to collect rocks when everyone else is collecting records. You may have some thoughts that you don't care to share at once with your classmates. Well,go to it. Find yourself. Be yourself. Popularity will come-will the people who respect you for who you are. That's the only kind of popularity that really counts.

2305.txt

According to the author, many teenagers think they are brave enough to act on their own, but, in fact, most of them _ .

I hear many parents complaining that their teenage children are rebelling. I wish it were so. At young age you ought to be growing away from you parents. You should be learning to stand on your own two feet. But take a good look at the present rebellion. It seems that teenagers are a1l taking the same way of snowing that they disagree with their parents. Instead of striking out on their own,most of them are clutching at one another's hands for reassurance. They say they want to dress as they please,but all of them wear the same clothes. They set off in new directions in music,but all of them end up huddled round listening to the same record. Their reason for thinking or acting in this and that way is that the crowd is doing it. (84)It has become harder and harder for a teenager to stand up against the popularity wave and go his or her own way. These days every teenager can 1earn from the advertisements what a teenager should have and be. And many of today's parents have come to award high marks for the popularity of their children. (85)All this adds up to a great barrier for the teenager who wants to find his or her own path. But the barrier is worth climbing over. The path is worth following. You may want to listen to classical music instead of going to a party. You may want to collect rocks when everyone else is collecting records. You may have some thoughts that you don't care to share at once with your classmates. Well,go to it. Find yourself. Be yourself. Popularity will come-will the people who respect you for who you are. That's the only kind of popularity that really counts.

2305.txt

Which of the following is NOT true according to the passage?

I hear many parents complaining that their teenage children are rebelling. I wish it were so. At young age you ought to be growing away from you parents. You should be learning to stand on your own two feet. But take a good look at the present rebellion. It seems that teenagers are a1l taking the same way of snowing that they disagree with their parents. Instead of striking out on their own,most of them are clutching at one another's hands for reassurance. They say they want to dress as they please,but all of them wear the same clothes. They set off in new directions in music,but all of them end up huddled round listening to the same record. Their reason for thinking or acting in this and that way is that the crowd is doing it. (84)It has become harder and harder for a teenager to stand up against the popularity wave and go his or her own way. These days every teenager can 1earn from the advertisements what a teenager should have and be. And many of today's parents have come to award high marks for the popularity of their children. (85)All this adds up to a great barrier for the teenager who wants to find his or her own path. But the barrier is worth climbing over. The path is worth following. You may want to listen to classical music instead of going to a party. You may want to collect rocks when everyone else is collecting records. You may have some thoughts that you don't care to share at once with your classmates. Well,go to it. Find yourself. Be yourself. Popularity will come-will the people who respect you for who you are. That's the only kind of popularity that really counts.

2305.txt

The author thinks of advertisements as _ .

I hear many parents complaining that their teenage children are rebelling. I wish it were so. At young age you ought to be growing away from you parents. You should be learning to stand on your own two feet. But take a good look at the present rebellion. It seems that teenagers are a1l taking the same way of snowing that they disagree with their parents. Instead of striking out on their own,most of them are clutching at one another's hands for reassurance. They say they want to dress as they please,but all of them wear the same clothes. They set off in new directions in music,but all of them end up huddled round listening to the same record. Their reason for thinking or acting in this and that way is that the crowd is doing it. (84)It has become harder and harder for a teenager to stand up against the popularity wave and go his or her own way. These days every teenager can 1earn from the advertisements what a teenager should have and be. And many of today's parents have come to award high marks for the popularity of their children. (85)All this adds up to a great barrier for the teenager who wants to find his or her own path. But the barrier is worth climbing over. The path is worth following. You may want to listen to classical music instead of going to a party. You may want to collect rocks when everyone else is collecting records. You may have some thoughts that you don't care to share at once with your classmates. Well,go to it. Find yourself. Be yourself. Popularity will come-will the people who respect you for who you are. That's the only kind of popularity that really counts.

2305.txt

During the teenage years, one should learn to _ .

