French Ministry.
The Times, 1824-08-20T00:00:00

1ien5e suz'pyised that I have hithertoiaaid nothlfig of the change which has been effected in our iinistry. Infetz iti nterestsiefobody besides the persons immedintely involved in the operation. It can have no itifluence either on the conduct of the Administration or. on our foreign policy. That Villele shoule. transform his clerk of the naval department, Mf.Clennont-Tonnerre, into his clerk for the wat department, or make his cook his vatet.d lucrn!tre, are things equally indifferent to the public. The Baron de Dames, Aliniste, for War, may also become AMinister for Foreign Affairs, withtout producing the slightest change in the character of our diplomacy. There will be no other difference inz the various branches of the Mi. nistry than that wlhick may result from the personal partialitics of the Mlinisters; for,whatever may be the state of dependence in wlich a Alinister is held,he cannot be altogetherdenied the prerogative of dis. tributing some favours to his friends, and of making his enemies ex- pericnce some persecutions. Even A. de Chateaubriarnd was not de- privc lof this privilege, though, according to his own declaration, h exerciSed no influence in the Administration during the time he was Mlinister. During the last year the Spanish war afforded the dominant Mi- nister the opportunity of disposing of an immense su;nn and how tc find an equally efficacious means for the present year, is now the sublject of consideration. Three modes, ainong which our statesmen must choose, present themselves, namely-a war against the Greeks, in favour of the Turks; a war against South America, in favour of the King of Spain; finally, a war against the Republic of ilayti, in favour of the old French colonists. The last measure is that which appears to be viewesl with the greatest complacency- 1st, because the interest of France may be most easilv put forward as its pretext; 2dly, because it would have with it a greater number of national prejudices than could be procured in favour of either of the other projects; 3.lly, because there wonld be less reason to ap. prehend any interference on the part of forcign Porvers ; and finally, because a war against St. D imingo woul(l enable tile Minisry und the Court to distribute as many tavours as they could by a wae either against South America or Greece. But there are two ways in which St. Domingo may be turned tc the advantage of the courtiers: the one is to self independeence to the Blacks; the other to make war upon them for the purpose of exter' minatinz thein. As the first mode is that which requires the least effott and the least sacrifices, and, besides, as it does not exclude the secnd, our ,Sinisters resolved to give it the first trial. WVe liave accordingly had at Paris for some time past two Hlaytian Envoys, ca-rmissioned to negotiate for the recoznition of their country's independence. The negotiations were carried on with great secrecy ; the Ministers even avoitdcd all public recognition ot the Envoys. However, en *ugh transpired of the demands of the one party, and the offers of the other, to make it plain that at the bottom the only thing in qiestion was the amount of the monev to be given. In this negotiation, the H ayti ins were made acquainted with all the disadvantages wtlicel Republicans have to experienlce in sucit a monarchy as this. Instead of beinginitroduced in the first instance to If adame du C"", they applied directly to the ministc ial offices. and instead of going there withi handfuils of gold, they had the sim. plicity to speak of commercial prosperity and the interests of the two states. This completely undid thenm in the opinion of the Court, and nothing else was talkedl of in the saloons of the Fauxbourg St. Germain. than the necessitv of exterminatini such wretches. f rnwever, thought the neggtiiations are ternminated, the rar is not yet determiined on, and the politicians of thc Court emplov them. selvesin compsring the advantages to be derived from hostilities withthosewhichhatreatywiththecHa5ytian GiGvernment might afford. Were not Al. de Vilele governed by the influence of the Couirt, he would doubtless prefer a treaty by which lie might sell indepen- dence to the Blacks at a high price,to a war which will probably termi- nateinhiselowntkll. He iasgood senseenough toperceive thatavwar tUitl the Haytians will not be an ordiniary war ; that it is not merely by appointing Prefects, Judges, Military Commanders, or Fiscal Agents, that San Doomingo is to be subdued; that it will be necessary to ex-etminate the most rigorous part of the popu- lation: that there is no longer any ueatus of distinguishing the Blacks horn free, or wh1o *vere emancipatted before tlic expulsion of the Whites, from those who then were slaves: that the men who were slaves at the time of the revolution must