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	<title> - MADE BY MADURO: THE HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN VENEZUELAAND U.S. POLICY RESPONSES</title>
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	[House Hearing, 116 Congress]
	[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]




	MADE BY MADURO: THE
	HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN VENEZUELA AND U.S. POLICY RESPONSES

	=======================================================================

	HEARING

	BEFORE THE

	SUBCOMMITTEE ON
	THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, CIVILIAN SECURITY, AND TRADE

	OF THE

	COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
	HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

	ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS

	FIRST SESSION

	__________

	FEBRUARY 26, 2019

	__________

	Serial No. 116-7

	__________

	Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs


	[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


	Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,

	or www.govinfo.gov

	__________

	U.S GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

	35-365PDF WASHINGTON : 2019




	COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

	ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York, Chairman

	BRAD SHERMAN, California MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking
	GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York Member
	ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
	GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
	THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida JOE WILSON, South Carolina
	KAREN BASS, California SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
	WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts TED S. YOHO, Florida
	DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
	AMI BERA, California LEE ZELDIN, New York
	JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas JIM SENSENBRENNER, Wisconsin
	DINA TITUS, Nevada ANN WAGNER, Missouri
	ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York BRIAN MAST, Florida
	TED LIEU, California FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
	SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
	DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota JOHN CURTIS, Utah
	ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota KEN BUCK, Colorado
	COLIN ALLRED, Texas RON WRIGHT, Texas
	ANDY LEVIN, Michigan GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania
	ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
	CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania GREG PENCE, Indiana
	TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey STEVE WATKINS, Kansas
	DAVID TRONE, Maryland MIKE GUEST, Mississippi
	JIM COSTA, California
	JUAN VARGAS, California
	VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas

	Jason Steinbaum, Staff Director

	Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director
	------

	Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Civilian Security, and Trade

	ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey, Chairman

	GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida, Ranking
	JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas Member
	ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
	DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota TED S. YOHO, Florida
	ANDY LEVIN, Michigan JOHN CURTIS, Utah
	VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas KEN BUCK, Colorado
	JUAN VARGAS, California MIKE GUEST, Mississippi

	Sadaf Khan, Staff Director




	C O N T E N T S

	----------
	Page

	WITNESSES

	Escobari, Marcela, Senior Fellow For Global Economy and
	Development, Center for Universal Education, Brookings
	Institution.................................................... 21
	Canton, Santiago, Former Executive Secretary, Inter-American
	Commission on Human Rights..................................... 30
	Rendon, Moises, Associate Director and Associate Fellow, Americas
	Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies........ 38

	STATEMENTS SUBMITTED FROM COMMITTEE MEMBERS

	Hon. Albio Sires, chairman of the subcommittee................... 3
	Representative Yoho for Ambassador Rooney........................ 8
	Representative Meeks............................................. 13

	APPENDIX

	Hearing Notice................................................... 59
	Hearing Minutes.................................................. 60
	Hearing Attendance............................................... 61

	ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

	Amensty International letter submitted from Representative Levin. 62

	RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

	Question submitted to Ms. Marcela Escobari from Chairman Sires... 70
	Question submitted to Mr. Santiago Canton from Representative
	Levin.......................................................... 73


