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<title> - THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION'S FOREIGN POLICY: A MID-TERM ASSESSMENT</title> |
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[House Hearing, 116 Congress] |
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[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] |
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THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION'S |
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FOREIGN POLICY: A MID-TERM ASSESSMENT |
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HEARING |
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BEFORE THE |
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS |
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES |
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ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS |
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FIRST SESSION |
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FEBRUARY 27, 2019 |
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Serial No. 116-10 |
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Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs |
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[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http:// |
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docs.house.gov, |
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or http://www.govinfo.gov |
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE |
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35-367PDF WASHINGTON : 2019 |
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For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office, |
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http://bookstore.gpo.gov. For more information, contact the GPO Customer Contact Center, |
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U.S. Government Publishing Office. Phone 202-512-1800, or 866-512-1800 (toll-free). |
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E-mail, <a href="/cdn-cgi/l/email-protection" class="__cf_email__" data-cfemail="e99986a98a9c9a9d818c8599c78a8684">[email protected]</a>. |
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS |
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ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York, Chairman |
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BRAD SHERMAN, California MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking |
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GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York Member |
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ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey |
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GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia STEVE CHABOT, Ohio |
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THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida JOE WILSON, South Carolina |
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KAREN BASS, California SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania |
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WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts TED S. YOHO, Florida |
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DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois |
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AMI BERA, California LEE ZELDIN, New York |
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JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas JIM SENSENBRENNER, Wisconsin |
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DINA TITUS, Nevada ANN WAGNER, Missouri |
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ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York BRIAN MAST, Florida |
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TED LIEU, California FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida |
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SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania |
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DEAN PHILLPS, Minnesota JOHN CURTIS, Utah |
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ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota KEN BUCK, Colorado |
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COLIN ALLRED, Texas RON WRIGHT, Texas |
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ANDY LEVIN, Michigan GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania |
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ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee |
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CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania GREG PENCE, Indiana |
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TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey STEVE WATKINS, Kansas |
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DAVID TRONE, Maryland MIKE GUEST, Mississippi |
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JIM COSTA, California |
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JUAN VARGAS, California |
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VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas |
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Jason Steinbaum, Staff Director |
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Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director |
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C O N T E N T S |
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WITNESSES |
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Honorable Madeleine K. Albright (Former Secretary of State)...... 10 |
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APPENDIX |
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Hearing Notice................................................... 57 |
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Hearing Minutes.................................................. 58 |
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Hearing Attendance............................................... 59 |
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ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD |
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Submission from Chairman Engel on behalf of Amnesty International 60 |
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RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD |
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Question for the record submitted from Representative Yoho....... 73 |
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THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION'S |
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FOREIGN POLICY: A MID-TERM ASSESSMENT |
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Wednesday, February 27, 2019 |
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House of Representatives, |
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Committee on Foreign Affairs, |
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Washington, DC |
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The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:11 a.m., in |
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Room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Eliot L. Engel |
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(chairman of the committee) presiding. |
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Chairman Engel. The committee will come to order. |
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Without objection, all members may have 5 days to submit |
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statements, questions, extraneous materials for the record |
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subject to the length limitation in the rules. |
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I must say, Madam Secretary, I have been on this committee |
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a long time, and I have never heard it so quiet at the start, |
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so I think that is a tribute to you and everybody feeling that |
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we want to hear what you have to say. And it is almost as if |
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royalty stepped in here for a little while. So thank you so |
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much for being here. |
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As we have so far, this committee will continue to grapple |
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with the most immediate and critical challenges around the |
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world. At the same time, I think it is important that we take a |
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step back and look more broadly at the overall state of |
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American leadership and foreign policy and to lay out our own |
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vision and ideas. |
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As we conduct that assessment of the Trump Administration's |
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foreign policy, we are honored to welcome one of our country's |
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most accomplished and thoughtful foreign policy minds, former |
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Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. |
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Thank you, Secretary Albright, for joining us today to |
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share your insight. Welcome back to the committee. Welcome also |
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to members of the public and the press. |
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It will be no surprise that I have deep concerns over the |
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direction American foreign policy has taken in the last 2 |
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years. We have been walking away from international |
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obligations. It has called into question America's commitment |
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to our alliances and core values. It has alienated our friends, |
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emboldened our adversaries, and cozied up to strongmen and |
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dictators and the people on the front lines of American foreign |
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policy. Our diplomats and development experts have been pushed |
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to the side. |
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It is also a foreign policy that weakens and isolates the |
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United States and makes us feel less safe. When we are not |
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respected around the world, when we denigrate allies and flout |
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international norms, it makes us less able to build the |
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partnerships and coalitions that are essential for advancing |
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our interests and, more importantly, ensuring our security. |
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Now, it is easy to stand on the sidelines and complain, but |
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I think if we are going to criticize what we do not like, we |
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also have a responsibility to offer an alternative. And there |
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are a few big things that I think would shape such an |
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alternative. They represent what I consider to be the pillars |
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of a successful, uniquely American foreign policy. |
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The first has to do with American values. When we are at |
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our best, American values are at the center of our foreign |
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policy. Of course, we always have to prioritize the security of |
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the American people, and one of the ways we do so is by |
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supporting and advancing human rights, democracy, the rule of |
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law. Our foreign policy should reflect our country's spirit of |
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generosity and compassion, the foreign assistance and |
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development efforts that help countries and communities lift |
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themselves up. These are the right things to do. They improve |
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people's lives and burnish the values that make our country an |
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inspiration. They show the world our character and bring other |
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countries on to our side as partners. |
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And that brings me to the second major thing: working |
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together with other countries. For American foreign policy to |
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succeed, we need to be able to work with a wide range of |
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friends and allies. Our alliances and partnerships underpin our |
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ability to diffuse crises, to respond to disasters, to push |
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back against aggressive regimes, and other threats. |
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Multilateral organizations and agreements helped shape the |
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world in the second half of the 20th century, and the United |
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States has traditionally played a leading role under |
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administrations of both parties. As powerful as our country is, |
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we are even stronger when we work with others focused on the |
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same priorities. We are better at combating threats from |
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overseas, whether it is violent extremism, a deadly pandemic, |
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or climate change, when we are standing shoulder to shoulder |
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with our friends and allies. |
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And finally, the third theme. How will we pursue our |
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foreign policy goals, and who will be responsible for it? The |
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way I see it, we need to elevate diplomacy and development, |
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because whether or not they are treated this way, they are |
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absolutely essential to our national security. Seeing more and |
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more traditionally civilian diplomatic responsibilities slip |
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away to the Pentagon or the intelligence community has always |
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been a major frustration for me. In all fairness, this trend |
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started well before the current administration. We would not |
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ask our diplomats to do the job of our uniformed |
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servicemembers, and we should not be asking our servicemembers |
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to do the things that our diplomats and development experts are |
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trained to do, from conflict prevention to security assistance |
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to face-to-face negotiations. |
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In the last 2 years, a bad situation has gotten worse. The |
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administration has chased some of our most seasoned diplomats |
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to the exits. They have left important senior national security |
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positions vacant. They have ignored the expertise of career |
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officials and sent morale plummeting at the State Department. |
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These committed men and women are on the front lines of |
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American foreign policy. What can they possibly think when the |
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people calling the shots try to slash their budget by a third? |
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We need to make it clear to these dedicated public servants |
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and to the rest of the world that the United States understands |
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the value of diplomacy, and we need to give our personnel the |
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support and resources they need to carry out this important |
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work. |
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I intend to pursue an agenda built around these three major |
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themes. I look forward to working with our members to find ways |
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to do that, and I am eager to hear Secretary Albright's views |
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on where we go from here to build a successful foreign policy. |
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Secretary Albright has always been my favorite, the words, the |
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pearls of wisdom that come from her mouth. . . just a wonder to |
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behold. It is good to hear it. |
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So we look forward, Madam Secretary, and I will yield to my |
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friend, the ranking member, Mr. McCaul of Texas, for any |
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opening remarks he might have. |
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Mr. McCaul. And thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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Welcome, Madam Secretary. It is good to see you again. I |
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look back on our dinner at the Munich Security Conference last |
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year, and I cherish that a great deal. We appreciate you being |
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here today to impart your wisdom on this committee. |
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Over the last 2 years, I think the President's |
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administration has implemented a forward-leaning foreign policy |
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agenda. Right now, the President is in Vietnam to meet with |
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North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. North Korea has launched--has |
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not launched a missile or tested a nuclear device since the end |
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of 2017. They have freed American hostages and returned the |
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remains of missing soldiers. These are all positive |
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developments. However, previous administrations, as you know, |
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have negotiated with North Korea unsuccessfully. The regime in |
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P'yongyang has a record of making empty promises in return for |
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sanctions relief. |
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I strongly urge the administration to continue the maximum |
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pressure campaign we have for complete verifiable and |
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irreversible denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. I remain |
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hopeful but also realistic and somewhat skeptical. There are |
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few threats as dangerous as nuclear weapons in the hands of a |
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rogue regime. |
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On Iran terrorism in Israel, I strongly support the |
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decision to withdraw from the Iran deal. This was a flawed |
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agreement, in my judgment, that provided over $100 billion to |
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the world's leading sponsor of terror. The inspections were not |
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aggressive enough, set clauses that provided legitimacy for a |
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future nuclear program, and the last administration, I believe, |
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wanted a deal too badly, and we are less safe today because of |
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that. |
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This administration has also made crushing Islamist |
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terrorism a top priority. As a former chairman of the Committee |
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on Homeland Security, I have seen the rise and fall of the so- |
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called caliphate. Now ISIS truly is on the run, but it is still |
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a very real threat. I urge the administration not to withdraw |
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our forces from Syria and Afghanistan until ISIS and al-Qaeda |
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are completely destroyed. |
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Any strategy for the Middle East must also include |
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maintaining strong ties with Israel. I look forward to moving |
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important legislation with the chairman to do just that. |
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On China and Russia. There are many dynamic threats in the |
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world today, and we are increasingly under threat from China |
