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æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Europe might thus be called on to take up the slack in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, both sooner and on a much larger scale than Europeans suspect. | ãããã£ãŠããšãŒãããã¯ãæ±å°äžæµ·ããã³äžæ±ã«å¯Ÿããæ æ
¢ã®ç©ŽåããããããããšãŒããã人ãäºæž¬ããããæ©æã«ããããŠãã£ãšå€§èŠæš¡ã«ãæ±ãããããããããªãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | So what is to be done? | ã§ã¯ãäœããªãããã¹ããïŒ |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | There is no way around a strategy of engagement and containment with regard to North Korea or the crisis will escalate. | åæé®®ã«é¢ããå¥çŽãšæå¶ãšããæŠç¥ä»¥å€ã«éã¯ãªãããããªããã°å±æ©ã¯ãšã¹ã«ã¬ãŒãããã ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | The US will have to enter talks â direct and bilateral if necessary. | ç±³åœã¯çŽæ¥ããããŠå¿
èŠã§ããã°äºåœéã®è©±ãåãã«èžã¿åããããªãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Indeed, it looks like that is what will be needed. | ãŸãã«ããããå¿
èŠãšãããããšã ãšæãããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | China, humiliated by Kim Jong Il, will for the first time have to assume leadership in the region and resolve, or at least contain, the crisis. | éæ£æ¥ã«æ¥ããããããäžåœã¯ãåãᅵᅵãå°åã«ããããªãŒããŒã·ããããšããå±æ©ã解決ããããã¯å°ãªããšãé£ãæ¢ããªããã°ãªããªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Looking to the future, the whole approach to nuclear non-proliferation must change. | æªæ¥ã«ç®ãåããã°ãæ žæ¡æ£é²æ¢æ¡çŽãžã®ã¢ãããŒãå
šäœãå€ãããªããã°ãªããªãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | It is no use lamenting the real danger of nuclear proliferation, while in practice standing idle as the Non-Proliferation Treaty falls apart. | æ¡æ£é²æ¢æ¡çŽã厩ãèœã¡ãŠããæã«ãå®éã«ã¯ã¢ã€ããªã³ã°ç¶æ
ã®ãŸãŸã§ãæ žæ¡æ£ã®çã®å±éºæ§ãåããŠããäœã®åœ¹ã«ãç«ããªãã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | If the world is not one day to consist of a few big nuclear powers and many mid-sized and small ones, then the big nuclear powers must now undertake a serious disarmament and non-proliferation initiative. | äžçããã€ããå°æ°ã®æ žä¿æ倧åœãšå€æ°ã®æ žä¿æäžå°åœã§æ§æãããããã«ãªãã®ãé»ããšããã°ãæ žä¿æ倧åœã¯ ä»ãã ãæ¬æ Œçãªè»åçž®å°ããã³æ¡æ£é²æ¢æ¡çŽã®ã€ãã·ã¢ãã£ããåããªããã°ãªããªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Part of this initiative must be to provide, as a corollary to new disarmament requirements and control mechanisms, the assurance of non-discriminatory access to nuclear know-how, research, and technology. | ãã®ã€ãã·ã¢ãã£ãã®äžç«¯ã¯ãæ°ããªè»åçž®å°ã®èŠæ±ãšç®¡çæ©æ§ããèªç¶ã«æ±ããããããšãšããŠãæ žã®å®éçç¥èãç 究ãããã³æè¡ãžã®ç¡å·®å¥ã¢ã¯ã»ã¹ã®ä¿èšŒãæäŸãããã®ã§ãªããã°ãªããªãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | This will require an international institutional solution to the problem of enrichment, with participation in the enrichment process entailing new obligations, above all, the willingness to assure transparency through verification and intensive inspections. | ããã«ã¯åœéæ©é¢ã«ãããšã³ãªããã¡ã³ãåé¡è§£æ±ºçãå¿
èŠãšãªãã æ°ããªçŸ©åã課ããããšã³ãªããã¡ã³ãéçšãžã®åå ããªãã§ããæ€èšŒãšéäžèŠå¯ãéããŠéææ§ãä¿èšŒããèªçºçãªææãæ±ããããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Moreover, only new strides towards disarmament by the big nuclear powers, and a guarantee of access to technology and know-how under international control, can stop the trend toward ânuclear sovereignty.â | ããã«ãæ žä¿æ倧åœã«ããè»åçž®å°ã«åããŠã®æ°ããªé²æ©ãšãåœé管çäžã«ãããæè¡ãšå®éçç¥èãžã®ã¢ã¯ã»ã¹ã®ä¿èšŒã®ã¿ã ã ã æ žäž»æš©ããžã®ååã«æ¯æ¢ãããããããšãã§ããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Five years after President Bush called Iraq, Iran, and North Korea an âaxis of evil,â developments in these countries remain depressing. | ããã·ã¥å€§çµ±é ãã€ã©ã¯ãã€ã©ã³ããããŠåæé®®ãæªã®æ¢è»žïœ£ãšåŒãã§ãã5幎çµã£ããããããã®åœã®çºå±ã¯äœè¿·ãããŸãŸã ã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Iraq is a disaster, and nothing indicates that the situation can be turned around. | ã€ã©ã¯ã¯æšäºã§ãããç¶æ³ãäžè»¢ããå
