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Ethiopia is a one-party state in which the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) monopolizes power.
ኢትዮጵያ፣ ብቸኛው ኢሕአዴግ ሥልጣኑን የተቆጣጠረባት አሀዳዊ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ አገረ መንግሥት ሆናለች።
English
Amharic
The EPRDF, however, is a coalition of four ethnic-based parties: Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF). However, the TPLF is the core of the EPRDF, holding absolute power over the last quarter of a century by controlling the intelligence, security and military apparatus of the country.
ምንም እንኳን ኢሕአዴግ የአራት የዘውግ ቡድኖች - ማለትም ብአዴን፣ ኦሕዴድ፣ ደኢሕዴን እና ሕወሓት ጥምረት ቢሆንም ሕወሓት የስለላ፣ ፖሊስ እና መከላከያ መዋቅሮችን ላለፉት ሩብ ምዕተ ዓመታት በመቆጣጠር ፍፁማዊ ሥልጣን ጨብጧል።
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Amharic
Member parties of the EPRDF govern four of the nine ethnically federated regional states; the remaining five states are administrated by the respective ethnic-based parties that share the same ideology with EPRDF albeit they are not part of the coalition.
የኢሕአዴግ አባል ፓርቲዎች ከዘጠኙ የፌዴሬሽኑ ክልሎች አራቱን ይገዛሉ። ቀሪዎቹ አምስቱ የኢሕአዴግ አባል ባይሆኑም የኢሕአዴግ አጋር በሆኑ የየክልሉ የዘውግ ፓርቲዎች ይመራሉ።
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Amharic
Critics allege that since members of the TPLF are among the most high-ranking military officers who control the nation's security they are the de facto rulers of these regions.
ብዙ ተቺዎች የሕወሓት አባላት በመከላከያ ውስጥ ትልቅ ሥልጣን ስላላቸው የእነዚህ አምስት ክልሎች የእጅ አዙር መሪ ሕወሓት ነው ይላሉ።
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Amharic
Many Oromos fervently blame the TPLF for manufacturing the conflict by pitting the Ethiopian Somalis against the Oromos.
ብዙ ኦሮሞዎች ሕወሓት ይህንን የኦሮሞ እና ሶማሊ ክልል ግጭት ፈብርኮታል እያሉ በስሜት ይወቅሳሉ።
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Amharic
They are convinced that the conflict is the work of TPLF military personnel that are based in Somali region.
የዚህ ግጭት መንስዔ በሶማሊ ክልል የሰፈረው የመከላከያ ሠራዊት ነው ብለው ያምናሉ።
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Amharic
Other Ethiopians tend to blame Ethiopia’s ethnic based federal government structure that defined communities based on ethnic identity.
ሌሎች ኢትዮጵያውያን ደግሞ ማኅበረሰቦችን በዘውግ ማንነታቸው በመበየን የከፋፈላቸው በማለት የዘውግ ፌዴራሊዝሙን ወቅሰዋል።
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Meet the parties at the center of the conflict
በግጭቱ ማዕከል ያሉትን ወገኖች ተዋወቋቸው
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Amharic
The violence this year has created a bitter dispute between Somali and Oromo politicians on a scale not seen before.
የዘንድሮው ግጭት ከዚህ በፊት ታይቶ በማያውቅ ረገድ በኦሮሞና ሶማሊ ፖለቲከኞች መካከል አለመግባባት ፈጥሯል።
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Amharic
Many Oromo politicians and opposition activists attribute much of the violence to a paramilitary group known as ‘Liyou Police’.
ብዙ የኦሮሞ ፖለቲከኞች እና አራማጆች አመፁን ‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ ከሚባለው ወታደራዊው ሚሊሽያ ጋር አያይዘውታል።
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Amharic
They both claim that ‘Liyou Police’ is no longer an anti-insurgency military group limited in Somali region.
‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ አሁን በተቋቋመለት ከሶማሊ ክልሉ ታጣቂዎችን የማስወገድ ኃላፊነት አልፏል ብለው ያምናሉ።
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Amharic
However, Oromo opposition activists take their allegation a little further by describing ‘Liyou Police’ as an invading force that enjoy the overt assistance of Tigrayan military personnel.
የኦሮሞ ተቃዋሚ አራማጆች ነገሩን ለጥጠውት፣ ‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ የትግራይ ሠራዊት ድጋፍ ያለው ወራሪ አድርገውታል።
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Amharic
One of the primary demands of the protest that was held in August 2017 was the removal of 'Liyou Police' from disputed districts in Oromia.
በነሐሴ 2009 በተደረገው አድማ ወቅት ከተነሱ ጥያቄዎች አንዱ ‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ መስማማት ካልተደረሰባቸው የኦሮሚያ ወረዳዎች ይውጣ የሚል ነበር።
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Amharic
In fact, an accusation of such violence is nothing new for Liyou Police.
