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è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | People reacted in a variety of ways. | 人ã
ã®åå¿ã¯æ§ã
ã§ãã£ãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Those who had the chance migrated, first to their homelandâs centers of economic progress, then abroad, to countries and places where the new world could be found immediately. | ãã£ã³ã¹ããã£ã人ã¯ããŸãèªåœã®çµæžçºå±ã®äžå¿å°ãžããã®ã®ã¡ããã§ã«æ°ããäžçãçšæãããŠããå€åœãžãšç§»äœããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Those who stayed behind began to vote in strange ways â electing, for example, the successors of the old Communist parties that they had been glad to get rid of only a few years before. | åŸã«æ®ã£ã人ã
ã¯å¥åŠãªæ祚ãããããã«ãªã£ãâäŸãã°ããã£ãæ°å¹Žåã«ãã£ãšãããã°ããã¯ãã®æ§å
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ãéžãã ããå§ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | The European Union, for all its weaknesses, has helped the postcommunist countries of Eastern and Southeastern Europe immensely. | 欧å·é£åã¯åŒ±ç¹ãæ±ããŠããã«ãæããããæ±ãšåæ±ãšãŒãããã®è±å
±ç£äž»çŸ©ã®åœã
ã倧ãã«å©ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | It made the valley of tears bearable both by offering financial and other assistance and by holding out the promise of membership and economic prosperity in the near future. | 財æ¿ãã®ä»ã®æŽå©ã«å ããå°æ¥ã®å çãšçµæžç¹æ ãçŽæããããšã§ããã°ãã®éãå ªãåãããã®ã«ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Equally important, had the EU not supported the creation of an administrative and social infrastructure of liberty, there might well have been a more serious communist or even fascist backlash in Poland, Hungary, and elsewhere. | ãŸããå£ããéèŠãªããšã¯ããããèªç±ãªç€ŸäŒåºç€ãšè¡æ¿ã®åµèšãæ¯æŽããªãã£ããªãã°ãããŒã©ã³ãããã³ã¬ãªãŒããã®ä»ã®åœã
ã§ãããå³æ Œãªå
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ã®å°é ãç¬è£ã®ååããã£ãããç¥ããªããšããããšã ã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | While the politics of frustration was thus controlled in the postcommunist world, it broke out with a vengeance in the Islamic world. | è±å
±ç£äž»çŸ©åœã§ã¯æ«ææã®æ¿æ²»ã¯ç®¡çäžã«çœ®ãããŠããããã€ã¹ã©ã äžçã«ããã埩è®è¡çºãšãã圢ã§å¹ãåºããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Here, too, the phenomenon was not new. | ãããã£ãçŸè±¡ããŸããä»ã«å§ãŸã£ãããšã§ã¯ãªãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | With the onset of modernization, millions of people were uprooted from their traditional communities and ways of life. | è¿ä»£åã®åŸŽåãåããäœçŸäžãšãã人ã
ãäŒçµ±çãªå°åéå£ãšç掻æ§åŒã倱ã£ãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Young men, in particular, saw the prospect of a life more like that presented to them by Western television. | ç¹ã«è¥è
ã¯ã西åŽã®ãã¬ããæ瀺ãããããªäººçã¢ãã«ãããæãæãããã«ãªã£ãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | But they soon discovered that realizing this prospect would require a longer and more arduous journey than they had anticipated. | ãããããŸããªã圌ãã¯ããã®äººçã¢ãã«ã®å®çŸã¯ãäºæ³ããŠãããããã£ãšé·ãã€ããæ
ã«ãªãããšã«æ°ã¥ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | In fact, it would take at least a generation, during which much of the effort of modern life would have to be made, while the fruits of this effort would remain elusive. | å®éã«ãçŸä»£ç掻ã®ããã«å€§å€ãªåªåã泚ã蟌ãã ãšããŠãããã®åªåã®ææãç®ã«èŠããŠããªããããå°ãªããšã1äžä»£ã¯ãããã ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Earlier generations may have borne the burden of working and waiting more readily, but nowadays people want results here and now. | ãããŸã§ã®äžä»£ã¯å¿«ãåŽåãšåŸ