	MADE BY MADURO: THE HUMANITARIAN

	CRISIS IN VENEZUELA AND U.S. POLICY RESPONSES

	Tuesday, February 26, 2019

	House of Representatives
	Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
	Civilian Security, and Trade
	Committee on Foreign Affairs
	Washington, DC
	The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:08 p.m., in
	Room 2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Albio Sires
	(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
	Mr. Sires. This hearing will come to order.
	This hearing titled Made by Maduro: The Humanitarian Crisis
	in Venezuela and U.S. Policy Responses will focus on the
	political, economic, and human rights crisis in Venezuela, and
	ways for the international community to support the Venezuelan
	people.
	Without objection, all members may have 5 days to submit
	statements, questions, extraneous material for the record,
	subject to the length limitation in the rules. I will now make
	an opening statement and then turn it over to the ranking
	member for his opening statement.
	Good afternoon, everyone, and thank you to our witnesses
	for being here today for such a timely and important topic.
	This is our first subcommittee hearing of the 116th Congress,
	and I just want to say that I am looking forward to working
	with every member of this committee, including Ranking Member
	Rooney and Vice Chair Meeks, to bring much-needed attention to
	the Western Hemisphere.
	Today the Venezuelan people are suffering under a
	humanitarian crisis caused by authoritarian leader Nicolas
	Maduro. Since Maduro came to power in 2013, he has consistently
	repressed human rights. Under his command, security forces have
	arbitrarily detained and abused thousands of protesters,
	committed acts of torture and forced disappearances, and
	carried out hundreds of brutal killings, all with the single
	goal of eliminating any and all opposition.
	Just yesterday we saw another assault on democracy when
	Maduro detained American journalist Jorge Ramos for hours just
	because he did not like the questions he was being asked.
	Maduro has caused an economic collapse that has left nearly
	90 percent of Venezuelans in poverty, and forced over 3 million
	Venezuelans to leave their country. While average Venezuelans
	suffer from crippling inflation and shortages of food and
	medicine, Maduro and his cronies have enriched themselves
	through drug trafficking and money laundering.
	Maduro's illegitimate reelection last year cemented his
	position as a dictator. If there was any doubt, one just needs
	to examine this weekend's event when Maduro thugs burned tons
	of boxes of food and medicine. He would rather see his people
	starve and suffer than face the truth.
	It is clear from the massive demonstrations that have been
	taking place that Venezuelans have had enough. They are
	demanding an end to Maduro's reign of terror. At this pivotal
	moment the United States must stand by the Venezuelan people
	and on the side of democracy. I have joined many of my
	colleagues in recognizing the interim President Juan Guaido and
	calling for swift elections that are free, fair, and
	transparent.
	I believe the U.S. must work closely with allies in Latin
	America and Europe to help the Venezuelan people reclaim their
	fundamental rights and restore democracy. And we must take note
	of the regimes that are enabling Maduro.
	Cuba continues to provide intelligence support to Maduro to
	prevent military officials from defecting to the side of
	democracy. And Russia and Turkey are providing financial
	lifelines to keep Maduro afloat. The international community
	should be unified in calling for an immediate peaceful
	transition that swiftly leads to free and fair elections in
	which every political party is allowed to participate in fully
	competitive conditions, as guaranteed by international
	observers.
	To achieve that goal, we must apply maximum diplomatic and
	economic pressure on Maduro and do all we can to support the
	Venezuelan people. That is why I have joined my colleagues in
	working to hold Maduro accountable, while providing aid to
	address the humanitarian crisis. I have joined Congressman Soto
	in calling for the U.S. to grant temporary protected status to
	Venezuelans fleeing this crisis. And I cosponsored legislation
	proposed by Congresswoman Mucarsel-Powell which will authorize
	the President to direct $150 million in humanitarian assistance
	to the people of Venezuela.
	As we ramp up the pressure under Maduro, we need to be
	thinking also about the day after he is gone and how we can
	support the Venezuelan people to rebuild not just their
	democracy but their economy.
	I look forward to hearing from the experts with us today
	about what further steps the U.S. Government can take in close
	coordination with our allies to help the Venezuelan people
	reclaim their democracy.
	Thank you. And I now turn to the ranking member for his
	opening statement, Congressman Yoho.
	[The prepared statement of Mr. Sires follows:]

	[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT


	Mr. Yoho. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate it. And I am going to
	read Ambassador Rooney's opening statement.
	Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The current humanitarian and
	economic catas--thank you, catastrophe, that word, plaguing
	Venezuela is unprecedented in our hemisphere. The socialist
	policies, corruption, and economic mismanagement by the Maduro
	regime have destroyed what was once the most prosperous, the
	most prosperous country in Latin America and created one of the
	greatest exoduses of people, wealth, and talent in recent
	historical memories. Up to 3 million people have fled
	Venezuela.
	We said this on a news conference yesterday. You know, if
	it is doing so well, the Maduro regime is doing so well, why
	would 3 million people of your own country want to leave,
	destabilizing the region and most severely impacting our strong
	ally Colombia, and all of South America?
	Of course, an illegitimate dictator like Maduro refuses to
	accept responsibility for the current crisis. Blaming the
	United States will never explain hyperinflation exceeding 2
	million percent I read the other day--I do not know how that is
	possible--or an average Venezuelan losing over 20 pounds in
	body weight due to malnutrition. Instead, Maduro ignores the
	suffering of the Venezuelan people and continues to block
	humanitarian aid from entering his country.
	I comment the Trump administration for leading the effort
	to bring humanitarian assistance to the Venezuelan people in
	response to interim President Guido's request.
	I also applaud Colombian President Duque, who we met with
	last week, and Brazilian President Bolsonaro for their support
	and strong commitment to democracy and freedom for the
	Venezuelan people. The Maduro regime also refuses to listen to
	the request of the Venezuelan people, and has violently cracked
	down on peaceful dissent and committed serious human rights
	violation and abuses, including torture and death.
	Just this past weekend security forces are believed to have
	killed at least 25 people and injured more than 285 because
	they dared to protest. He has usurped the power of the
	democratically elected National Assembly and destroyed
	Venezuela's democratic institutions, while ignoring
	condemnation from the international community. The Maduro
	regime is not one elected officials chosen by--is not one of
	elected officials chosen by the Venezuelan people but criminals
	who run a mafia-like enterprise to enrich themselves at the
	expense of ordinary Venezuelans.
	Just last week we had a meeting where we found out that
	over $11 billion was pilfered off of the petroleum companies
	that have enriched the upper echelons of the Maduro regime at
	the expense of the Venezuelan people.
	The mafia State has not risen to power on its own. U.S.
	adversaries--and keep in mind it goes back to what our parents
	taught us as kids, you become who you hang around with--U.S.
	adversaries like Russia, Cuba, China, Iran, and Morales of
	Bolivia support the Maduro regime. That should tell you right
	there they are on the wrong side. Cuban officials are embedded
	in the Venezuelan military to the point where Maduro relies on
	the security forces of the Cuban regime for support because he
	cannot trust his own people.
	Russia and Iran see Venezuela as a disruptive thorn in the
	side of the United States. And China exploits a corrupt regime
	for discounted oil and access to resources. This is the real
	foreign interference we should be talking about. The
	illegitimate Maduro regime also has ties to drug trafficking
	and other illicit activities, and the Venezuelan people are the
	first victims of this corruption and cronyism. Over the last
	month the Venezuelan people have stood up to the Maduro regime
	and demanded the return of Venezuela to the prosperous, free
	nation it once was.
	President, interim President Juan Guaido has certified a
	united movement against the Maduro regime, and it has gained
	the recognition of over 50 countries. Maduro wants to blame the
	U.S. for this, but this is 50 international companies--
	countries that have stood up to this. Again, I commend the
	Trump administration's strong support for Guaido and the
	Venezuelan people, and support the calls for free and fair
	elections in Venezuela as soon as conditions allow for them.
	And I strongly support the continuation of sanctions against
	the Maduro regime and the use of all economic tools at our
	disposal to hold them accountable for the crimes.
	There is much work to be done for Venezuela to regain its
	freedom, and freedom they will regain because the Venezuelan
	people grew up in this generation of liberties and freedoms and
	he is trying to snatch that away from them. They will not
	tolerate that. And that on itself is enough to change that
	regime.
	I am encouraged by the efforts of the administration and
	Special Representative Elliott Abrams to achieves these goals
	and coordination with our regional allies, and further hope my
	Democrat and Republican colleagues here in Congress will work
	together to present a united front against the Maduro regime
	that will encourage other nations to be on the right side of
	history.
	I look forward to the hearing. And, Mr. Chairman, I yield
	back. Thank you.
	[The prepared statement of Mr. Rooney follows:].