ãã¯ãªãã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | With each day, questions about the fallout for the region become more pressing. | å°åãžã®éç°ã«é¢ããçåã¯ãæ¥æ¯ã«ç·æ¥æ§ãé«ããŠããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Civil war? | å
æŠïŒ |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Disintegration and thus the âBalkanizationâ of Iraq? | 厩å£ãã€ãŸãã€ã©ã¯ã®ããã«ã«ã³å ã ïŒ |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Will it really be possible to limit the disaster to Iraq itself? | ããã§ãã€ã©ã¯ãã®ãã®ã«ãšã£ãŠã®æšäºãå¶éããããšã¯æ¬åœã«å¯èœã«ãªãã®ãïŒ |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Now North Korea seems to have the Bomb. | ããŠä»ãåæé®®ã¯ç匟ãææããŠãããšèŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Iran is intensively working toward the same end, while continuing to expand its hegemonic position in the region. | ã€ã©ã³ã¯ãå°åã«ãããèŠæš©çãªå°äœãæ¡å€§ããªãããåãçµç¹ãç®æããŠéäžçã«åããããŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | If to the âaxis of evil,â we add Afghanistan, Pakistan, Lebanon, Syria, Israel and the Palestinians, along with terrorism, the resulting picture is anything but hopeful. | æªã®æ¢è»žïœ£ãšèšãã°ãã¢ãã¬ãã¹ã¿ã³ãããã¹ã¿ã³ãã¬ããã³ãã·ãªã¢ãã€ã¹ã©ãšã«ããããŠãã¬ã¹ãã人 ããããªãºã ãšãšãã«å ããããã®å³ã«ã¯åžæã®ãããããªãã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Should the US be tempted now, in response to the failure of its policy, to consider a military âoptionâ against Iran, the nuclearization of the international system will not be arrested. | ç±³åœãä»ããã®æ¿ç倱æãåããã€ã©ã³ã«å¯Ÿããè»äºããªãã·ã§ã³ãèæ
®ãããã®ãããããšããã°ãåœéæ©æ§ã®æ žæŠè£
ãé»æ¢ãããããšã¯ãªãã ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Indeed, such a step will only push the Middle East into an explosive mega-conflict with unpredictable and uncontrollable consequences. | å®ã«ãã®ãããªæ段ã¯ãäžæ±ããäºç¥ã»å¶åŸ¡äžèœãªçµæããããããççºçãªå€§æŠéãžãšæŒãããã ãã§ããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The Chávez Challenge | ãã£ãã¹ã®ææŠ |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Venezuelaâs recent legislative elections confirmed trends that have repeatedly brought the country into the headlines in recent years. | å
æ¥ã®ãããºãšã©ã®åœäŒè°å¡éžæã¯ãæšä»ããã®åœãäžçãã泚ç®ã济ã³ãŠããåŸåã確ããªãã®ã«ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | President Hugo Chávez showed once again that he enjoys broad support among the nationâs poor and desperate, and that he is miles ahead of his opposition in terms of political skill, cunning, and ruthlessness. | ãŠãŽã»ãã£ãã¹(Hugo Chávez)倧統é ã¯ãæ¹ããŠè²§å°å±€ããã®æ¯æãéããæ¿æ²»æŠç¥ãæãç®ã®ãªãããããŠå·é
·ãã«ãããŠã©ã€ãã«ãã¡ãã¯ããã«åŒãé¢ããŠããããšãèŠãã€ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Yet at the same time voter turnout is declining with each passing election under Chávez, and the questionable fairness of the electoral process has grown increasingly apparent. | ãããåæã«ããã£ãã¹ãžã®æ祚è
æ°ã¯éžæãéããããšã«èããæžã£ãŠããŠãããéžæéçšã®å
