Talk:Neve Shalom

message: what's the wisdom of translating the name to English? You don't do that to names!!
Besides, it is a small village, what it does in the category: Cities in Israel?
--Nitsansh 01:00, 20 December 2005 (UTC)
thread_title: Untitled

message: I'm requesting a move from Oasis of Peace to Neve Shalom, being as it seems to be more likely that someone searching for the place would use that formulation. This was reinforced when I ran a Google test: "Oasis of Peace" + Shalom returned 14,900 hits while "Neve Shalom" + Salam returned 60,700. "Oasis of Peace" + Israel returned 37,300, though many were erroneous, and "Oasis of Peace" + Salam returned 10,700. Cheers, TewfikTalk 05:29, 14 June 2006 (UTC)
thread_title:  Name change 

message: How can it be that in an article on a tiny Israeli village dedicated to Jewish-Arab reconciliation, there is no attempt to break down the population figures into the numbers of Jews and of non-Jewish Arabs?   Are there 198 Jews and two non-Jewish Arabs?  (And are these Arabs Druze, Christian, or what would be much more significant, Muslims?)  Or are there no non-Jewish Arabs at all, so that we just have some Jews talking to each other?  Or is it 50% each, or what?   The question is certainly relevant given the alleged purpose of the community, and is even more relevant given that the Jewish activists in the "Peace Now" movement on the Israeli side have numbered in the hundreds of thousands, while there has not been even a quietist Palestinian "Peace Now" movement at all, and the few courageous peace activists on the Palestinian side who might occasionally raise their voices are routinely condemned as "collaborators" and "traitors" by the P.A. government and are imprisoned if not killed.  Are the non-Jews in this village (if any) Israeli Arabs who link up with Palestinians and seek to promote peace there too, or are they linked just with other Israeli Arabs and try to promote peace internally in Israel (also a worthy and necessary goal), or are these Israeli Arabs quietistic and non-activist in the wider communities they represent?  Are they religious or non-religious themselves?  Are they let us say very unrepresentative Communists who already join with Jewish Communists in Hadash?  And how about the Jews in this community - are they anti-Zionists and leftists from the fringes of Israeli society or more centrist and even include those on the right?  Are they religious or secularist?  I am struck by what the article just forgets to discuss, topics which happen to touch on the essential issues at the heart of its alleged purpose.  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 122.107.237.116 (talk) 06:58, 5 January 2010 (UTC)
thread_title:  Demographics 

message: *(1) Rebecca B. Kook, The Logic of Democratic Exclusion: African Americans in the United States and Palestinian citizens in Israel, Lexington Books, 2002. pp. 67–68
 "The category of "Israeli Arab" was constructed by the Israeli authorities. As it indicates, this category assumes and constructs two levels of identity. The first is that of Arab. Local Palestinians who remained in what became Israel were designated as Arabs rather than Palestinians. This category refers to the realm of culture and ethnicity and not, clearly, politics. The official government intention was for the "Arab" to designate culture and ethnicity and the "Israeli" - to designate the political identity. [... In addition to the category of Israeli Arabs, other categories include "the minorities" and "the Arab sector," or, in certain sectors the more cryptice appellation of "our cousins." The use of these labels denies the existence of any type of political or national identification and the use of "minority" even denies them a distinct cultural identity. With the emergence of a more critical discourse [...] the categorization expands to include Israeli Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel, Palestinian Arabs, Israeli Palestinian Arabs, the Palestinians of 1948, and so on."]
*(2) Rebecca L. Torstrick,  The limits of coexistence: identity politics in Israel,University of Michigan Press, 2000 p. 13. 