	AMBASSADOR ROONEY OPENING STATEMENT

	[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT

	Mr. Sires. Thank you. Thank you, Congressman Yoho.
	We are going to open it up for 1-minute remarks by the
	members. Vice Chair Meeks, you have it.
	Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I am going to
	submit my full statement for the record. I will summarize it
	real quickly in this 1 minute.
	You know, clearly, to see what is happening to the people
	of Venezuela is heartbreaking to witness. When we talk about
	the scenario and human lives being lost in many instances and
	people going hungry, and no one wants to stand by and see such
	tragedies. But I do believe that it is important that the Lima
	Group and some of our allies in the region take the lead on
	this. It is just too much, I think, that it seems as though
	with our past history in the region, in Central and South
	America, and some of the bellicose talks that are going on
	about military threats, that hurts getting things done.
	I appreciate the fact that I see how and such with not a
	lot of bellicose that Peru, and Colombia, and Brazil, those
	border States have been dealing with. I look forward to
	questioning the witnesses and going and pursuing this a little
	bit further.
	But I submit my full statement for the record.
	[The prepared statement of Mr. Meeks follows:]

	[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT

	Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
	Congressman Yoho, 1-minute remark.
	Mr. Yoho. One minute. You know, we look at this. And we met
	with the interim Ambassador that has been placed in that
	position that we recognize, and what I see is not, this is just
	not about Venezuela. This is about the other nations that we
	talked about, Cuba, China, Russia, Iran, Bolivia. These are all
	anti-western democracies. And the Rubicon is Venezuela. If the
	Maduro regime fails, so does Cuba because they have invested so
	much over the course of the years, and the same with Russia.
	This is something that we have over 70 million displaced
	refugees around the world because of conflict. We have the
	potential, having millions more that we have never seen in this
	country coming through our southern border. And this is
	something that we need to have a peaceful resolution as soon as
	possible.
	And I look forward to this hearing.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you. Congressman Espaillat.
	Mr. Espaillat. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	Although I have in the past been outspoken against any form
	of military intervention by our nation--we cannot continue to
	be the policeman of the world--I am very distressed to see what
	is occurring in Venezuela, particularly yesterday. We saw how
	Jorge Ramos and his Univision crew were detained for 2 hours
	when he showed Maduro a film of the children, Venezuelan
	children eating off a garbage truck. That has been protested by
	the entire world, including Mexico who has been somewhat
	ambivalent about what is happening in Venezuela, they protested
	this.
	And yesterday Jorge Ramos and his crew were deported from,
	forcefully moved from Venezuela. That is, Mr. Chairman,
	troubling because the eyes of the world must be on what is
	happening there. The whole world must be watching what is
	happening there. We cannot be blindfolded to that. And that is
	an egregious act against humanity.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
	Congressman Vargas.
	Mr. Vargas. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. And thank you
	for holding this hearing.
	I have to say that I am very distressed with what is
	happening in Venezuela. Venezuela has been a very proud
	country. In fact, has the largest oil reserves in the world. It
	has been a country that has historically been very wealthy in
	Latin America and on the move. And to see what has happened to
	it under Maduro is tragic. It has become a failed state.
	And also to reiterate what has happened to Jorge Ramos, a
	lot of us see Jorge Ramos as the Walter Cronkite of Spanish
	news. Someone that we always trust. He is very straightforward
	in what he says. And to see him, see what happened to him and
	his crew, how they were manhandled, and mishandled, and
	mistreated was really tragic because we need to see with the
	eyes, I think, of a very honest newsperson like himself what is
	going on there.
	So, again, I am very happy that we are having this hearing
	today. And I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman and the ranking
	member.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
	Let me introduce first Ms. Marcela Escobari, Senior Fellow
	in the Center for Universal Education at Brookings where she is
	leading the Workforce of the Future Initiative. She spent the
	last year of President Obama's administration as an assistant
	administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
	Development's Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean,
	focusing its initiatives on poverty, inequality, citizen
	security, and governance.
	Since 2007, Ms. Escobari served as the Executive Director
	of the Center for International Development at Harvard
	University. She has also worked as head of the Americas Region
	at the OTF Group where she advised governments on poverty
	alleviation through private enterprise.
	We welcome you again. Thank you.
	We will then hear from Mr. Santiago Canton who currently
	serves as Secretary of Human Rights for the Province of Buenos
	Aires. In 2017, he was appointed by the Organization of
	American States' Secretary General Luis Almagro as one of three
	experts to join an independent panel to examine the human
	rights situation in Venezuela. Mr. Canton was formerly director
	of RFK Partners for Human Rights at the Robert F. Kennedy
	Center for Justice and Human Rights.
	Before joining the RFK Center, Mr. Canton was the Executive