æ©ã®éè·ãè² ã£ãŠãããããããªãããä»æ¥ã®äººã
ã¯ããããã®å Žã§ãã®çµæãæ±ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | If the benefits do not come quickly â and for most people they do not â they get restless. | å©çãæ©ãåºãªããšâãããŠå€§æµã®äººã«ãšã£ãŠæ©ãåºãããšã¯ãªãã®ã ãâ人ã
ã¯èœã¡çããªããªãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The massive migration processes that have only just begun will be the major issue of the coming decades. | ãŸã å§ãŸã£ãã°ããã®å€§æãããªç§»äœéçšã¯ããã®å
10幎éã§éèŠåé¡ãšãªãã ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Particularly in Africa, migration will be almost the only quick route to modernization. | ãšãããã¢ããªã«ã§ã¯ã移äœãè¿ä»£åãžã®å¯äžã®è¿éã«ãªããšèšãããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Those who do not manage to get to other countries, or who fail in the countries to which they have migrated, are in a quandary. | å€åœãžç§»ãããšãåºæ¥ãªã人ã
ããããã¯ç§»äœå
ã®åœã§å€±æãã人ã
ã¯éæ¹ã«æ®ããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | For them, the old world of traditional ties and customs is gone, but the new world of modernity remains out of reach. | äŒçµ±çãªçµã³ã€ããšç¿æ
£ããã¯é ããããäžæ¹ã§è¿ä»£åã®æ°äžçã«ã¯ãŸã æãå±ããªãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | They are lost in a limbo of uncertainty and disappointment. | 圌ãã¯äžå®å®ãšå€±æã®å°çã®èŸºåã«è¿·ã蟌ãã§ããã®ã ã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | It has been argued that this was one of the problems of âbelated nationsâ like Germany a hundred years ago. | ãã㯠ã ïŒ äŸãã°100幎åã®ãã€ãã®ãããªïŒé
ããåœã
ãã®åé¡ã®ã²ãšã€ã§ãããšè°è«ãããŠããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Seductive leaders (Hitler among them) exploited the resulting sense of frustration. | 人ã
ãåŒãã€ããæå°è
éïŒãããã©ãŒããã®äžäººïŒã¯ãçµæãšããŠçãŸããæ«ææãé£ãç©ã«ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Whatever the value of such theories, it is evident that the frustration of young peopleâs ambitions in modernizing countries makes them the object of preachers of hate and tempts them to leave the course of plodding progress and turn to more dramatic action. | ãã®ãããªæèŠã®è©äŸ¡ãã©ããããçŸä»£åéäžã®åœã®è¥è
ãæ±ãéå¿ãããã®å
ã«ããæ«ææãã圌ããææªã®äŒéè
éã®å¯Ÿè±¡ã«ããå°éãªæåãžã®é²è·¯ããå€ããããããåçãªæŽ»åã«åããããããšã¯æçœã§ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | What we call âterrorismâ has many causes, and one must beware of facile explanations. | æã
ãããããªãºã ããšåŒã¶ãã®ã«ã¯æ°ã
ã®åå ããããããå®æãªèª¬æã«ã¯çšå¿ããªããã°ãªããªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | However, the politics of frustration, of ambitions raised and then thwarted, is clearly one such cause. | ããããªãããæ«ææã®æ¿æ²»ããããŠãäžæŠé«ããããäžã§åŠšå®³ãããéå¿ã¯ãæããã«ãã®åå ã®ã²ãšã€ã§ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | It is thus also a challenge to those of us living in more fortunate circumstances. | åŸã£ãŠãããæµãŸããç°å¢ã«çããæã
ãææŠããã¹ãæã«çŽé¢ããŠããã®ã§ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | If we do not wish to be submerged in violence and authoritarian responses to it, international institutions must do for the modernizing world what the EU has managed to do for the postcommunist countries. | ãããæŽåãšããã«åé¿ããç¬è£äž»çŸ©ã«äŸµãããããªããªãã°ããã€ãŠïŒ¥ïŒµãè±å