¬å¹³ãã«çåã®å£°ãåŽåºããŠããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | To be sure, the oppositionâs withdrawal from the election just days before the vote was, as Chávez claimed, more a symptom of its own weakness than of problems with the electoral process. | ãã¡ãããéžæéå§æ°æ¥åã«ãªã£ãŠããã®å察å¢åã®éé£ã¯ããã£ãã¹ãèšãããã«ãéžæéçšã®åé¡ãšããããã¯ãèªãã®åŒ±ç¹ãåå ã ã£ãã®ã§ãããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | And, just as surely, that very weakness is a function of the gradual stifling of many features of Venezuelaâs traditional democratic order. | ãããŠããã®åŒ±ç¹ããããåŸã
ã«éŠãçµãããããªãããºãšã©ã®äŒçµ±çæ°äž»äž»çŸ©äœå¶ãçãã ãã®ã§ãã£ãããšã¯ééããªãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Even so, the oppositionâs mistakes have been massive, ranging from support for the failed coup against the democratically elected Chávez in April 2002 to the failed strike at PEDEVSA, Venezuelaâs national oil company, in early 2003. | ããã ãšããŠããå察å¢åã®å€±æã¯å€§èŠæš¡ã§ãã£ãã ããã¯2002幎4æãæ°äž»äž»çŸ©çã«éžã°ãããã£ãã¹ãçã£ããã¢ã®å€±æããã2003幎åé ã®åœç«ç³æ²¹äŒç€ŸïŒ°ïŒ¥ïŒ€ïŒ¥ïŒ¶ïŒ³ïŒ¡ã§èµ·ããã¹ãã©ã€ãã®å€±æã«åã¶ã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Nothing is more lethal in politics than failure in direct confrontation. | æ¿æ²»ã«ãããŠãçŽæ¥è¡çªã®å€±æã»ã©èŽåœçãªãã®ã¯ä»ã«ãªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | In such circumstances, Chávez can afford to be bold, despite his policiesâ failure to benefit his core constituency: the more than 50% of Venezuelans who live in destitution and despair. | ãã®ãããªç¶æ³äžã§ããã£ãã¹ã¯èªå·±ã®äžå¿æ¯æå±€ã極貧ãšçµ¶æã®äžã«çãããããºãšã©åœæ°ã®åæ°ä»¥äžã«å©çãããããããšãã§ããªãã«ããããããã倧èäžæµã§ããããã®ã ã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | Poverty has grown since Chávez took office in 1998; government finances and the trade balance are more dependent on oil revenues than before, and, aside from Cuban literacy programs and neighborhood âbarefoot doctorâ services, the overall welfare of the poor remains the same, if not worse. | 貧å°ã¯1998幎ã«ãã£ãã¹ãæ¿æš©ãæ¡ã£ãŠããæ·±å»åããŠããã æ¿åºè²¡æ¿ãšè²¿æåè¡¡ã¯ä»¥åã«ãŸããŠç³æ²¹ããã®åçã«äŸåããããã«ãªãããã¥ãŒãã®èåæè²ããã°ã©ã ãè¿é£åœã®ã裞足ã®å»è
(barefoot doctor ) ã ãµãŒãã¹ãé€ããç·äœçãªçŠç¥ã®ç¶æ³ã¯ããããããŠæªåã¯å
ããŠããããåæ»ããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Major changes are unlikely in the foreseeable future. | è¿ãå°æ¥ã«å€§ããªå€åã¯èµ·ãããªãã ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Chávez will be able to modify the Constitution largely as he pleases, and pack both the justice system and the electoral authority with his placemen. | ãã£ãã¹ã¯æ²æ³ãæãã®ãŸãŸã«ä¿®æ£ããè£å€ã·ã¹ãã ãšè°å¡ãèªåã®æ¯ã®ããã£ã人æã§å ããŠããŸãã ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | He will continue to dole out oil-based subsidies in the well-worn Venezuelan tradition of Marcos Pérez Jiménez and Carlos Andrés Pérez. | 圌ã¯ç³æ²¹ããŒã¹ã®å©æéããã«ã³ã¹ã»ãã¬ã¹ã»ãã¡ãã¹(Marcos Pérez Jiménez)ãšã«ã«ãã¹ã»ã¢ã³ãã¬ã¹ã»ãã¬ã¹(Carlos Andrés Pérez)ãæ®ãã䜿ãå€ãã®ãããºãšã©ã®äŒçµ±ã«ã®ã£ãšããå°ãã¥ã€æ¯åºããŠããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | As a result, Chávez will be re-elected late next year, and he may well remain in power until the end of the next decade. | ãã®çµæãšããŠãã£ãã¹ã¯æ¥å¹Žæ«ã«ã¯åéžããã次ã®10幎ãæ¿æš©ã«å±
座ãç¶ãããããããªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Yet, if this is what the Venezuelan people want, then so be it. | ãããããããããºãšã©åœæ°éã®æãããšã§ããã°ããã®ãŸãŸã«ããã°ããã ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | It is, after all, their business who governs them, and how, as long as human rights are not systematically violated, democratic institutions are not indefinitely suspended, and standard norms of international conduct are respects. | çµå±ãããã¯åœŒãã統治ããè