I hear many parents complaining that their teenage children are rebelling. I wish it were so. At young age you ought to be growing away from you parents. You should be learning to stand on your own two feet. But take a good look at the present rebellion. It seems that teenagers are a1l taking the same way of snowing that they disagree with their parents. Instead of striking out on their own,most of them are clutching at one another's hands for reassurance. They say they want to dress as they please,but all of them wear the same clothes. They set off in new directions in music,but all of them end up huddled round listening to the same record. Their reason for thinking or acting in this and that way is that the crowd is doing it. (84)It has become harder and harder for a teenager to stand up against the popularity wave and go his or her own way. These days every teenager can 1earn from the advertisements what a teenager should have and be. And many of today's parents have come to award high marks for the popularity of their children. (85)All this adds up to a great barrier for the teenager who wants to find his or her own path. But the barrier is worth climbing over. The path is worth following. You may want to listen to classical music instead of going to a party. You may want to collect rocks when everyone else is collecting records. You may have some thoughts that you don't care to share at once with your classmates. Well,go to it. Find yourself. Be yourself. Popularity will come-will the people who respect you for who you are. That's the only kind of popularity that really counts.

2305.txt

The proposal to lay a telegraph cable from Europe to America made oceanographic studies take on ________.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profile of the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, a fact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition , which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2337.txt

It was ________ that asked Maury for help in oceanographic studies.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profile of the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, a fact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition , which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2337.txt

The aim of the voyages Maury was responsible for in the 1840s was ________.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profile of the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, a fact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition , which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2337.txt

"Defied" in the 5th paragraph probably means "________".

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profile of the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, a fact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition , which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2337.txt

This passage is mainly about ________.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profile of the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, a fact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition , which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2337.txt

According to paragraph 1, all of the following are controls that heldtogether the Roman world EXCEPT

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

1092.txt

The phrase "obsessionwith" in the passage(paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

1092.txt

According to paragraph 2, which of the following was NOT characteristicof Rome's early development?

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

1092.txt

Why does the author mention "Alexanderthe Great" in the passage? (paragraph 2)

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

1092.txt

The word "fostered"in the passage(paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

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Paragraph 3 suggests which of the following about the people of Latium?

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

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Paragraph 4 indicates that somehistorians admire Roman civilizationbecause of

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

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In paragraph 4, the author develops adescription of Roman civilizationby

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

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According to paragraph 4, intellectualRomans such as Horace held whichof the following opinions about theircivilization?

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

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The word "spheres" in thepassage(paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

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Which of the following statements aboutleading Roman soldiers and statesmen is supported by paragraphs 5 and 6?

There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stone of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment-on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed. The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome's early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman. Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome originated, that created the habits and skills of landed settlement, landed property, landed economy, landed administration, and a land-based society. From this arose the Roman genius for military organization and orderly government. In turn, a deep attachment to the land, and to the stability which rural life engenders, fostered the Roman virtues: gravitas, a sense of responsibility, pietas, a sense of devotion to family and country, and iustitia, a sense of the natural order. Modern attitudes to Roman civilization range from the infinitely impressed to the thoroughly disgusted. As always, there are the power worshippers, especially among historians, who are predisposed to admire whatever is strong, who feel more attracted to the might of Rome than to the subtlety of Greece. At the same time, there is a solid body of opinion that dislikes Rome. For many, Rome is at best the imitator and the continuator of Greece on a larger scale. Greek civilization had quality; Rome, mere quantity. Greece was original; Rome, derivative. Greece had style; Rome had money. Greece was the inventor; Rome, the research and development division. Such indeed was the opinion of some of the more intellectual Romans. "Had the Greeks held novelty in such disdain as we," asked Horace in his epistle, "what work of ancient date would now exist?" Rome's debt to Greece was enormous. The Romans adopted Greek religion and moral philosophy. In literature, Greek writers were consciously used as models by their Latin successors. It was absolutely accepted that an educated Roman should be fluent in Greek. In speculative philosophy and the sciences, the Romans made virtually no advance on early achievements. Yet it would be wrong to suggest that Rome was somehow a junior partner in Greco-Roman civilization. The Roman genius was projected into new spheres-especially into those of law, military organization, administration, and engineering. Moreover, the tensions that arose within the Roman state produced literary and artistic sensibilities of the highest order. It was no accident that many leading Roman soldiers and statesmen were writers of high caliber.