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and Russia. The Chinese Government steals our intellectual |
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property, threatens Taiwan, preys upon underdeveloped nations |
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through their Belt and Road Initiative. China is an adversary, |
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and I am pleased that the current administration is confronting |
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Beijing over its trade practices and military adventurism. |
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Under Vladimir Putin, Russia has invaded Georgia and |
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Ukraine and attacked the democratic systems of other countries, |
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including our own and our own elections. I fully support the |
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sanctions placed on Russia for meddling in the 2016 election. |
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A great deterrent to Russian aggression is a strong NATO. |
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Thanks to pressure from the President, more of our allies are |
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beginning to increase their defense spending. This is bad news |
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for Vladimir Putin and a great policy achievement for the West. |
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Finally, I applauded the administration's decision to withdraw |
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from the INF Treaty due to lack of Russian compliance, and it |
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is interesting that our NATO allies agreed. |
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On Venezuela, the current crisis in our Western Hemisphere. |
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In our own hemisphere, the current situation in Venezuela is |
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deeply disturbing. The socialist dictator policies of Nicolas |
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Maduro have turned the country into a failed mafia cartel |
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state. With little food and medicine, millions of people fled |
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the country. Maduro's armed thugs are now doing everything they |
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can to stop the delivery of humanitarian aid. They have blocked |
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bridges and roads. They have shot innocent civilians and set |
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aid packages on fire. And yet as Venezuela burns, there are |
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still people in America and around the world who defend and |
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promote socialism. |
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To see the dire suffering that comes from socialism, look |
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no further than the chaos in Caracas, or the Soviet Union, or |
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any history book. I commend the President for supporting the |
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people of Venezuela in their quest to take their country back |
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from Maduro and his crimes. I believe our Congress needs to |
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directly recognize Interim President Juan Guaido and support |
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his calls for a free and fair election. We are committed to the |
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personal safety as well of Guaido, which I am very concerned |
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with, and his family. In fact, we met with the Vice President |
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yesterday who expressed his concerns about the safety of |
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President Guaido. And I am sure all of us here share those |
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sentiments. |
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Madam Secretary, again, it is a great honor to welcome you |
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here this morning. You have been a tireless diplomat for many |
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years, and your personal story is inspiring really to all of |
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us, so I look forward to hearing your testimony. As the |
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chairman and I always say, partisanship on this committee |
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should end at the water's edge. These hearings give us a chance |
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to put these politics aside and offer solutions to very, very |
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complex issues in what is becoming an increasingly dangerous |
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world. |
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And with that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my |
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time. |
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Chairman Engel. Thank you, Mr. McCaul. |
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So let me start with the introduction. Our witness needs no |
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introduction, but I will introduce her anyway. Madeleine |
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Albright, first and foremost, is a great friend of mine, and I |
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am honored to call her my friend. She served as Secretary of |
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State from 1997 to 2001, the first woman in American history to |
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be nominated as America's top diplomat. She had earlier served |
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as our Ambassador to the United Nations and was a member of |
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President Carter's National Security Council. |
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She is now chair of Albright Stonebridge Group, a global |
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strategy group here in Washington, as well as a professor in |
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the practice of diplomacy at the Georgetown University School |
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of Foreign Service; chair of the National Democratic Institute, |
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or NDI, for International Affairs; and president of the Truman |
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Scholarship Foundation. She sits on the Department of Defense's |
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Defense Policy Board, as well as the board of the Aspen |
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Institute. |
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So, Madam Secretary, we are delighted to have you with us |
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this morning, and I now recognize you for your opening |
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statement. |
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STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MADELEINE K. ALBRIGHT (FORMER |
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SECRETARY OF STATE) |
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Ms. Albright. Chairman Engel and Ranking Member McCaul, |
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members of this committee, thank you so much for having me |
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here, and good morning. And I do want to start out by saying I |
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believe in a bipartisan foreign policy. I think it is very |
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important. I am pleased to be here, and I appreciate the chance |
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to offer my perspective on the many challenging issues before |
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the committee, and so let's begin with some context. |
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We live in a world being reshaped for better and for worse |
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by two major interrelated trends. The first is globalization, |
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which has brought people closer together than ever before and |
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enabled us to travel, trade, and share ideas at an |
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unprecedented rate. But for all its benefits, globalization is |
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also threatening and faceless. Many people worry that they will |
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lose their livelihoods to foreign competition and their |
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separate identities to some vast, faceless, multicultural sea. |
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And while I believe patriotism is a virtue, I am very concerned |
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about the rise of a kind of nationalism that equates an |
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affinity for us with a hatred of them. |
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The second trend is the constant march of technology, which |
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has helped the world to become more efficient and broadened |
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access to knowledge, food, medicine, and markets. Whenever I am |
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in Africa, for instance, I am amazed at the difference that |
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cell phones have made to farmers and entrepreneurs and |
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healthcare professionals, especially women. But technology, |
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too, has a downside. |
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A network that can disseminate truth can spread lies just |
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as rapidly. And the rise of social media has enabled people |
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everywhere to share their grievances both instantly and |
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globally. |
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We thought technology would help democracy by amplifying |
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people's voices, but it has also disaggregated them. It fueled |
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protest movements such as Tahrir Square in Egypt, but did not |
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help those protesters make the transition to governance. In |
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fact, technology has made governing more difficult and given |
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demagogues another tool to build emotional bonfires out of the |
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kindling of lies, prejudice, and paranoia. |
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These megatrends, for better and worse, are making the |
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world more turbulent and generating disorder in practically |
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every region. They were in evidence long before the advent of |
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the Trump administration and, beginning in 2017, would have |
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confronted any new Commander in Chief with vexing foreign |
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policy challenges. |
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But the question before the committee today is where does |
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America stand in 2019? And more especially, what has President |
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Trump's foreign policy meant for the security and prosperity of |
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the United States? |
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Now, as you have been told, I am a professor at Georgetown, |
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and if I were grading Mr. Trump, I would begin charitably and |
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mark many of his efforts as incomplete. For example, he kept |
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his promise to negotiate a revised trade deal with Canada and |
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Mexico, although he did create a lot of animosity with our |
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closest neighbors. His administration's heavy-handed approach |
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to China could produce gains, and there have been signs of |
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progress in recent days. His engagement with North Korea and |
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Kim Jong-un has yielded scant dividends to date, but talking is |
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definitely better than fighting. And I hope that the summit |
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that is now underway in Vietnam will, unlike the earlier one in |
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Singapore, generate real and tangible progress toward the |
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denuclearization of North Korea. |
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Afghanistan is another area where, to its credit, the |
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administration is now pursuing a diplomatic strategy. But it is |
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far too soon to tell whether we can responsibly end the |
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conflict with a political settlement that would benefit the |
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Afghan people and, therefore, America's interests. In the |
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Middle East, the administration has been promising for 2 years |
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to unveil an innovative plan for peace, and we cannot judge |
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what we cannot yet see. |
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Finally, in Venezuela, the administration is right to press |
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for democratic change, and we can all see the situation there |
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is tense and complicated. The United States should not do |
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anything that inadvertently strengthens Maduro's hand. We |
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should continue to work closely with colleagues in the region, |
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while upholding the principle that the Venezuelan people alone |
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have the right to determine their future. |
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Now, that is the good news. In other areas, the |
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administration's record is marked by confusion and |
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inconsistency, a lack of diplomacy and, in some cases, a |
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complete abdication of responsibility. |
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On Iran's nuclear program, climate change, Trans-Pacific |
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trade, and the INF Treaty, this administration has chosen to |
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renounce the efforts of previous administrations, both |
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Republican and Democratic, and I believe each of these |
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decisions was a mistake. Much of the Middle East is a |
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tinderbox, and even the most seasoned foreign policy experts |
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have trouble keeping track of who is on whose side as powers |
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such as Russia, Turkey, Iran, and the Gulf States compete for |
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influence. |
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On Syria, we appear to be pursuing several policies |
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simultaneously, confusing our allies, delighting our |
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adversaries, and putting at risk the significant gains made |
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since 2014 in the fight against ISIS. |
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In Saudi Arabia, the President and Secretary of State have |
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aligned themselves with a leader thought by our own |
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intelligence agencies to have authorized the murder of a |
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journalist. Henry Kissinger used to talk about the importance |
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of diplomacy of constructive ambiguity, but there is nothing |
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either ambiguous or diplomatic about a bone saw. |
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Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, having just been |
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with many of you at the Munich Security Conference, I can |
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attest to my sadness at the state of relations between the |
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United States under this Administration and our allies in |
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Europe. I do not, by any means, absolve Europe of all blame for |
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the disagreements and misunderstandings that exist. We are |
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right to ask more of them, especially in the form of |
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contributions to our common defense. I do think, however, that |
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we can make our points more productively without bullying, name |
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calling, and threats. If we are not friends with our friends, |
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to whom will we turn for help? |
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In that context, even many in the administration are in the |
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dark about the President's conversations with Vladimir Putin. |
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Meanwhile, Russia continues to play a spoiler role in the |
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Middle East, while working to undermine democracies around the |
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world. And China must be getting very fat because its One Belt, |
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One Road initiative is larger and larger, having influence in |
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regions such as the Middle East and Africa that are crucial to |
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the future of the global economy. |
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I have more general concerns. The course I teach is about |
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foreign policy decisionmaking process. My students look at how |
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information has been gathered, options weighed, and actions |
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decided on at key points in American history. |
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Today, I am not sure we have a policy decisionmaking |
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process. Vacancies persist across the spectrum of national |
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security agencies. We still have no Ambassadors in, among other |
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very important countries, Egypt, Jordan, Mexico, Pakistan, |
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Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Thailand, and Turkey. With the |
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dangerous confrontation underway between two nuclear armed |
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States in India and Pakistan, we may soon get to see whether |
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this administration is equipped to manage a serious |
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international crisis. |
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I recently attended a U.N. conference on migration. Among |
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those present were high level representatives from China and |
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Russia. The chair set aside for the United States was empty. |
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Worldwide, there are more refugees huddled in camps than there |
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have been since the Nazi surrender almost three-quarters of a |
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century ago, and yet the United States is less welcoming to the |
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international homeless than at any point in modern history. |
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Throughout the lifetime of my generation, people around the |
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world have been able to look to the United States as the single |
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most powerful leader on behalf of democracy, human rights, and |
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the rule of law. We have never been perfect, but we have always |
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been present. And we have always taken our responsibilities |
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seriously because we have seen firsthand the cost of |
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abdication, holocaust, and global war. |
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Today, the enemies of freedom smell something in the air |
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that gives them hope, the odor of America's absence, and the |
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impression that our leader shares their disdain for democracy. |
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All in all, the situation is both sad and dangerous. This |
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administration still has time to awaken, but my greater hope is |