now be aged and decrepit, anti useless to their former onvisers were they to succeed in again bringing them tinder the voke; that supposing the island conquered, and the population replunged into slavery, the colonists would fltid it difficult tocotneto an unlerstandine as to the distri- bution uf the Blacks in consequience of the marriages and mixture of classes which have taken place; and, finally, that the conquest of the soil without the preservation of capitals anti labourers to work it, woultl be of no use ; for as the slave.trade is abolislied, the colo- %lsts would have no means of cultivating their estates. Powerful, however. as these considerations caninot fail to be in the eyes of Al. de VillleJ, thev are disregarded by the courtiers. Thev iniagine that the advantages of warare itnitiediate, and maybe turned. oxcitisively to tlmeirprofit; that the evils are remote, atnd can only be felt by the public whonm they laugh at, bv thc ministers for whom they care not a straw, and by the Blicks wwlom they detest. In the eascn time, they kave had sufficient power to cause the nego- tiations to he broken off; and our frigates are now maneuvring, anti our soldiers brushing up their arms, unitil the moment when some intrigue, or the influtence of some i l.m-chioness, shall decide whether we are to have peace or war-vhether we are to exterminate the Blacks of St. Domingo, or the Whites of South America. The monotony of our discussions on the corrtption of our jour- nalists astd placetien has been partially relieved by sonic appoint- ments, in which thie public take much interest, and bv the honours paid to 31. de la Fayette by the Republic of the Unitea States. The city of Paris having to rcturn a Denpty, three candidates offered titaeselves. The iLiberal opposition supported .1M. Dupont de l'Eure, who) obtaincl 6i22 votec; the Al inisterial caLndidate, 1l. Ie. brimn, hald 553 votes s atd thc Ultra candidatte, Al. Delalot, 22 votes. Thus in Paris the Liberals arc to the (tltras asC22 to22. The pro- portion is nearly the sq;Jto in niost of the towns of Prance. You may judlge theil, of the tiegree of popularity en ioyed by Chateau- briaisd, aria Of the extent of his inflttence. Our AfMinisters do not confine themselves to the rettirning of De- uttes, they also claim the right of givinig their credentials to meni of learning or stcicnce. They arc as activc and zealous in the mnanage. uient ot thie academical elections as in those of thc Deputies. They htave, lhowever, nuore success in the former than it tile ldtter. Tihe ceadentliciatis, wvho had two membcrs to elect, have proveLt thetic. .elves muiorc locilc thats the Parisian electors. Each partv liad a can- tlietatc-viz. for the Ultias, a dignitarv of thc chlkrch, thc Archlbishop of laris; for the Liberals, a poet, i,vo has sung oi inelependenec and liberty; anti for the illinistcrs, another poet, wlto contrives to have no political opinions. As mright be expected, the first anti the last were chioesen. in proportiorn as we revert to the fornms of (;overnmcient wicich pre- ceded tlte Revolution, we resuime the customss of the ancient taon narcisy. The clerical dignitarics anI ithc great courtiers arc now, as in tlic old times, ambitious of'tte power of listributing,literarylho- inours. in order to satisfy a greater rnliber of clainuants, it is said to Ce intended to re-establishl tIe office of " llistoriogiapher of France." Several listinguished writers are prepareel to lay claimi to it, hut they have a rival alho will miost certainly throw them all in the hack gromnd-nauiely, the Duke fie Doudeauville, M1iiister of thc King's Hlouseholtl, and lately Postmsnaster-General. The dluties lie perfortmsed it the latter office give hint at least an equal right to the title of flistriographer, ax the liandaiients ot the Archbishop gave tils to that of Academician. Since Ml. de Cliateaubrian(l lhas been disnuiissed frons office, hiL lias employed hilnitclf in composing ilseinorials on tie ertcits whitch oc- cturrctt is Fratsceuluritsg his administration. The desire and the hope of again enioying Royial favour prevents himt fromin openly publishi ing his lectibrations; hut on the other hand, vauity, venigeance, aund the hope of rendering hitsisclf necessary by niaking himself feared, iniduces itim to comnnit indliscretions ,vliiclt preclude the possibility of any reconciliation with mten fechinug the slightest respect for public character. At the sanse thisse, all hiis rlischosurces are of no value to persons whlo ;io not allovw thtenselves to be imiiposed on by appear- ances. They only serve to coinfirm wviat was already known, and to convince all the world that now, as before the Revohtion, the most important affaits-even those of war-are entirely dependent on the capacity and the isfluencc of courtiers and favourites. PRErNcL MNISTRY. -f PARIS. A.uG. 1B.