በርግጥ፣ ‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ በነውጠኝነት ሲወነጀል ይህ የመጀመሪያው አይደለም።
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Amharic
Past reports of Human Rights Watch frequently mentioned the human rights violations allegedly committed by ‘Liyou Police’ such as indiscriminate killings, gang rapes, arbitrary arrests and maltreatment in Somali region
ቀደም ሲል የወጣ የሰብኣዊ መብቶች ታዛቢው ድርጅት ሪፖርቶች በተደጋጋሚ ‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ ሶማሊ ክልል ውስጥ የፈፀማቸውን ጅምላ ግድያ፣ የቡድን አስገድዶ መድፈር፣ እና የማዋከብ ወንጀሎችን ጠቅሷል።
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Amharic
Liyou Police’ was created in 2007, after some sections of the Somalis from the Ogaden clan took up arms against Ethiopian government, alleging mistreatment under the Tigrayan-dominated government of Ethiopia.
ልዩ ፖሊስ’ የተመሠረተው አንዳንድ የሶማሌ ክልል ተወላጅ ኦጋዴን ጎሳ ሰዎች መሣሪያ ታጥቀው በመንግሥት ላይ ባመፁበት ወቅት፣ በ2000 ነበር።
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Amharic
The Ogaden clan members of Ethiopian Somali have long had grievances against the Ethiopian government.
የኦጋዴን ጎሳ በሶማሌ ክልል ረዥም ግዜ የቆየ ምሬት በኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ላይ ቋጥሯል።
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Amharic
They account for 80 to 90 percent of the Somali population in Ethiopia.
ብዛታቸውም ከኢትዮጵያውያን ሶማሌዎች ከ80 እስከ 90 በመቶ ይሆናሉ።
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Amharic
Pastoralists drive their goats towards Gode in Ethiopia's Somali region.
አርብቶ አደሮች ከሶማሊ ክልል ወደ ጎዴ ፍየሎቻቸውን እያሰማሩ።
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Amharic
Though it has been obscured by the escalation of their conflict with the federal government, there is also a strong internal conflict among the Somalis themselves.
ምንም እንኳ ከፌዴራል መንግሥቱ ጋር ባላቸው ግጭት ምክንያት ቢሸፈንም፣ በሶማሊዎች መካከልም ጠንካራ ውስጣዊ ግጭት አለ።
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Amharic
There are moderate and radical members of the Ogaden clan.
አክራሪ እና አማካይ መንገድ የሚመርጡ የኦጋዴን ጎሳ አባላት አሉ።
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Amharic
While some demand greater autonomy, others seek an outright independence.
አንዳንዶች ሰፋ ያለ ራስን የማስተዳደር ነጻነት ሲጠይቁ፣ ሌሎች መገንጠልን ይመርጣሉ።
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Amharic
Still, there are others who have aligned themselves with the Ethiopian regime.
እንዲያም ሆኖ፣ ራሳቸውን ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጋር ያስተሳሰሩ አሉ።
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Amharic
To crush the insurgent members of the Ogaden clan, the Ethiopian government has tapped members of the 'Liyou Police’.
ከነዚህ ውስጥ ነው ታጣቂ የኦጋዴን ጎሳ አባላትን ለመደምሰስ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት የክልሉን ‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ን የመሠረተው።
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Amharic
From his early days as a leader of the ‘Liyou Police’, Abdi Mohamud Omar, or better known as Abdi Illey, eventually became the president of the region.
አብዲ ኢሌ በመባል በተለይ የሚታወቁት አብዲ ሞሐመድ ኡመር የተባሉት የሶማሊ ክልል ፕሬዚደንት ከመሆናቸው በፊት የ‘ልዩ ፖሊስ’ የመጀመሪያ መሪ ነበሩ።
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Amharic
Abdi Illey, a member of Ogaden clan himself, has helped the Ethiopian government to launch a crackdown against the insurgents.
ፕሬዚደንት አብዲ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ታጣቂዎቹን ለመደምሰስ ባደረገው ጥረት ላይ አግዘውታል።
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Amharic
Since the latest escalation of the conflict, his communications team has been lashing out at Oromo officials of the ruling EPRDF party.
ግጭቱ እንዳዲስ ካገረሸ ወዲህ፣ የአብዲ የሕዝብ ግንኙነት ሠራተኞች የገዢው ፓርቲ የኦሮሞ ባለሥልጣናት ላይ የወቀሳ ናዳ እያወረዱባቸው ነበር።
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Amharic
On their Facebook page, Abdi Illey’s communications team has accused top OPDO officials of being terrorists by linking them with the diaspora-based Oromo activists
በፌስቡክ ገጻቸው የአብዲ ኢሌ የሕዝብ ግንኙነት ወኪሎች የኦሕዴድ ባለሥልጣናትን ውጭ ተቀማጭ ከሆኑ የኦሮሞ አራማጆች ጋር ግንኙነት አላቸው በማለት ከሰዋቸዋል።
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Amharic
On their part, OPDO officials have rejected the allegations and appealed to the federal government to prosecute the culprits.