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with you, the men and women of the new Congress. |
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Again, as I tell my students, many of the tools we have |
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available to advance our interests in the world, including |
|
sanctions, trade agreements, and the use of military force, |
|
depend on Congress to be activated. Congress also plays an |
|
essential role by providing resources for defense, diplomacy, |
|
development, and democracy programs, which are crucial to the |
|
success of our foreign policy. I have met with enough Members |
|
of Congress from both parties to know that you did not come to |
|
Washington to preside over an abdication. You want America to |
|
lead. |
|
And as you know, the powers of the legislative branch are |
|
set out in Article I of the Constitution. Well, 2019 is Article |
|
I time. You can, you must help us put us on the right path. So |
|
I urge you to use your powers of oversight and your influence |
|
with the public to ask the right questions and to hold the |
|
executive branch accountable. |
|
I commend this committee and Chairman Engel for your |
|
leadership in working to end U.S. involvement in the war in |
|
Yemen, as well as the bipartisan legislation which recently |
|
passed reaffirming U.S. support for NATO. I ask you to continue |
|
to protect essential funding for diplomacy, development, and |
|
democracy in the face of the administration's efforts to defund |
|
the State Department. |
|
As chairman of the National Democratic Institute, I have |
|
seen the benefits of these programs firsthand and can tell you |
|
that they are some of the most cost-effective ways of advancing |
|
our interests around the world. I ask you to reassure our |
|
allies in Europe that America will continue to stand with them |
|
and for the democratic values that are at the heart of the |
|
Trans-Atlantic Partnership. Engage with foreign counterparts |
|
wherever possible, including through official travel |
|
delegations. I so believe in the codels. |
|
Finally, never forget that when we work together across |
|
party lines, we set an example for other democracies, both |
|
established and emerging. |
|
At the beginning of the year, I had the pleasure of |
|
traveling down to Williamsburg for the congressional Research |
|
Service Orientation, which new Members of both parties |
|
attended, and it was so interesting. People had their badges on |
|
with their names and their States but not their parties. We had |
|
very interesting discussion. |
|
There is no masking over some of our differences, but I do |
|
believe in the importance of bipartisanship and the powerful |
|
signal that such cooperation can send to the world, and that is |
|
why I have recently invested time and effort in two initiatives |
|
that may be of interest to this committee. |
|
The first, a Declaration of Principles for Freedom, |
|
Security, and Prosperity was launched at the Munich Security |
|
Conference with the goal of rallying the democratic world on |
|
behalf of common values. More than 70 years have elapsed since |
|
the Atlantic Charter was issued and the Universal Declaration |
|
of Human Rights was adopted. Perhaps we started taking some of |
|
these principles for granted. So the time is right to renew our |
|
vows and to engage a new generation in freedom's cause. |
|
The second initiative is the U.S. Institute of Peace Task |
|
Force on Extremism and Fragile States, which is co-chaired by |
|
Governor Kean and former Congressman Lee Hamilton. Yesterday, |
|
we launched a report which called on the United States to adopt |
|
a long-term strategy of prevention, addressing the underlying |
|
conditions that fuel extremism in the first place by better |
|
coordinating U.S. efforts and pooling international resources |
|
to support partners in fragile States. |
|
In the interest of time, I would like to submit both |
|
documents, the Declaration and the Task Force report, for the |
|
record, and I would be very happy to answer questions about |
|
either of these efforts. |
|
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member McCaul, members of the |
|
committee, we meet at a moment of great uncertainty and global |
|
turbulence. We are in a new era, and we need to work together |
|
to build a consensus on what America's position should be in |
|
the world. For my part, I believe that America must remain the |
|
indispensable Nation, but there is nothing about the word |
|
``indispensable'' that means alone. We can and must act in |
|
partnership with like-minded countries to advance our common |
|
interests, to build a world that is more prosperous, secure, |
|
and free, and your continued leadership is essential if we are |
|
to achieve that goal. It is Article I time. |
|
Thank you very, very much. |
|
[The prepared statement of Ms. Albright follows:] |
|
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|
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
|
|
|
Chairman Engel. Well, thank you very much, Madam Secretary. |
|
As usual, I so appreciate your remarks and so agree with |
|
virtually everything you said. |
|
You mentioned that you had just come back from the Munich |
|
conference, as I did, and we saw each other there. And then |
|
afterwards, I went to Brussels, with the Speaker, to look at |
|
NATO and interact with NATO and the European Union. And one of |
|
the things that really saddened me and worried me at the same |
|
time is the message that we are sending or the administration |
|
is sending to our friends and allies, our closest friends and |
|
allies across the world that somehow or other, we do not value |
|
the alliances, that somehow or other, we want to go it alone. |
|
We do not want to work as closely with them as we have in the |
|
past. |
|
The President, when he first became President, said that |
|
NATO was obsolete, and we found a palpable concern about our |
|
allies--with our allies who are confused as to where the United |
|
States stands. Are we actually pulling away? Do we not take |
|
NATO or the European Union to heart the way previous |
|
administrations in both parties, frankly, have done in the |
|
past? |
|
So I am wondering if you could just give us your |
|
observation of what you saw in Munich and what you heard from |
|
our allies, the concerns, the worries. I would appreciate it |
|
very much. |
|
Ms. Albright. I was born in Europe, and I came to the |
|
United States when I was 11 years old. NATO was created as a |
|
result of what was happening in central and eastern Europe as |
|
the Russians were putting together their empire, and it was not |
|
until the coup, the communist coup in February 1948 in my |
|
native Czechoslovakia that NATO came into existence. I have |
|
been a believer in NATO from day one, and I was very honored to |
|
have been asked to work on the 60th anniversary of NATO on a |
|
new strategic concept. |
|
I think NATO is an essential alliance, and our part in it |
|
is obviously key. I think we have confused our allies, and that |
|
is something that is very troubling. And by the way, we used |
|
NATO, with your help, in the Balkans. It played a very |
|
important role in ending ethnic cleansing, and I think that we |
|
are stronger in that partnership. |
|
What was very troubling for me at the Munich conference |
|
this time, and I have been to many of them, is we are always |
|
the subject of discussion but never kind of a sense that who |
|
are we, what are we doing, what are our goals? And therefore, I |
|
think it was so important that there were so many of you there, |
|
50 Members of Congress that were there, I think in order to |
|
explain that America is America. And we do know that we have |
|
shared responsibility and that the NATO alliance is very |
|
important. |
|
What is interesting is that when we were doing the 60th |
|
anniversary of NATO, it was when all the NATO activities were |
|
what is known as out of area. NATO is now back in area trying |
|
to deal with the threats that are coming from Russia. And so it |
|
is, in many ways, back to some of the beginnings of it and more |
|
important than ever. And I do think that it is very important |
|
for all of us that believe in partnerships to deliver that |
|
message, because I was very worried about what I saw in Munich. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. In your testimony, you talked |
|
about confusion at the State Department. I want to address |
|
that, because this committee has gone on record as opposing |
|
these draconian cuts, 31 percent, and in fact, in negotiations |
|
with the House, we were able to restore almost all of the cuts |
|
that we did not like. Both parties did it, because we had a |
|
Republican majority in Congress last time, and they fought this |
|
just as much as we are fighting it now. |
|
But what has happened is morale at the State Department has |
|
really plummeted, and the number of Americans seeking to join |
|
the U.S. diplomatic corps has declined during the Trump |
|
administration to its lowest level since 2008, according to |
|
State Department numbers reported this week. And we continue to |
|
hear reports of individuals at all levels choosing to leave |
|
their careers at the State Department because of low morale. I |
|
mean, the State Department is diplomacy. You want to fund |
|
diplomacy so there is not war. We have had the opposite, |
|
funding the defense. And I am for a strong defense, but the |
|
fact of the matter is hand in glove, you need to also have |
|
strong diplomacy. |
|
So I am also bothered by the lack of action by the State |
|
Department to address reports of retaliation against Department |
|
employees for their perceived political views, national origin, |
|
or sexual identity, and left unaddressed, these allegations |
|
have a chilling effect on recruitment and retention, and fuel a |
|
tense climate that makes it that much harder for our diplomats |
|
to accomplish their work. |
|
You led the State Department's work for us for 4 years. |
|
What is your assessment of these recruitment and retention |
|
declines, and what can be done to reverse these trends? And |
|
also, what do you think is the impact of unchecked retaliation |
|
against members of the Department's career work force and their |
|
ability to conduct diplomacy on behalf of the United States? |
|
Ms. Albright. I am very troubled by what I have seen, and I |
|
am grateful to Congress for having restored some of the money |
|
that was cut. You can not do diplomacy without diplomats, and I |
|
do think that--I am very saddened by what I hear and read about |
|
the State Department. |
|
When I left office, I made very clear how jealous I was of |
|
those that were able to stay and do diplomacy for a different |
|
administration. And I thought, they get to do foreign policy |
|
all the time and I have to leave. And the bottom line is what I |
|
found in them were people that are professionals that want to |
|
serve our country. They are not partisans. They are not people |
|
that need to be criticized for various things. |
|
I did something my children call eavesing, which is |
|
eavesdropping on a conversation, and I heard some people say, |
|
well, we have to get rid of those people in the State |
|
Department, they are not loyal Americans, at which point I had |
|
to admit that I had been eavesing and said I disagree totally. |
|
And I think that we cannot, in fact, punish the people at the |
|
State Department, and I am very troubled by the number of |
|
people that have left. |
|
I also am troubled by something else. As I said, I teach at |
|
the School of Foreign Service. It is not the foreign service. |
|
It is a school that really principally is trying to train young |
|
people to go into international relations. The number of |
|
students that have come to me and said, I am not sure I want to |
|
take the Foreign Service Exam, given what is going on; what |
|
should I do? And I say, actually, you are not going to be |
|
making policy at the beginning. You are going to be stamping |
|
visas. But if you do not get into the system, there is going to |
|
be a break in the pipeline. |
|
And so it is not just a matter of what is going on now but |
|
what will happen if we do not have trained diplomats. And so I |
|
am very troubled. I am grateful to all of you. I think that we |
|
need to encourage--it is a tool. It is the major tool in our |
|
toolbox, and it does take trained diplomats to carry out |
|
American policy. So I am very glad that you are focused on |
|
that. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you, Madam Secretary. |
|
Mr. McCaul. |
|
Mr. McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
First, let me thank you, Madam Secretary, for your service |
|
to the country, but also your service recently on the Institute |
|
of Peace Task Force. The chairman and I were at a press |
|
conference yesterday with Senator Graham, Senator Coons, |
|
Governor Kean. As a former chairman of Homeland Security, I |
|
think we have done a good job protecting the homeland and being |
|
on the offense with our military, but the prevention side is |
|
where we need to really focus. And I think the recommendations |
|
of that task force should be very helpful to Congress. |
|
Shifting gears to Venezuela. There are so many hotspots to |
|
talk about, but when we talk about humanitarian crises erupting |
|
in the globe today, I cannot think of a worse one than |
|
Venezuela, where trucks are attempting to get into the country |
|
to provide humanitarian aid and Maduro's forces are lighting |
|
them on fire and killing people. I know the U.S. is seeking the |
|
U.N. Security Council vote on a resolution calling for |
|
Venezuela to allow this humanitarian aid and hold free and fair |
|
elections. I hope to work with the chairman on a resolution |
|
from the Congress, speaking on behalf of the American people, |
|
in support of what is happening down there against Maduro and |
|
for humanitarian assistance. |
|
But to the point of recognizing Interim President Guaido, |
|
this has come up quite a bit, 54 other nations directly |
|
recognize him as a legitimate Interim President. Would you |
|
support this as a resolution from Congress? And do you support |
|
his efforts toward a peaceful transition? |
|
Ms. Albright. I do think that the situation in Venezuela |
|
and the region is very dangerous and a horror show in so many |
|
ways in terms of what it has done to the people of Venezuela |
|
and the region, so there are various parts that I would |
|
support. I actually do think it is a good idea for us to |
|
recognize, but I also am very glad that there is a multilateral |
|
approach to it, a regional one, with the Lima Group, and then |
|
more and more supported by the Europeans, so that it is not |
|
just---- |
|
Unfortunately, the U.S. does not always have a great |
|
reputation in terms of our policies in Latin America over |
|
decades. And so I think having a multilateral effort on this is |
|
very, very important, and I hope we align ourselves more with |
|
the multilateral approach. |
|
I also do think, and this has something to go back on on |
|
the task force in many ways. The countries around Venezuela are |
|
ones that need help. Colombia. Those of us that worked on a |
|
bipartisan effort on Plan Colombia understand how many issues |
|
are going on there. Then in the Northern Triangle and then |
|
people that are emigrants that are leaving Venezuela are |
|
putting a lot of pressure on those countries. |
|
I hope that we look at how to increase humanitarian |
|
assistance and development assistance to those countries |
|
because they are under a lot of threat. And so my approach to |
|
this would be multilateral, diplomatic. Sanctions, I think we |
|
might want to think about. |
|
What is concerning about a Security Council resolution, |
|
given what the Russians and Chinese are doing in support of |
|
Maduro, one has to be careful about what they might do in the |
|
Security Council. |
|
Mr. McCaul. That is a good point. I agree with you. The |
|
Lima Group. This is viewed as South America, not the United |
|
States trying to do this alone but, rather, a unified effort. |
|
North Korea. The President is meeting with Kim Jong-un. He |
|
met with him this morning. I want to get your--well, over the |
|
past prior administrations, three of them, we made concessions, |
|
but they are now to the point where they have developed an |
|
intercontinental ballistic missile we think possibly with a |
|
miniaturized nuclear warhead that could be delivered as far as |
|
the United States Continent. |
|
What advice would you give to the administration as to how |
|
to move forward with this? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, first of all, it has been a very long- |
|
term problem. I am very glad that we are following a diplomatic |
|
approach at this point. I think it is very important, and I was |
|
not exactly for fire and fury. I, until recently, was the |
|
highest level sitting official to have gone to P'yongyang. I |
|
went there in October 2000 and met with Kim Jong-un's father, |
|
Kim Jong-il. We were working on the issue of missile limits and |
|
a number of different things. And by the way, just a note, Kim |
|
Jong-il, the father, had said it would be fine if we left our |
|
forces in South Korea. |
|
And I think that, unfortunately, those talks were not |
|
carried on, and I think we have gone through any number of |
|
different talks and promises. And I do think that what is very |
|
important is to make sure that whatever steps are taken by the |
|
administration are done in a way that is worked out in a way |
|
where we are not giving away things without something in |
|
return. |
|
I was troubled by the Singapore summit, and I was asked |
|
whether it was a win-win or a Kim win. I think it was a Kim win |
|
because we gave up our exercises with South Korea and Japan, |
|
our allies, and did not get what we needed, which was some |
|
definition of denuclearization, some verification aspects, and |
|
that, I think, is the most important part. President Reagan |
|
said trust but verify, and so I do think that that part is |
|
important, and then some kind of a roadmap. This is going to |
|
take time. It is a dangerous situation. |
|
I think it is very difficult to have a discussion about it, |
|
as President Trump is sitting there now, in terms of how this |
|
is working, and I think one has to be careful not to interfere |
|
in that. I do think what I see as far as this summit is |
|
concerned, more diplomatic preparation with what Secretary |
|
Pompeo has been doing and what Steve Biegun has been trying to |
|
do. So I think that there needs to be reciprocity in the steps |
|
and simultaneity to them of one step or another and for us not |
|
to give away things before we know exactly what is coming from |
|
the other side. |
|
Mr. McCaul. And I agree. Do not make concessions without |
|
getting something in return; defining what denuclearization |
|
means, because it means something different to them than it |
|
does to us; and I think inspection of sites; and then, finally, |
|
a roadmap. And I think those are the three elements. |
|
Ms. Albright. I also do think that the fact that the North |
|
Koreans seem to be big transmitters of technology to other |
|
countries, which is why the sanctions are so important, and |
|
multilateral sanctions on that. |
|
Mr. McCaul. Thank you. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Meeks. |
|
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Madam Secretary, it is delightful to see you and hear you |
|
as always. And I am reminded, in looking on my last flight over |
|
to Europe, I read your book, ``Fascism: A Warning,'' and it |
|
reminded me that words matter. And our allies listen to all of |
|
the words that are said, particularly our allies and our |
|
enemies, by the President of the United States of America. |
|
And I must admit that I am deeply concerned about what is |
|
taking place in that I show as an example, for example, while |
|
we were over at the Munich Security meeting, the President |
|
tweeted out, in regards, he said that European countries should |
|
take back and put on trial hundreds of ISIS fighters who have |
|
been captured in Syria. Quote, ``Time for others to step up and |
|
do the job that they are so capable of doing,'' the U.S. |
|
President tweeted, and that was last Saturday night. And he |
|
warned that ISIS is ready to fall, but more than 800 prisoners |
|
could be made their way to Europe, and he would just release |
|
them if they did something. |
|
Those are his words at a time over there with our allies. |
|
There is one person that said that they are American citizen |
|
that wanted to come back and stand trial, and he said that they |
|
are not going to let her back in. So contradictory in terms. |
|
We look at what is taking place in Venezuela, and it is |
|
bad. We see millions of people crossing over to Colombia and |
|
Brazil and Peru, and we compliment them, but people who are |
|
also suffering in Central America, trying to come to the United |
|
States, he wants to build a wall to prevent them from coming |
|
in. Contradictory in nature. |
|
He says he wants to have a peace agreement on |
|
denuclearization of North Korea with nothing that is concrete, |
|
but yet he pulls out of the JCPOA that was with multilateral |
|
individuals that could be verifiable and people on the ground |
|
on a daily basis. So he points on one end where there is |
|
nothing verifiable; on the other end, complete verifiable. He |
|
pulls out of a climate change agreement and then says--and has |
|
the language of America first against all others. That concerns |
|
me with reference to our allies especially. |
|
Do you think that the words of the President of the United |
|
States really matter? And how should we then combat that as |
|
Members of the Congress as you talked about it is time for the |
|
First Amendment here in the United States--in the Constitution? |
|
Ms. Albright. I am concerned about what is being said, and |
|
let me just say about my book. One of the best quotes in there |
|
is from Mussolini, or attributed to him, which is if you pluck |
|
a chicken one feather at a time, nobody notices. So there is a |
|
lot of feather plucking going on. By the way, it is hard to say |
|
those two words together too quickly. |
|
But, basically, the kind of points that you have made are |
|
part of the international feather plucking where people do |
|
doubt what we are doing. And I think so much of international |
|
policy does depend on the relationship and what you say. People |
|
take very seriously what is said by anybody, but certainly by |
|
the President of the United States. |
|
And the issues in terms of--I have to say, for me, I happen |
|
to have supported the JCPOA, because in many ways, it dealt |
|
with the most serious aspect of Iran's behavior, which is |
|
troubling across the board, but their capability in terms of |
|
developing nuclear weapons. I find passing strange that the |
|
President has put himself kind of into a box, because if that |
|
kind of an agreement could be worked out on North Korea, not |
|
dealing with everything that the North Koreans are doing wrong, |
|
it is pretty much of a good blueprint on that. And then also, |
|
by pulling out of an agreement, it has undermined our |
|
relationship with the other members of the P5+1 in terms of can |
|
we be trusted on agreements? And it does go to the point of if |
|
we want to do something with allies and friends in Venezuela, |
|
can you trust America's word? Or on the North Korea, it is |
|
going to take more than us to deal with some of the issues on |
|
sanctions. |
|
And so it is undercutting our own policy, and therefore, I |
|
think that it is very important to call it out. And part of the |
|
problem truly is that I do believe in a bipartisan foreign |
|
policy, and I will tell you what I find personally hard. It is |
|
not appropriate for a former diplomat to be abroad and |
|
criticize one's own country, but also, most of us have to |