±ç£äž»çŸ©åœã®ããã«ã©ãã«ãããŠå·®ãåºããæ¯æŽãšåæ§ã®ããšããåœéæ©é¢ãçŸä»£åéäžã®åœã
ã«ããã¹ãã§ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | For the worldâs democracies, there is no greater or more important task. | äžçã®æ°äž»äž»çŸ©ã®ããã«ããã以äžéèŠã§é倧ãªèª²é¡ã¯ãªãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The Promise of Iraqâs Constitution | ã€ã©ã¯ã®æ²æ³ãçŽæãããã® |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The constitutional process now under way in Iraq represents a hopeful milestone for all Iraqis. | çŸåšã€ã©ã¯ã§é²è¡äžã®ç«æ²ããã»ã¹ã¯ããã¹ãŠã®ã€ã©ã¯äººã«ãšã£ãŠã®ãåžæã«æºã¡ãéåå¡ãšèšããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | After decades of successively imposed constitutions, an elected assembly has overseen the process of drafting a new permanent constitution, and the draft text will be voted on by ordinary Iraqis on October 15. | æ²æ³ãæ°å幎ã«ããã£ãŠç¶ç¶çã«åŒ·èŠãããŠããåŸãåœéžããæ²æ³éžå®äŒè°ã¯ãæ°ããæ°žç¶æ²æ³ã®èµ·èã管çããŠãããèæ¡ã¯ 10 æ 15 æ¥ã«ã€ã©ã¯åœæ°ã«ãã祚決ãããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Much of the current talk about the draftâs various provisions thus misses the point. | ããªãã¡ãèæ¡ã®ããŸããŸãªæ¡é
ã«ã€ããŠã®çŸåšã®è°è«ã¯çå€ãã§ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Regardless of whether the referendum succeeds or fails, and regardless of the details of the constitutional text, what is most important is the establishment of constitutional processes and institutions in Iraq, before and after the referendum. | åœæ°æ祚ãæåããããšå€±æããããšããŸãæ²æ³ã®æé¢ã®è©³çŽ°ãããããã§ããããšããã£ãšã倧åãªããšã¯ç«æ²ããã»ã¹ã®ç¢ºç«ã§ãããåœæ°æ祚ååŸã®æ¿æ²»å¶åºŠã§ããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Concerning the pre-referendum phase, the National Assembly largely succeeded in this task. | åœæ°æ祚åã®ãã§ãŒãºã«ã€ããŠã¯ãåœæ°è°äŒã¯ã»ãšãã©ã®è²¬åã«æåããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Although Iraqâs interim constitution gave the Assembly exclusive control over the drafting process, the Assembly wisely reached out beyond its membership in creating a constitutional drafting committee. | ã€ã©ã¯ã®æ«å®æ²æ³ãèµ·èããã»ã¹ã«ãããŠãè°äŒã«æä»çãªæš©éãä»äžããã«ãããããããè°äŒã¯è³¢æã«ãç«æ²èµ·èå§å¡äŒã®çµæã«ãããŠè°å¡æ°ãè¶
ããåæãåã¡åã£ãã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Iraqi leaders were well aware of the decreased participation in the election by a significant portion of Iraqâs multi-ethnic and multi-confessional mosaic, particularly the Sunni community. | ã€ã©ã¯ã®æå°è
ãã¡ã¯ãç¹ã«ã¹ã³ã掟ã«ãªã©ã®ãã€ã©ã¯ã®å€æ°æããã³å€å®æã«ããã¢ã¶ã€ã¯ã®å€§éšåã«ããéžæãžã®åå ãæžå°ããŠããããšãååã«èªèããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Accordingly, they sought out those who were under-represented in the Assembly, but whose sense of participation in and ownership of the process was essential, not merely to the constitutional exercise, but to binding the nationâs wounds. | ãããã£ãŠãè°äŒã§æ¯æè
ã®å°ãªããã®ã®ãæ²æ³ã®å¶å®ã®ã¿ãªãããåœå®¶ã®å·ãæåœãŠããããã«ãããã»ã¹ãžã®åå ããã³ææã®æèãäžå¯æ¬ ã§ããè°å¡ãæããã«ãªã£ãã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | This was no mere gesture. | ããã¯åãªããžã§ã¹ãã£ãŒã§ã¯ãªãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Reaching out was an important component of establishing the rule of law, and it also sent a message that Iraq had truly turned a corner â that no single party sought to dominate Iraq. | åæã¯æ³ã®æ¯é