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The children the Council ran buses for in the past were those _ .

A new scheme for getting children to and from school is being started by the education authorities in part of Eastern England. This could end the worries of many parents fearful for their children's safety on the roads. Until now the Country Council has only been prepared to provide bus services for children living more than three miles from their school, or sometimes less if special reasons existed. Now it has been decided that if a group of parents ask for help in organizing transport they will be prepared to go ahead, provided the arrangement will not lose money and that children taking part will be attending their nearest school. The new scheme is to be tried out this term for children living at Milton who attend Impington school. The children live just within the three-mile limit and the Council has said in the past it will not undertake to provide free transport to the school. But now they have agreed to organize a bus service from Milton to Impington and back, a plan which has the support of the school's headmaster. Between 50 and 60 parents have said they would like their children to take part. Final calculations have still to be carried out, but a council official has said the cost to parents should be less than ￡6. 50 a term. They have been able to arrange the service at a low cost because there is already an agreement with the, bus company for a bus to take children who live further away to Impington. The same bus would now just make an extra journey to pick up the Milton children. The official said they would get in touch with other groups of parents who in the past had asked if transport could be provided for their children, to see if they would like to take part in the new scheme.

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Taking part in the Council's trial scheme are children who _ .

A new scheme for getting children to and from school is being started by the education authorities in part of Eastern England. This could end the worries of many parents fearful for their children's safety on the roads. Until now the Country Council has only been prepared to provide bus services for children living more than three miles from their school, or sometimes less if special reasons existed. Now it has been decided that if a group of parents ask for help in organizing transport they will be prepared to go ahead, provided the arrangement will not lose money and that children taking part will be attending their nearest school. The new scheme is to be tried out this term for children living at Milton who attend Impington school. The children live just within the three-mile limit and the Council has said in the past it will not undertake to provide free transport to the school. But now they have agreed to organize a bus service from Milton to Impington and back, a plan which has the support of the school's headmaster. Between 50 and 60 parents have said they would like their children to take part. Final calculations have still to be carried out, but a council official has said the cost to parents should be less than ￡6. 50 a term. They have been able to arrange the service at a low cost because there is already an agreement with the, bus company for a bus to take children who live further away to Impington. The same bus would now just make an extra journey to pick up the Milton children. The official said they would get in touch with other groups of parents who in the past had asked if transport could be provided for their children, to see if they would like to take part in the new scheme.

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The new bus service will run _ .

A new scheme for getting children to and from school is being started by the education authorities in part of Eastern England. This could end the worries of many parents fearful for their children's safety on the roads. Until now the Country Council has only been prepared to provide bus services for children living more than three miles from their school, or sometimes less if special reasons existed. Now it has been decided that if a group of parents ask for help in organizing transport they will be prepared to go ahead, provided the arrangement will not lose money and that children taking part will be attending their nearest school. The new scheme is to be tried out this term for children living at Milton who attend Impington school. The children live just within the three-mile limit and the Council has said in the past it will not undertake to provide free transport to the school. But now they have agreed to organize a bus service from Milton to Impington and back, a plan which has the support of the school's headmaster. Between 50 and 60 parents have said they would like their children to take part. Final calculations have still to be carried out, but a council official has said the cost to parents should be less than ￡6. 50 a term. They have been able to arrange the service at a low cost because there is already an agreement with the, bus company for a bus to take children who live further away to Impington. The same bus would now just make an extra journey to pick up the Milton children. The official said they would get in touch with other groups of parents who in the past had asked if transport could be provided for their children, to see if they would like to take part in the new scheme.

765.txt

Agreement to pay for the new bus service has been obtained from _ .