éã®åé¡ã§ãããã人暩ãçµç¹çã«äŸµå®³ãããªãéããæ°äž»äž»çŸ©å¶åºŠã¯ç¡æéåæ¢ã«ãªãããã§ã¯ãªããåœéè¡åã®é埳çåºæºã¯å°éãããã®ã ã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Judged by the last standard, at least, Chávez may have crossed the line. | ã ãå°ãªããšããææ°ã®æšæºã«ç
§ãããŠããã£ãã¹ã¯äžç·ãè¶ãããšãããã®ã§ã¯ãªããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | For years, he has been accused of taking over where Fidel Castro left off: supporting the rhetoric of radicalism and anti-imperialism, if not revolution, throughout Latin America. | ã©ãã³ã¢ã¡ãªã«å
šåã«ãããæ¥é²äž»çŸ©ãšååžåœäž»çŸ©ã®ä¿®èŸçåŽé¢ãæ¯æãã圌ã¯ããã£ãã«ã»ã«ã¹ãã(Fidel Castro)ã®åŸãç¶ãã ãšéé£ãããŠä¹
ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | It could now be time for other Latin American nations and the international community to take such charges more seriously. | ä»ãããä»ã®ã©ãã³ã¢ã¡ãªã«ã®è«žåœãšåœé瀟äŒããã®éé£ãæ·±å»ã«åãæ¢ããã¹ãæãæ¥ãŠãããšèšãããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Chávez is giving away oil to Caribbean island nations and Cuba, and buying off Argentine debt to help President Nestor Kirchnerâs political fortunes. | ãã£ãã¹ã¯ã«ãªã諞島åœå®¶ãšãã¥ãŒãã«ç³æ²¹ãäžãããã¹ãã«ã»ãã«ããã«(Nestor Kirchner)倧統é ã®æ¿æ²»çåºäžãå©ããããã«ã¢ã«ãŒã³ãã³ã®åéãè©ä»£ããããŠããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | In Mar del Plata, Argentina, last month, he openly participated in a rally against the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), in the company of, among others, Evo Morales, the coca-leaf growersâ leader from Bolivia who might well become that countryâs next president. | 圌ã¯å
æãã¢ã«ãŒã³ãã³ã®ãã«ã»ãã«ã»ãã©ã¿(Mar del Plata)ã«ãããŠãå
¬ç¶ãšFTAAïŒç±³å·èªç±è²¿æå°åïŒã«å察ããéäŒã«åå ããã ããªãã¢ã®æ¬¡æ倧統é ᅵᅵᅵãªããããããªãã³ã«æ œå¹æšé²éå家ãšãã»ã¢ã©ã¬ã¹(Evo Morales)ãåºåžããŠããéäŒã§ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Similarly, Chávez is clearly supporting Daniel Ortega, the perennial Sandinista presidential candidate in Nicaragua, and Shafick Handal, the equally perennial FMLN candidate in El Salvador. | åæ§ã«ããã£ãã¹ã¯å€åãµã³ãã£ãã¹ã¿ã§ãã«ã©ã°ã¢å€§çµ±é åè£ã®ãããšã«ã»ãªã«ãã¬(Daniel Ortega)ããåæ§ã«ãšã«ãµã«ããã«ã®å€åïŒïŒ¬ïŒ®ïŒãã¡ã©ãã³ãã»ãã«ãã£æ°æ解æŸæŠç·ïŒåè£ã·ã£ãã£ãã¯ã»ãã³ãã«(Shafick Handal)ãæããã«æ¯æŽããŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | His former ambassador to Mexico participated openly and vociferously in campaign events for Mexico City Mayor Andrés Manuel Lopez Obradorâs presidential campaign. | ãŸãã圌ãéã£ãé§ã¡ãã·ã³å€§äœ¿ã¯ãã¡ãã·ã³åžé·ã¢ã³ãã¬ã¹ã»ãããšã«ã»ããã¹ã»ãªãã©ãã«ã®å€§çµ±é ç«åè£ã«éããéžæ掻åã«å
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ããåå ããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | There seems to be a common thread to most of Chávezâs foreign policy: to provoke a major confrontation with the United States. | ãã£ãã¹ã®å€äº€æ¿çã®ã»ãšãã©ã«å
±éããŠããã®ã¯ãã¢ã¡ãªã«ã«å¯Ÿãã倧èŠæš¡ãªå¯Ÿç«ãæåãããšããç®çãããããã«èŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The danger, of course, is that if and when confrontation comes â over Bolivia, the FTAA, human rights, or press freedoms â it will be too late to defuse it. | ãã¡ãããå±éºãªã®ã¯å¯Ÿç«ãèµ·ããã®ããèµ·ãããšããã°äœãå·¡ã£ãŠããšããç¹ã§ããã ããªãã¢ãFTAAã人暩ãããã¯å ±éã®èªç±ã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The challenge, then, lies in avoiding a confrontation that Chávez clearly wants. | èµ·ããŠããŸã£ãŠããã®ç·©åã§ã¯é
ãããã ææŠãã¹ãã¯ããã£ãã¹ãçããªãç®æããŠãã察ç«ãé¿ããããšã§ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Unfortunately, George W. Bushâs administration has not proved particularly adept at conflict prevention. | ããã«ããããã·ã¥æ¿æš©ã¯è¡çªãäºé²ããçéãã蚌æã§ããŠããªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The hemisphereâs other nations have a direct stake in attempting to pre-empt a fight that would force them to take sides and might threaten their economic and national-security interests. | ååçã®ä»ã®åœã