	Secretary of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights for
	11 years, after serving as the first Special Rapporteur for
	Freedom of Expression in the Inter-American System. He also
	served as Director for Latin America and the Caribbean for the
	National Democratic Institute for International Affairs as a
	political assistant to former United States President Jimmy
	Carter.
	Welcome.
	Finally, we will hear from Moises Rendon, Associate
	Director and Associate Fellow of the Center for Strategic and
	International Studies, Americas Program. His research focuses
	on Latin American States in transition, trade and investment,
	governance and transparency, and U.S. foreign policy toward
	Latin America, with particular emphasis on Venezuela. He is a
	native Venezuelan.
	Thank you all for being here. Now we will go to testimony.
	Ms. Escobari, you have 5 minutes.

	STATEMENT OF MARCELA ESCOBARI, SENIOR FELLOW FOR GLOBAL ECONOMY
	AND DEVELOPMENT, CENTER FOR UNIVERSAL EDUCATION, BROOKINGS
	INSTITUTION

	Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Chairman Sires and members of the
	committee for calling this hearing and for the opportunity to
	testify today. I will be summarizing my views and ask that my
	full testimony be placed in the record.
	Venezuela presents a complex situation for a humanitarian
	response, where there is a legitimate, widely recognized, and
	democratically elected entity in the National Assembly, and now
	interim President Juan Guaido . However, he does not, as of
	now, have the command of the military forces or the government
	bureaucracy. So, while the official request of humanitarian aid
	from the National Assembly has started to be answered by the
	international community, it is a contested environment, where
	the delivery of aid is being explicitly blocked by Nicolas
	Maduro and the military.
	So, the situation calls for a two-tiered response.
	One, is what to do during this impasse.
	And, two, what to do in case of a much-needed democratic
	transition.
	Alleviating the human suffering and the refugee crisis
	looks different under these two scenarios. In the status quo we
	need to deliver aid in a politically neutral way to those that
	need it the most. This may involve engaging the United Nations,
	funding exisiting local and multinational NGO's on the ground,
	and using a variety of delivery channels, from cash transfers
	to air drops of supplies. As the need is and will be massive,
	both inside Venezuela and the neighboring countries affected by
	the refugee crisis.
	I would like to be clear that while important and
	necessary, given the extent of the humanitarian crisis, this
	approach is palliative. In the case of a democratic transition,
	Venezuela can engage in the profound reforms that are needed:
	Stabilizing the currency, rebooting the private provision of
	goods, massive cash transfers to alleviate acute shortages, and
	investing in public services from the replenishment of
	hospitals to citizen security. This transition will involve
	significant aid and, likely, the largest IMF package in its
	history.
	So, what is the situation? Venezuela has seen one of the
	most dramatic economic contractions in human history. Inflation
	has surpassed 1 million percent in the last year. If
	Venezuelans used to buy a carton of milk with $1 in January, in
	December it cost them $10,000. Obviously, salaries have not
	kept up.
	GDP has contracted over 50 percent in the last 5 years, the
	largest contraction in the world in 2017. It has over $150
	billion in debt, while oil output, which is 95 percent of
	exports, has gone down 64 percent in the last 20 years due to
	mismanagement and corruption.
	Poverty has gone from 48 percent to 91 percent in the last
	4 years. Venezuela is one of the most violent countries in the
	world. Parts of Venezuela have become lawless refuge for the
	FARC, the ELN, and non-state actors who engage in
	narcotrafficking, illegal mining, and contraband of gasoline.
	There are shortages of almost every basic medication. The
	Ministry of Health reported on a hundredfold increase in
	neonatal death. We have seen the rise of diseases previously
	eradicated, from malaria where we have seen over 500,000 cases,
	as well as Zika, polio, diphtheria, and measles. Shortages of
	vaccines means that this problem is likely to aggravate and
	spread, given the refugee crisis which has reached 3.4 million
	Venezuelans which have left their country, an average of 5,000
	Venezuelans who cross the border every day.
	Diseases do not respect borders and pose a regional
	security threat.
	To conclude, our unwavering support of the Venezuelan
	people is critical in this moment. There are two distinct
	strategies at play. One involves exerting maximum economic and
	political pressure on the regime that increase the chances of a
	bloodless transition.
	The second is a humanitarian response which is distinct
	from the political and diplomatic strategy, and should be
	neutral and target the most vulnerable. We should also be
	prepared to commit the resources that are commensurate with the
	needs, which will be multiples of the current commitment.
	In both of these fronts we need to maintain a multilateral
	approach. We are stronger and wiser when we work with others.
	And what makes this moment remarkable is the global support
	coalescing behind the new government and the humanitarian
	response. The Grupo de Lima, the OAS, most of the European
	Union make up the over 50 countries recognizing Guaido and
	pressing for a democratic transition. It is this coalition,
	ideally led by the Grupo de Lima, and supported by the U.S.
	that represents a hope for the Venezuelan people who have
	suffered too long under a brutal and corrupt regime.
	I wish to sincerely thank you for calling this hearing on
	the Venezuelan crisis and for inviting me to testify today.
	[The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:]