. "The indigenous Palestinians comprise 20 percent of the total population of Israel. While they were allowed to become citizens, they were distanced from the center of power because the Israeli state was a Jewish state and Israeli national identity incorporated Jewish symbols and referents. Government officials categorized and labeled them by religion (Muslims, Christians, Druze), region (Galilee Arab, Triangle Arab, Negev Bedouin), and family connections, or hamula (Haberer 1985, 145). In official and popular culture, they ceased being Palestinians and were re-created as Israeli Arabs or Arab citizens of Israel. Expressing Palestinian identity by displaying the flag, singing nationalist songs, or reciting nationalist poetry was illegal in Israel until only very recently. Self-identification as Palestinians, Israeli Palestinians, or Palestinian citizens of Israel has increased since 1967 and is now their preferred descriptor. It was only under the influence of the intifada, however, that many Israeli Palestinians felt secure enough to begin to refer to themselves publicly this way (as opposed to choosing the label Palestinian only in anonymous surveys on identity)."
*(3) Dan Rabinowitz, Khawla Abu Baker, Khawla,Coffins on our shoulders: the experience of the Palestinian citizens of Israel,  University of California Press, 2005 p.43 
 "The Palestinians were included in the first population census in 1949 and were given the right to vote and be elected in the Knesset ... This notwithstanding, Israel also subjected them to a host of dominating practices. One was a discursive move involving the state's introduction of a new label to denote them: the hyphenated construct "Israeli Arabs" (Aravim-Yisraelim) or, sometimes "Arabs of Israel" (Arviyey-Yisrael).The new idiom Israeli Arabs, while purporting to be no more than technical, bureaucratic label, evidenced a deliberate design. A clear reflection of the politics of culture via language, it intentionally misrecognized the group's affinity with and linkage to Palestine as a territorial unit, thus facilitating the erasure of the term Palestine from the Hebrew vocabulary. The term puts "Israel" in the fore, constructing it as a defining feature of "its" Arabs. The Palestinians, already uprooted in the physical sense of the word, were also transformed into a group bereft of history."
*(4) Muhammad Amara,  Politics and sociolinguistic reflexes: Palestinian border villages, John Benjamins Publishing Company.1999  p. 1. 
 "Many identity constructs are used to refer to Palestinians in Israel; the Israeli establishment prefer Israeli Arabs or Arabs in Israel. Others refer to them as Israeli Palestinians, Palestinian Arabs in Israel, the Arabs inside the Green Line. Nowadays the widespread terms among Palestinians are Palestinians in Israel or the Palestinians of 1948].
*(5) Dov Waxman,  "A Dangerous Divide: The Deterioration of Jewish-Palestinian Relations in Israel". Middle East Journal, Winter 2012  66 (1): 11–29. Identifying the Arab minority as Palestinian has now become common practice in academic literature. This is because most Israeli citizens of Arab origin increasingly identify themselves as Palestinian, and most Arab NGOs and political parties in Israel use the label "Palestinian" to describe the identity of the Arab minority. My use of the term "Palestinian is in accordance with the self-identification of the majority of the Arab community in Israel."
*(6) Jodi Rudoren, 'Service to Israel Tugs at Identity of Arab Citizens,ì New York Times 12 July 2012:
  ‘After decades of calling themselves Israeli Arabs, which in Hebrew sounds like Arabs who belong to Israel, most now prefer Palestinian citizens of Israel.’
* (7) Ilan Peleg, Dov Waxman, Israel's Palestinians: The Conflict Within, Cambridge University Press,2011  pp. 2–3 (note 4), 26–29.
 "In numerous surveys conducted over many years, the majority of Arab citizens define themselves as Palestinian rather than 'Israeli Arab'. 
* (8)Sherry Lowrance, "Identity, Grievances, and Political Action: Recent Evidence from the Palestinian Community in Israel". International Political Science Review, 2006. 27, 2: 167–190. 
 "There are a number of self-identification labels currently in use among Palestinian Israelis. Seven of the most commonly used were included in the 2001 survey. They range from "Israeli" and "Israeli Arab", indicating some degree of identification with Israel to "Palestinian," which rejects Israeli identification and wholeheartedly identifies with the Palestinian people. … According to the author's survey, approximately 66 percent of the sample of Palestinian Israelis identified themselves in whole or in part as Palestinian. The modal identity is "Palestinian in Israel", which rejects "Israeli" as a psychological identification, but accepts it as a descriptive label of geographical location.… The establishment-favoured "Israeli Arab" is the second-most popular response in the survey, reflecting its dominance in Israeli social discourse. About 37 percent of respondents identified themselves in some way as "Israeli", double-counting the "Israeli Palestinian" category as both "Israeli" and "Palestinian". Although much smaller than the percentage identifying themselves as Palestinian a nevertheless considerable number include "Israeli" as part of their identity, despite the hardships placed upon them by the Israeli state." 