የኦሕዴድ ባለሥልጣናትም በበኩላቸው፣ ወቀሳውን አጣጥለው በወንጀለኞቹ ላይ የፌዴራል መንግሥቱ ሕጋዊ እርምጃ እንዲወስድ ጠይቀዋል።
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Amharic
Will the conflict stop anytime soon?
ግጭቱ በቅርብ ግዜ ይቆማል?
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Amharic
After weeks of trading accusations, the presidents of the two regions, Mr. Lemma Megersa and Mr. Abdi Mohamud Omar held a press conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital on September 17, 2017.
ሳምንታት ከዘለቀ መወነጃጀል በኋላ የኦሮሚያ ፕሬዚደንት ለማ መገርሳ እና የሶማሊ ፕሬዚደንት አብዲ ኢሌ መስከረም 7፣ 2010 በዋና ከተማይቱ አዲስ አበባ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ ሰጥተው ነበር።
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Amharic
They both insisted the need of stability in the area but they can’t seem to agree on the root causes of the conflict.
ሁለቱም በአካባቢው መረጋጋት ያስፈልጋል ቢሉም በግጭቱ መንስዔ የተስማሙ አይመስልም።
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Amharic
For instance, while Mr. Lemma laid the blame at the door of unnamed individuals, Mr. Abdi implied that top OPDO officials are culpable for the conflict.
ለምሳሌ፣ አቶ ለማ ሥማቸውን ያልጠቀሷቸውን አካላት ሲወቅሱ፣ አቶ አብዲ ግን የኦሕዴድ ባለሥልጣናትን ለግጭቱ መባባስ ወቅሰዋል።
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Amharic
They both clearly absolve the Ethiopian regime of any responsibility. The problem is many Ethiopians especially Oromo activists believe that the Tigrayan-dominated regime is actively involved in the conflict.
ችግሩ፣ ብዙ ኢትዮጵያውያን፣ በተለይም ደግሞ ኦሮሞ አራማጆች በትግራይ ልኂቃን የሚመራው አገዛዝ በግጭቱ በንቃት ተሳትፏል ብለው ያምናሉ።
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Amharic
They allege that Ethiopian security officials, who have close ties with the region’s president, Mr. Abdi Mohamud Omar, have a vested interest in Ethiopian Somali Region.
ለዚህ እንደማስረጃ የሚጠቅሱት፣ ከሶማሊ ፕሬዚደንት ጋር ቅርብ ቁርኝት ያላቸውንና በሶማሊ ክልል ልዩ ፍላጎት ያላቸውን የፀጥታ ኃይሎች ነው።
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However, both leaders seem to agree on immediately relocating the displaced people back to their homes.
ይሁን እንጂ ሁለቱም ፕሬዚደንቶች የተፈናቀሉትን ዜጎች ወደነበሩበት በአስቸኳይ በመመለሱ ጉዳይ ላይ የተስማሙ ይመስላል።
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But the conflict continues on the ground and even on social media where polarized rhetoric has generated not only confusion but also deliberate distortion of the real issues that caused the violence in the country.
ነገር ግን ግጭቱ በመሬት ላይም ይሁን ግራ መጋባት ብቻ ሳይሆን በአገሪቱ የሚከሰቱ አመፆች ምንጭ ላይ የታቀደ ማደናገር በተሠራበት ማኅበራዊ ሚድያ ላይ ይቀጥላል።
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An Internet Cafe in Vietnam. Flickr photo by toyohara
ቭየትናም ውስጥ የሚገኝ አንድ የኢንተርኔት ካፌ፤ ፎቶ በቶዮሃራ፡፡
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A new cybersecurity law in Vietnam may usher in a new era of increased online censorship, privacy-invasive data processing methods, and deprivation of internet connections for organizations and individuals who publish prohibited content.
ቭየትናም ውስጥ የወጣው አዲሱ የመረጃ መረብ ደህንነት ህግ፣ ጥብቅ የድረ-ገጽ ቁጥጥር በሰፋ መልኩ ለማድረግ፣ ግላዊ ምስጢሮችን ለሚመዘብሩ የመረጃ ልውውጦችና የተከለከሉ መልዕክቶችን ለሚያሰራጩና ለሚያትሙ ድርጅቶች፣ እንዲሁም ግለሰቦች የሚቀርበውን የኢንተርኔት አገልግሎት ለማቋረጥ የሚያስችል ሰፊ ዕድልን ፈጥሯል፡፡
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Critics say the law could worsen attacks on freedom of expression and negatively affect the business prospects of technology companies.
ተቺዎች ይህ ህግ ሃሳብን በነጻነት የመግለፅ መብትን በከፋ መልኩ እንደሚደፈጥጥ ፣ የቴክኖሎጂ ኩባንያዎች ላይም አሉታዊ ተፅዕኖ እንደሚያሳርፍ ይናገራሉ፡፡
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Drafted by the country’s Ministry of Public Security, the law was passed by the National Assembly on June 12, 2018 despite the rare public opposition expressed by some lawyers and netizens.