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è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Although many of Chávezâs positions have found support in certain Latin American nations, the division that he and Castroâs Cuba have created in Latin America â between left and right, free-traders and âBolivarians,â and pro- and anti- Americans â is mainly artificial and certainly not impossible to overcome. | ããã¯åœŒãšã«ã¹ããã®ãã¥ãŒããã©ãã³ã¢ã¡ãªã«ã«ãããå³æŽŸãšå·ŠæŽŸãèªç±è²¿æ家ãšãããªããªã¢ã³ ã ã ãããŠã¢ã¡ãªã«è³å掟ãšå察掟ã®éã«åµãã ããåºåã§ããã ãšã¯ãããããã¯ã»ãšãã©ã人工çã§ãæã¡åã€ããšã¯äžå¯èœã§ã¯çµ¶å¯Ÿã«ãªãã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | To be sure, many Latin American leaders have tried to assuage and control Chávez, and they have all failed. | 確ãã«ããããŸã§å€ãã®ã©ãã³ã¢ã¡ãªã«ã®æå°è
éããã£ãã¹ããªã ããã³ã³ãããŒã«ããããšè©Šã¿ãäžæ§ã«å€±æããŠããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | But the cost of not trying again could be extremely high. | ããããããåã³ææŠããªãã®ãªãã°ããã®ä»£åã¯æ¥µããŠé«ãã€ãã ããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The last time revolutionary leaders confronted the US head-on, in Central America during the 1980âs, everyone lost. | ååãé©åœã®æå°è
éã1980幎代ã®äžå€®ã¢ã¡ãªã«ã§åè¡åœãšæ£é¢ããã¶ã€ãã£ãæã«ã¯ãå
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æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | A new split up and down the hemisphere, engineered by a leader awash in oil money, would prove far more disastrous. | ããŸãç³æ²¹ãããŒã«éŠãŸã§æµžãã£ãæå°è
ã«ãã£ãŠä»çµãŸããååçã®åè£ã»æ··ä¹±ã¯ãããã«å€§ããªæ害ãæããã蚌æããã ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | The Culture of Entrepreneurship | èµ·æ¥å®¶ãå°éãããæå |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Governments around the world want to promote entrepreneurship. | äžçååœã®æ¿åºã§ïœ€èµ·æ¥å®¶ãè²æããããšããåããèŠãããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Though most business start-ups will never amount to much, each little company is an experiment, and a great deal of experimentation is necessary to produce the occasional firm that can transform a nationâs economy â or even rise to international significance. | ããžãã¹ã®å§åã«ãããçµè²»ã¯æ¯èŒçäœãããããããã®å°äŒæ¥ã¯å®éšæ®µéã«ãããããåœã®çµæžãå€ããããšãã§ãããããªäŒç€ŸãäœããŸã§ã«ã¯ãããã«ãäžçã«ãšã£ãŠéèŠãªäŒç€Ÿã«æé·ããããã«ã¯ãçžåœæ°ã®å®éšãããªããªããã°ãªããªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | In short, entrepreneurship is an incubator, and one that is essential to long-term economic success. | ããã°èµ·æ¥å®¶ã¯ä¿è²åšã®åœ¹ç®ãæãããŠãããçµæžãé·æã«ããã£ãŠæåããããã«ã¯æ¬ ãããªããã®ãªã®ã§ããã |
次ã®è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | In explaining the variation in levels of entrepreneurship across countries, much attention is devoted nowadays to differences in national attitudes and policies. But there are also significant differences in levels of entrepreneurship within individual countries. | æè¿ã§ã¯äž»ã«æ¿çãæ¿æ²»å§¿å¢ãååœã®èµ·æ¥å®¶ã¬ãã«ã®å·®ãçã¿åºããšèããããŠããããå®ã¯ããããã®åœå
ã§ã®èµ·æ¥å®¶ã¬ãã«ã«ã倧ããå·®ãåºãŠããããšãããã£ãŠããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | People from Shanghai are said to be more entrepreneurial than people in Beijing. People in the Ukrainian town of Kherson are more entrepreneurial than people from Kiev. | äžæµ·åžæ°ã¯å京åžæ°ãããèµ·æ¥ç²Ÿç¥ã«æºã¡ãŠãããšãããããããŠã¯ã©ã€ãã®ãžã«ãœã³å·ã®çºæ°ã¯ããšãåžæ°ãããèµ·æ¥ã«ç±å¿ã§ããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | In a recent study, Mariassunta Giannetti and Andrei Simonov of the Stockholm School of Economics show the magnitude of differences in levels of entrepreneurship across Swedish municipalities. | ã¹ããã¯ãã«ã çµæžå€§åŠã®ããªã¢ããµã³ã¿ã»ãžã¡ãããã£ãšã¢ã³ãã¬ã€ã»ã·ã¢ããã¯æè¿ã®ç 究ã§ïœ€ã¹ãŠã§ãŒãã³åœå