|
continue to have some credibility by telling it like it is. And |
|
I think that when all of you were, many of you in Munich, I |
|
think people need to know what the role of Congress is and how |
|
many Americans feel, that we cannot go into this by ourselves |
|
and keep plucking the feathers. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Chabot. |
|
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. |
|
I want to thank Mr. Smith for allowing me to switch places. |
|
I am the ranking member of the Small Business Committee, and we |
|
have a hearing at 11, so he has allowed me to do that, and I |
|
greatly appreciate that. |
|
I also want to thank you, Madam Secretary. You may not |
|
remember this, but when you were Secretary of State, I had a |
|
constituent, Tom Sylvester. He had a daughter named Carina, and |
|
it was an international child abduction case. She had been |
|
taken to Austria, and he had been trying to get her back. He |
|
went all the way to the Austrian Supreme Court, prevailed |
|
there. Went to The Hague, under the Hague Convention, prevailed |
|
there, and could not get his daughter back, and you were kind |
|
enough to be involved. You met with he and I down at Foggy |
|
Bottom, and so thank you. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Chabot. International child abduction cases, they rip |
|
your heart out. And if you are involved in one, whether you are |
|
the person who has been adversely impacted or anybody involved, |
|
it is just a very sad thing. It does not get enough attention, |
|
so thank you for caring enough. I really appreciate that. |
|
Second, you mentioned you are a professor, I believe, at |
|
Georgetown, and you said, if you were grading the President on |
|
international affairs matters, you said you would give him an |
|
incomplete. And just in fairness to the President, this is--you |
|
know, he has been in office 2 years, so it would be half of his |
|
first term, and if he has a second term, it would be a quarter |
|
of his term. So I think he has made progress in different |
|
areas, but it is unknown where we end up with North Korea or a |
|
whole range of things. |
|
And I would just--you know, I think we should recognize |
|
that, for example, Ronald Reagan, who many criticized for being |
|
a warmonger early in his Presidency, it was later on in his |
|
second Presidency that he and Gorbachev essentially changed the |
|
course of history, and the Pope and others as well, so it did |
|
not happen right away. It took time for that to happen and the |
|
cold war to come down--or the Berlin Wall to come down and a |
|
whole range that was under, obviously, the next administration, |
|
but Reagan is the one who set it up. |
|
And even Bill Clinton, you know, he literally as he was |
|
heading out the door, was trying to get an agreement with the |
|
Palestinians and the Israelis and ultimately failed in that, |
|
but he sure tried hard. And that was in the eighth year. |
|
So I think just to be fair to the President, you know, he |
|
has been there a relatively short period of time, and he is |
|
trying in a whole lot of areas, and he has had other things on |
|
his mind. I am sure there is another committee today who is |
|
looking at things, and that has got to be real challenging for |
|
the Commander in Chief. |
|
But let me shift to another area, and that is Taiwan. I |
|
happen to be one of the co-founders of the congressional Taiwan |
|
Caucus. And President Xi recently said that he would not |
|
renounce the use of force in reunification, and I know Taiwan |
|
and the relationship, they are an ally of the United States. |
|
They are a democracy. The PRC, China, is our rival, our |
|
adversary. They are a potential enemy if they do things, they |
|
continue to do things like build islands and then militarize |
|
them. |
|
So in that very important relationship, which I also think |
|
does not get nearly enough attention being the hotspot that it |
|
could potentially be, would you comment on Taiwan and the |
|
importance of the U.S. maintaining that strong relationship and |
|
where you see the PRC ultimately ending up on this? |
|
Thank you. |
|
Ms. Albright. I was in the White House when normalization |
|
with China happened. I was a staff member of the National |
|
Security Council actually doing congressional relations. And so |
|
I went to Taiwan--I mean to China with a codel before |
|
normalization with Senator Muskie, and it was exactly 40 years |
|
ago. And one of the things that I thought was very important as |
|
we got normalization was the Taiwan Relations Act, and it is |
|
something that has guided our relationship and the importance |
|
of maintaining it. |
|
Whenever I am asked about this now, I really do think that |
|
that is a very important piece of legislation in the |
|
relationships that we have. And I was very troubled a couple of |
|
days ago to read about some of the threats, again, that Beijing |
|
is making against Taiwan and missiles and a variety of things, |
|
and I do think that we need to stand up for what is in the |
|
Taiwan Relations Act and make very clear that that relationship |
|
is an important one. We would like to see some kind of a |
|
peaceful way of dealing with our China policy, but I do think |
|
it is not--that we cannot forget what our obligations are. |
|
And it is interesting that it has been 40 years and kind of |
|
think about the things we learned about China's behavior. I do |
|
think that the whole issue of our relationship with China at |
|
this point needs to be looked at. I am very concerned. I talked |
|
in my Statement about where we are at the current time, and I |
|
hate to see the United States withdraw from the international |
|
scene because the Chinese are filling the vacuum. And to have |
|
Xi Jinping all of a sudden be the proponent of climate change |
|
and multilateralism kind of does not make much sense to me. |
|
We are the leaders of the world. I believe in American |
|
leadership, and I am very concerned about our absence in places |
|
because, as I said, the Chinese are getting fat as the belt and |
|
road keeps getting larger, their influence in Venezuela, any |
|
number of things. I think we need to figure out what the right |
|
relationship is with the Chinese on this. They are a threat. |
|
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Sires. |
|
Mr. Sires. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Good morning, and thank you for being here today. One of |
|
the things that really worries me about this whole situation in |
|
Venezuela is the destabilizing factor that it is going to have |
|
throughout the region. I mean, these countries cannot absorb |
|
the amount of people that are coming over. Quite frankly, |
|
Colombia has done a great humanitarian job in trying to help |
|
these people, but it seems that now--it seems that, for |
|
example, Peru has 700,000 Venezuelans. That is a great pressure |
|
on their economy. |
|
And for the first time since I can remember, I am happy to |
|
see that the countries of the region are taking on Venezuela. I |
|
have never seen so many countries in the region get together to |
|
try to bring us some sort of a resolution, but then I worry |
|
about the direction that some of these countries are going. I |
|
worry about the direction that Brazil is going. I worry about |
|
the direction that Guatemala is going. They just threw out |
|
CICIG, an anticorruption commission that was there, they just |
|
expelled them, got rid of it, disbanded it. So it seems like |
|
this is always the land of extremes. You have these dictators. |
|
They hide under the socialist label, and then you have the |
|
right wing dictators. |
|
So how do we, with our history in this region, talk to |
|
these countries and not so much take the lead but work with |
|
them and let them take the lead? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think it is very important for us. The Lima |
|
Group, really, I think is a very good grouping. I think we need |
|
to look at the functions of the OAS a little bit more in terms |
|
of how they could be helpful on this. I also do think that we |
|
need to be supportive of the neighboring countries. And also, I |
|
have to say, to be more generous in terms of the immigrants |
|
from Venezuela by extending the TPS for Venezuelan refugees. |
|
I think that we cannot all of a sudden be telling other |
|
countries to take people and we are cutting our numbers in so |
|
many different ways. And so if we want to be a good partner in |
|
the Western Hemisphere, then I think we need to work with |
|
partners, the OAS system, and then with others. |
|
And I think the hard part about this is we would like this |
|
to be solved immediately. It is going to take a while. And I do |
|
think the following thing: Americans are the most generous |
|
people in the world with the shortest attention span. And we |
|
need to remember that this is going to take a while, that we |
|
need to put in the efforts with our diplomats, with our |
|
economic tools, and with the partners in a multilateral |
|
setting. Also, Americans do not like the word multilateralism. |
|
It has too many syllables and it ends in ism, but all it is is |
|
partnerships. |
|
Mr. Sires. Well, I like the partnership idea because of the |
|
history that we have had in this region. |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Mr. Sires. We have to work with these groups. And now that |
|
we have all these countries banding together, we could be a |
|
partner with them, but I worry that we are going to try to take |
|
the lead, and some of these countries are going to start fading |
|
away. |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Mr. Sires. I worry about that. |
|
Ms. Albright. I mean, we have to be an active partner. By |
|
the way, the most revolutionary thing I did as Secretary of |
|
State was to move Canada into the Western Hemisphere. According |
|
to the State Department, it was in Europe, and so we wanted to |
|
have more democracies in the hemisphere. They actually are in |
|
the hemisphere, but having the Canadians as a part of this |
|
multilateral approach is also important. |
|
Mr. Sires. Can you talk a little bit about this fake |
|
constitution that was voted in Cuba? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I have--it is very interesting because |
|
kind of the things that had been being done before was how to |
|
live up to a constitution, and meanwhile, the Cubans have gone |
|
another direction, so I am concerned about that. |
|
Mr. Sires. All right. Thank you. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Smith. |
|
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. |
|
And, Madam Secretary, welcome again---- |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Mr. Smith [continuing]. To the committee, and thank you for |
|
your service. Time permitting, there is only 5 minutes. Just |
|
two basic questions, if I would--if you could answer. |
|
The first is with regards to China. When President Bill |
|
Clinton delinked human rights performance and MFN in May 1994, |
|
I and others were shocked. As a matter of fact, Nancy Pelosi |
|
and I joined together and worked very hard to try to get that |
|
reversed. It sent a signal that profits trumped human rights. |
|
When the President famously linked it a year before, we |
|
applauded him to the nth. I mean, it was just such a good move, |
|
and the people of China would have benefited had we stuck to |
|
our guns. |
|
Today, as you know, Xi Jinping on all areas of human rights |
|
abuse is in a race to the bottom with P'yongyang in every |
|
single area you look at, especially in the area of religious |
|
freedom. The ruling Chinese Communist Party has undertaken the |
|
most comprehensive attempt to manipulate and control or destroy |
|
religious communities. And under this new policy called |
|
centralization, where every single believer, every single |
|
institution must comport with communist ideology or else; you |
|
know, Gulag, laogai, torture. We look at what they are doing to |
|
the Muslims, the weaker Muslims in the autonomous region, a |
|
million people in Gulags. |
|
What would be your strong statement to the Chinese |
|
Government right now on human rights in general, but especially |
|
what they are doing on religious freedom? They are rewriting |
|
the Bible. They are tearing down churches. What they do against |
|
the Dalai Lama, and of course, his people in Tibet, the |
|
Buddhists, is just absolutely appalling. |
|
Mr. Smith. Second, if I could ask you how you would rate, |
|
you give incomplete scores generally to President Trump. But, |
|
as you know, I was the prime author of the Trafficking Victim's |
|
Protection Act of 2000, and we are always glad that the |
|
President signed it, but getting there was extremely hard. |
|
Secretary Howard Koh sat just where you sat and was against |
|
the sanctions in the regime, wanted to have--rather than having |
|
the TIP report that comes out every year, the gold standard |
|
that does a narrative on every country on prevention, |
|
prosecution, and protection, the three Ps, he said fold it into |
|
the Country Report on Human Rights Practices, that the burdens |
|
of this reporting and this bureaucracy of the TIP office was |
|
just superfluous and we did not need it. He was also against |
|
the sanctions, which I think--just like in our own civil rights |
|
law, Title IX, why did Title IX work so well? Because it was a |
|
sanctions regime against college and universities that would |
|
not have women's sports, and that is all of our civil rights |
|
laws, in my opinion, work because of a sanctions regime. We |
|
have robust sanctions, and he testified against that as well. |
|
But, again, it was signed. How would you rate the President |
|
on this? I have read this report cover to cover. Secretary |
|
Pompeo, again, put China on the worst list, Tier 3, where they |
|
belong, because they have horrible, horrible abuses on both the |
|
labor side and the sex trafficking side in that country. So, if |
|
you could, on those two issues. |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, first of all, let me applaud you for |
|
everything that you have done on human rights and on |
|
immigration issues, I have to say. I do think the following |
|
thing: There was not a time that I had a meeting with the |
|
Chinese, either at the U.N. or later, that I did not raise the |
|
issue of human rights. It has to be raised all the time. The |
|
question is, under what circumstances, when do you do it |
|
publicly? President Clinton and I did raise it publicly. |
|
I am concerned about the fact, at the moment, as far as I |
|
can tell, the issue has not come up between President Trump and |
|
Xi Jinping. And I think it is very important in terms of the |
|
values that we have to always raise it. I think the hard part |
|
always is, is how in diplomacy are you able to raise those |
|
issues and then still continue to have a relationship. And to |
|
look at the larger relationship and when do you use sanctions |
|
and when do you not. |
|
Your point about the MFN, part of it was that, every year, |
|
we had to pull up the plan to see if it was growing to kind of |
|
see what our relationship was going to be with China, and we |
|
were for bringing them into the WTO in order to get some kind |
|
of regularity in it. The Chinese have to be pushed on all of |
|
this constantly. |
|
But I am concerned generally about our relationship with |
|
them. They are a threat. There are times we have to work with |
|
them, we are going to count on them to be helpful on North |
|
Korea. And the question--the art of diplomacy is trying to |
|
figure out what you do when and how, but there should never be |
|
a meeting of any kind with the Chinese where human rights are |
|
not raised in it. |
|
Mr. Smith. And how would you rate the President on |
|
trafficking? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, on human rights in China? |
|
Mr. Smith. No, on trafficking the---- |
|
Ms. Albright. On trafficking, I have not seen a lot of |
|
activity on that, frankly. Incomplete. By the way, my grading, |
|
since I do grade, an incomplete is actually a friendly grade, |
|
because one can give a lower grade. And so it gives the |
|
opportunity, I think, for a change in behavior. I am about to |
|
meet with my students, I have a couple that I think are |
|
incomplete, and I am going to say, we are in the middle of the |
|
semester, do something. |
|
Mr. Smith. But have you been able to read this? |
|
Ms. Albright. I have not, I am sorry. |
|
Mr. Smith. I mean, in every country--we are promoting this |
|
as a country---- |
|
Ms. Albright. I would very much--I will make a point of |
|
reading it. |
|
Mr. Sherman [presiding]. The gentleman's time has expired. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Sherman. I will skip myself and recognize the |
|
gentlelady from California. |
|
Ms. Bass. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I really appreciate you |
|
allowing me to speak. |
|
Madam Secretary, it is an honor to hear you, and I just |
|
really want to acknowledge our appreciation, our country's |
|
appreciation, for your long history and your contributions. |
|
I wanted to ask you where you think U.S.-African relations |
|
are. I chair the Subcommittee on Africa and deal with African |
|
diplomats all the time. I often make a distinction between |
|
where Congress is, which Africa is a very bipartisan issue, but |
|
I do not have much to say when it comes to where the |
|
administration is. I cannot really offer an explanation, |
|
especially when our President is on--has been known to refer to |
|
African countries in such a derogatory way or make up the names |
|
of countries that do not exist. |
|
I also wanted to ask you about how the rest of the world |
|
was viewing how we are handling our own border. And then, |
|
finally, if you could comment about your book in terms of your |
|
concerns about our country. You raised the specter of fascism, |
|
and you make the point that, currently, authoritarian regimes |
|
actually started off as being elected. So if you would not mind |
|
expanding on those. |
|
Ms. Albright. I am very concerned about the lack of |
|
attention to Africa in many different ways. It is a continent |
|
that, it is interesting, people say Africa, when there are an |
|
awful lot of differences among the country. |
|
Ms. Bass. Like it is a country. |
|
Ms. Albright. And really, there are some really good news |
|
stories and some that are pretty tough. You have been very |
|
kind. You have gone on some codels with the National Democratic |
|
Institute, and I think that there really is an important aspect |
|
of trying to understand what the different evolutions are in |
|
Africa. I just had an interesting meeting, actually it was in |
|
Morocco, but there was a discussion about the fact that we |
|
should stop talking about northern Africa and---- |
|
Ms. Bass. Thank you. |
|
Ms. Albright [continuing]. The Sahel, and that there |
|
really--it is an artificial line that we are drawing. |
|
Ms. Bass. Right. |
|
Ms. Albright. And I think that we need to see where we can |
|
be more helpful. For instance, I am very pleased that during |
|
the Clinton Administration, that we did the Africa Growth and |
|
Opportunity Act, and that that is something that needs to be |
|
expanded on to see the opportunities. And so I think there is a |
|
lot of work to be done. It helps if you know where the |
|
countries are. But there are very many aspects of it, and your |
|
help on it has been very important. |
|
I also do think, I am not here representing--on behalf of |
|
the National Democratic Institute, but we do in fact have a lot |
|
of programs there. I think one has to look at whatever has just |
|
happened in the Nigerian election; Nigeria is a key country. So |
|
to pay more attention to it. |
|
I am troubled--I go back, and it goes back to kind of the |
|
way I see the world at this point. We are in a very, very |
|
different phase, for all the reasons that I mentioned. And I am |
|
troubled by the fact that divisions in our societies, whether |
|
it is in the United States or other places, are being |
|
exacerbated by those who identify themselves with one group at |
|
the expense of another, and that there is always kind of the |
|
other, are the immigrants. One of the things that we know is |
|
when you begin to develop scapegoats, and that is part of the |
|
thing of blaming the immigrants in whatever country. The |
|
Europeans have been doing it. |
|
I am stunned. I am an immigrant, and so, when now our--we |
|
have fewer numbers of people coming in than ever before. I |
|
think it is just stunning. So I do think that I am worried |
|
about the divisions in our society that then become |
|
exacerbated, where instead of trying to find common answers, we |
|
are kind of pushing us against the other. The thing that, |
|
frankly, blew my mind as I was doing research on this book, is |
|
that all the countries, beginning actually with Mussolini, they |
|
were--Mussolini and Hitler came into power constitutionally. |
|
The countries that we are worried about now, whether it is |
|
Turkey or Hungary or Poland or Venezuela, the Philippines, |
|
those people were all elected, and then take advantage of it |
|
and then exacerbate. And so I think that is why we need to |
|
begin to look. I think the social contract is broken. I think |
|
there are very serious issues going on everywhere due some to |
|
technology and globalization. |
|
Ms. Bass. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Chair, let me just say that I really have appreciated |
|
my experiences with NDI. I went to Zimbabwe last year to be an |
|
election monitor, and Kenya the year before that. It does put |
|
us in a little difficult situation because people do ask us |
|
about our elections. |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. By the way, when I was--we were doing |
|
some work in Egypt, and I was telling people--I was meeting |
|
with some Egyptian parliamentarians, and I said, democracy |
|
really depends on compromise and coalition building. And they |
|
said, you mean like you guys? |
|
Mr. Sherman. Thank you. Perhaps we need a parliamentary |
|
system of government in the United States, but that is beyond |
|
the scope of our hearing. |
|
I recognize the gentleman from South Carolina. |
|
Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
And, Madam Secretary, I was really grateful to be with you |
|
at Munich last week. I was very impressed, and again, your |
|
statements today about bipartisanship and foreign affairs. And |
|
then I particularly want to congratulate you on NDI. I have |
|
worked with IRI, International Republican Institute, and just |
|
as Congresswoman Bass, I have had the opportunity to be an |
|
election observer and how meaningful these programs are. |
|
And I also was very pleased last week to be with you for |
|
the rollout of the declaration. And I had hoped that it would |
|
get more attention. If you could tell everyone what the |
|
declaration is and what the significance of it is and how we |
|
can best promote the declaration. |
|
Ms. Albright. OK. First of all, let me just say, I love |
|
working with IRI. I became very good friends with Senator |
|
McCain, and Senator Sullivan and I are really kind of working |
|
through things now. So thank you very much for your support. |
|
I think the declaration of principles is very interesting |
|
because part of it was sponsored by the Atlantic Council, and I |
|
have to say that I was kind of skeptical at the beginning, but |
|
it is kind of going back to basics in terms of the kinds of |
|
things that bring our societies together, looking at what the |
|
role of the people are, what the responsibilities are. There |
|
are a number of statements to do with it that in a way are not |
|
just renewing our vows from 70 years ago, but also trying to |
|
outline what needs to be done. |
|
One of the things that we are going to be doing is reaching |
|
out and talking to people all over the United States, and a lot |