A new scheme for getting children to and from school is being started by the education authorities in part of Eastern England. This could end the worries of many parents fearful for their children's safety on the roads. Until now the Country Council has only been prepared to provide bus services for children living more than three miles from their school, or sometimes less if special reasons existed. Now it has been decided that if a group of parents ask for help in organizing transport they will be prepared to go ahead, provided the arrangement will not lose money and that children taking part will be attending their nearest school. The new scheme is to be tried out this term for children living at Milton who attend Impington school. The children live just within the three-mile limit and the Council has said in the past it will not undertake to provide free transport to the school. But now they have agreed to organize a bus service from Milton to Impington and back, a plan which has the support of the school's headmaster. Between 50 and 60 parents have said they would like their children to take part. Final calculations have still to be carried out, but a council official has said the cost to parents should be less than ￡6. 50 a term. They have been able to arrange the service at a low cost because there is already an agreement with the, bus company for a bus to take children who live further away to Impington. The same bus would now just make an extra journey to pick up the Milton children. The official said they would get in touch with other groups of parents who in the past had asked if transport could be provided for their children, to see if they would like to take part in the new scheme.

765.txt

The parents the Council is now going to contact are those _ .

A new scheme for getting children to and from school is being started by the education authorities in part of Eastern England. This could end the worries of many parents fearful for their children's safety on the roads. Until now the Country Council has only been prepared to provide bus services for children living more than three miles from their school, or sometimes less if special reasons existed. Now it has been decided that if a group of parents ask for help in organizing transport they will be prepared to go ahead, provided the arrangement will not lose money and that children taking part will be attending their nearest school. The new scheme is to be tried out this term for children living at Milton who attend Impington school. The children live just within the three-mile limit and the Council has said in the past it will not undertake to provide free transport to the school. But now they have agreed to organize a bus service from Milton to Impington and back, a plan which has the support of the school's headmaster. Between 50 and 60 parents have said they would like their children to take part. Final calculations have still to be carried out, but a council official has said the cost to parents should be less than ￡6. 50 a term. They have been able to arrange the service at a low cost because there is already an agreement with the, bus company for a bus to take children who live further away to Impington. The same bus would now just make an extra journey to pick up the Milton children. The official said they would get in touch with other groups of parents who in the past had asked if transport could be provided for their children, to see if they would like to take part in the new scheme.

765.txt

Which of the following statements is not true?

What we know of prenatal development makes all this attempt made by a mother to mold the character of her unborn child by studying poetry, art, or mathematics during pregnancy seem utterly impossible. How could such extremely complex influences pass from the mother to the child? There is no connection between their nervous systems. Even the blood vessels of mother and child do not join directly. An emotional shock to the mother will affect her child, because it changes the activity of her glands and so the chemistry her blood. Any chemical change in the mother's blood will affect the child for better or worse. But we can not see how a looking for mathematics or poetic genius can be dissolved in blood and produce a similar liking or genius in the child. In our discussion of instincts we saw that there was reason to believe that whatever we inherit must be of some very simple sort rather than any complicated or very definite kind of behavior. It is certain that no one inherits a knowledge of mathematics. It may be, however, that children inherit more or less of a rather general ability that we may call intelligence. If very intelligent children become deeply interested in mathematics, they will probably make a success of that study. As for musical ability, it may be that what is inherited is an especially sensitive ear, a peculiar structure of the hands or the vocal organs connections between nerves and muscles that make it comparatively easy to learn the movements a musician must execute, and particularly vigorous emotions. If these factors are all organized around music, the child may become a musician. The same factors, in other circumstance might be organized about some other center of interest. The rich emotional equipment might find expression in poetry. The capable fingers might develop skill in surgery. It is not the knowledge of music that is inherited, then nor even the love of it, but a certain bodily structure that makes it comparatively easy to acquire musical knowledge and skill. Whether that ability shall be directed toward music or some other undertaking may be decided entirely by forces in the environment in which a child grows up.

59.txt

A mother will affect her unborn baby on the condition that _ .