ã®å°æ¹èªæ²»äœéã«ãããèµ·æ¥å®¶ã¬ãã«ã倧ããç°ãªã£ãŠããããšãæããã«ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | They define entrepreneurs as people who report income from a company that they control and work in at least part-time, and find that the proportion of entrepreneurs in the population differs substantially across the 289 municipalities that they studied, ranging from 1.5% to 18.5%. | èµ·æ¥å®¶ã®å®çŸ©ããèªãã管çããäŒç€Ÿã§ãå°ãªããšãéåžžå€ã§åããåå
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æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | What can these differences tell us about the real causes of entrepreneurship? | ãããã®å·®ãããèµ·æ¥å®¶ã®æ¬åœã®åååã«ã€ããŠäœããããã ãããïŒ |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | Policy changes at the national level cannot account for the variation Gianetti and Simonov found. | ãžã¡ãããã£ãšã·ã¢ããã®ç€ºãå€æ§æ§ãåŒãèµ·ããã®ã¯ãåœå®¶ã¬ãã«ã§æ¹é©ãããæ¿çã§ã¯ãªãã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | In the 1980âs and early 1990âs, centralized wage-setting agreements were dissolved and the Swedish government cut personal and corporate tax rates. | ã¹ãŠã§ãŒãã³ã§ã¯ã1980幎代ãã1990幎代åé ã«ãäžåŸè³éèšå®åçŽã解æ¶ãããæ¿åºã¯å人ãšäŒç€Ÿã«ãããçšçãã«ããããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The level of entrepreneurial activity in the country as a whole doubled as a result, but the response was very different from one municipality to another. | çµæãåœå
šäœã«ãããèµ·æ¥æŽ»åã¯åå¢ããããå°æ¹èªæ²»äœããããã®åå¿ã¯ãŸã£ããéã£ãŠããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | Why? | ãªããïŒ |
æ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Cultural variables seem to explain a lot: religion and politics accounted for about half of the variation across municipalities. | æåç䟡å€ããéèŠãªãã€ã³ãã«ãªã£ãŠãããšæãããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Municipalities tended to have more entrepreneurs if they had a high proportion of pensioners who were members of the Church of Sweden (the official state church until 2000) and a high proportion of right-wing voters. | å®æãšæ¿æ²»éèŠã®å°æ¹èªæ²»äœãã»ãŒåæ°ãå ããŠããã幎éç掻è
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ãå€ãäœãå°æ¹èªæ²»äœã¯ãèµ·æ¥çãé«ãåŸåã«ãã£ããšããçµæãåºãŠããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | Beyond that, a feedback mechanism appears to be in place: cities with more entrepreneurs tend to beget still more entrepreneurs. | ãã®èåŸã«ã¯ããã£ãŒãããã¯ã®æ§é ããããšæãããã ããå€ãã®èµ·æ¥å®¶ãããè¡ã¯ãããã«å€ãã®èµ·æ¥å®¶ãçã¿ã ãåŸåã«ããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Once an entrepreneurial culture takes root, it typically spreads locally, as people learn about business and begin to feel attracted by it â even if it doesnât yield an immediate or certain payoff. | èµ·æ¥å®¶ãå°éããæåããã£ããæ ¹ä»ãã°ããããŠãã¯å°åã«åºããã人ã
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è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Indeed, Giannetti and Simonov discovered that the average income of entrepreneurs was lower in high-entrepreneurship municipalities than in the low-entrepreneurship ones. | å®éã«ããžã¡ãããã£ãšã·ã¢ããã¯ç 究ãéããŠãèµ·æ¥ãçããªçºã«ããèµ·æ¥å®¶ã®å¹³ååå