|
of the--it was international. So in terms of talking about what |
|
the basic principles are and bringing the younger generation |
|
into it. I have said that institutions and people at age 70 |
|
need a little refurbishing. So this is basically a way to go |
|
back and see what is germane now in terms of the role of the |
|
private sector, how countries work together, how people work |
|
together, the role of governments and individuals. I would be |
|
very happy to distribute those. |
|
Mr. Wilson. And it was impressive to me, the public, |
|
private, and also the different international organizations |
|
working together for the declaration. |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Mr. Wilson. I was really grateful to have led a delegation |
|
on May 14 for the opening and the relocation of the U.S. |
|
Embassy to Jerusalem. And I felt like it was just so uplifting |
|
to be there. We have an extraordinary Ambassador with |
|
Ambassador David Friedman. With President Trump, it was |
|
promises made, promises kept. |
|
What is your view about the opening of the embassy in |
|
Jerusalem? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, let me say, I have been a supporter of |
|
Israel forever, and I also spent a lot of time working on |
|
Israeli-Palestinian issues. The status of our embassy in |
|
Jerusalem is a final status issue, and I happen to think it was |
|
a mistake to do it at this point. That it has made things more |
|
complicated. And then also, I have been troubled by the fact |
|
that funding has been stopped to a lot of Palestinian |
|
groupings, which makes it very difficult. The Palestinians do |
|
not--now we have a very serious problem in terms--I am looking |
|
forward to see whatever peace plan is coming out of this, and I |
|
do believe in a two-State solution. |
|
So I do think that every country has a right to recognize |
|
where its capital is, but this was a final status issue and I |
|
think should remain--should have remained in that category. |
|
Mr. Wilson. Well, I just--we have seen the consequence. |
|
There were warnings that there would be mass violence that did |
|
not occur. We were warned of so many different consequences, |
|
and I just appreciate President Trump having the courage to |
|
proceed. Also, I appreciate in 2000 your meeting with Kim Jong- |
|
il, and that we can have progress in diplomacy with North |
|
Korea. |
|
Over the past 2 years, North Korea has not launched a |
|
missile in 457 days, it had not had a nuclear test in 543 days. |
|
There have not been threats against the people of Guam by way |
|
of missile testing. The President's initiatives have secured |
|
the release of four Americans detained in North Korea. DPRK has |
|
made a promise to destroy the missile engine test site in |
|
Kusong. And the remains of 55 American remains of |
|
servicemembers have been released. |
|
Over and over again, there has been progress, and of |
|
course, the real concern, and you have identified it, and this |
|
can be part of what is going on in Hanoi today, and that is the |
|
correct definition of denuclearization. Thank you very much. |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I do think that it is important to be |
|
carrying on these diplomatic steps. I appreciate the steps that |
|
you have mentioned that have been taken, but we are a long way |
|
from where we need to be, and I think that we need to have |
|
diplomats working on this things prepared. And I hope that the |
|
talks today are successful. |
|
Mr. Wilson. And thank you for your efforts in 2000. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Sherman. Thank you. I should point out that during the |
|
Clinton Administration, there was not 1 year but rather a |
|
several-year period of no testing, and that well over 100 |
|
remains of our soldiers were returned, all without giving Kim |
|
or his father the status of a face-to-face meeting with the |
|
President of the United States. |
|
Madam Secretary, at our earlier meeting, I heard you talk |
|
about the importance of Article I of the Constitution. The most |
|
important part of that article is the right to declare war that |
|
is vested in the Congress. Now, the War Powers Act, also known |
|
as the War Powers Resolution, is the preeminent statute |
|
designed to define the role of Congress when it comes to the |
|
most important aspect of the use of foreign policy, and that |
|
is, the deployment of military force. |
|
But administration after administration has honored it, at |
|
most, in the breach, and sometimes deliberately violated it. |
|
When they have presented reports that are called for by the |
|
Act, they are always submitted consistent with the Act, making |
|
a point that the administration does not believe the Act is a |
|
statute or a law that they have to follow. Whereas, other |
|
reports are submitted pursuant to an act. |
|
You are now no longer in the executive branch, you can look |
|
back at it as a professor and scholar. Do you believe that the |
|
War Powers Resolution is binding on the President, or in |
|
contrast, do you believe that a President can simply ignore it |
|
and deploy troops on long-term operations without an |
|
authorization to use military force? |
|
Ms. Albright. Just as you were starting out, I made a note |
|
to myself, consistent with. And I do remember every time I |
|
testify to be absolutely clear to say consistent with, not |
|
pursuant to. So I literally just wrote it down before you said |
|
it. |
|
I do think that the Constitution is definitely an |
|
invitation to struggle on this particular issue. And I have |
|
gone through--I cannot--I do not know how much my students |
|
appreciate this, but the whole history of how these things have |
|
gone on and why the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution created this |
|
issue and how it has been carried out. |
|
Mr. Sherman. Yes, you can go back to Jefferson's deployment |
|
of the Marines on the shores of Tripoli. |
|
Ms. Albright. Right. So I think the question is the |
|
following. And I, frankly, do think it is strange to be |
|
operating by an AUFM that came out, you know, like a long time, |
|
you know, as long as I have been out of office. But basically |
|
this is my question, and I know this is something that you have |
|
been working on is, how does one decide whether one gives |
|
ultimate authority to the President or limits it in such a way |
|
that---- |
|
Mr. Sherman. I want to move on to other questions. But is |
|
the President the emperor who can deploy our troops anywhere in |
|
the world without authorization from Congress? Is that what our |
|
Constitution---- |
|
Ms. Albright. The Constitution does not say that. And so I |
|
do think the consultation and work together on this---- |
|
Mr. Sherman. Well, consultation is what the czar did with |
|
the Duma back in 1905. Does Congress have power or are we just |
|
an advisory---- |
|
Ms. Albright. I think Congress has power, I do. |
|
Mr. Sherman. OK. I want to move on. You are right about the |
|
envoys--about all the open positions in the executive branch. |
|
Perhaps the most glaring vacancy right now is that we do not |
|
have a coordinator special envoy for human rights in North |
|
Korea. But I do want to focus on India-Pakistan. |
|
This is the only place in the world where two nuclear |
|
powers have gone to war with each other, or at least kinetic |
|
military battle, and that has recently resumed or been |
|
initiated. What can the U.S. do to reduce tensions in South |
|
Asia? And what do we do about the fact that Pakistan seems to |
|
at least tolerate, if not support, certain terrorist groups |
|
while, of course, opposing others? |
|
Ms. Albright. You are not going to believe my answer to |
|
this, because my father was a Czechoslovak diplomat who, in |
|
1948, represented Czechoslovakia on a first commission to deal |
|
with India and Pakistan over Kashmir. And he was the one that |
|
arranged the cease-fire for the end of the first fighting. And |
|
so I am old, he is dead, and the issue is worse than ever. |
|
Also, in my class, we do a role play. And even before the |
|
most recent thing, the scenario is India and Pakistan with |
|
nuclear issues. So I will let you know what my class decides on |
|
this, but I do think---- |
|
Mr. Sherman. We all have brilliant students in our |
|
respective districts. Do we have any guidance from the |
|
professor? |
|
Ms. Albright. I do think that we do need to figure out some |
|
way to make sure that we do not have a nuclear confrontation. I |
|
think the U.S. needs to get involved in this. And I think that |
|
it is--it would be a good idea, actually, to have some kind of |
|
an envoy trying to deal with this. We cannot allow this to get |
|
out of control. |
|
And what happened under President Clinton was there was |
|
various things that went on, President Clinton met with the |
|
Pakistanis on cargo, and were trying to deal with it. We cannot |
|
just avoid this. |
|
Mr. Sherman. My time has expired. |
|
I recognize the gentleman from Pennsylvania. |
|
Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Secretary Albright, it is a privilege to have you here. |
|
Regardless of any political differences anybody has here in the |
|
room, I think that your personal story is an inspiration to |
|
people, certainly in America and around the world, and we |
|
commend you for your continued engagement in world affairs. |
|
With the rise of anti-Semitism at home and abroad, and you |
|
see it on campuses--and unfortunately, I think we have really |
|
witnessed it right here among some of our own colleagues in the |
|
halls of Congress.--what do you think Congress can do to |
|
highlight this resurgent evil? And what solutions or actions |
|
should we consider that we have not already taken? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I do think that it is something that we |
|
cannot kind of just not talk about and deal with, and I think |
|
people need to discuss what the results of it are and try to |
|
figure out how one deals with--and it is a hard issue in terms |
|
of freedom of speech, and also the boycott. I mean, I think |
|
that there are questions about how to deal with that and still |
|
allow freedom of speech. |
|
I just think that we all have to speak out about the |
|
results of it. And I would be interested to know what kind of |
|
actions you all are recommending on it. Because some of it |
|
makes it hard, it is not something that one can legislate as |
|
much as one needs to keep talking about that we cannot do, what |
|
I said earlier, which is to identify with one group at the |
|
expense of another and make them the scapegoats. That is what |
|
happened. |
|
Mr. Perry. I think we need to, among other things, be |
|
careful about the parsing, which seems to be happening, where |
|
you can say that you are not for the Government of Israel, but |
|
you are for the Jewish people. The Jewish people form the |
|
government of Israel. The State of Israel is formed by the |
|
Jewish people. And if you are maligning the government and the |
|
State of Israel at the same time, they are congruent, they are |
|
one and the same, they are the Jewish people. And I think that |
|
is the biggest thing we can do. |
|
I want to move on to a little bit, looking at some of your |
|
statements that you read to us here this morning, particularly |
|
regarding the North Korean dictator, Kim Jong-un, and the scant |
|
dividends to date based on the President's actions. And I agree |
|
wholeheartedly with you that talking is much preferred to |
|
fighting. Fighting is the absolute last resort that we should |
|
seek. But at the same time, I think we need to give this |
|
administration space. |
|
I do not like to see the President of the United States |
|
with a dictator anywhere. I think it does provide them some |
|
status that they would not normally have, but in the past, |
|
other Presidents have done it, and there has been little hue |
|
and cry from the other side that seems to revile this one. I am |
|
not looking through the world with rose-colored glasses. Kim |
|
Jong-un is a murderous dictator, but we have a circumstance |
|
that has been created because of the failures of previous |
|
administrations where we have a dictator with nuclear weapons. |
|
And you would know of anybody how complicated these issues are, |
|
and especially in that culture where a personal relationship, a |
|
personal relationship makes the difference in the negotiation |
|
as opposed to as much of the eaches. |
|
And while we say that this President has not done enough |
|
from the first meeting, it was the first meeting, the beginning |
|
of the dialog. And I will remind everybody that in the past, |
|
under an administration that you served in, we offered security |
|
guarantees, fuel, food shipments, and help on building |
|
reactors. And, you know, North Korea, as you know, after they |
|
said that was the last missile test, lied directly to you and |
|
continued to test missiles and build nuclear enrichment |
|
facilities in secret. |
|
So I just want to make the record clear here. And also, |
|
regarding comments on Syria, we appear to be pursuing several |
|
policies simultaneously, confusing allies and delighting our |
|
adversaries. I do not think--you know that is a very difficult |
|
situation, and this President has been put in an awful position |
|
of cleaning up a circumstance where our policy had kept Russia |
|
out of the Middle East for over 60 years, and the last |
|
administration gave them full entree and walked away, and now |
|
this President is trying to pick up the pieces on a horrific |
|
situation of a civil war which is supported by dictators in |
|
China and folks in Iran. |
|
And, finally, I am very concerned about comments where we |
|
would say that America--there is an impression that our leaders |
|
share a disdain for democracy. And with the little time I have, |
|
this President has supported democracies in Venezuela, put |
|
pressure on China, pressure on Russia, pressure on Iran, |
|
supported the only democracy in the Middle East, Israel, tried |
|
to maintain a relationship with Turkey, bringing back Pastor |
|
Brunson, and supported the Ukrainian defense against Russia. |
|
This President is a supporter of democracy, and I reject |
|
wholeheartedly--that is an inflammatory comment that is very |
|
dangerous, I think, to suppose or to imply that the President |
|
of the United States does not support democracy anywhere in the |
|
world, including the United States. But I appreciate your |
|
input. |
|
Mr. Sherman. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. May I ask the witness be permitted to |
|
respond to what I think was a question? |
|
Mr. Sherman. I will recognize her for a short time, yes. |
|
Ms. Albright. Let me say I am troubled by the relationships |
|
with some very authoritarian leaders. I think that a lot has |
|
been done to raise Kim Jong-un's status. I agree with some of |
|
the positive steps that have happened, but I would also say |
|
that when the Clinton Administration left office, there were no |
|
long-range missiles, there was no more fissile material, and no |
|
nuclear weapons. And I think that it is very hard to deal with |
|
North Korea, because it is the trust but verify. And I do not |
|
know how many times they say they have destroyed Yongbyon. I |
|
think that we need to figure out what is really going on. And |
|
kind of having a love affair and some of the terminology is |
|
kind of difficult for people to understand. |
|
I do think---- |
|
Mr. Perry. Difficult for all of us to stomach, but once |
|
again, it is better than fighting. And I would say that---- |
|
Ms. Albright. I definitely agree. |
|
Mr. Perry. I would say at the end of the last |
|
administration, most Americans saw the United States at the |
|
brink of war with North Korea, and a great concession by North |
|
Korea at this point is no testing, and we are not at the brink |
|
of war. While I find it--some of the rhetoric distasteful, that |
|
is---- |
|
Mr. Sherman. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Could the witness be permitted to finish her |
|
answer? She was just interrupted. It is her time. |
|
Mr. Sherman. It is actually the extended time of the |
|
gentleman. You will have--I am about to yield to you. |
|
I do want to just comment on one thing the gentleman said, |
|
and that is, I have never met an Israeli who did not malign the |
|
Government of Israel. It is a national sport. |
|
And with that, I am going to yield 5 minutes to the |
|
gentleman from Rhode Island, that I am sure he will want to |
|
build on---- |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you, Madam Secretary, for being here |
|
today and for your continued leadership and extraordinary |
|
service to our country. We could spend many hours, even days, |
|
discussing all of the shortcomings of the Trump |
|
administration's foreign policy, but since I only have 5 |
|
minutes, I would like to focus in particular on values, namely, |
|
democracy and human rights. |
|
It is alarming how this administration seems to conduct |
|
foreign policy in a values-free vacuum. President Trump calls |
|
gross human rights abusers our allies, and treats our allies, |
|
including our closest NATO allies, like adversaries. As you |
|
said in your testimony, if we are not friends with our friends, |
|
to whom will we turn for help? |
|
The administration's reckless approach and carelessness in |
|
damaging our alliances, in my view, is making America less |
|
safe. Congress, and in particular this committee, has a key |
|
oversight role to hold this administration to account and also |
|
to send a message to our allies about what America stands for. |
|
And in particular, I would like your thoughts on what is |
|
happening in eastern Europe, in Poland and Hungary, where it |
|
seems democracy and rule of law are under increased threat. In |
|
your book, you refer to the erosion of democratic values and |
|
attacks on democratic institutions in Hungary. Unfortunately, |
|
as you know, Hungary is not an isolated case. We are also |
|
seeing warning signs of democratic backsliding in Poland. |
|
So I would be anxious to hear your assessment of what is |
|
happening in central Europe and eastern Europe, what is the |
|
state of democracy in this region, and particularly, what |
|
influence the United States has and how we should be using it, |
|
and what we can do more to support democracy in civil society |
|
in this region, in particular. |
|
Ms. Albright. I am very concerned about what is happening |
|
in eastern Europe. And it is interesting, and I have gone over |
|
in my mind, frankly, what we might have done wrong in terms of |
|
our euphoria after the end of the cold war. Thinking that many |
|
of those countries were ripe for democracy, and democracy, as |
|
we know, is much harder than we think. |
|
And so--and believe it or not, Viktor Orban was everybody's |
|
favorite dissident. He came to the United States--and by the |
|
way, George Soros paid for his education in England--and I |
|
think he is an example of exacerbating some of the issues that |
|
the Hungarians had. I did a survey over all of Europe at the |
|
end of 1991, and I cannot remember all the statistics and the |
|
questions, but one I remember is: Do you believe a piece of |
|
your country is in the neighboring country? Eighty percent of |
|
Hungarians thought so. |
|
And so Viktor Orban, who is a demagogue in many things, |
|
having invented a term called illiberal democracy, which is an |
|
oxymoron, has taken advantage of that anger in order to get |
|
support for policies that are completely undemocratic. And I |
|
think that that is a concept that makes it very difficult. |
|
Poland, I also, as kind of the birthplace of a lot of |
|
democratic action, I think again there is--I find |
|
hypernationalism a very dangerous aspect as far as democracy is |
|
concerned. And I do hope that what we try to do is to go and |
|
explain without being domineering. I am going to Poland next |
|
week. I am giving a speech in honor of Zbigniew Brzezinski, who |
|
was my professor and my boss. Then I am going to the Czech |
|
Republic, and the Czechs treat me as some combination of a |
|
queen and an irritating older sister. I am going to give an |
|
irritating older sister speech since it is the anniversary of |
|
bringing them all into NATO. That NATO is not just a military |
|
alliance, it is a political alliance, and democratic values are |
|
a very important part of it. And I think we need to make it |
|
clear. |
|
And what I am worried about, our increasing separations |
|
between eastern Europe and western Europe. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you. And I have just probably time for |
|
one more question. One of my criticisms of the Trump |
|
administration is that they seem to have little time for what |
|
have been real cornerstones of American foreign policy that you |
|
have written a lot about, democracy and human rights. And I |
|
wonder if you would just tell us a little bit about what role |
|
you think those values of democracy and rights play in our |
|
foreign policy. What effect will this administration's |
|
disregard for these values have on our standing and leadership |
|
in the world? And, in particular, the administration has failed |
|
to speak out in support of LGBT rights or to condemn atrocities |
|
committed against the LGBT community in Chechnya, is one |
|
example. What is the impact--do governments, when they fail to |
|
hear from the United States, behave in a different way? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I think that is a big impact. And one |
|
of the things that bothers me is, for instance, in Poland, |
|
there is no respect for the judiciary. There are those--I am |
|
concerned about what has happened in terms of this |
|
administration's respect for our judiciary. About the role of |
|
the press. The rule of law. A variety of things that we hold |
|
are essential to democracy, and literally the extent to which |
|
some of them can point to what is going on here, saying, well, |
|
if you guys do it, why cannot we. |
|
So I believe that we do have a role to play as leaders, and |
|
I do think that we need to be very clear about what we believe |
|
in in terms of the rights of various groups and what our value |
|
system is, and we have been kind of burying that. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you, Madam Secretary. |
|
I yield back, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Sherman. The gentleman from Kansas is recognized. |
|
Mr. Watkins. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Thank you, Madam Secretary, for being here. I represent |
|
Kansas' Second District, eastern Kansas, think farmers, |
|
ranchers, producers, and what can we do as diplomats and |
|
Congress Members to enhance access between our growers and |
|
international buyers? |
|
Ms. Albright. You know, I think this has been a very |
|
important part of American foreign policy for a long time with |
|
PL-480 that really started the farm programs. And I think that |
|
we need to make clear that our relationships with countries is |
|
based on a free trade aspect of this, and that we need to make |
|
clear how important our farming communities are, and to be as |
|
helpful as possible. I believe in that. |
|
Mr. Watkins. Thank you, ma'am. And in your testimony, you |
|
noted that this administration's approach to China, quote, |
|
could produce gains with signs of progress in recent days. Now, |
|
given that, what should be the next step, particularly with |
|
regards to China? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I do think that we have been worried |
|
about some of the things they have been doing in terms of our |
|
intellectual property and just generally in terms of how they |
|
operate. And I think that the trade talks, from what I can |
|
tell, have gone fairly deeply, and while they need to be |
|
continued, I think there is a question--the President postponed |
|
the time of raising the tariffs, and so I think we need to keep |