ã確ç«ããäžã§éèŠãªæ§æèŠçŽ ã§ãããã€ã©ã¯ãçã«å€åã®å±é¢ãä¹ãè¶ããåäžæ¿å
ãã€ã©ã¯ãæ¯é
ããããšã¯ãªããšããã¡ãã»ãŒãžãäŒããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | This was an important signal that those elected to the National Assembly understood that democracy does not mean merely the will of the majority. | åœæ°è°äŒã«éžåºãããè
ãæ°äž»äž»çŸ©ã¯åã«å€æ°æ±ºã«ããææ決å®ãæå³ããããã§ã¯ãªãããšãç解ããŠããããšã¯ãéèŠãªã·ã°ãã«ã§ãã£ãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Instead, all Iraqis were allowed to participate in the process, and, though consensus was not ultimately reached, that, too, was a part of the democratization process. | ãã®ä»£ããã«ããã¹ãŠã®ã€ã©ã¯äººã¯ç«æ²ããã»ã¹ãžã®åå ãèš±ãããæçµçãªåæãåŸãããªãã£ãããšããããæ°äž»äž»çŸ©åããã»ã¹ã«äžéšã§ããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | In the end, Iraqâs voters will decide whether this is a constitution under which they wish to be governed for the foreseeable future. | æåŸã«ã¯ãã€ã©ã¯ã®æ祚è
ã¯ãã®æ²æ³ããè¿ãå°æ¥ãã®ããšã§çµ±æ²»ãããããšãæããã®ã§ãããã決å®ããã§ãããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Those who chose not to participate in last Januaryâs elections will most certainly do so now, both in the referendum and in the upcoming elections to a new Assembly in December. | å»ã 1 æã®éžæã«åå ããªãããšãéžæããè
ã¯ãä»ååœæ°éžæããã³ 12 æã«äºå®ãããŠããæ°è°äŒéžæã«ã¯ããã£ãšã確å®ã«åå ããã®ã§ãããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | A second important feature of the drafting process was the extent to which the National Assembly complied with the requirements of Iraqâs interim constitution, the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL). | èµ·èããã»ã¹ã§ç¬¬äºã«éèŠãªç¹åŸŽã¯ãã€ã©ã¯ã®æ«å®æ²æ³ (TAL: Transitional Administrative Law) ã«ã©ã®çšåºŠåœæ°è°äŒãåŸããã§ãã£ãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | At the time of the transfer of authority in June of 2004, many pundits predicted that an elected National Assembly would ignore an interim constitution drafted by an unelected Governing Council and promulgated by an occupying authority. | 2004 幎 6 æã®æ¿æš©ç§»è²ã®æç¹ã§ãå€ãã®å°é家ã¯ãåœéžããåœæ°è°äŒã¯ãèœéžãã統治è©è°äŒã«ããèµ·èãããæ¯é
çå¢åã«ãã£ãŠäº€ä»ãããæ«å®æ²æ³ãç¡èŠããã§ããããšäºæž¬ããŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Yet that did not happen. | ããããããã£ãäºæ
ã¯èµ·ãããªãã£ãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The TAL set a rigorous schedule for the Assembly to complete an initial constitutional draft, and the Assembly essentially abided by those limits. | TAL ã¯è°äŒã«ãæåã®æ²æ³èæ¡ã®å®æã«ã€ããŠãå³ããã¹ã±ãžã¥ãŒã«ã課ããè°äŒã¯ãããã®æéã確å®ã«éµå®ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The deadline extension that it passed was in keeping with both the spirit and the letter of the TAL. | æéã延é·ãããã®ã«ã€ããŠããTAL ã®ç²Ÿç¥ããã³æé¢ã«åŸã£ãŠããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | At long last, it can be said that an Iraqi legislature understood that it was constrained by constitutional principals and the rule of law. | é·ããªã£ãããçµè«ãšããŠã¯ã€ã©ã¯ã®ç«æ³åºã¯ç«æ²ååããã³æ³ã®æ¯é