አናሳ የሆኑ የተቃውሞ ድምፆች ከጥቂት የህግ ባለሙያዎችና የኢንተርኔት ተጠቃሚዎች ቢያሰሙም፣ ህጉ ግን በሃገሪቱ የህዝብ ደህንነት ሚኒስቴር ተረቅቆ፣ ሰኔ 12 ቀን 2018 ዓ. ም የተሰበሰበው ብሄራዊ ሸንጎ ረቂቅ ህጉን ለቀጣይ ሂደት አስተላልፎታል፡፡
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The legislation goes into effect on January 1, 2019.
ህጉ ተፈፃሚ የሚሆነው ከጥር 1 ቀን 2019 ዓ.
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Similar to China’s Cybersecurity Law passed in 2017, Vietnam’s new law requires Internet companies to store data locally and establish headquarters or representative offices in Vietnam.
ቻይና 2017 ላይ ያወጣችው የመረጃ መረብ ደህንነት ህግ ጋር በሚመሳሰል መልኩ፣ የቭየትናም አዲሱ ህግ የኢንተርኔት አገልግሎትን የሚያቀርቡ ኩባንያዎች የስራ መረጃዎቻቸውን በሃገር ውስጥ እንዲያከማቹና ዋና ፅህፈት ቤታቸውን ወይም ወኪል ቢሯቸውን እዛው ቭየትናም ውስጥ እንዲከፍቱ ያስገድዳል፡
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Article 26 of the law obliges foreign tech companies to:
ህጉ ውስጥ የተጠቀሰው አንቀፅ 26 የውጭ ሃገር የቴክኖሎጂ ተቋማት እንዲህ እንዲያደርጉ ያዝዛል፣
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establish mechanisms to verify information when users register their digital accounts”;
ደንበኞች የቴክኖሎጂ ኩባንያዎች ውስጥ የራሳቸውን አካውንት በሚከፍቱበት ወቅት፣ ስለእነርሱ የተገለፀ መረጃ ካለ ለማጣራት የሚያስችል አሰራር መዘርጋት አለባቸው፡፡
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provide user information to the specialized task force for cyber security protection under the Ministry of Public Security upon receiving written requests”;
በህዝብ ደህንነት ሚኒስቴር ስር የተቋቋመው የመረጃ መረብ ጥበቃ ልዩ ግብረ-ሃይል፣ የደንበኞችን መረጃ ከፈለገና በፅሁፍ ካመለከተ፣ መረጃውን የማቅረብ ግዴታ አለባቸው፡፡
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Elections in Madagascar via Madatsara info-graphics.
ማዳጋስካር ውስጥ ምርጫ የሚካሄድባቸው ቦታዎች፤ በማዳትሳራ ኢንፎ-ግራፊክስ፡፡
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(This article was written by guest author Andry R. Razafimbahoaka.
(ይህ ፅሁፍ የተፃፈው በተጋባዥ ፀሃፊ አንድሬይ ራዛፊምባኋካ ነው፡፡
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The article has since been edited by Global Voices to add clarifications and context.)
ፅሁፉ ግልፅና ለወቅታዊ ሁኔታው አመቺ እንዲሆን በማሰብ፣ የዓለም ድምፆች የአርትዖት ስራ ሰርቶበታል፡፡ )
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Following a decision by the Constitutional High Court to settle the country's political uncertainty and popular dissent, the people of Madagascar are due to vote in elections for a new president before the end of October 2018 at the latest.
በሃገሪቱ የተከሰተውን ፖለቲካዊ አለመረጋጋትንና ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞን ለማርገብ፣ ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ፍርድ ቤት ያሳለፈውን ውሳኔ ተከትሎ፣ ማዳጋስካራዊያን አዲስ ፕሬዝዳንታቸውን ለመምረጥ፣ ከጥቅምት 2018 ቀደም ብለው ድምፅ ይሰጣሉ ፡፡
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However, many feel that the spotty past of the main presidential candidates leaves much to be desired.
ዋነኞቹ ፕሬዝዳንታዊ እጩዎች ባላቸው የኋላ ታሪክ ምክንያት የብዙዎችን ትኩረት ስበዋል ፡፡
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Between April 15 and 27, 2018, there were anti-government protests in Madagascar's capital, demanding the president's resignation on the grounds of the new electoral laws which the incumbent wanted to implement prior to the election.
ከመጋቢት 15 እስከ 27፣ 2018 ድረስ፣ አዲስ የምርጫ ሕግ በመወጣቱ ምክንያት ፕሬዝደንቱ ከስልጣናቸው እንዲለቅቁ የሚጠይቁ ፀረ-መንግስት ተቃውሞዎች ሲካሄዱ ነበር፡፡
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On April 28, the High Constitutional Court of Madagascar decided to order the formation of a new coalition government, combining members from various political parties.