|
pursuing to have some kind of a fair system, but where what we |
|
do is to be able to protect our intellectual property. And I do |
|
know that they have said they were going to buy more |
|
agricultural products, soy beans, so I think that is a good |
|
idea. |
|
Mr. Watkins. Thank you, Madam Secretary. It is good to see |
|
you again. |
|
I yield my time, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Sherman. The gentleman from California is recognized. |
|
Mr. Bera. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
And I will reiterate my colleagues in thanking you, Madam |
|
Secretary, for your service. I would also recognize, and I |
|
think you would agree with this, the men and women of our |
|
foreign services, our diplomats, our civil servants, our aid |
|
workers around the world, the tremendous work that they do |
|
representing us, and really just want to acknowledge to them |
|
that this body appreciates what they do every day, and the |
|
NGO's that also project American soft power and presence around |
|
the world. |
|
Secretary Albright, in your written testimony, you talked |
|
about that there was some concern about the foreign policy |
|
decisionmaking process, and I would second that. And I will use |
|
two examples, you know, recent examples, and also about a year |
|
ago. If you think about the decision to withdraw from Syria, I |
|
was in the region in December, met with our special envoy to |
|
ISIS, Brett McGurk, and talked to our commanders in the field, |
|
and they are prosecuting their mission very well. |
|
Nobody seemed to have any idea that a public statement was |
|
going to be made by the administration. If I infer from |
|
Secretary Mattis' decisions, it did not appear that Secretary |
|
Mattis had been consulted. We know from testimony on the Senate |
|
side, General Votel had no idea and was not consulted on this. |
|
And it is of deep concern. Let's separate the actual decision, |
|
there is a deep concern amongst myself and I hope everyone on |
|
this committee, that there is not an interagency process that |
|
seems to be taking place as major policy decisions are being |
|
made. |
|
I would say the same thing about a year ago when a decision |
|
to support the Saudis and the Emiratis on their blockade of |
|
Qatar. You heard mixed signals coming out of the |
|
administration, Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense |
|
saying, no, we are not going to take sides; the President of |
|
the United States taking sides. |
|
You know, from your time at State, what would the right |
|
interagency process look like, and where should we, from an |
|
oversight perspective, dive into this? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I have been fascinated at the |
|
decisionmaking process and participated in it. So it is one of |
|
my subjects that I spend a lot of time on. And since the 1947 |
|
National Security Act, there has been a process. Each President |
|
puts a somewhat different spin on it in terms of their own |
|
proclivities and how they like to do business. But the bottom |
|
line is the U.S. Government makes thousands of decisions a day. |
|
The harder the decision, it gets pushed up the line. And the |
|
hardest ones go to the National Security Council in order to be |
|
able to present a proposal to the President. |
|
And the very important part is how those decisions are set |
|
up, prepared by an interagency process, and then having a |
|
meeting of the principals committee, which means the Cabinet |
|
members that the National Security Advisor runs. And the best |
|
meetings, the ones that I have witnessed or studied, are the |
|
National Security Advisor makes a point of finding out how |
|
different departments feel about it. |
|
I kind of talk about it as breaking the eggs so that you |
|
really--and then the National Security Advisor would like to |
|
make an omelet out of them to give to the President. If you |
|
cannot make the omelet, then you go and meet with the President |
|
and go over the decisions again and present your different |
|
views. That, from everything that I can tell, is not taking |
|
place. There are some questions as to whether--I mean, I do not |
|
know anything beyond what I read in the papers, but whether |
|
there have been principals meetings. |
|
I think the Syria decision, and I am sorry that I could not |
|
answer before, I do not think we have done Syria right. I think |
|
there are many issues, and they go back to any number of |
|
aspects of it. But the part that was really ridiculous was |
|
having different members of the Cabinet say something |
|
different, so that we did not have any idea what the policy |
|
was, thereby making ourselves look completely inept. And the |
|
kinds of things--not just Secretary Mattis and various people-- |
|
but, I mean, on any hour of the day you did not know what U.S. |
|
policy was, and that is the result of a nonexistent |
|
decisionmaking. |
|
Mr. Bera. And that has to be of deep concern to us, and |
|
certainly deeper concern to our allies if they do not know what |
|
our policy is and how that policy is being discussed and made, |
|
you know. I have the privilege of being the subcommittee chair |
|
on Oversight and Investigations, and certainly one of the |
|
things that we want to do is take a deep dive and a deep look |
|
into how these decisions are made, and we do think there is a |
|
congressional role in this. And if we are all speaking with one |
|
voice in a bipartisan way, we may or may not agree with the |
|
policy, but if we actually understand the thought and decisions |
|
that went behind that policy, it does project our soft power |
|
and our commitment both to our allies, but to the rest of the |
|
world, in a much more positive way. So thank you for that |
|
comment, and we look forward to---- |
|
Mr. Sherman. Thank you. |
|
The gentleman from New York. |
|
Mr. Zeldin. Thank you. |
|
I would like to thank Chairman Bera for his remarks. I |
|
certainly agree with that sentiment of having a bipartisan |
|
analysis of foreign policy decisions. |
|
And, by the way, thank you, Madam Secretary, for your great |
|
service to our country over the course of many years. You would |
|
be hard-pressed to find any Member of Congress that does not |
|
have respect for all of your service to our country, so thank |
|
you. |
|
Some of the observations with regards to an absence from |
|
the national scene or an odor of American absence of |
|
leadership, I do not want to misquote you, but some of the |
|
statements that you made today. We can have a difference of |
|
opinion on decisions that President Trump makes in some cases |
|
where the President might withdraw from the Paris climate |
|
accord. You can argue that that is taking a step back from |
|
American leadership, others are strongly in support of the |
|
decision. I think it is really important to note, which is part |
|
of the scope of today's hearing, that there are many decisions |
|
that were made that it was America stepping up and being more |
|
involved and showing more leadership. |
|
And earlier you say the USMCA, as one area with regards to |
|
Canada and Mexico, where it was a tough negotiation, and there |
|
were improvements that were made to an agreement that was |
|
decades old, and it certainly was not easy in dealing with |
|
allies. I believe that withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal |
|
was American leadership, and obviously, you would argue the |
|
opposite. But, you know, I have strong opinions as to why we |
|
should have withdrawn from the Iran nuclear deal. Moving the |
|
embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, I would argue, was showing |
|
American leadership. |
|
ISIS is almost completely wiped off the map in Iraq and |
|
Syria, which is fantastic. This is something that has been |
|
going on, an effort over the course of a few years. But that |
|
map, just a few years back, looked really bad as far as the |
|
amount of territory that they controlled. The decision to use |
|
the MOAB in Afghanistan. I was in Afghanistan right after that |
|
decision was made. It was one that helped American forces, |
|
coalition forces, and it raised morale amongst the troops that |
|
I was speaking with. Passing the Taylor Force Act through |
|
Congress and then getting signed by the President, because |
|
there is a pay-to-slay policy amongst the Palestinians to |
|
financially reward terrorism. |
|
Congressman Cicilline brought up a great point with regards |
|
to the LGBT situation in Chechnya. That is a huge concern. But |
|
I think it is also important for us to acknowledge that it was |
|
just a week ago that there was an announcement made amongst the |
|
Trump administration led by Ambassador Grenell of Germany to |
|
start a global campaign toward decriminalizing LGBTQ all across |
|
the entire world, and I think that we should acknowledge that |
|
effort from a week ago and then decide--figure out how we can |
|
be helpful for that effort. |
|
I believe the American involvement in Venezuela, the |
|
support for the Venezuelan people and recognizing Guaido, is |
|
the Trump administration showing more leadership, not less. In |
|
August 2017, with regards to North Korea, the U.N. Security |
|
Council voted unanimously to increase sanctions, and China and |
|
Russia ended up voting with us. And I credit Ambassador Haley |
|
and her team and the Trump administration for their efforts to |
|
get that vote, but obviously there is a lot of other dynamics |
|
and complications as it relates to North Korea. We are having |
|
this hearing while the President and his foreign policy team |
|
are in North Korea. |
|
So while we are having a really important hearing where |
|
opportunities are going to be taken to share, it could be |
|
frustration or criticism with certain decisions the President |
|
made, because that is a congressional role with oversight, and |
|
it is important for us to do that. |
|
I just wanted to use my brief time just to cover a few |
|
other topics that are going on that, I would argue, are |
|
important for American foreign policy, even if we might |
|
disagree with some of it. So I just think there was a few more |
|
topics to add to today's discussion. |
|
And once again, thank you for your great service to our |
|
country, for being here today, and the United States, really. I |
|
was a couple years younger when you were serving as Secretary |
|
of State, an honor to meet you in person, but I think our |
|
country is better off that you have dedicated so much time in |
|
your life toward the United States and global foreign policy |
|
and so many great causes. |
|
I yield back. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you very much. And if I just might say, |
|
I do think it is important to think about the unintended |
|
consequences of foreign policy decisions, and we all need to |
|
work on that more. I believe in executive legislative |
|
partnership on foreign policy, and I believe in bipartisanship, |
|
and I proved that by being very good friends with Senator Jesse |
|
Helms. |
|
Chairman Engel [presiding]. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Espaillat. |
|
Mr. Espaillat. Thank you, Madam Secretary, for your many |
|
years of service and your commitment to our Nation and |
|
democracy across the world. At this very same committee last |
|
hearing, we heard from Elliott Abrams. He sat right where you |
|
are sitting and provided testimony and answered questions |
|
regarding the administration's actions and intent toward |
|
Venezuela. |
|
Despite his attempts at reassuring us, I am still |
|
particularly worried about his involvement in our efforts to |
|
support the people of Venezuela. This country has a long and |
|
dubious history of interfering militarily in Latin America, and |
|
Mr. Abrams himself played a particular role in that story. |
|
President Trump has frequently appointed individuals who |
|
are the anthesis to their positions in making high-ranking |
|
positions across our government. Yet the appointment of an |
|
individual who was criminally charged for lying to Congress |
|
about his role in arm sales to fund a coup in Nicaragua seems |
|
to particularly be irresponsible, even for Mr. Trump. |
|
Are you concerned that Mr. Abrams' past participation in |
|
Iran-Contra disqualifies him as an impartial arbiter, if you |
|
may, in this particular conflict in Venezuela? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I think that I would not have named |
|
him, but I do think that the President has the right to name |
|
the people that he wants. |
|
Mr. Espaillat. As a refugee yourself--and I have read about |
|
your particular story, a very compelling story, and one that I |
|
think should enlighten all of us during these troubling times. |
|
Do you mind sharing your view on how we are treating folks that |
|
are coming up to the border seeking asylum, many of them |
|
obviously running from violence, running from gangs, and |
|
natural disasters and the like? |
|
Ms. Albright. My short answer is it is un-American. That I |
|
really do believe that this country has had a generous policy. |
|
I do think every country has a right to make its immigration |
|
policy, and I wish that there would be a comprehensive bill to |
|
do with immigration. |
|
And I have to tell this story. One of my favorite things in |
|
life is to give people naturalization certificates. And the |
|
first time I did it was July 4, 2000, at Monticello. I figured |
|
since I had Thomas Jefferson's job I could do that. And so I |
|
hear this man leaving, and say, can you believe it? I am a |
|
refugee and I just got my naturalization certificate from the |
|
Secretary of State. And I went up to him, and I said, can you |
|
believe that a refugee is Secretary of State? |
|
I think our country is about welcoming people, and what is |
|
going on at the border is un-American, separating the children, |
|
having no process, absolutely appalling. And I do hope that you |
|
all address that. |
|
Mr. Espaillat. Thank you. Let me go back to Mr. Abrams. |
|
Many in Venezuela, the folks that are fighting for democracy |
|
there, have been asking for arms there. Many feel they should |
|
be able to protect themselves in the fate and the likes of what |
|
the Maduro regime is perpetrating against them. |
|
First of all, do you think that that is advisable? And are |
|
you concerned that Abrams is at the helm, and he already did |
|
something like this in the past, and he may again engage in |
|
this type of behavior? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I think that we do not need to add more |
|
arms there. I am not for--I am for assistance, I am for |
|
negotiation, I am for sanctions. I think we have to be very |
|
careful not to exacerbate the situation. |
|
Mr. Espaillat. And what about military intervention? I know |
|
that when you served as our Secretary of State, you were |
|
involved in some military actions in certain parts of the |
|
world. Do you feel that the crisis in Venezuela has reached a |
|
level where that could be a potential option? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think--I happen to agree that normally what |
|
is said is all options are on the table. But I do think at the |
|
times that I was involved in using force, which was in the |
|
Balkans, was really after a great deal of negotiation and |
|
attempts at various other solutions. I have not seen that. |
|
There have been--the way that we brought people to the table at |
|
Dayton, for instance, was with very strong sanctions and a |
|
number of different diplomatic efforts, and I do not think |
|
enough of that has happened at this point. |
|
Mr. Espaillat. And, finally, do you feel that the Maduro |
|
regime is a narco regime? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think that it has an awful lot in |
|
supporting corruption in a variety of different aspects in |
|
Venezuela. I think there is a genuine question about what |
|
happened in the elections, and I think that they certainly have |
|
had a lot to do with the drug trafficking and with corruption. |
|
Mr. Espaillat. Thank you for your service, Madam Secretary. |
|
Thank you. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Yoho. |
|
Mr. Yoho. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Madeleine--Secretary Albright, thank you for being here, |
|
ma'am. I view this committee as the most important committee in |
|
Congress. And I say that because the right and strong foreign |
|
policy is good economics policy, it is good trade policy, and |
|
it is definitely strong national security. Therefore, welcome |
|
to the best committee in Congress. |
|
When you look at the world today, it is in the largest flux |
|
that we have seen since World War II, there is a tectonic shift |
|
in world powers we have not seen since World War II. Different |
|
countries are jockeying for different positions, as we see with |
|
the rise of China in the South China Sea and around the way |
|
they are going after the ports in the strategic areas around |
|
the world. |
|
Yet if we look over the past, and I cannot blame any |
|
administration, it is an accumulation of administrations over |
|
the last 30 or 40 years, that has let a country go from a very |
|
backward economy to one of the second strongest in the world. |
|
Yet some things have been left unchecked. |
|
You know, when Xi Jinping came to the Rose Garden in 2015, |
|
with President Obama, said that the South China Seas, the land |
|
that they were reclaiming, would never be militarized, yet at |
|
the same time, they are being militarized. Today, they are |
|
fully militarized. And then we see what is going on in the |
|
Middle East, over 70 million refugees, the largest number since |
|
World War II, and in our own hemisphere with Venezuela, over 3 |
|
million or pushing 3 million. And we are going to have an |
|
influx of refugees at our borders this country has never seen |
|
before. |
|
Stating all that, and the flux--not the flux, but the |
|
assault against Western democracies with what China, Russia, |
|
Iran are offering, mainly China, socialism with Chinese |
|
characteristics. As far as I am concerned, it is still |
|
communism, it is in their name. |
|
And then with Xi Jinping in 2017, the 17th Chinese |
|
Communist Party Congress said the era of China has arrived. No |
|
longer will we be made to swallow our interests around the |
|
world. It is time for China to take the world center stage. |
|
Do you feel that is threatening and the right thing for a |
|
world leader to say? |
|
Ms. Albright. You have described a world, the diplomatic |
|
term for which is, it is a mess. And I do think that there are |
|
all those issues out there, and we keep harking back. And I |
|
think we need to look at what our various institutional |
|
structures are and the relationships. |
|
I am very worried with the kind of pulling back of America |
|
from a number of roles that the Chinese are filling the vacuum. |
|
They are on the march in many different ways, and Xi Jinping is |
|
using nationalism as a way to motivate his people when they are |
|
having a number of different problems. But the issue, and this |
|
is what has to happen, is to have--to be able to have areas |
|
where we try to find some cooperation, and then find the areas |
|
where we have to compete and make very clear what our views |
|
are. |
|
I am troubled, in reading the threats issue that the |
|
intelligence community put out, they state this very clearly, |
|
the Chinese problems, the Russian problems, and then areas |
|
where we need to look at regional stability. And the thing that |
|
I--I am very glad to be at this important committee, and I am |
|
very happy to continue whatever longer term discussions, |
|
because with all of you I think we have to look at what our |
|
policies are going to be that are relevant for this part of the |
|
time and not keep thinking---- |
|
Mr. Yoho. Can I cut you off there because that is where I |
|
kind of want to go? Knowing the change in the world that is |
|
going on and all the conflicts that are going on, with your |
|
expertise, you history, knowing politics back in the 1990's, |
|
knowing it today, and it has changed tremendously, what would |
|
you advise this committee to direct foreign policy, you know, |
|
to counter China and the BRI, we did the BUILD Act to counter |
|
that, and this committee passed that, it got signed into law. |
|
What else would you recommend that this committee--because |
|
I want to set policies in place for 50 years down the road that |
|
an administration just cannot come in and change on a whim, |
|
that it will have to go through a committee of jurisdiction. |
|
Ms. Albright. I do think that one has to look at what the |
|
institutional structures are that we are working with and our |
|
decisionmaking process, but then also look to see to what |
|
extent we need international organizations, how we operate with |
|
them. Is the UN--does it need help without us cutting our |
|
funding? I think we have to take a very large picture in terms |
|
of the institutions. I would hope that you would actually ask |
|
members of the private sector and academia and people like me, |
|
former practitioners, to come and talk about what the various |
|
issues are and not get involved in policies that bring |
|
unintended consequences. We need some forward thinking |
|
together, and the private sector also has to be involved in it. |
|
Mr. Yoho. One of your colleagues that got elected, Donna |
|
Shalala, was here in the nineties. She said--I asked her how |
|
things were going here, and she goes, this is completely |
|
different than when I was here. It is toxic. It is all |
|
politics, not policy. And I think that is a great warning. |
|
Thank you. |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Ms. Wild, |
|
Ms. Wild. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Madam Secretary, it is an honor for me to be sitting on |
|
this committee and to be listening to your testimony. My late |
|
mother had the privilege of serving as a foreign service |
|
specialist under your leadership and was assigned to African |
|
affairs, and I am sure she would be thrilled to know that I am |
|
here today with you and that I was appointed vice chair of the |
|
Africa Subcommittee. |
|
I share Chairwoman Bass' concerns that African countries |
|
are often ignored or overlooked in our foreign policy |
|
positions, but that is not the subject of my question to you |
|
today. Let me switch gears. |
|
In August 2017, the Trump administration announced its |
|
intention to withdraw the United States from the Paris climate |
|
agreement which, of course, as you well know, was adopted in |
|
2016 to create a structure for nations to pledge to voluntarily |
|
reduce their greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to climate |
|
change. My primary concerns are these: One, it shows a clear |
|
disregard for the seriousness of climate change; but second, |
|
and within the province of this committee, it demonstrates a |
|
recklessness in backing out of an agreement that the United |
|
States made with our close allies. |
|
I would like you, if you would, please, to discuss how the |
|
allies of the United States reacted to President Trump's |
|
decision to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement. And |
|
also, what is the impact of us doing so with our allies in |
|
terms of our international standing and reputation for |
|
trustworthiness? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think it raises that very question, because |
|
so many agreements and diplomatic relationships are based on |
|
understanding and trust and living up to your word, frankly. I |
|
think both that and withdrawing from the JCPOA undermines what |
|
it is. Negotiations are negotiations, and people make |
|
compromises. And then if you walk away from them, why would |
|
they trust you on the next one? |
|
I actually think both of them are difficult, but the |
|
climate change, when you think about it, was done in way that |
|
left an awful lot of choice for each sovereign State. It was |