ã«ããå¶çŽãåããããšãç解ããŠãããšèšããã§ãããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | The test for institution building, however, will come once a constitution has been approved and a new government installed. | ãã ããæ©æ§èšç«ã®è©Šç·Žã¯ãæ²æ³ãå¯æ±ºãããæ°æ¿åºãèšç«ãããåŸã«èšªããã§ãããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Regardless of who wins the elections, there will be temptations to tinker with the constitutional text. | éžæã«åã€ã®ã誰ã§ãããæ²æ³ã®æé¢ã«æãå ããèªæã¯ããã§ãããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Such temptations are understandable, and need not be animated by improper motives. | ãããã£ãèªæã¯ç解ã§ããããäžé©åãªåæ©ããè¡ãããããšããã£ãŠã¯ãªããªãã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | However, given the little weight given to constitutions in Iraqâs modern history, it is likely that the political class will leave the text alone. | ããããªãããã€ã©ã¯ã®çŸä»£å²ã«ãããŠæ²æ³ã«å°ãéç¹ã眮ããŠã¿ããšãæ¿æ²»éçŽãèæ¡ã«æãå ããªãã§ãããããšãäºæž¬ãããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Barring some compelling need, the calculus might well arise that it is more important to abide by the constitution for some time â and to be seen to be abiding by it â than it is even to improve its provisions. Changes can always be proposed after a decent interval passes. | 察ç«ããå¿
èŠæ§ãç¡èŠããã°ãåœé¢ã¯æ²æ³ãéµå®ããéµå®ããŠããããã«èŠããããããšãéèŠã§ãããæ¡é
ãæ¹åããããšãããæå©ã§ãããšããèšç®ãåããšèᅵᅵãããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | It goes without saying that it will be essential to establish that governance in Iraq is institutional, not personal. | ã€ã©ã¯ã«ããã統治ã確ç«ããå¿
èŠãããã®ã¯ãå人ã§ã¯ãªãæ©æ§ã§ããããšã¯èšããŸã§ããªãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The American administration was absolutely right to resist the call to turn Iraq over to a caudillo, as some wanted. | ã¢ã¡ãªã«ã®çµ±æ²»ã¯ãäžéšã®äººéã«ãããã€ã©ã¯ãè»äºç¬è£è
(caudillo) ã«è¿éããããã«ãšããèŠæ±ã«å¯Ÿæããç¹ã§ãå®å
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è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Iraqâs salvation from the nightmare that it endured over the previous 35 years lies not in any one man; indeed, reliance on âone manâ was the central ingredient in Saddamist rule. | ã€ã©ã¯ã®éå» 35 幎以äžã«ãããæªå€¢ããã®ææžã¯ãäžäººã®äººéã«å§ãããããã®ã§ã¯ãªãã å®ã« ã ã äžäººã®äººéããžã®äŸåã¯ãµãã ç¬è£ã«ããæ¯é
ã®äžå¿çãªèŠçŽ ã§ãã£ãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Here again, Iraqâs immediate past history allows one to be optimistic. | ããã§ãŸããã€ã©ã¯ã®çŽè¿ã®éå»ã®æŽå²ã楜芳ããããšãèªããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | The Iraqi Governing Council was not dominated by any single member, and Iraqâs subsequent governments have also operated collegially. | ã€ã©ã¯ã®çµ±æ²»è©è°äŒãåäžã®è°å¡ã«ãã£ãŠæ¯é
ãããããšã¯ãªãã£ãã®ã§ãããã€ã©ã¯ã®ç¶æ¿æ¿åºããŸãååã§éå¶ãããŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Giving life to constitutionally defined political institutions is far more important to the course of Iraqâs immediate future than the specific provisions that the constitution contains. | ã€ã©ã¯ã®çŽè¿ã®æªæ¥ã«ãšã£ãŠãæ²æ³ã«ãã£ãŠå®çŸ©ãããæ¿æ²»æ©æ§ã«çåœãå¹ã蟌ãããšã¯ãæ²æ³ã«å«ãŸããç¹å®ã®æ¡é
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次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | That has been the missing ingredient, not only in Iraq, but also in other countries ruled by despots. | ãããããã€ã©ã¯ã®ã¿ãªãããç¬è£è