ከፍተኛው ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ፍርድ ቤት መጋቢት 28 ላይ የተለያዩ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ያሉበት አዲስ የጥምር መንግስት እንዲቋቋም ትዕዛዝ አስተላልፏል፡፡
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This government took office on June 12, its mission being to extricate the country from its current political crisis.
ይህ የጥምር መንግስት ስራውን የሚጀምረው ሐምሌ 12 ላይ ሲሆን፣ ቀዳሚ ስራው ሃገሪቱ ከገባችበት ፖለቲካዊ ቀውስ ማውጣት ነው፡፡
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In an effort to assuage the protests, President Hery Rajaonarimampianina named Christian Ntsay, a high-ranking official of the International Labour Organization (ILO), as prime minister (and therefore head of the government).
ተቃውሞውን ለማስቆም፣ ፕሬዝደንት ሄሪ ራጃኦናሪማምፒያኒና የዓለም ስራ ድርጅት (ILO) ውስጥ ከፍተኛ ባለስልጣን የሆኑትን ክርስቲያን ኔትሴይን ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር (ስለዚህ የመንግስት ዋና መሪ ናቸው፡፡
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Since then, out of 30 ministers, ten or so have been drawn from the opposition.
ከዚህ ሹመት በኋላ፣ ከ30 የሚኒስትርነት ቦታዎች፣ አስርና ከዚያ በላይ የሚሆኑት በተቀዋሚዎች እንዲያዙ ተደርጓል፡፡
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As required by Madagascar's constitution, President Rajaonarimampianina must resign two months before the date of the first ballot, and there is a good chance he will be a candidate against two other former presidents, both of them with somewhat controversial pasts.
የማዳጋስካር ሕገ-መንግስት ፕሬዝደንት ራጃኦናሪማምፒያኒና ምርጫ ከመደረጉ ሁለት ወር አስቀድሞ ስልጣናቸውን እንዲለቅቁ ያዝዛል፡፡ ፕሬዝደንቱ እጩ እንዲሆኑና ከሁለቱ የቀድሞ ፕሬዝደንቶች ጋር እንዲወዳደሩ የሚያስችል ጥሩ ዕድል አለ፤ ምንም እንኳ ሁሉም እጩዎች አነጋጋሪ የኋላ ታሪክ ቢኖራቸውም፡፡
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Madagascar, a land shaken by repeated crisis
ማዳጋስካር፤ በተደጋጋሚ ቀውሶች የተናጠች ሃገር
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Painful and constant as they are, Malagasy crises represent a permanent reminder of this country's instability.
ማዳጋስካር ውስጥ የተፈጠሩት ቀውሶች አሰቃቂና ማባሪያ-አልባ ቢሆኑም፣ ሃገሪቱ ያለችበትን የአለመረጋጋት ሁኔታን በግልፅ ያሳያሉ፡፡
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For this shrewd connoisseur of the island's history, all cycles of growth and development have been interrupted by successive political crises.
በደሴቲቱ ታሪክ ውስጥ ባልታዬ ሁኔታ የተፈጠሩት ፖለቲካዊ ቀውሶች አጠቃላይ የዕድገትና ልማት ጉዞን ለማሰናከል ችለዋል፡፡
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Every time Madagascar has drafted a take-off plan, it has been sold short a few years later by a major political crisis which has put a question mark against any positive dynamic under way.
ሁልጊዜ ማዳጋስካር የልማት ዕቅዶችን ትተልማለች፤ ከጥቂት ዓመታት በኋላ በተፈጠረው የሃገሪቱ የዕድገት ጉዞ ላይ ጥያቄ በሚያስጭር ፖለቲካዊ ቀውስ ሳቢያ፣ ዕቅዱ ተግባራዊ አልተደረገም፡፡
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Since April 21, 2018, opponents of President Hery Rajaonarimampianina have demonstrated against the new electoral law, which they consider disadvantageous to former presidents Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina, both principal candidates in the next election.
መጋቢት 21፣ 2018 ላይ የፕሬዘደንት ሄሪ ራጃኦናሪማምፒያኒና ተቀናቃኞች አዲስ የምርጫ ሕግ ላይ ተቃውሞ አቅርበው ነበር፤ ሕጉ የቀድሞዎቹን ፕሬዝደንቶች ማርክ ራቫሎማናና እና አንድሬይ ራጃኦሊናን ቀጣዩ ምርጭ ላይ በሚሳተፉበት ወቅት የሚጎዳ እንደሆነ ይገልፃሉ፡፡
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This new law could have prevented the two former presidential candidates from running.
ይህ አዲስ ሕግ ሁለቱ የቀድሞ ፕሬዝደንቶች ዕጩ ሆኖ እንዳይወዳደሩ ያደርጋል፡፡
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Amharic
Rajoelina, who heads an advertising company, as well as private media entities, would have been prevented from contesting the election because of the restrictions over use of the media, and certain rules concerning campaign financing.