* (9)Asʻad Ganim,The Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel, 1948-2000: A Political Study, SUNY Press 2001, pp.52-53 p.53
 This civic affiliation with Israel and national affiliation with Palestinians is a hallmark of the stream’s attitude to the  of the Palestinian minority in the 1980s. Unlike the late 1960s and 1970s, when they were conscious of a conflict and fissure in the Arabs’ identity, between the Israeli component and the Arab component, in the 1980s they postulated two affiliations-Israeli and Palestinian-Arab- which together constitute a single complex identity in which the two parts march together and work synergistically rather than overpowering the other. .Hence it was emphasized that the civic and legal affiliation was totally Israeli, while the emotional an national affiliation wa Palestinian-Arab.’
* (10) Daniel Lefkowitz,Words and Stones : The Politics of Language and Identity in Israel,Oxford University Press, 2004 p.15
When I phrased my topic in terms of “ethnicity,”  . .Israelis took it to be historical in focus, and my interest in Palestinian Israelis was missed. “Ethnic” differences between Ashkenazi and Mizrahi Jews are widely felt to have disappeared, while Arab Israelis are not thought to participate in “Israeliness” enough to constitute an “ethnicity”- they are officially termed a “minority”.’… ‘Real Arab-Jewish relations occur in the Occupied Territories, not in Israel. Again, Palestinian Israelis were rendered invisible.’ p.15 (2) Three main social groups compete for an emergent Israeli identity: Palestinian-Arabs; Mizrahi, or Jews of Middle Eastern heritage; and Ashkenazim, of European heritage. P.16)
* (11) Neil Caplan, The Israel-Palestine Conflict: Contested Histories, Wiley-Blackwell 2011 section loaded terminology pp.16ff 
 ‘other readers may have difficulty with my frequent references to “the Palestinians,” preferring instead to refer to these people as “Arabs,” consistent with their belief that there is no such thing as a separate Palestinian people who are entitled to a separate Palestinian political state.’
* (12) Muhammad Amara,'The Status of the Palestinians in Israel in an Era of Peace', in Alexander Bligh (ed.) The Israeli Palestinians:An Arab Minority in a Jewish State, Frank Cass/Routledge 2003 pp.243ff.,p.270
 'As for the definition of individual and collective identity of the Palestinians in Israel (they were allowed only to choose among predefined options), in both cases most chose an identity that includes 'Israel' in some form. With regard to their personal identity 75.2 per cent chose a definition that includes 'Israel'; when it came to the collective identity of the Palestinians in the country, the figure was 76.2 per cent'p.269
 Israeli Palestinian Arab descriptors.
Name                              	Individual identity	Group identity	
1. Palestinian                    	4.9                	4.9           	
2. Arab                           	11.5               	9.9           	
3. Israeli                        	13.1               	11.7          	
4.Palestinian Arab                	8.4                	8.9           	
5.Israeli Palestinian Arab        	38.1               	23.8          	
6.Israeli citizen Palestinian Arab	34.0               	40.8          	
Total                             	100.0              	100.0         	
* (13) David McDowall, Palestine and Israel: The Uprising and Beyond, University of California Press, 1991 p.153 
However, certain political characteristics have been developing among the Palestinians which are likely to prove more durable and significant in the long run than present party affiliations. The first is the steady growth of Palestinian identity since the mid-1970s. In 1976, according to surveys by the Jewish Israeli, Dr Sammy Smooha, only 46 per cent described their identity in Palestinian terms, whereas by 1980 the proportion had risen to 55 per cent. The significance of these figures is in the relative growth of this Palestinian sense of identity, rather than the actual percentage, for many would have been cautious in affirming Palestinan identity to Haifa University interviewers. In 1982 a Palestinian psychologist, Nadum Rouhana, found that 74 per cent of his sample of adults defined their identity in Palestinian terms. Among young adults (18-25) the figure rose to 80 per cent. Furthermore, while most described themselves as Palestinian-Arab, among those who chose alternative descriptions more opted for the identity 'Palestinian' than 'Arab'. Only 18 per cent, according to Rouhana, identify themselves as Israeli Arab, compared with 38 per cent in the 1980 Smooha survey.  What precisely does being an Israeli Palestinian Arab mean? The answer provided by the Rouhana survey indicates that out of eight categories – homeland, Palestinian people, Arab nation, Arabs in Israel, class, religion, family and Israel – attachment to the ‘homeland’ (meaning Palestine) outweighs all others, even attachment to the Palestinian people.