What we know of prenatal development makes all this attempt made by a mother to mold the character of her unborn child by studying poetry, art, or mathematics during pregnancy seem utterly impossible. How could such extremely complex influences pass from the mother to the child? There is no connection between their nervous systems. Even the blood vessels of mother and child do not join directly. An emotional shock to the mother will affect her child, because it changes the activity of her glands and so the chemistry her blood. Any chemical change in the mother's blood will affect the child for better or worse. But we can not see how a looking for mathematics or poetic genius can be dissolved in blood and produce a similar liking or genius in the child. In our discussion of instincts we saw that there was reason to believe that whatever we inherit must be of some very simple sort rather than any complicated or very definite kind of behavior. It is certain that no one inherits a knowledge of mathematics. It may be, however, that children inherit more or less of a rather general ability that we may call intelligence. If very intelligent children become deeply interested in mathematics, they will probably make a success of that study. As for musical ability, it may be that what is inherited is an especially sensitive ear, a peculiar structure of the hands or the vocal organs connections between nerves and muscles that make it comparatively easy to learn the movements a musician must execute, and particularly vigorous emotions. If these factors are all organized around music, the child may become a musician. The same factors, in other circumstance might be organized about some other center of interest. The rich emotional equipment might find expression in poetry. The capable fingers might develop skill in surgery. It is not the knowledge of music that is inherited, then nor even the love of it, but a certain bodily structure that makes it comparatively easy to acquire musical knowledge and skill. Whether that ability shall be directed toward music or some other undertaking may be decided entirely by forces in the environment in which a child grows up.

59.txt

According to the passage, a child may inherit _ .

What we know of prenatal development makes all this attempt made by a mother to mold the character of her unborn child by studying poetry, art, or mathematics during pregnancy seem utterly impossible. How could such extremely complex influences pass from the mother to the child? There is no connection between their nervous systems. Even the blood vessels of mother and child do not join directly. An emotional shock to the mother will affect her child, because it changes the activity of her glands and so the chemistry her blood. Any chemical change in the mother's blood will affect the child for better or worse. But we can not see how a looking for mathematics or poetic genius can be dissolved in blood and produce a similar liking or genius in the child. In our discussion of instincts we saw that there was reason to believe that whatever we inherit must be of some very simple sort rather than any complicated or very definite kind of behavior. It is certain that no one inherits a knowledge of mathematics. It may be, however, that children inherit more or less of a rather general ability that we may call intelligence. If very intelligent children become deeply interested in mathematics, they will probably make a success of that study. As for musical ability, it may be that what is inherited is an especially sensitive ear, a peculiar structure of the hands or the vocal organs connections between nerves and muscles that make it comparatively easy to learn the movements a musician must execute, and particularly vigorous emotions. If these factors are all organized around music, the child may become a musician. The same factors, in other circumstance might be organized about some other center of interest. The rich emotional equipment might find expression in poetry. The capable fingers might develop skill in surgery. It is not the knowledge of music that is inherited, then nor even the love of it, but a certain bodily structure that makes it comparatively easy to acquire musical knowledge and skill. Whether that ability shall be directed toward music or some other undertaking may be decided entirely by forces in the environment in which a child grows up.

59.txt

If a child inherits something from his mother, such as an especially sensitive ear, a peculiar structure of the hands or of the vocal organs, he will _ .