ራጆሊና የማሰታወቂያ ኩባንያ ባለቤት ናቸው፤ በዛውም የራሳቸው ሚዲያ አላቸው፡፡ ሚዲያዎችን አላግባብ መጠቀምንና ከመጠን ያለፈ ገንዘብ ለቅስቀሳ ማዋልን ሕጉ ስለሚከለክል፣ ከምርጫ ውድድሩ ሊሰረዙ ይችላሉ፡፡
English
Amharic
These two sections were eventually scratched from the final electoral law proposal.
ከላይ የተጠቀሱት ሁለት አንቀፆች ከምርጫ ሕጉ እንዲወጡ ተደርገዋል፡፡
English
Amharic
But according to Mireille Razafindrakoto, research director at the Institute of Research for Development (IRD), the main preoccupation of the voting population is worsening poverty.
ግን የምርምር ለልማት ኢንስቲትዩት የምርምር ዳይሬክተር ሚሬሌ ራዛፊንደራኮቶ እንደሚሉት፣ የመራጩ ህዝብ ዋነኛ ተግዳሮት የሚሆነው አስከፊው ድህነት ነው፡፡
English
Amharic
Even if Hery Rajaonarimamapianina has succeeded in re-establishing the flow of aid from the international community, he has not managed to stem the crisis.
ፕሬዝደንት ሄሪ ራጃኦናሪማምፒያኒና ቢያሸንፉና ከዓለምአቀፉ ማህበረሰብ የሚፈሰውን ዕርዳታ ከተቋረጠበት ቢያስቀጥሉ እንኳ፣ ቀውሱን ማረገብ አይችሉም፡፡
English
Amharic
As is often the case in Madagascar, the political and economic crises are closely intertwined: the country has been marred into poverty for the last decade, with repeated political strifes in between.
ማዳጋስካር ውስጥ ሁልጊዜ እንደሚታየው፣ ፖለቲካዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ቀውሶች እጅጉን የተሳሰሩ ናቸው፡፡ ለአስርት ዓመታት በፖለቲካዊ ቀውሶች ምክንያት፣ ሃገሪቱ ድህነት ውስጥ እንድትዘፈቅ ሆኗል፡፡
English
Amharic
Former President Marc Ravalomana
የቀድሞ ፕሬዝደንት ማርክ ራቫሎማና
English
Amharic
Had this happened, it would have provided the final verdict between the two candidates with the most votes in the first round of ballot.
ይህ ሁኔታ እንደተፈጠረ፣ ከሁለቱ ዕጩዎች መካከል ከፍተኛ ድምፅ በአንደኛው ዙር የምርጫ ሂደት ላይ ያስመዘገበ ዕጩ የመጨረሻ ብይን እንዲሰጠው ተደረገ፡፡
English
Amharic
Ravalomanana argues that since he already obtained more than 50% of the votes, there was no need for a second round of ballot since he already won.
ራቫሎማናና ከ50% በላይ ድምፅ አግኝተዋል፤ ስለዚህ ሁለተኛ ዙር የምርጫ ሂደት አላስፈለጋቸውም፡፡
English
Amharic
In 2008, against the will of a significant portion of the population, Marc Ravalomana mooted the potential 90-year lease of 1.3 million hectares of land to the South Korean firm, Daewoo Logistics.
2008 ላይ ማርክ ራቫሎማና ዳኦው ሎጅስቲክስ ለሚባል የደቡብ ኮሪያ ድርጅት፣ ከአብዛኛው ህዝብ ፍላጎት ውጪ፣ በ90 ዓመት የሊዝ ኪራይ 1. 3 ሚሊየን ሄክታር መሬት ሰጡ፡፡
English
Amharic
Then, in 2009, the country was lashed by the world financial crisis.
ከዚያም፣ 2009 ላይ ሃገሪቱ በዓለምአቀፍ የፋይናንስ ቀውስ ክፉኛ ተመታች፡፡
English
Amharic
Street protest movements, lasting several months, finally led to his resignation on March 17, 2009, and his subsequent exile in South Africa.
ጎዳና ላይ የሚደረጉ የተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴዎች ለበርካታ ወራት ከተከወኑ በኋላ፣ ሰውዬው ሚያዚያ 17፣ 2009 ላይ ስልጣናቸውን በገዛ ፈቃዳቸው ለቅቀው ወደደቡብ አፍሪካ ተሰደዱ፡፡
English
Amharic
Andry Rajoelina, former President of the Transition
አንድሬይ ራጃኦሊና፤ የቀድሞ "የሽግግር ጊዜ ፕሬዝደንት"
English
Amharic
On that day, the army passed power over to Andry Rajoelina, who had been the mayor of Antananarivo from 2007 to 2009.
በዛው ቀን፣ ከ2007 እስከ 2009 ድረስ የአንታናናሪቮ ከንቲባ የነበሩት አንድሬይ ራጃኦሊና በጦር ኃይሉ ታግዘው፣ ስልጣን ላይ ወጡ፡፡
English
Amharic
He was obliged to form a coalition government with the supporters of former presidents Marc Ravalomanana, Didier Ratsiraka and Albert Zafy.