	[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT

	Mr. Sires. Thank you.
	Mr. Canton.

	STATEMENT OF SANTIAGO CANTON, FORMER EXECUTIVE SECRETARY,
	INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS

	Mr. Canton. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rooney, and
	members of the committee----
	Mr. Sires. Can you please turn your mike on. Thank you.
	Mr. Canton. Thank you for the opportunity to testify today.
	The Secretary General of the Organization of American
	States, Luis Almagro, has recently stated: ``The regime in
	Venezuela is responsible for what has become one of the worst
	humanitarian crisis the region has experienced. This crisis is
	man-made and a direct result of inhumane actions by leaders who
	do not care about the suffering of their people, allowing their
	citizens to die of hunger and preventable diseases.''
	In 2018, the U.N.'s Food and Agriculture Organization
	indicated that between 2015 and 2017, 11 percent of Venezuela's
	population, 3.7 million people, were undernourished, up from
	less than 5 percent between 2008 and 2013.
	The 2018 National Survey of Hospitals showed that the
	capacity of the national network of hospitals has been
	gradually dismantled over the last 5 years. The survey reports
	88 percent of shortages of medicine and 79 percent of shortages
	of surgical supplies.
	Indicators such as the increase of maternal mortality by 60
	percent, and infant mortality by 30 percent from 2014 to 2016,
	the lack of access to adequate and regular treatment for more
	than 300,000 patients with chronic diseases, or the outbreak of
	malaria and diphtheria all point to a dramatic deterioration of
	the healthcare system.
	The Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights at the
	U.N. observed that women are particularly affected by the
	health crisis. For instance, the number of maternal deaths rose
	from 368 in 2012 to 756 in 2016.
	Last year, as mentioned by the chairman, I was appointed by
	the OAS to a panel of three independent international experts
	that, after evaluating the information on the humanitarian
	crisis, concluded that the use of the crisis as an instrument
	to pressure a segment of the population that is considered as
	dissident or that is identified as such, constituted multiple
	violations of fundamental rights, such as the right to life,
	right to humane treatment, the right to health, and the right
	to food, making it a crime of persecution for political
	reasons.
	The humanitarian crisis has created more demonstrations,
	and the government response to the demonstrations was a policy
	of systematic violations which between 2014 and 2018 left
	thousands of extrajudicial executions, 12,000 arbitrary
	detentions, 289 cases of torture, 192 cases of rape of persons
	under State control, and a number of enforced disappearances.
	The panel of experts found reasonable grounds to believe
	that these acts against the civilian population of Venezuela
	constituted crimes against humanity, in accordance with Article
	7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,
	including the crimes of murder, imprisonment, torture, rape and
	other forms of sexual violence, persecution, and enforced
	disappearances. Finally, the case that the panel worked on was
	sent by five countries to the ICC.
	In 2001, the countries of this hemisphere approved the
	world's first democratic charter with the goal of defending
	democracy and human rights. Unfortunately, due to regional
	politics, the Inter-American Democratic Charter has clearly
	failed. Mr. Chairman, this is not about politics, this is not
	about the Latin American left or the Latin American right,
	populism or fascism, this crisis is about the personal greed,
	corruption and organized criminal activity of the mafia that
	under the banner of nationalism and sovereignty is killing,
	torturing, persecuting, and detaining its own people.
	In the year 2000, the Canadian Government established a
	commission to respond to a question of the U.N. Secretary
	General Kofi Annan on when the international community must
	intervene for humanitarian purposes. The Canadian Commission
	stated that sovereignty entails not only rights, but also the
	responsibility to protect its people from major violations of
	human rights. Basically, Mr. Chairman, the principle of non-
	intervention yields to the international responsibility to
	protect. In this situation, it means to exercise the
	responsibility to protect the Venezuelan citizens facing grave
	human rights violations.
	And that is where we are now, Mr. Chairman. The
	international community, not any country individually, should
	work together, particularly with the countries from the Lima
	Group, but also with those who have not joined the Lima Group
	to return to the Venezuelans the democracy, the human rights,
	and the dignity that the group of organized criminals took away
	from them.
	Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
	[The prepared statement of Mr. Canton follows:]