|
not kind of an order about everything. It was a setting up of a |
|
system to talk about things. |
|
I also know when we withdraw from agreements or are not |
|
there when treaties are being negotiated, we lose our position. |
|
You know, the international criminal--we may not agree with |
|
everybody, but issues when we are not there, we walked out of |
|
the land or did not pay attention to the landmine treaty or did |
|
not pay enough attention to the International Criminal Court. |
|
We have to be there, and I think that a lot of agreements like |
|
that are based on trust, and we have undermined our trust. We |
|
are the most powerful country in the world, and we are |
|
destroying the capability to deal with problems by walking away |
|
from issues that we have agreed to. |
|
Ms. Wild. So we lose our place at the table. |
|
Ms. Albright. Definitely. |
|
Ms. Wild. Can you discuss which countries have not ratified |
|
the Paris climate agreement, and whether the United States |
|
historically has aligned with the priorities of those |
|
countries, if you know? |
|
Ms. Albright. I cannot list them, but I do think that when |
|
we align ourselves that way, we are sending a message. They are |
|
not exactly the ones that we would like to have something to do |
|
with. What I do find fascinating, and I mentioned this earlier, |
|
is all of a sudden the Chinese are the leaders on this. And |
|
when we do not--when we are away from the table and we do not |
|
lead, somebody is going to step in. |
|
Ms. Wild. Thank you very much. I yield back. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Levin. |
|
Mr. Levin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
It is so great to be with you, Madam Secretary, and I want |
|
to take this precious opportunity to ask you to think in broad |
|
and historical terms about the proliferation of nuclear weapons |
|
and the arc of history and what we have done as a country and |
|
what is going on in the world. I think you touched briefly on |
|
India and Pakistan earlier. They are fighting right now, and |
|
obviously, they both became nuclear weapons States in recent |
|
years. Now we have--you know, I am very sad that we withdrew |
|
from the Iran nuclear agreement, and I am very worried about |
|
Saudi Arabia trying to obtain nuclear weapons. |
|
So I wanted to ask you broadly about that, but in the |
|
context of our own actions about our own nuclear weapons and |
|
those of Russia and China. You know, recently, the President |
|
withdrew from the intermediate nuclear weapons agreement with |
|
Russian because they were not complying, which they were not, |
|
but it is hard to understand how that is a constructive |
|
response. And I am very concerned that if we are stalled over a |
|
period of, really, many years of not getting anything done |
|
ourselves, and also, with these many other States trying to |
|
develop nuclear weapons, we are setting the stage for disaster. |
|
So I wondered what your perspective on this situation is. |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, it is really, for me, that kind of was |
|
a witness to the evolution of nuclear weapons but also the |
|
agreements that were made, I think we have come to a very sorry |
|
state. I think one of the general themes here has been, and I |
|
have supported that, is that one has to look at what agreements |
|
are and then bring them up to date in any number of ways |
|
because they do not always suit the exact situation, but |
|
withdrawing from them is a mistake. |
|
And the New START Treaty is up for negotiation. And what is |
|
happening is the Russians are updating their nuclear weapons |
|
systems, doing all kinds of things that are of great concern to |
|
us. We are modernizing our nuclear arsenal, but I think that |
|
what it means is that we cannot withdraw from things. What we |
|
need to do is to update the negotiation on them. I would hope |
|
that we could commit ourselves to a New START Treaty or to |
|
negotiating on the basis of the New START Treaty. |
|
And I think partially the way that the treaties have been |
|
set up, they are supposed to deal with when there is failure |
|
and cheating. Withdrawing from them does not exactly help, and |
|
it is giving an excuse to the Russians to go forward with |
|
things. We need arms control treaties. We also need people. |
|
There used to be kind of a priesthood of people that really |
|
understood all the nuclear--all the arms control things. Some |
|
of those people are no longer around, but we really do need to |
|
give a lot of emphasis to arms control agreements. And it goes |
|
back to the previous question in terms of trust and things like |
|
that, and I think we are undermining our own strength by not |
|
paying attention. |
|
The other thing is nuclear proliferation is a multilateral |
|
problem, and we need to look at it from that perspective. |
|
Mr. Levin. You know that when we sold nuclear technology to |
|
the United Arab Emirates, they agreed to sort of a gold |
|
standard of nonproliferation language in that situation, and I |
|
am concerned about the Trump administration possibly selling |
|
nuclear technology to Saudi Arabia without that kind of |
|
guarantee. How do we--I really appreciate your comments about |
|
our own nuclear weapons and agreements with others about that. |
|
How do we lead on these problems of increasing numbers of |
|
nuclear weapons States? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, we do have to have an agreement, the 1- |
|
2-3, to really--and the Saudis, as far as I know, there has |
|
been no movement on that. |
|
Mr. Levin. That is right. |
|
Ms. Albright. And legally, we should not and cannot sell it |
|
to them. But I do think that we need to constantly keep looking |
|
at the nuclear nonproliferation regimes that are out there, and |
|
as I said, require a multilateral action. But I think we have |
|
to be very careful not to be those that help the proliferation |
|
of nuclear weapons, and that has a lot to do with what we are |
|
doing with North Korea and the stuff that they are selling to a |
|
variety of people. That is what people are concerned about is |
|
some sale from North Korea more to the Pakistanis or to the |
|
Saudis. |
|
Mr. Levin. Thank you so much. I yield back, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Malinowski. |
|
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
It is wonderful to see you, Madam Secretary. I remember |
|
staffing you at these marathon sessions years ago, and now here |
|
I am with a chance to ask you some questions. |
|
I want to start by saying that I really appreciate your |
|
commitment to bipartisanship and your effort to give credit |
|
even to an administration that you are largely critical of on |
|
some issues. I have tried to do the same thing; largely |
|
supportive of what they are trying to do in Venezuela, for |
|
example. I think they, in some ways, are giving China more |
|
right than some previous administrations. |
|
But I do want to come back to a question that has permeated |
|
our discussion today, and that is what is happening to our |
|
moral authority in the world. Does it help us in the struggle |
|
for democracy and against dictatorship around the world when |
|
our President is calling our free press the enemy of the people |
|
or questioning the credibility of our own democratic elections |
|
or attacking the integrity of our intelligence community and |
|
our law enforcement community? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think it is very damaging, because I |
|
think--having spent a lot of time talking to a variety of |
|
foreign leaders and them basically saying, you mean you want us |
|
to do this, but what are you doing and saying? Our moral |
|
authority makes a difference. I think that one of the issues-- |
|
and I always like to refer back to my father. He believed that |
|
the U.S. needed a moral foreign policy. That is different than |
|
a moralistic foreign policy, which kind of dictates everybody |
|
what to do, but we do need to have our value system in place. |
|
And the press, a free press is the basis of democracy. You |
|
cannot call them the enemy of the people because it gives Putin |
|
a chance to say the same thing. So I am very much concerned |
|
about what kind of a model or example we set. |
|
Mr. Malinowski. In the same vein, I could ask does it help |
|
us stand up to the Maduro regime, which has turned Venezuela |
|
into a socialist country by issuing emergency decrees in |
|
opposition to the elected Congress of that country when we are |
|
issuing emergency decrees of ourselves? |
|
Ms. Albright. I have been troubled by that, because |
|
emergency decrees are sometimes used for the wrong purposes in |
|
order to exacerbate problems. I am very glad that the Congress |
|
voted against the emergency decree that President Trump put |
|
out. |
|
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you. On to the Senate. |
|
And I think that the bigger picture here, and we have not |
|
really brought this out thus far, is it is not North Korea, it |
|
is not Venezuela. These are individual crises. It is that we |
|
have two great powers, Russia and China, that are challenging |
|
the world order that we built and our moral authority to lead |
|
it. And it seems to me we are squandering some of our greatest |
|
advantages in that fight, our alliances with democratic |
|
countries that willing work with us. The example that we set at |
|
home, the consistency in the application of our principles |
|
around the world. |
|
I was there with you in Munich and heard Vice President |
|
Pence's speech, and one part of it that really struck me was |
|
when he asserted at the very beginning that America is back as |
|
the leader of the world, and virtually nobody applauded. Can we |
|
be the leader of the world if nobody follows? |
|
Ms. Albright. No. I mean, and that is the part of the thing |
|
that is terrible, is I cannot--and you were there. I cannot |
|
repeat how proud I was to represent the United States. And I |
|
think that the fact that we have given up on a lot of our |
|
principles and that people question our trustworthiness or what |
|
our motives are, I think is weakening us. And the |
|
responsibility of any President of the United States is to |
|
worry about our national interests, but they are being |
|
undermined by the way that we are treating our friends and |
|
allies. |
|
Mr. Malinowski. And would not you agree that President |
|
Putin's primary strategic goal with respect to the United |
|
States is to divide us from our allies and to break our moral |
|
authority? |
|
Ms. Albright. No question. And we forget that we are |
|
dealing with a KGB agent who knows exactly how to use |
|
propaganda, and he has now militarized information, and what he |
|
is doing is systematically undermining our friends and allies |
|
in central and eastern Europe. He developed another oxymoron |
|
term which is authoritarian capitalism, you know, or a liberal |
|
democracy. That is what he and Orban have in common. And I |
|
think he knows how to separate and undermine, and we have to |
|
push back on that because he--I have said this, he has played a |
|
weak hand very well, and we have played a strong hand poorly. |
|
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Burchett. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Thank you, ma'am, for being here. By my accent, you |
|
probably think I am from New York---- |
|
Ms. Albright. Definitely. |
|
Mr. Burchett [continuing]. But I am actually from |
|
Tennessee. It is very cool for me sitting here talking to you. |
|
I was just thinking--I am cutting into my time, but I think it |
|
is important--that in my pin collection I have a Muskie for |
|
President pin. I believe you were involved with that. |
|
Ms. Albright. Definitely. |
|
Mr. Burchett. I was 4 years old when that was going on, so |
|
I just wanted you to know that. |
|
Ms. Albright. I was a little older. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Yes, ma'am. That is all right. That is all |
|
right. And your story is very American. I was thinking of my |
|
momma, and she flew an airplane during the war. And she was |
|
kind of a nontraditionalist. I wish she was alive to see me |
|
sitting up here, say hello to you. |
|
But my question has to deal with China and dealing with |
|
their telecom giant. I believe it is pronounced Huawei. |
|
Ms. Albright. Huawei. |
|
Mr. Burchett. OK, thank you, ma'am. And as the carriers |
|
prepare to roll out the 5G wireless networks, officials have |
|
raised some concern that Beijing could use Huawei to spy on our |
|
various networks or even to disable them. It has been reported |
|
in a couple of instances. But this has led, of course, the |
|
Trump administration to press our allies to avoid using their |
|
equipment. |
|
I was wondering what your take was on that. And do you see |
|
them as a national security threat? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I am very concerned by Huawei because |
|
they are very much a part of selling component parts that |
|
undermine the whole system. And I am very concerned about |
|
something generally that we are not thinking enough about a |
|
cyber approach and what technology could undermine, and I am |
|
very glad that we are pushing back on this. But it is a problem |
|
because our friends and allies do have the same systems, and we |
|
have to figure out how to work with them on that. |
|
And by the way, I do think we need to also begin to look at |
|
some rules of how cyber works. So, you know, we had a |
|
conversation about arms control. We also have to think about |
|
what the next threat, and a lot of this has to do with |
|
technology, and there need to be some rules about that. I am |
|
concerned about Huawei. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Yes, ma'am. I am glad you said that. I do not |
|
represent it, but about 6,000 hardworking folks at Oak Ridge |
|
National Laboratory live in the district I represent, and I |
|
just this past weekend toured some of their--they have one of |
|
the worlds's largest computers, and I can assure you that |
|
cybersecurity is at the forefront of everything they were |
|
talking to me about. |
|
The next question I have was about NATO. And I know you |
|
addressed that earlier. And I apologize, Mr. Chairman, if this |
|
questionhas been asked before. If it has, you just say, I have |
|
answered it already. Go on to something else. But NATO, you |
|
know, we--apparently, the other countries have been expected to |
|
pay the 2 percent in the past. They have not, really. A lot of |
|
them have. I think we paid maybe 50-plus percent of the NATO |
|
budget. |
|
Do you think that the threshold this year--or do you think |
|
we are close to getting to that threshold with these other |
|
member countries? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think that this is an agreement that was |
|
made that they need to do it. I think a lot of people, however, |
|
do not understand what is being referred to. This isn't putting |
|
some money into a NATO pot. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Right. |
|
Ms. Albright. It is what they need to spend out of their |
|
own defense budgets in order to be part of the system, and I do |
|
think we need to keep pushing at it. And I think that--but not |
|
by bullying. I think it is a matter of trying to keep pushing |
|
them as partners and then to really look at what the threats |
|
are. So I am all for it. I think that they need to do it. I do |
|
not think it is as close as I wish it were to be, and I think |
|
we need to raise it, but it is more the tone of how it came out |
|
and some understanding, and I think the American people need to |
|
understand what we are talking about and how NATO works. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Yes, ma'am. It comes to mind a saying my |
|
mother used to say, and it skipped my mind right now, but it is |
|
something to do with it is a little easier to lure bees with |
|
honey than vinegar, so I can understand that. Thank you so |
|
much, ma'am. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Burchett. And I appreciate your--it is a great story. |
|
And if any of the young folks are watching this, I think they |
|
ought to research this lady, your grandparents, and where you |
|
came from in Czechoslovakia. I mean, it is just a really cool |
|
story. So thank you so much. |
|
Ms. Albright. It is a good American story. |
|
Mr. Burchett. That is what I said. I had it written--I |
|
wrote it in pencil up here. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. Thank you so much. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Typically American. Thank you so much, ma'am. |
|
Chairman Engel. Mr. Burchett, I want you to know that I |
|
only called on you because I thought you were from New York. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Yes, sir. Well, I know. We have had this |
|
conversation. My accent threw you off a couple of times. You |
|
asked me where I was from up there, and I have never--I hardly |
|
get to north Knoxville, much less New York City, But I plan on |
|
doing it 1 day, and I am going to hang out with you |
|
specifically. |
|
Chairman Engel. Let me invite you. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Thank you, brother. |
|
Chairman Engel. We would be pleased to have you. Thank you. |
|
Ms. Omar. |
|
Ms. Omar. Thank you, Chair. Hopefully, I can join that |
|
invitation to visit New York as well. |
|
Madam Secretary---- |
|
Chairman Engel. You are invited. |
|
Ms. Omar. Madam Secretary, it is such an honor to have you |
|
in this committee. And my apologies for having to run to |
|
another committee, but I am so glad we have this opportunity to |
|
chat. |
|
Yesterday in my office, I met with some veterans who are |
|
part of Common Defense. They are veterans of wars we have had |
|
in Afghanistan and Iraq. They asked me some questions that were |
|
a little puzzling to me, and I did not really have answers for |
|
them. Those that I met who served in Afghanistan were not |
|
convinced that after 18 years of fighting, Afghanistan was |
|
better off for our having been there. And the ones that served |
|
in Iraq, they spoke of the trauma inflicted on communities |
|
there, as well as their own traumas and the ravages of war that |
|
they have been subjected to. In Libya, we talked about some of |
|
the stories. We are reading about migrants who being sold into |
|
slavery and the complete horror that is being faced by Libyans |
|
trying to flee their country as refugees. |
|
What worries me as someone who survived war and understands |
|
the horrors of wars firsthand is that the planning of wars does |
|
not seem to genuinely consider the human toll it takes, and |
|
plans do not seem to be made for recovery, and our moral |
|
responsibility to the people of these countries does not seem |
|
to be taken seriously. So my question to you and something I |
|
wanted to explore with you, Madam Secretary, is about the |
|
decision to militarily intervene in a foreign country. |
|
When it is made, how much weight is given to the dramatic |
|
toll that is going to be inflicted on the innocent civilians in |
|
that war? I do not just mean the civilian casualties. I also |
|
mean to the extent we weigh the long-term impact that we will |
|
have after we get there. |
|
Ms. Albright. I think that one of the hard parts is trying |
|
to decide what tool you use in order to deal with a particular |
|
problem, and force is usually the last tool to be considered. |
|
And I have to tell you, things that I never thought I would |
|
have to do in my lifetime, either at the U.N. or as Secretary |
|
of State, to raise my hand in order to say that we needed force |
|
somewhere. It is something that I did in the Balkans because I |
|
thought people were being ethnically cleansed not for anything |
|
they did, but what religion they were. And so I think it was |
|
the right thing to do. |
|
Afghanistan was something that was the result of 9/11. The |
|
murderers came out of Afghanistan. I think the war kind of--the |
|
purpose of having troops there changed at a certain point. I do |
|
not think there was enough discussion about it. And I think |
|
that--I hope now that whatever agreements are made benefit the |
|
Afghan people and that it is done in a good way. |
|
Libya was an interesting example because, in fact, there is |
|
a new concept about responsibility to protect, which, if you |
|
know, that the leader of a country is killing his own people or |
|
calls them cockroaches, whether the international community has |
|
some responsibility for it. But I think you raise a very |
|
important point, which is that it is not just the moment of the |
|
force but what you do, how long you are there, do you continue |
|
to discuss it, and the decisionmaking process to what extent |
|
are the other parts of our government involved in it and not |
|
just doing it through the Defense Department. So I think you |
|
raise a very, very important point. |
|
Ms. Omar. Thank you. For the remainder of my time, I wanted |
|
to speak about some of the other tools that you mentioned, the |
|
tool of using sanctions. You know, some scholars and |
|
practitioners of foreign policy have questioned whether |
|
sanctions are effective at changing the behaviors of certain |
|
governments. There is also a perception that sanctions are |
|
easily avoidable by the rich and the powerful, individuals that |
|
we target in using those sanctions. |
|
So I wanted to ask you, do you believe that there is a risk |
|
in enacting sanctions because of the real and perceived harm |
|
done to the people of the country? Is it possible that the use |
|
of sanctions undercuts our national security by furthering |
|
anti-Americanism in the countries we target with sanctions? |
|
Ms. Albright. I cannot wait to go back to my class and tell |
|
them the questions you asked, because I talked about sanctions |
|
as a tool on Monday in class, and part of the thing is that |
|
there are not enough tools. We are the most powerful country in |
|
the world, and there are not a lot of tools. And sanctions get |
|
chosen often as kind of the middle tool. More bite than |
|
diplomacy, less bite than force. |
|
We have learned a lot about sanctions. We have learned that |
|
comprehensive sanctions, which we did in Iraq, hurt the people, |
|
and began to look more at targeted or smart sanctions. I think |
|
there are times they do work because what you are trying to do |
|
is change the behavior of a country. They need to be assessed |
|
at various times. |
|
The question is when do you remove them? Who is really |
|
affected by them? But it goes back to another whole question, |
|
is, does the United States get involved when we see terrible |
|
things happening in a country? Do we have a responsible |
|
international role? And I do believe in the importance of |
|
American action, and the question is which tool you choose. But |
|
they need to be assessed. It needs to be discussed about how |
|
they work together, which ones do you use when. |
|
But sanctions are often the tool of choice for obvious |
|
reasons, but I do think they need to be assessed in terms of |
|
whom who they really affect. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Allred. |
|
Ms. Omar. Thank you for your question. Thank your for |
|
giving me the extra time. I really appreciate it. Thank you. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. |
|
Chairman Engel. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Allred. |
|
Mr. Allred. Hello, Madam Secretary. It is good to see you |
|
again. Thank you for being here today. I want to just say that |
|
I think that your story is the epitome of the American dream. |
|
And to anyone who is watching, who does not know your story, I |
|
would encourage them to learn about what brought you to the |
|
United States and the work that you have done here. And I want |
|
to thank you for a lifetime of service to our country. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Allred. And, you know, I am increasingly concerned that |