ሰውዬው የቀድሞዎቹን ፕሬዝደንቶች ከሚደግፉ ቡድኖች- ከማርክ ራቫሎማናና፣ ዲዲየር ራትሲራካና አልበርት ዛፍዬ ደጋፊዎች ጋር የጥምር መንግስት ለማቋቋም፣ ቃል ገብተው ነበር፡፡
English
Amharic
Having been handed power by the military, the international community pressured Rajoelina into giving up the presidency and organizing elections; he did so only in 2013.
ስልጣኑ በጦር ኃይሉ እጅ ላይ ያለ ቢሆንም፣ ዓለምአቀፉ ማህበረሰብ ራጃኦሊና ፕሬዝደንታዊ ስልጣናቸውን እንዲለቅቁና ምርጫ እንዲያካሂዱ ግፊት አደረገባቸው፡፡
English
Amharic
Over the course of his four-year term, poverty increased to an alarming degree, with zero or negative economic growth.
በአራት ዓመት የስልጣን ዘመናቸው፣ ከዜሮ በታች ወይም ኔጌቲቭ የኢኮኖሚ ዕድገት ጋር ተዳምሮ፣ የድህነት መጠን በአስገራሚ ሁኔታ ጨምሯል፡፡
English
Amharic
Rajoelina hopes, no doubt, to avenge this decision by standing in this year's elections.
ራጃኦሊና በዚህ ዓመት የሚደረገውን ምርጫ በማሸነፍ፣ ያለምንም ጥርጥር አሁን ያለውን ችግር እንደሚቀርፉ ተስፋ አድርገዋል፡፡
English
Amharic
In this context, the next presidential election shows every sign of bringing another stormy episode to political life in Madagascar.
በዚህ ሁኔታ፣ ቀጣዩ ፕሬዝደንታዊ ምርጫ ሌላ ቀውጢ ጊዜ ለማዳጋስካር የፖለቲካ ህይወት ይዞ እየመጣ መሆኑን የሚያረዱ ምልክቶችን እያሳዬ ነው፡፡
English
Amharic
Picture of Fidaa Itani taken from his Facebook profile. Photo credit: Wassim Naboulsi
ከፋኢዳ የፌስቡክ ገፅ የተገኘ የራሱ- የፋኢዳ ኢታኒ ምስል፤ ፎቶ በዋሲም ናቡሊሲ
English
Amharic
A Lebanese journalist was convicted in absentia of defaming acting Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants Gebran Bassil in a Facebook post.
ሊባኖሳዊው ጋዜጠኛ ፌስቡክ ላይ በለጠፈው ፅሁፍ የውጭና የፍልሰተኞች ጉዳይ ሚኒስትርን- ጊብራን ባሲልን ስም የማጠልሸት ወንጀል ስለፈፀመ፣ በሌለበት ተከስሶ ነበር፡፡
English
Amharic
A court in the western Lebanese city of Baabda sentenced Fidaa Itani to four months in prison and a fine of 10 million Lebanese lira (roughly USD $6660) on June 29, 2018.
ምዕራባዊ ሊባኖስ፣ ባብዳ ከተማ ውስጥ የሚገኘው ፍርድ ቤት፣ ሰኔ 29፣ 2018 ፋኢዳ ኢታኒ ላይ የአራት ዓመት እስራትና 10 ሚሊየን የሊባኖስ ሊራ (ወደ6660 ዶላር የሚጠጋ፡፡
English
Amharic
Fidaa Itani is a journalist who focuses on Syria and the refugee crisis.
) የገንዘብ መቀጮ በይኖበታል፡
English
Amharic
The Facebook post in question leveraged a complex critique of political and military actions by various powerful actors in Lebanon.
ፈኢዳ ኢታኒ፣ የሶሪያና የስደተኞች ጉዳይ ላይ አተኩሮ የሚሰራ ጋዜጠኛ ነው፡፡
English
Amharic
Itani decried raids carried out by the Lebanese army in Arsal last year, which resulted in the death of Syrian citizens in detention.
ኢታኒ ባለፈው ዓመት አርሳል ውስጥ የሊባኖስ ጦር ካምፕ ውስጥ ለተጠለሉ- ለብዙ ሶሪያዊያን ሞት ምክንያት የሆነ ጥቃት መፈፀሙን ተከትሎ፣ አጠንከሮ ተቃውሞ ነበር፡፡
English
Amharic
He also criticized the continuous nationalist push for the forced removal of refugees on Lebanese territories. Itani went on to express concern about the Lebanese political party and militant group Hezbollah. Itani has publicly opposed Hezbollah's military intervention in Syria on behalf of the Assad regime.