¥ã®æ¹ããçãã§ãªãçºã®èµ·æ¥å®¶ãããäœãããšã«æ°ã¥ããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Similarly, studies from other countries show that entrepreneurs often have lower initial earnings and earnings growth than they would have as employees. | åæ§ã«ãä»åœã®ç 究ããããèµ·æ¥å®¶ãã¡ã¯äžè¬ã®åŸæ¥å¡ãããå任絊ãšçµŠäžæ¹å®çã®äŒžã³ãäœãããšãããã£ãŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | What these studies suggest is that differences in the degree of entrepreneurship may be due less to better economic opportunities (the âsupplyâ side of the entrepreneurship equation) than to cultural differences that make entrepreneurship personally more rewarding (the âdemandâ side). | ã€ãŸããçµæžæ©äŒïŒèµ·æ¥æ¹çšåŒã®ãäŸçµŠããµã€ãïŒããããèµ·æ¥æŽ»åã®äŸ¡å€ã決ããæåçãªéã ïŒ ã éèŠããµã€ãïŒããèµ·æ¥å®¶æç床ã®å·®ãçã¿åºããŠããã®ã§ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | This hypothesis is supported by Giannetti and Simonov, who argue that differences in the prestige of entrepreneurs across municipalities may account for differences in levels of entrepreneurship. | ãžã¡ãããã£ãšã·ã¢ãᅵᅵã¯ãã®ä»®èª¬ãæ¯æããããããã®å°æ¹èªæ²»äœãæã€èµ·æ¥ã«å¯Ÿããä¿¡æã®éãããã®æç床ã®éãã®çç±ã«ãªããããšè«ããŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | In some municipalities, entrepreneurs enjoy high social status, regardless of whether they are already successful; elsewhere they are looked down upon and other occupations are more admired. | ããã€ãã®å°æ¹èªæ²»äœã®èµ·æ¥å®¶ã¯ãæåããŠãããã©ããã«é¢ä¿ãªãé«ã瀟äŒçã¹ãã€ã¿ã¹ã享åããŠããããäžæ¹ã§ä»ã®çºã®èµ·æ¥å®¶ã¯èŠäžãããå¥ã®è·æ¥ãå°æ¬ãããŠããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | The idea that prestige is important is not new. | ãããã£ããå声ãèå¿ã ãšãã説ã¯ä»ã«å§ãŸã£ããã®ã§ã¯ãªãã |
æ¥æ¬èªã§æå³ã®å¯Ÿå¿ããæãäœæããŠãã ãã | In her book Money, Morals & Manners, the sociologist MichÚle Lamont compared definitions of success in France and the United States. | 瀟äŒåŠè
ãã·ã§ã«ã»ã©ã¢ã³ãã¯èæžïŒMoney,Morals&MannersïŒã®äžã§ããã©ã³ã¹ãšã¢ã¡ãªã«ããããã®ãæåãã®å®çŸ©ãæ¯èŒããŠããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | She interviewed people in both countries and asked them what it meant to be a âworthy person.â | 圌女ã¯äž¡æ¹ã®åœã§ã€ã³ã¿ãã¥ãŒãã ã ã ç«æŽŸãªäººããšã¯ã©ããªäººã®ããšã ãšæãããèããŠãŸãã£ãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | In essence, she was asking people about their sense of what is important in life and about their own personal sense of identity. | èŠããã«ã圌女ã¯äººã
ã®äººçã«ãšã£ãŠäœãéèŠããšããããšãšã圌ãèªèº«ã®ã¢ã€ãã³ãã£ãã£æèãèããã®ã§ããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | Lamontâs study confirmed the conventional wisdom that Americans value business success, while the French place greater value on culture and quality of life. | ã©ã¢ã³ãã®èª¿æ»ã¯ãã¢ã¡ãªã«äººã¯ããžãã¹äžã®æåãè©äŸ¡ããäžæ¹ã§ãã©ã³ã¹äººã¯æåãšäººçã®è³ªã«ããéãããããšãããããããããªåå¥ã®è£ã¥ããããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | Likewise, open contempt of âmoney-hungryâ businesspeople and competition is expressed more often in France than in America. | åæ§ã«ãã¢ã¡ãªã«ãããã©ã³ã¹ã§ãéã®äº¡è
ãã®å®æ¥å®¶ãã¡ã競äºç€ŸäŒããããããŸã«è»œèããåŸåã匷ãããšãããã£ãã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | But, while Lamont focused on differences between the French and the Americans, her studyâs most interesting finding was that of significant differences between regions within France. | ãããããã©ã³ã¹äººãšã¢ã¡ãªã«äººã®éãã«çŠç¹ãåããããã®èª¿æ»ã§ãæãèå³æ·±ãçºèŠã¯ããã©ã³ã¹åœå