	[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT

	Mr. Sires. Thank you.
	Votes have just been called so, Mr. Rendon, can you do your
	5 minutes and then we will go into recess and come back so we
	can ask you some questions. And thank you for your patience.

	STATEMENT OF MOISES RENDON, ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR AND ASSOCIATE
	FELLOW, AMERICAS PROGRAM, CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND
	INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

	Mr. Rendon. Thank you. Mr. Chairman and ranking member,
	distinguished committee members, thank you for the opportunity
	to share my thoughts on the crisis in Venezuela. My colleagues
	already talked about how we got here, including the most
	important humanitarian and economic indicators, so I will
	highlight some issues on how the U.S. and the international
	community can non-violently support Venezuelans to reclaim
	their democracy from this kleptocratic mafia state.
	It is important to emphasize that interim President Guaido
	did not proclaim himself as president, as has been reported.
	After January 10th of this year, Maduro lost any legitimacy
	left to continue in office. The Presidential elections held
	last May were not only unfree and unfair, but also illegally
	called by the illegitimate constituent assembly and organized
	by an unconstitutionally named national council, election
	council. This is why more than 50 countries, together with the
	National Assembly and the Supreme Court in exile did not
	recognize the results, and now recognize Guaido in lines of
	articles 233, 333, and 350 of the Venezuelan Constitution.
	The next step should be supporting the path that Guaido
	himself has announced to restore the country's democracy: Stop
	Maduro's usurpation of power, set up Guido's interim government
	such that free and fair elections can be held.
	The events this past Saturday, on February 23d, prove once
	again that the regime does not care that its own people faces
	starvation, and is not willing to leave power even if it means
	committing crimes against humanity. The rejection of
	humanitarian aid, including with the use of force, has been
	part of Maduro's policy and has been systematically enforced
	for many years in Venezuela.
	I want to briefly talk about the role of Cuba, China, and
	Russia. Venezuela has not been a truly sovereign nation for
	years. The presence of Cuban State actors in different sectors
	in Venezuela, including in the intelligence, military, and
	property registration offices, violates the Venezuelan
	Constitution and international law.
	China has propped up Maduro, has propped up the Maduro
	regime, lending nearly $70 billion, and possessing large oil
	fields in the Orinoco Belt where most of the Venezuelan oil is.
	Russia's influence in Venezuela, on the other hand, is
	driven both by economic and foreign policy objectives.
	I can comment more on this and other issues later but I
	want to turn now to where we go from here.
	I think a military intervention would be catastrophic, Mr.
	Chairman. Let me be clear, the threat of military involvement
	is a worthwhile strategy when it exists only as a threat or
	political language. However, actual boots on the ground or
	military activity will send the country deeper into chaos. The
	FARC members, ELN, gangs, and other paramilitary groups operate
	in this lawless environment. All of these groups are in peace
	right now. But as soon as one military action comes to
	Venezuela they will panic and it will cause even greater
	security concerns.
	What's more, the international community does not support
	military intervention as of now. We have not yet exhausted all
	peaceful policy options. Saturday was the first attempt that
	humanitarians had attempted to enter into the country. This
	happened because Juan Guaido has been recognized as the interim
	president of Venezuela, and together with the National Assembly
	urgently requested aid.
	Now that there is a consensus today within the
	international community that there is no time to waste in
	Venezuela, the path to limit the suffering of the Venezuelan
	people and help Venezuelans restore their democracy could be
	accelerated if the following steps are taken in the short term:
	One, provide much-needed humanitarian assistance within
	Venezuela. Again, Saturday was the first time this was
	attempted. And the planning and execution needs to be improved
	moving forward.
	Second, help Guido's government get off the ground by
	recovering the republic's assets from Maduro's control and
	transferring them to the Guaido and the National Assembly
	control.
	Third, recognize the new Ambassadors appointed by Guido's
	interim government and revoking diplomatic visas to those
	members of the regime and their families, including visas, the
	older visas, because revoking the older visas is also very
	important.
	Fourth, back the National Assembly's amnesty law for
	current and former military officials who decide to help
	restore the country's democracy and let the humanitarian aid
	in.
	Fifth, increase pressure on Maduro and his inner circle
	with legal sanctions, especially by countries who have not
	imposed sanctions yet.
	And, sixth, prohibit any further international agreements
	or oil payments to the Maduro regime and transfer those
	payments to Maduro's government and the National Assembly.
	And to finalize, this is, there is no silver bullet to
	resolve the Venezuelan crisis, Mr. Chairman. However, from the
	humanitarian and international law perspective the provision of
	humanitarian aid needs to be the top priority. The more the
	U.S. works together with the OAS and the Lima Group which, by
	the way, Venezuela formally joined the Lima Group just
	yesterday, we will have a better chance to find a peaceful
	solution.
	Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	[The prepared statement of Mr. Rendon follows:]