What we know of prenatal development makes all this attempt made by a mother to mold the character of her unborn child by studying poetry, art, or mathematics during pregnancy seem utterly impossible. How could such extremely complex influences pass from the mother to the child? There is no connection between their nervous systems. Even the blood vessels of mother and child do not join directly. An emotional shock to the mother will affect her child, because it changes the activity of her glands and so the chemistry her blood. Any chemical change in the mother's blood will affect the child for better or worse. But we can not see how a looking for mathematics or poetic genius can be dissolved in blood and produce a similar liking or genius in the child. In our discussion of instincts we saw that there was reason to believe that whatever we inherit must be of some very simple sort rather than any complicated or very definite kind of behavior. It is certain that no one inherits a knowledge of mathematics. It may be, however, that children inherit more or less of a rather general ability that we may call intelligence. If very intelligent children become deeply interested in mathematics, they will probably make a success of that study. As for musical ability, it may be that what is inherited is an especially sensitive ear, a peculiar structure of the hands or the vocal organs connections between nerves and muscles that make it comparatively easy to learn the movements a musician must execute, and particularly vigorous emotions. If these factors are all organized around music, the child may become a musician. The same factors, in other circumstance might be organized about some other center of interest. The rich emotional equipment might find expression in poetry. The capable fingers might develop skill in surgery. It is not the knowledge of music that is inherited, then nor even the love of it, but a certain bodily structure that makes it comparatively easy to acquire musical knowledge and skill. Whether that ability shall be directed toward music or some other undertaking may be decided entirely by forces in the environment in which a child grows up.

59.txt

Which of the following is the best title for the passage?

What we know of prenatal development makes all this attempt made by a mother to mold the character of her unborn child by studying poetry, art, or mathematics during pregnancy seem utterly impossible. How could such extremely complex influences pass from the mother to the child? There is no connection between their nervous systems. Even the blood vessels of mother and child do not join directly. An emotional shock to the mother will affect her child, because it changes the activity of her glands and so the chemistry her blood. Any chemical change in the mother's blood will affect the child for better or worse. But we can not see how a looking for mathematics or poetic genius can be dissolved in blood and produce a similar liking or genius in the child. In our discussion of instincts we saw that there was reason to believe that whatever we inherit must be of some very simple sort rather than any complicated or very definite kind of behavior. It is certain that no one inherits a knowledge of mathematics. It may be, however, that children inherit more or less of a rather general ability that we may call intelligence. If very intelligent children become deeply interested in mathematics, they will probably make a success of that study. As for musical ability, it may be that what is inherited is an especially sensitive ear, a peculiar structure of the hands or the vocal organs connections between nerves and muscles that make it comparatively easy to learn the movements a musician must execute, and particularly vigorous emotions. If these factors are all organized around music, the child may become a musician. The same factors, in other circumstance might be organized about some other center of interest. The rich emotional equipment might find expression in poetry. The capable fingers might develop skill in surgery. It is not the knowledge of music that is inherited, then nor even the love of it, but a certain bodily structure that makes it comparatively easy to acquire musical knowledge and skill. Whether that ability shall be directed toward music or some other undertaking may be decided entirely by forces in the environment in which a child grows up.

59.txt

Which of the following statements is NOT based on the passage?

Children in the United States are exposed to manyinfluences other than that of their families.Televisionis the most significant of these influences，becausethe habit of watching television usually begins beforechildren start attending school. Parents are concerned about the lack of quality intelevision programs for children.The degree of violence in many of these shows also worriesthem.Studies indicate that，when children are exposed to violence，they many becomeaggressive or insecure. Parents are also concerned at，out the commercials that theirchildren see on television. Many parents would like to see fewer commercials during programsfor children.And some parents feel that these shows should not have any commercials at allbecause young minds are not mature enough to deal with the claims made by advertisers. Educational television has no commercials and has programs for children that many parentsapprove of The most famous of these is Sesame Street，which tries to give preschool childrena head start in learning the alphabetand numbers.It also flies to teach children usefulthings about the world in which they live. Even though most parents and educators give Sesame Street and shows like it high marks forquality，some critics argue that all television，whether educational or not，is harmful tochildren.These critics feel that the habit of watching hours of television every day turns childreninto bored and passiveconsumers of their world rather than encouraging them tobecome active explorers of it.

2432.txt

In what ways do children suffer from television?