|
future Madeleine Albrights might not see their future in the |
|
United States, that our light abroad is dimming. |
|
And I represent an area that is deeply tied to our foreign |
|
relations and our foreign affairs. We are an area that has |
|
benefited from trade, and so when we pull back from trade or |
|
enact tariffs, it hurts my region. It hurts our economy. We are |
|
an area, and I have spoken with a lot of business leaders in my |
|
community who want the best and the brightest in the world to |
|
come to north Texas and to work in our businesses there, and |
|
they are deeply concerned at the decrease in foreign students |
|
coming to some of our universities. And Texas, of course, has |
|
some of the largest ports in the country, and in north Texas, |
|
we have one of the largest airports in DFW. So we are an |
|
international hub. And so what happens in our foreign affairs |
|
deeply affects my district and my State. |
|
And I wanted to ask you, and I know you have worked on this |
|
and spoken about this, and maybe you have spoken about it |
|
today, and I might have missed it. But I wanted to ask you what |
|
we can do in Congress to better inform the American people |
|
about the effect of our foreign policy on our domestic |
|
tranquility. |
|
Ms. Albright. I have to say it is the key point of all of |
|
this. We are such a large country and think that we are not |
|
affected by foreign policy. And one of the things that I have |
|
tried to do is make foreign policy less foreign in order to |
|
have people understand that our well-being depends on having |
|
international relations, in having a foreign policy. And so I |
|
do think that what is very important to do is to spend time |
|
explaining in everybody's district which is how are you |
|
benefited by trade or foreign policy, or if there is terrorism |
|
somewhere, to hope that it does not come to America, any number |
|
of different aspects of it. |
|
And I have said--and I am happy to repeat this in front of |
|
everybody--I am very willing to go to people's districts to try |
|
to explain why foreign policy affects our domestic life, that |
|
in this day and age, every American is somehow affected by what |
|
happens abroad. And for us to build walls or put--or moats or |
|
whatever undermines what we need in the world, is to be able to |
|
connect with other people. And trade is good for America, and |
|
technology, development, and any number of things, but we need |
|
to explain it better. |
|
I definitely--it is a vital part and most important for all |
|
of you. You are the ones that represent America, and so I think |
|
it is very important. I am happy to help in whatever way I can. |
|
Mr. Allred. Well, thank you, Madam Secretary. You are |
|
welcome in Dallas any time. We would love to have you, |
|
especially with some of my high schools, to talk about the work |
|
that you have done and how important our foreign policy is to |
|
what we are doing on a day-to-day basis. |
|
Ms. Albright. And the young people make all the difference. |
|
By the way, in my book, I always say there is not a speech or a |
|
book that is written that does not quote Robert Frost. So he |
|
said, the older I am, the younger are my teachers. And I am |
|
learning from my students, but I am very happy to go and be |
|
helpful. |
|
Mr. Allred. Yes. Well, thank you. And in my remaining time, |
|
I just want to address another theme that I think that has been |
|
discussed today, which is American withdrawal from |
|
international leadership. And I know you have maintained your |
|
connections. You were at the Munich conference recently, and I |
|
just want to ask, do you think that the damage that has been |
|
done is irreversible? And what concrete steps do you think |
|
Congress should be taking in these next 2 years to continue to |
|
repair some of those relationships and restore trust abroad? |
|
Ms. Albright. It is not irreversible, but it requires |
|
contact and experience, which is why I think having so many of |
|
you go to the Munich Security Conference as being very |
|
important. And I also hope that you all meet with your |
|
counterparts, parliamentarians from other countries. At the |
|
National Democratic Institute we are very interested in rule of |
|
law in the role of the legislative branches. And I just flat |
|
out invite you now to come with us on some of our election |
|
observing missions and to do a variety of things. They need to |
|
see what America really looks like and how you want to be |
|
helpful in this and that we need to have leadership. |
|
So please, I think it is a very--codels. I was talking |
|
about that earlier. I think it is a very important part. There |
|
was a time that there were Members of Congress that were proud |
|
not to have passports. Please, you know. So I do think you guys |
|
need to get out there. So any time. |
|
Mr. Allred. Thank you Madam Secretary. |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman--or Madam Chair. |
|
Ms. Spanberger [presiding]. The chair recognizes the |
|
gentleman from Maryland, Mr. Trone. |
|
Mr. Trone. Madam Secretary, thank you again for your |
|
patience today. It has been a long day today. |
|
Ms. Albright. It is a lot of fun, I have to say. |
|
Mr. Trone. I have been really struck by your tremendous |
|
leadership with compassion, leadership with civility, and |
|
leadership and bipartisanship. And I will tell you, that is all |
|
in short supply here. |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Mr. Trone. So thank you very, very much. We talked about, |
|
followup on Mr. Malinowski's point earlier, about America's |
|
reputation. We think about how President Trump in Venezuela has |
|
held them to standards, held Maduro and held his feet to the |
|
fire, but at the same time, to juxtapose that in the |
|
Philippines, in Russia, in Korea. We have had elections stolen. |
|
We have not held anybody to the fire of truth. And do you think |
|
that lack of consistency causes us irreparable harm to our |
|
reputation? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think it does, and it is very hard to |
|
follow. I mean, the hard part is to figure out what the |
|
strategy really is, and even though there is documents--I mean, |
|
what I found interesting is that the Trump administration put |
|
out its National Security Strategy very early. The question is |
|
to what extent is it being followed. And we do confuse people |
|
very much. And I think it goes to the points about trust, what |
|
our leadership role is, what our relationships are, and I do |
|
think consistency is something that would help. |
|
Mr. Trone. Yes. It really drives at competence at the end |
|
of the day. |
|
Talk about Saudi Arabia a second. I have been concerned |
|
that--you mentioned earlier the bone saw. The situation with |
|
Khashoggi. We think about what has happened with Qatar. We |
|
think about the dissidents that have disappeared in Saudi |
|
Arabia and taken away. We think about the theft of probably |
|
$100 billion from other Saudis locked in the hotel. We think |
|
about the Prime Minister of Lebanon who has been kidnapped. And |
|
then we think about Yemen; over 100,000 folks are dead, |
|
probably 20-some million on the brink of starvation. We have a |
|
33-year-old Crown Prince that is--you know, the country has |
|
been our ally, but we have a tremendous amount of arrogance, |
|
perhaps driven by age, perhaps driven by wealth beyond |
|
imagination. |
|
What should we be doing about this? Should we just say, oh, |
|
it is OK, and let it go? Because once we do that, my concern |
|
is, for 50 years, your grandchildren and their grandchildren |
|
will have to deal with this. |
|
Ms. Albright. I think the hard part about State craft is |
|
trying to figure out how you say what is your value system, |
|
what you believe, everything, and at the same time, recognize |
|
that sometimes you have to have a relationship with a |
|
leadership that you disrespect or do not like or whatever. I |
|
think we need to make very clear that the actions that you have |
|
talked about are unacceptable, and at the same time, try to |
|
keep a relationship with Saudi Arabia. That is very hard. That |
|
does not mean selling arms to them, but trying to sort out how |
|
you can do both things, you know, kind of this, at the same |
|
time. |
|
And basically, I do think that we need to keep calling out |
|
what happened on Khashoggi and what our intelligence |
|
communities have been saying and not deny that those kind of |
|
things are going on. But it is Franklin Roosevelt who |
|
established the relationship with Saudi Arabia. Never was |
|
simple. We need to figure out where we have to tell it like it |
|
is and, at the same time, maintain some relationship. |
|
I have felt it is a mistake always to cutoff relations with |
|
a country or not have that conversation, because that is what |
|
diplomacy is about. |
|
Mr. Trone. I agree with you. I think we need to continue |
|
the conversations and be relenting in our open discussion of |
|
what was right and what was not right, but at the same time, I |
|
do not think we should just accept the fact that this behavior |
|
can go on unchecked. |
|
Ms. Albright. No. I agree. And I think kind of having |
|
normal, smiley discussions with the Crown Prince is not the way |
|
to go. |
|
Mr. Trone. Anything we can do to mitigate the damage to the |
|
America First policies? |
|
Ms. Albright. I think by recognizing that we believe in |
|
partnership with others, but that is again--I do not mean to |
|
put everything on your shoulders, but I really do think that |
|
the role of Congress in this is key. And when you all can |
|
explain what we are really about, I think it makes a big |
|
difference. Your role in all national security policy and the |
|
kinds of things that people say. And I do think one of the |
|
aspects in terms of understanding that America, actually, we |
|
are great, and that our greatness has come from understanding |
|
partnerships and respecting our friends and allies. |
|
Mr. Trone. Thank you, ma'am. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you. |
|
Ms. Spanberger. The chair recognizes my friend from |
|
Pennsylvania, Representative Houlahan. |
|
Ms. Houlahan. Thank you, Madam Chair. |
|
And thank you, Secretary Albright, for coming. It is a |
|
pleasure to see you again and a real privilege to have this |
|
conversation. |
|
I have two separate questions that are fairly disparate, so |
|
I am hoping that I have enough time to get to both. The first |
|
one has to do with women and girls and particularly the fact in |
|
2019, Fiscal Year 2019, we appropriated $10 million to fund the |
|
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues, and apparently |
|
this position still remains open to this day. So I am wondering |
|
if you could be helpful in elevating what it is that this |
|
special envoy should do and why we should continue to fund this |
|
initiative given that it has not been filled. |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, I have to say that when I became |
|
Secretary, I was the first Secretary to put women's issue |
|
central to American foreign policy, not just because I am a |
|
feminist, but because I know that when women are politically |
|
and economically empowered, societies are more stable. Then the |
|
whole position was created, which I think is very important. |
|
And frankly, you know, in most countries, more than half the |
|
population is female, and so we are undercutting our own |
|
national interests by undermining that. |
|
I also do think--and by the way, what I am very proud that |
|
the National Democratic Institute does is support women |
|
candidates in--across the board in countries and trying to |
|
figure out how to be helpful when they are harassed in their |
|
countries, working with the United Nations on that. So I think |
|
that we need to see the issue from two ways. One is what makes |
|
it better for U.S. national interests, and then obviously the |
|
fact that I do think that the world is better off when women |
|
are equally empowered. |
|
Ms. Houlahan. I could not agree with you more. And my |
|
second line of questioning has to do more with cyber and bio |
|
security and a little bit about what you talked about in your |
|
opening testimony regarding sort of the decimation of the State |
|
Department. I had the privilege of going to the Pentagon on |
|
Monday for almost a full day tour, and a very senior ranking |
|
member of the Secretary of Defense's office was asked about the |
|
state of the relationship between the Pentagon and the State |
|
Department, and he said it had never been better in his entire |
|
career. And he thought that there were no problems and no |
|
hiccups in their relationship. |
|
And so I would love it if you could talk a little bit about |
|
the sort of line level and staff level state of affairs in the |
|
State Department, and also how it relates to cybersecurity and |
|
our ability to stay secure in that space. |
|
Ms. Albright. I do think the importance of a relationship |
|
between State and Defense is essential. And one of the things |
|
that I have to say, Secretary Mattis said that if the State |
|
Department was not funded, he would have to get more ammunition |
|
and a real understanding of that relationship. |
|
I do think that across the levels there are a lot of |
|
department discussions between State and Defense. I think the |
|
problem at the moment is that some of the people in the Defense |
|
Department do not have a counterpart in the State Department |
|
and that they end up then doing what State should be doing, |
|
Defense begins to do. And so I do think--and this goes back |
|
again to the funding of the State Department and having people |
|
there. I also do think that specifically on areas like cyber, |
|
which obviously have a lot of technical aspects to them, also |
|
have diplomatic parts in terms of negotiating with other |
|
countries about what is acceptable, what is not. The question |
|
about Huawei, for instance, or how the Russians are using their |
|
asymmetrical tools in countries and then the diplomatic part. |
|
So we have those two departments for a reason, but one is |
|
operating--I have to say I am for a strong defense, but the |
|
difference in terms of $700 billion and something just under |
|
$60 billion is a little off base. |
|
Ms. Houlahan. I very much appreciate your time. And I yield |
|
back the balance of my time to madam chair. |
|
Ms. Spanberger. The chair recognizes the gentleman from |
|
Virginia. |
|
Mr. Connolly. I thank the gentlelady from Virginia, and I |
|
am proud to call her madam chair. |
|
And welcome, Secretary Albright. Great to see you again. I |
|
think I saw you a little over a week ago in Munich at the |
|
security conference. And I do not know about you, but I was |
|
really struck by sort of the evolution in reactions among our |
|
allies in Europe to the evolution of diplomatic and foreign |
|
policy here in the United States. I would say 2 years ago, |
|
there was anxiety, there was consternation. There were |
|
questions. There was the seeking of reassurance. This time, led |
|
by the Chancellor of Germany herself, Angela Merkel, I saw a |
|
sort of anger and defiance and resistance, frankly, to the |
|
abrogation of U.S. leadership and the evisceration of policies |
|
and treaties that were, in fact, initiated by and presided over |
|
by the United States. |
|
I do not mean to put words in your mouth, but that was my |
|
observation. Big, big change in 2 years in terms of where our |
|
allies are vis--vis current United States foreign policy. And I |
|
think Mr. Pence, the Vice President of the United States, got a |
|
dose of that with the complete and utter silence in response to |
|
his speech, unlike Angela Merkel who criticized the United |
|
States specifically on JCPOA, on the Paris climate accord, on |
|
even naming a German auto manufacturer a threat to the national |
|
security, and she got a standing ovation. |
|
Your observation. |
|
Ms. Albright. I have been to many of the meetings, and I |
|
was appalled at what was going on in terms of kind of a sense |
|
of, who are these people? What happened to America? And I was |
|
so glad that you all were there, because I think that it made |
|
really clear that we did care, but it was as a result of kind |
|
of an American approach to things, of bullying and name calling |
|
and not understanding what the role is. |
|
I am not saying the Europeans are always easy to work with, |
|
but I do think that this was particularly an uncomfortable |
|
time, an embarrassment, if I might put it that way. I have seen |
|
some official releases of a transcript of the Vice President's |
|
speech, and you know how they often have in parentheses--it had |
|
parentheses, applause, and I thought where the--you know, who |
|
wrote that? So I do think that it was an embarrassing kind of |
|
time, and I do think it is an important convocation of people. |
|
And so the fact that you were there made a big difference, but |
|
your analysis of it totally matches mine. |
|
Mr. Connolly. I thank you, Madam Secretary. If I may, in my |
|
remaining time, I want to talk about refugees. One of the most |
|
disturbing aspects, among many, in the foreign policy of this |
|
administration is its hostility toward refugees. Here we are, |
|
you know, the Statue of Liberty. You come from a refugee |
|
family, Madam Secretary, as do millions of Americans, and yet |
|
we have gone from 100,000 level of refugees under the last year |
|
of the previous administration to a ceiling, a proposed ceiling |
|
of 30,000---- |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Mr. Connolly [continuing]. In this next fiscal year. What |
|
is wrong with that? What is wrong with limiting the number of |
|
refugees? And what are the consequences of doing that, from |
|
your point of view having served, of course, as Secretary of |
|
State? |
|
Ms. Albright. Well, first of all, I think it is inhumane |
|
toward the people that want to come in and the many refugees |
|
that have been created, and so I think it is, frankly, un- |
|
American. We are a humane society. People want to be helpful to |
|
each other. |
|
I think that the other part that makes it a problem, and we |
|
are not the only country, I think, that is being less than |
|
generous on this. It makes it very hard when America says you |
|
need to let in more people, and meanwhile, we are cutting our |
|
own numbers. So we are losing our authority on it. |
|
I do think it is very important for there to be some |
|
comprehensive immigration legislation. I think it is a |
|
complicated issue, and as you know, there are distinctions |
|
between refugees and immigrants and a number of different |
|
aspects. And there are a lot of studies that have been done, I |
|
have been a part of a lot, and how technology can now help in |
|
identifying people, any number of things. And there is a |
|
commission--I will be very happy to send that report over. |
|
But I am appalled, frankly. And I describe myself as a |
|
grateful American. And everything about the possibility of |
|
having come here as an 11-year-old and understanding democracy |
|
in America's role. So I do think we need to do something to |
|
really not have the Statue of Liberty weep. |
|
Mr. Connolly. And speaking of that, and then I will end, |
|
but I welcome your support. I have introduced a bill called the |
|
Lady Liberty Act, picking up what you said, which, by the way, |
|
is H.R. 6909, and that would say, oh, no, no. The President |
|
gets to set the limit, as he does currently; however, that |
|
limit can never fall below 100,000. |
|
Ms. Albright. Yes. |
|
Mr. Connolly. And I welcome your input, if not your |
|
support, on trying to get that bill to the floor. I thank you. |
|
And thank you, Madam Chairman. |
|
Ms. Albright. Thank you for doing that. |
|
Ms. Spanberger. I will recognize myself for 5 minutes. |
|
And, Secretary Albright, it is such an honor to have you |
|
here with us today. I thank you for your time, and I thank you |
|
for the opportunity to ask a few questions. |
|
I am a former intelligence officer, and some of the |
|
greatest accomplishments of my life have been knowing that the |
|
information I was out collecting would inform our diplomats and |
|
our policymakers on issues that are complicated and difficult |
|
and nuanced. And last week--or last month, excuse me, following |
|
the intelligence chief's annual threat testimony, you said you |
|
were stunned by the President's immediate and vehement |
|
dismissal of their assessments and by his overall regular |
|
attacks on the integrity and the trade craft of American |
|
intelligence officers. |
|
I am deeply concerned about what appears to be a growing |
|
disconnect between our political and our intelligence leaders, |
|
in particular, because I see that it undermines the ability of |
|
our lawmakers, of our diplomats, of American leadership to make |
|
informed, strong, quality decisions based on intelligence that |
|
was collected by people, by Americans who risked their lives to |
|
get it. And in light of this week's summit on North Korea, my |
|
question is, do you have an opinion of how we as Members of |
|
Congress can help ensure that the White House is receiving and |
|
considering the intelligence as part of the administration's |
|
policy formulation? And if that is not possible, as a former |
|
diplomat and as a teacher, do you have recommendations for what |
|
we as Members of Congress and as those with a platform within |
|
our own communities can do to ensure that the American |
|
population understands the value of intelligence in the way |
|
that it informs and the value of diplomacy in the way that it |
|
helps protect our communities and the way that it is a vital |
|
portion of our national security efforts? |
|
Ms. Albright. It is a key part of our national security |
|
efforts, and I had--well, first of all, what I truly miss not |
|
being in the government is the intelligence. And I would read |
|
the papers, and then I would come into my office, and there |
|
would be the State Department INR part, and then the |
|
intelligence person would come in and brief me, and read the |
|
PDB and all kinds of things, and I always thought, gosh, I wish |
|
I could spend hours all day doing this. But the greatest |
|
respect for the intelligence community. Leon Panetta at the |
|
time asked me to be on the CIA External Advisory Board, which I |
|
did with General Petraeus and John Brennan. I am no longer on |
|
that, but it was a way to understand what the intelligence |
|
community did. |
|
And I think something that is very important in terms of |
|
all the work that is done on open source and all the |
|
information that is out there, and it is impossible for the |
|
government to operate without having that kind of knowledge. |
|
And I think that what needs to happen is obviously the funding |
|
of the intelligence community, but also the respect for the |
|
intelligence community. And I think one of the things that the |
|
External Advisory Board was there to do, because that is what |
|
Panetta thought, was to try to explain it more to Americans. |
|
And I think that that needs to happen, is that it should not-- |
|
not the product so much but the fact that it is important. How |
|
can you possibly make policy without both kinds of |
|
intelligence, frankly? But I think that it is very important. |
|
And I think your coming here and being a Member of Congress |
|
is also a very important part in terms of being able to explain |
|
what it really does. So I will do my best to keep talking about |
|
the importance of intelligence. |
|
Ms. Spanberger. Well, thank you, Madam Secretary, for your |
|
comments, for your insights, and your continued service to our |
|
country. |
|
Thank you to the members of this committee. The hearing is |
|
now adjourned. |
|
[Whereupon, at 1:01 p.m., the committee was adjourned.] |
|
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APPENDIX |
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