*(14) M. Cherif Bassiouni, Shlomo Ben Ami, A Guide to Documents on the Arab-Palestinian/Israeli Conflict:1897-2008,  Martinus Nijhoff Publishers ‎2009  p.227
Presently, there are approximately 1.3 million Palestinian Israeli citizens in Israel, constituting nearly 20 percent of the country’s total population. The status of this group remains ambiguous, as an Arab minority within a Jewish state. Given this circumstance, the very terms that are used in reference to this group are politically charged. TThe Israeli National Security Council refers to members of this group as “Arab citizens of Israel,” while members of this group often use the word “Palestinian” in their self-descriptions, with many adopting the term “Palestinian citizen of Israel” or  Palestinian Arab citizerns of Israel. This term implies that the State of Palestine still exists and that some Palestinians are outside of Palestine, while others are still inside.  The implications of this term cause Israel to doubt the allegiance of its Arab Palestinian minority. Palestinian Israelis are often discriminated against in official policy and administrative practices, and their communities are often denied the services and financial support provided to Jewish Israeli communities.  . .This situation was improved somewhat in the early 1990s when Palestinian Israeli parties entered into a coalition agreement with Tutzhak Rabin’s Labor Party, helping it to win a parliamentary majority, which resulted in better social services for Palestinian Israeli communities. But, in comparison with Jewish communities, Palestinian Arabs are still behind in receiving public services and financial support from the government.’
* (15) Rebecca L. Stein,Itineraries in Conflict: Israelis, Palestinians, and the Political Lives of Tourism, Duke University Press, ‎2008 p.66
 ‘It was very worrisome to hear the word Palestinian five years ago. Today, with normalization (e.g. the Oslo process), it has become natural.’ He describes constant propvocations over the past few years from Jewish tour guides and Misgav officials who challenge his insistence on a Palestinian descriptor. They seek to replace it with the denationalized term Arab Israeli, still the state’s terminology of choice.’
* (16) Clive Jones, Emma Murphy, Israel: Challenges to Identity, Democracy, and the State, Routledge, ‎2002 p.43
 The very term 'Israeli Arabs' is a value judgement since, as Michael Wolffsohn has argued, it confers legitimacy on a sovereign entity called Israel in which a substantial Arab minority lives. Other terms used are Palestinian citizens of Israel, or Palestinians in Israel, descriptions that are seen by some to question the legality of the  State of Israel by laying clear stress on a Palestinian identity as the key communal reference point.’
* (17) Human Rights Watch,Second Class: Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's  Schools, 2001 pp.11-12
 Terminology regarding Israel’s Arab citizens is highly politicized. Increasingly, individuals are rejecting the term “Israeli Arab,” which is used by the Israeli government, in favour of “Palestinian ARAB.” Many, but not all, Druze and Bedouin in Israel also identify themselves as Palestinian Arab or a variation of that term. When referring to people, this report uses “Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel” or “Palestinian Arabs” because that is how most people we interviewed defined themselves. However, it should be noted that not everyone of Arab origin we interviewed identified herself or himself as Palestinian, and a few rejected the term altogether.
* (18) Deborah Sontag, “Israel’s Next Palestinian Problem,” New York Times Magazine, September 10, 2000 (p.48)
  When a peace institute conducted a recent poll, it found that 70 percent of Israeli Arabs identified themselves primarily as Palestinians, compared with 27 percent in a similar poll five years ago. 