Children in the United States are exposed to manyinfluences other than that of their families.Televisionis the most significant of these influences，becausethe habit of watching television usually begins beforechildren start attending school. Parents are concerned about the lack of quality intelevision programs for children.The degree of violence in many of these shows also worriesthem.Studies indicate that，when children are exposed to violence，they many becomeaggressive or insecure. Parents are also concerned at，out the commercials that theirchildren see on television. Many parents would like to see fewer commercials during programsfor children.And some parents feel that these shows should not have any commercials at allbecause young minds are not mature enough to deal with the claims made by advertisers. Educational television has no commercials and has programs for children that many parentsapprove of The most famous of these is Sesame Street，which tries to give preschool childrena head start in learning the alphabetand numbers.It also flies to teach children usefulthings about the world in which they live. Even though most parents and educators give Sesame Street and shows like it high marks forquality，some critics argue that all television，whether educational or not，is harmful tochildren.These critics feel that the habit of watching hours of television every day turns childreninto bored and passiveconsumers of their world rather than encouraging them tobecome active explorers of it.

2432.txt

Parents would not like their children to see commercials because _ .

Children in the United States are exposed to manyinfluences other than that of their families.Televisionis the most significant of these influences，becausethe habit of watching television usually begins beforechildren start attending school. Parents are concerned about the lack of quality intelevision programs for children.The degree of violence in many of these shows also worriesthem.Studies indicate that，when children are exposed to violence，they many becomeaggressive or insecure. Parents are also concerned at，out the commercials that theirchildren see on television. Many parents would like to see fewer commercials during programsfor children.And some parents feel that these shows should not have any commercials at allbecause young minds are not mature enough to deal with the claims made by advertisers. Educational television has no commercials and has programs for children that many parentsapprove of The most famous of these is Sesame Street，which tries to give preschool childrena head start in learning the alphabetand numbers.It also flies to teach children usefulthings about the world in which they live. Even though most parents and educators give Sesame Street and shows like it high marks forquality，some critics argue that all television，whether educational or not，is harmful tochildren.These critics feel that the habit of watching hours of television every day turns childreninto bored and passiveconsumers of their world rather than encouraging them tobecome active explorers of it.

2432.txt

Educational television is widely appreciated because _ .

Children in the United States are exposed to manyinfluences other than that of their families.Televisionis the most significant of these influences，becausethe habit of watching television usually begins beforechildren start attending school. Parents are concerned about the lack of quality intelevision programs for children.The degree of violence in many of these shows also worriesthem.Studies indicate that，when children are exposed to violence，they many becomeaggressive or insecure. Parents are also concerned at，out the commercials that theirchildren see on television. Many parents would like to see fewer commercials during programsfor children.And some parents feel that these shows should not have any commercials at allbecause young minds are not mature enough to deal with the claims made by advertisers. Educational television has no commercials and has programs for children that many parentsapprove of The most famous of these is Sesame Street，which tries to give preschool childrena head start in learning the alphabetand numbers.It also flies to teach children usefulthings about the world in which they live. Even though most parents and educators give Sesame Street and shows like it high marks forquality，some critics argue that all television，whether educational or not，is harmful tochildren.These critics feel that the habit of watching hours of television every day turns childreninto bored and passiveconsumers of their world rather than encouraging them tobecome active explorers of it.

2432.txt

Which of the following can best serve as the title of the passage?

Children in the United States are exposed to manyinfluences other than that of their families.Televisionis the most significant of these influences，becausethe habit of watching television usually begins beforechildren start attending school. Parents are concerned about the lack of quality intelevision programs for children.The degree of violence in many of these shows also worriesthem.Studies indicate that，when children are exposed to violence，they many becomeaggressive or insecure. Parents are also concerned at，out the commercials that theirchildren see on television. Many parents would like to see fewer commercials during programsfor children.And some parents feel that these shows should not have any commercials at allbecause young minds are not mature enough to deal with the claims made by advertisers. Educational television has no commercials and has programs for children that many parentsapprove of The most famous of these is Sesame Street，which tries to give preschool childrena head start in learning the alphabetand numbers.It also flies to teach children usefulthings about the world in which they live. Even though most parents and educators give Sesame Street and shows like it high marks forquality，some critics argue that all television，whether educational or not，is harmful tochildren.These critics feel that the habit of watching hours of television every day turns childreninto bored and passiveconsumers of their world rather than encouraging them tobecome active explorers of it.

2432.txt