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ãããè«žå€åœã«ãããŠã倱ãããŠããæ§æèŠçŽ ã§ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Constitutions frequently enshrine lofty principals, and nobly assure protection of fundamental rights. | æ²æ³ã¯ãã³ãã³ãé«å°ãªååãå¥ããã®ã§ãããåºæ¬ç人暩ã®ä¿è·ãããããããä¿éãããã®ã§ããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | The question is whether those guarantees are given meaning on the ground. | åé¡ã¯ããããã®ä¿éããçã«å°ã«è¶³ãçããŠäžãããããã®ã§ãããåŠãã§ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | If the immediate past is a guide, one has reason for optimism in Iraq. | çŽè¿ã®éå»ãæèšãšãããªãã°ãã€ã©ã¯ã«ã¯æ¥œèŠ³ããçç±ãããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The Sleeping Volcano of Global Finance | ã°ããŒãã«éèã®äŒç«å±± |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | The rejection of the European Unionâs Constitutional Treaty by French and Dutch voters was, according to all evidence, more a rejection of unregulated globalization than it was a rejection of Europe. | ãã©ã³ã¹ãšãã€ãã®æ祚è
ã«ãããšãŒãããé£åæ²æ³æ¡çŽã®åŠæ±ºã¯ããããã蚌æ ã瀺ããŠããããã«ããšãŒãããã«å¯ŸããæåŠã§ã¯ãªãã統治äžåšã®ã°ããŒãã«åã«å¯ŸããæåŠã§ããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | The general instability of social relations â most importantly, but not only, of employment â is slowly becoming intolerable for a growing part of the population in many developed countries, not just in Europe. | (å¯äžã§ã¯ãªããããã®ãã£ãšãéèŠãªç¹ãéçšã§ãã) 瀟äŒçé¢ä¿ã®å
šè¬çãªäžå®å®ããããšãŒãããã ãã§ãªããå€ãã®çºå±åœã®äººå£ã®å€§éšåã«ãšã£ãŠãåŸã
ã«èãé£ããã®ãšãªã£ãŠããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | And there cannot be a stable economic order â at least not in democratic countries â if electorates reject its underpinnings. | ããã«ãææš©è
ã®æ¯æãªãããŠã¯ ã ( å°ãªããšãæ°äž»äž»çŸ©åœã«ãããŠã¯) å®å®çãªçµæžç§©åºã¯æç«ãããªãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Capitalism could be reconstructed after World War II because it was buttressed by three necessary types of regulation: social security, which served as a principal stabilizer, at least in the developed countries; Keynesian tools to fight domestic cyclical downturns; and a universal high-wage policy aimed at stimulating general consumption, without which the genius of capitalism â mass production â does not work. | 第äºæ¬¡äžç倧æŠåŸãè³æ¬äž»çŸ©ã¯3 ã€ã®å¿
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次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | But the realignment of the rich, developed countries around the monetarist policies promoted by economists like Milton Friedman, which began around 1970, broke with all that. Not long after, the dollar was detached from the gold standard. | ããã 1970 幎é ã«å§ãŸã£ãããã«ãã³ ããªãŒããã³ãªã©ã®çµæžåŠè
ã«æšãããè£çŠãªçºå±åœã®ããã¿ãªã¹ãæ¿çãžã®ååŸåããã®ãã¹ãŠãç Žå£ããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Ever since, the international financial system has endured almost constant instability. | ãããããšãããã®ãåœééèã·ã¹ãã ã¯ã»ãŒäžæã®äžå®å®ãã«èŠããã§ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Crises have multiplied, with each seemingly worse than the one that came before. | å±æ©ã¯å¢æ®ããæ代ãè¿œãããšã«æªåããŠããããã«èŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Throughout the rich world, poverty has come roaring back. | è£çŠãªäžçå
šäœã§ã貧å°ã¯èãçãæéšãšãªã£ãŠããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Internal and international inequalities have been increasing at breakneck speed. | åœå