ã®å°æ¹éã«é¡èãªéããèŠãããããšã§ãã£ãã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | She compared Clermont-Ferrand, the capital of Auvergne, in the center of France, with Paris. | 圌女ã¯ãã©ã³ã¹ã®éŠéœããªãšãªãŒãŽã§ã«ãã¥å°æ¹ã®äž»èŠéœåžã¯ã¬ã¢ã³ã»ãã§ã©ã³ãšãæ¯èŒããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | Auvergneâs inhabitants have a reputation for being parsimonious and stern, and, despite substantial recent progress, for a relative dearth of high culture. | ãªãŒãŽã§ã«ãã¥ã®äœæ°ã¯å³æ Œã§ãã¡ã§ãè¿å¹Žã®çžåœã®é²æ©ã«ãããããããçžå¯Ÿçã«è±ããªæåã«æ¬ ããŠããããšã§æåã§ããã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | Lamont found that people in both Paris and Clermont-Ferrand tended to express contempt for âmoney-grubbing.â | ã©ã¢ã³ãã¯ããªãšã¯ã¬ã¢ã³ã»ãã§ã©ã³ã®ã©ã¡ãã®äœæ°ã ã ã éã«è²ªæ¬²ã§ããããšãã軜èããåŸåãããããšãçºèŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | But the Clermontois valued âsimplicity, pragmatism, hard work, and resolve,â while the Parisians put more stress on âpizzazz and brilliance.â | ããããã¯ã¬ã¢ã³ãã¯ïŒã¯ã¬ã¢ã³ã®äœæ°ïŒã ã ã è³ªçŽ ãå®çšäž»çŸ©ãå€åã決æåããè©äŸ¡ããäžæ¹ã§ãããªãžã£ã³ã¯ãèŠæ ããšããããææ°ãããã匷調ããã |
æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | She concluded that, âIn many respects the Clermontois are closer to the Hoosiers (as the residents of the US mid-Western state of Indiana are called) than to the Parisians.â | 圌女ã¯ãå€ãã®ç¹ã§ãã¯ã¬ã¢ã³äººã¯ããªäººãããããŒãžã£ãŒã¹ïŒç±³ãäžå€®è¥¿éšã®ã€ã³ãã£ã¢ãå·äœæ°ã®åŒåïŒã«è¿ãããšçµè«ä»ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Her evidence suggests that in Clermont-Ferrand, as compared to Paris, there is a higher intrinsic demand for starting small businesses. | 圌女ã®èšŒèšã¯ããªã«æ¯ã¹ã¯ã¬ã¢ã³ã»ãã§ã©ã³ã«ã¯å°äŒæ¥ãç«ã¡äžããããã®çŽ 質ããããšããããšã瀺åããŠããã |
è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Virtually every country is a pastiche of local cultures that differ in how they motivate people and shape their personal identity. | äºå®äžãäžçäžã©ã®åœããå°åæåã®æ··æç»ã§ãããšããããã èªåœã®äººã
ã«ããã«ããæ°ãèµ·ããããå人çã¢ã€ãã³ãã£ãã£ã確ç«ããããã®æ¹æ³ã«éããããã |
enããjpãžç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | Differences in how these cultures define what it means to be a worthy person, and how worthiness is signaled, probably explain much of the variation in levels of entrepreneurship. | èµ·æ¥æç床ãããããç°ãªãã®ã¯ãæããåæåã«ãããŠã䟡å€ã®ãã人ã®æãæ¹ãéãã䟡å€ã®ç€ºããæ¹ãéãããšã倧ããªèŠå ã§ã¯ãªãã ãããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Economists and others often tend to look at countries as a whole and emphasize national attitudes and national policies as the main factors in encouraging or discouraging entrepreneurship. | ãšã³ããã¹ããä»ã®äººã
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æ¥æ¬èªãžã®ç¿»èš³ãè¡ã£ãŠãã ãã | But, in fact, the national success in entrepreneurship depends on the evolution of local cultures and their interaction with national policies. | ãããå®ã¯ãèµ·æ¥å®¶è²æã®æåã¯ãåœå
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è±èªã®æãæ¥æ¬èªã®æã«å€æããŠãã ãã | Entrepreneurship can take root in culturally congenial regions of any country after economic barriers against it are lifted, and then feed on itself to grow to national significance. | èµ·æ¥å®¶ã¯æåçã«æ§åã«åã£ãå°åã§ããã°ã©ããªåœã§ããçµæžçããªã¢ãåãæãããã°ãæ ¹ä»ãããšãåºæ¥ãã ãããŠã²ãšãã§ã«åœã®éèŠäŒæ¥ã«æé·ã§ããã®ã§ããã |
è±èªãæ¥æ¬èªã«ç¿»èš³ããŠãã ãã | The Death of King Fahad | Fahad çã®éå» |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | Saudi Arabiaâs decade long royal death watch is over. | ãµãŠãžã¢ã©ãã¢ã® 10 幎ã«ããã¶ç宀ã®æ»ãžã®æ³šç®ãçµãã£ãã |
enããjpãžã®å€æãèããŠãã ãã | King Fahad, the longest-serving king in Saudi Arabiaâs history (24 years), is dead. | ãµãŠãžã¢ã©ãã¢ã®æŽå²äžããã£ãšãé·æé (24 幎é) åèšããŠãã Fahad çãéå»ããã |
è±èªããæ¥æ¬èªã«èš³ããŠãã ãã | For six weeks, the King lay in a hospital fighting death, something he has done, in reality, ever since he suffered a massive stroke 10 years ago. | 6 é±éã®éãéãçºäœã«èŠããã 10 幎å以æ¥åžžãšãªã£ãŠããããã«ãçã¯ç
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