* (19) Tamir Sorek,Arab Soccer in a Jewish State: The Integrative Enclave, Cambridge University Press 2007 p.3
 ‘While their Arab-Palestinian identity places them in a position of “an enemy within” for the Jewish majority, they are simultaneously considered suspicious – “Israelified Arabs”-by Palestinians outside Israel. ..as  Arab citizens in a state that defines itself as Jewish, they suffer from diverse forms of prolonged discriminatory policies in diverse spheres. They are systematically excluded from the major, political, economic, and social centers of power in the state, . .Nevertheless, in spite of these contradictions, it does not seem that Arabs in Israel collectively abandoned being active players in these two spheres. Smooha (1999) has shown that the percentage of Arab citizens who identify themselves as both Palestinians and Israelis rose significantly between 1976 and 1995. According to Smooha, the politicization of the Arab minority in Israel since 1967 signifies a gradual integration into the Israeli public sphere, and hence, the demonstration of Palestinian identity in itself is part of an “Israelification process.” Although criticizing the methodology of self-labeling used by Smooha, many scholars of the field have recognized that both Israeli and Palestinian spheres are highly relevant for understanding the identification, self-presentation, and political orientations of the Arab citizens of Israel. This recognition has brought scholars to identify and investigate the diverse strategies that enable the Arab-Palestinian minority in Israel to cope with the tension created by the sensitive location in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.’
*(20) Rabah Halabi, ‘Thoughts about the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict,’ in  Rabah Halabi (ed.) Israeli and Palestinian Identities in Dialogue:  The School for Peace Approach, Rutgers University Press. ‎2004 pp1-12, p.3
’Israel’s policy was not limited to subjugating the Arabs by force; it aspired to rule them by constructing their collective identity in a manner different from, cut off from, that of the rest of the Palestinians . . Another, perhaps primary instrument for achieving this objective was the state’s control of the Arab educational system, which the establishment tried to manipulate so as to inculcate Arab schoolchildren with an indistinct, rootless, identity that elided their Palestinian selfhood. . .This massive policy has had an impact on the Palestinian minority in Israel . .The first study of Palestinian identity in Israel, on the eve of the 1967 war, revealed that the Israeli component was strong and deeply ingrained. The subjects saw themselves as Israelis first and as Arabs and Palestinians only to a lesser degree (Peres and Yuval-David 1969).  . Over the years, the Palestinian component has grown persistently stronger until it has become the dominant element in the identity of Arabs in Israel, and, at the same time, the Israeli component has consistently weakened (Suleiman and Beit-Hallahmi 1997;Rouhana 1984, 1993; Smooha, 1983; Tessler 1977).' 
*(21)Bill Strubbe , ‘Two Peoples, One Village,’ Yoga Journal, December 1996, Issue 193 pp.144- 148 p.146 
 "The correct term for the Arabs who live in Neve Shalom is 'Palestinian Arabs of Israeli citizenship" Shippin explains. “The Israeli government uses the term ‘Israeli Arabs,’ but that is objectionable because their national affiliation is with Palestine, not Israel”.’
::I'm not going to bother going through these one-by-one, but most of them seem to be about deprecating the term "Israeli Arab". Just to make it clear, despite Nishidani's claims above, this is not what is being proposed here. The final source doesn't seem to be relevant at all, as it seems to be about the Palestinians themselves. Number 57 20:20, 10 September 2013 (UTC)
replies: text: Good grief. Academic field studies or summaries of them in peer-reviewed literature do not deprecate: they state what polling, interviews, changes in society and language, reveal. Israeli official sources wish their Palestinian Arab communities to be called "Arabs", and this is what Number wants. The source literature extensively shows that those people self-identify as "Palestinian Arabs" ('Arab' alone means to them what it means to many Zionists, that these people have no intrinsic attachment to the territory but belong anywhere from the Mediterranean to Afghanistan.)Nishidani (talk) 07:43, 11 September 2013 (UTC)
thread_title: RS which analyse the terms under discussion above