ããã³åœéçãªæ Œå·®ãæ¥éã«æ¡å€§ããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Employment is increasingly precariousness. | éçšãäžå®å®ããå¢ããŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | And where unemployment is preferred to universal job insecurity, it has become impossible to suppress. | ããã«ãå
šäœã®éçšäžå®ããã倱æ¥ã®æ¹ã奜ãŸãããããéçšã®äžå®å®ããæããããšã¯äžå¯èœãšãªã£ãŠããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | It is to this state of affairs that the French and Dutch said ânoâ two months ago. | 2 ã¶æåã«ãã©ã³ã¹ãšãã€ãããããŒããè¡šæããèæ¯ã«ã¯ããã®ãããªäºæ
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è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Paradoxically, however, a united Europe is likely to be needed even more in the near future than it was in the past. | ãã ããé説çã ããé£åãšãŒãããã¯è¿ãæªæ¥ããã€ãŠãªãã»ã©å¿
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è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | After all, beyond the social misery produced by the re-institutionalized cruelty of the current global economic system, the greatest danger facing the world nowadays is that very systemâs inherent instability. | çŸåšã®ã°ããŒãã«çµæžã·ã¹ãã ã®ãåå¶åºŠåãããæ®é
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è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | I donât see any institution other than the EU that has enough size and heft to protect Europeans from a possible implosion. | çè
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ç Žã®å±éºæ§ããä¿è·ããã®ã«ååãªèŠæš¡ãšéèŠæ§ãæããæ©æ§ã¯ãEU 以å€ã«ã¯èŠåœãããªãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Consider the simple fact that the American economy is now more than $600 billion in debt. | ã¢ã¡ãªã«çµæžã®è² åµãçŸåš 6,000 åãã«ãè¶ããŠãããšããåçŽãªäºå®ãèããŠã¿ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The United States cannot function without being able to borrow $1.9 billion dollars each and every day of the year, mainly from the emerging economies of Asia, and China above all. | ç±³åœã¯ãäž»ã«ã¢ãžã¢ã®æé·çµæžåœããšãããäžåœããæ¯å¹Ž 19 åãã«ã®èè³ãåããªããã°æ©èœããªãã®ã§ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | But this support could weaken or even cease if the dollar falls too low, if the price of oil rises too high, or if the American economy backfires. | ããããã®æ¯æŽã¯ããã«ãäžãããããããåæ²¹äŸ¡æ ŒãäžããããããããŸãã¯ã¢ã¡ãªã«çµæžãæžéãããšãæžå°ãŸãã¯åæ¢ããå¯èœæ§ãããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | In fact, the US economy has become increasingly detached from reality. | äºå®ãç±³åœçµæžã®å®ç©çµæžããã®ä¹é¢ãé²ãã§ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Its manufacturing sector now accounts for a mere 11% of Americaâs GDP. | 補é éšéã¯çŸåšã¢ã¡ãªã«ã® GDP ã®ããã£ãã® 11% ãå ããã«éããªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Ford and General Motors are in dire financial straits. | Ford 瀟㚠General Morors 瀟ã¯å³ãã財æ¿é£ã«çœ®ãããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Meanwhile, two speculative bubbles â in the real estate market and in mortgages â have become grafted upon each other and now dominate economic activity in the US. | äžæ¹ ã ( äžåç£åžå Žããã³äœå®