ኢታኒ ስለሊባኖሳዊው የፖለቲካ ድርጅትና ወታደራዊ ቡድን- ሂዝቦላህ ያለውን አቋም ማንፀባረቁን ቀጠለ፤ ሂዝቦላህ ወደሶሪያ ገብቶ፣ ከአል-አሳድ አገዛዝ ጋር አብሮ በመቆም የሚያደርገውን ወታደራዊ እንቅስቃሴ በይፋ ተቃውሟል፡፡
English
Amharic
Shortly thereafter, lawyers for the army and the presidency filed a lawsuit against Itani.
ከዚህ በኋላ፣ የፕሬዝደንቱና የጦር ሰራዊቱ ጠበቃዎች፣ ኢታኒ ላይ የክስ ዶሴ ከፈቱ፡፡
English
Amharic
On top of this, he began receiving direct threats from people associated with Hezbollah.
በአናቱም፣ ከሂዝቦላህ ጋር ግንኙነት ያላቸው ግለሰቦች፣ ቀጥተኛ ዛቻ ለእርሱ መላክ ጀመሩ፡፡
English
Amharic
In short order, he fled the country and sought exile in the UK.
ብዙም ሳይቆይ፣ ኢታኒ ሃገሩን ጥሎ ወደብሪታንያ ተሰደደ፡፡
English
Amharic
In an interview with the francophone Lebanese newspaper L'Orient le Jour, Itani explained that the original suit, filed by lawyers claiming to represent the Lebanese president and the army, seems to have vanished and now been replaced by the case brought by Gebran Bassil.
ኢታኒ በፈረንሳይኛ ቋንቋ ለሚታተመው የሊባኖስ ጋዜጣ L'Orient le Jour እንዳብራራው ፣ በሊባኖስ ፕሬዝደንትና በጦር ሰራዊቱ የተከፈተው ክስ ተቋርጦ፣ ጊብራን ባሲል ባቀረቡት ክስ ተተክቷል፣ የመጀመሪያው የሕግ እርምጃ እንዴት ሊቋረጥ እንደቻለ አልገባኝም፤ በወታደራዊ ደህንነትና የሃገሪቱ ፕሬዝደንት ወይም በሂዝቦላህ የተጠነሰሰውን ክስ ማለቴ ነው፡፡
English
Amharic
Although it seems that Gebran Bassil volunteered to institute an action in their stead.
ቢሆንም፣ ጊብራን ባሲል የእነርሱን ፈለግ ለመከተል ያሰቡ ይመስላሉ፡፡
English
Amharic
Itani also said that he had not received official confirmation of the sentence, and only heard the news from media reports.
ኢታኒ የክስ ወረቀት እንዳልደረሰውና ጉዳዩን ከሚዲያዎች እንደሰማ ተናግሯል ፡፡
English
Amharic
He also told Maharat Foundation, a free speech NGO, that acting Minister Bassil has filed a total of nine cases against him, including this one.
በንግግር ነፃነት ዙሪያ ለሚሰራው- ለማሃራት ፋውንዴሽን አንደገለፀው፣ ከሚዲያ የሰማውን ጨምሮ፣ ዘጠኝ ክሶች ሚኒስትር ባሲል፣ እርሱ ላይ አቅርበዋል፡፡
English
Amharic
Reacting on both Facebook and Twitter, Fidaa Itani was unsurprisingly critical of the judge's decision.
ፈኢዳ ኢታኒ ፌስቡክና ትዊተር ላይ የዳኛውን ውሳኔ በብርቱ እንደሚቃወም ገልጧል፡፡
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Amharic
Sharing an article citing his prison sentence, he commented: More repression and more robberies.
የእስር ውሳኔውን በማስመልከት የፃፈው ፅሁፍ ላይም፣ ‹‹ተጨማሪ አፈናና ተጨማሪ ውንብድና›› ሲል ተችቷል፡፡
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Amharic
The sentence of Itani was reported, criticized and denounced by some Lebanese and international organizations.
ኢታኒ ላይ የተጣለውን ቅጣት፣ አንዳንድ የሊባኖስና ዓለም-አቀፍ ተቋማት በመቃወም፣ መግለጫ አውጥተዋል፡፡
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Amharic
In an email sent to reporters, Bassam Khawaja, Lebanon researcher at Human Rights Watch, said:
በሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች የሊባኖስ ጉዳይ አጥኚ የሆኑት ባሳም ካዋጃ ለጋዜጠኞች በላኩት የኢሜል መልዕክት፣ አንዲህ ሲሉ ተናግረዋል፣
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Amharic
Sentencing a journalist to four months in prison for a critical Facebook post is an outrageous attack on free speech that lays bare the lack of meaningful protections for freedom of expression in Lebanon.
አንድ ጋዜጠኛ ፌስቡክ ላይ በፃፈው ተቺ ፅሁፍ ምክንያት ለአራት ወራት እንዲታሰር መፍረድ፣ የንግግር ነፃነት ላይ የተፈፀመ ድፍረት፣ አንዲሁም ሊባኖስ ውስጥ ሃሳብን በነፃነት የመግለፅ መብት ትርጉም ባለው ሁኔታ እንደማይጠበቅ ያጋለጠ ነው፡፡
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Amharic