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æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | A crash, or at least a sharp spasm, is quite likely in the near future, and the consequences â for America and the world â may be catastrophic. | è¿ãæªæ¥ããªãã®ç¢ºçã§äºæ³ãããã倱å¢ãŸãã¯å°ãªããšãçªç¶ã®ææ²ãšãã® (ã¢ã¡ãªã«ããã³äžçãžã®) 圱é¿ã¯ãå£æ»
çãªãã®ï¿œï¿œï¿œãªãå¯èœæ§ãããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | This instability also makes it difficult to address other grave problems affecting the global financial system. | ãã®äžå®å®ãã¯ãŸããã°ããŒãã«éèã·ã¹ãã ã«åœ±é¿ãäžãããä»ã®æ·±å»ãªåé¡ã®è¿œåãé£ããããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Sovereign debt, needed by all countries, but particularly by the poorest, suffers profoundly from erratic interest-rate and exchange-rate movements. | ãã¹ãŠã®åœã
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è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | The absence of a lender of last resort in todayâs world only magnifies the threat involved in each crisis. | ä»æ¥ã®äžçã«ãããæåŸã®è²žãæã®äžåšã¯ãããããã®å±æ©ãå
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åšãæ¡å€§ãããäžæ¹ã§ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | To make matters worse, national failures can no longer be addressed without aggravating the situation. | ããã«ãåœå®¶ã®éã¡ãè¿œåãããšç¶æ³ãæªåããã ãã§ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Of course â indeed, above all â in such circumstances the immense investments needed to overcome underdevelopment and the disabilities that it entails are increasingly forgotten by the world of international finance. | ãã¡ãã (ãããŠå®ã«ãã£ãšãéèŠãªç¹ãšã㊠) ã ãããã£ãç¶æ³äžã§ãå
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èŠã§ããããšããåœééèã®äžçã§å¿ãå»ãããããšããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | With rich countries threatened by instability and poor countries largely left to their own devices, the reconstruction of the world financial system should be at the top of the international agenda. | è£çŠãªåœã
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è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | A new Bretton Woods could not be more urgent! | æ°ããªãã¬ãã³ ãŠããºãä»ã»ã©ç·æ¥ã«å¿
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è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | The Trade-and-Aid Myth | 貿ææŽå©ãšããè¿·ä¿¡ |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Trade and aid have become international buzzwords. | 貿ææŽå©ã¯ãåœéçããŒã¯ãŒããšãªã£ãŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | More aid (including debt relief) and greater access to rich countriesâ markets for poor countriesâ products now appears to be at the top of the global agenda. | æŽå© (åµæš©æŸæ£ãå«ã) ã®æ¡å€§ããã³ã貧ããåœã
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è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Indeed, the debate nowadays is not about what to do, but howmuch to do, and how fast. | äºå®ãä»æ¥ã®è°è«ã¯äœããã¹ããã§ãªããããã«è¿
éã«ãããã§ãããã«ã€ããŠã§ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Lost in all this are the clear lessons of the last five decades of economic development. | ãã®ãã¹ãŠã«æ¬ ããŠãããã®ã¯ãçµæžéçºã®éå»äºå幎éããã®æ確ãªæèšã§ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Foremost among these is that economic development is largely in the hands of poor nations themselves. | ãã®æãããã®ããçµæžéçºã®ã»ãšãã©ãã貧ããåœã
èªèº«ã®æã«ããã£ãŠãããšããããšã§ããã |