	[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT

	Mr. Sires. Thank you. We will recess now. We have floor
	votes. We will be right back.
	Thank you.
	[Recess.]
	Mr. Sires. We are going to start because I know, Mr.
	Canton, you have to leave. And we will start with the
	questioning. And I will start.
	You know, I get asked this question all the time. And the
	question basically is this:
	Are there any other methods for us delivering humanitarian
	aid that have been used in other places that we could try in
	Venezuela? Ms. Escobari, is there? I mean, obviously this past
	weekend did not go well. And I do not know, quite frankly, how
	to answer that.
	Ms. Escobari. No, it is a great question. And I think what
	we saw this weekend is that Venezuelans are desperate to find
	ways out of this repressive regime. And they also need to bring
	food in. And these two goals were conflated this weekend, and
	most of the aid did not go through.
	But I think there is a lot more that we can try. It is
	difficult in a contested environment. But it involves working
	with international NGO's like the Red Cross, working with local
	NGO's. There are hundreds of local NGO's. And thinking
	creatively about ways to bring in goods, sometimes we need
	goods but also cash, because around 20 percent of the goods are
	still provided by the private sector. It is just that most
	Venezuelans cannot afford them.
	And I do think there is an opportunity for the U.N. to step
	up their game and help----
	Mr. Sires. They have been pretty quiet about this.
	Ms. Escobari. Yes. I think the U.N. has played a brokering
	role in many of these politically contested environments, from
	Yemen to Sudan. And my colleague Jeremy Konyndyk who used to
	work at USAID, has suggested the U.N. needs to challenge
	Maduro's denial of the crisis. And Maduro's refusal of the aid
	has left the U.N. with no funding appeal for Venezuela, no
	humanitarian coordinator appointed within the U.N. system.
	OCHA, which coordinates aid, does not even include
	Venezuela as a contry of focus. And so I think that that is an
	opportunity to find a political mediator in this crisis.
	Mr. Canton. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	Unfortunately I would say that, many of the questions you
	have are the same questions that we all have. And we all also
	do not have an answer. There are no clear answers to many of
	the problems we are facing in Venezuela.
	One thing that at least I believe is very important,
	particularly for the U.S. Government, is to follow the Lima
	Group. There is a dialog going on there and if there is any
	possibility of finding a solution, very likely may come from
	the Lima Group.
	And in addition to the Lima Group I would say let's not
	forget about Mexico, let's not forget about Uruguay. Although
	those two countries have not recognized Guaido, that does not
	mean that they do not want to collaborate. And you always need,
	particularly in situations like this one that this, you know,
	is very close, you need some interlocutors that can talk, that
	can talk to the government. And those are going to be more
	likely Mexico and Uruguay than in the Lima Group.
	So, the combination of the work of other Latin American
	countries which Latin America has a history, sometimes good,
	sometimes bad, but it does have a history of trying to find
	solutions to this big crisis. The Contadora group back in the
	'80's, and there are some experiences like that. They should
	take the lead. And it is important that the U.S. understands
	that and takes the lead of the decision of the Lima Group.
	Mr. Rendon. Thank you, Mr. Chairman for the question. I
	have done some research on finding new methods to try to
	provide humanitarian aid in Venezuela. Very interestingly, the
	use of new technology, specifically the use of cryptocurrency,
	is already playing a role in Venezuela. We brought groups on
	the ground in Venezuela that are receiving donations through
	cryptocurrency, and they are using those donations to buy food
	and medicine and distribute it within Venezuela.
	This is increasingly happening because Venezuela has
	hyperinflation and the donations to get into the country is
	really limited, really repressive; right? So that is where the
	use of cryptocurrency is shedding a light of how we can use
	that as a method to get aid in a way that we probably have not
	seen before. So, I think looking into those.
	And the benefits are countless. I mean, it is transparent,
	censorship-resistant, it is borderless, and it is empowering
	the people to use their own resources, right, because it is
	direct. So I would look at that as a way to, because again we
	need to think out of the box here, and I think that is one of
	those tools that can maybe help.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you. My time is up.
	Congressman Guest.
	Mr. Guest. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	Mr. Rendon, would you agree that the Maduro regime is a
	corrupt regime? I think you mentioned that in your report or
	your transcript on page 2. Would you agree with that?
	Mr. Rendon. I am sorry, what is that? Would you repeat
	that, please?
	Mr. Guest. Would you agree that the current regime is a
	corrupt regime?
	Mr. Rendon. Yes.
	Mr. Guest. Being involved, I believe you say, in illicit
	activities, including drug trafficking, massive corruption, and
	money laundering?
	Mr. Rendon. Yes. Correct.
	Mr. Guest. And would each of you also agree with that as
	well, with that, with that assessment of the current regime?
	And to each of you, would you agree that the current regime is
	an illegitimate regime based upon the sham elections that were
	held earlier last year?
	Mr. Rendon. Correct.
	Mr. Guest. And would you also agree that the current regime
	has created both a political crisis and a humanitarian crisis
	in Venezuela?
	Mr. Rendon. Correct.
	Mr. Guest. All right. So, with that, what can be done,
	short of military intervention, what can be done to remove
	Maduro from currently presiding over the people of Venezuela? I
	believe, Mr. Rendon, you talked in one of your statements that
	we must increase pressure on his inner circle. What methods
	could we use that we are currently not to increase pressure on
	his inner circle to have him step down?
	Mr. Rendon. Yes, thank you for that question.
	So, there are many tools that we have not yet accomplished
	yet. One of those, for example, is to work with other countries
	like Cuba, China, Iran, Russia to make sure that they do not
	support Maduro.
	Mr. Guest. All right, let me ask you, I hate to interrupt
	you,----
	Mr. Rendon. Yes.
	Mr. Guest [continuing]. But would you agree that that is
	highly unlikely that we are going to convince China, and
	Russia, and Cuba----
	Mr. Rendon. Yes.
	Mr. Guest [continuing]. Not to support this regime?
	Mr. Rendon. Yes. It is going to be a difficult task.
	Mr. Guest. OK. All right, go ahead. I am sorry, I did not
	mean to interrupt you.
	Mr. Rendon. No, no. No.
	Mr. Guest. But just wanted to make sure.
	Mr. Rendon. No, that is a fair question.
	And, second, I think now that we have a new recognized
	government led by Juan Guaido we should be supporting him,
	trying to get his government get off the ground as quick as
	possible. How? Making sure to freeze those bank accounts, those
	assets that Maduro still controls today, not only within the
	U.S. through restriction but also on those countries who
	recognize Guaido as the president.
	And also transfer those bank accounts to Guaido and the
	National Assembly. That is a very key point but I do not think
	we are there yet. And I think that is an important task to
	empower the legitimate government and try and find a
	resolution. Right?
	So I will add that, Congressman Guest.
	Mr. Canton. Thank you for, thank you for your question.
	I would start by saying that your question assumes that
	military intervention is the solution.
	Mr. Guest. No, I said in light of that. What can we do----
	Mr. Canton. OK. Right, OK.
	Mr. Guest [continuing]. Because I think no one wants the
	United States military to go into Venezuela and forcibly remove
	Mr. Maduro.
	Mr. Canton. Right. Right.
	Mr. Guest. And so what can we do short of that----
	Mr. Canton. Right. All right, OK.
	Mr. Guest [continuing]. To accomplish that purpose? Because
	I believe once he is removed and we are going to see
	humanitarian aid begin to flow into Venezuela, I believe he is
	the roadblock controlling the military----
	Mr. Canton. Correct.
	Mr. Guest [continuing]. That is creating this crisis. And
	we all want to see him removed but no one wants to use any
	military force.
	Mr. Canton. Correct.
	Mr. Guest. So that is the question, what are we not
	currently doing that would promote regime change in Venezuela?
	Mr. Canton. Right. I do not think that anybody has the
	magic solution and the, you know, the great answer to that
	question. But there is one thing that is different now than
	before. For the last 20 years, and I have been following
	Venezuela as secretary, Secretary of the Inter-American
	Commission on Human Rights for, you know, 15 years, this
	situation has been going on and on and on for easily 15 years
	but the international community, particularly Latin American
	community did not pay attention to it.
	There are several reports of the Inter-American Commission
	on Human Rights, and most NGO's on human rights denouncing
	grave violation of human rights in Venezuela at least since
	2005. And the Latin American countries did not pay attention to
	it for whatever reason.
	Right now for the first time that is happening. So there is
	a big difference between now, the Lima Group, the political
	negotiations that are going on, to everything else that was
	tried before. So, there is a need to give time, to give chance
	to the political negotiations, to give chance to diplomacy, to
	give chance to the U.N. This is the time to do it. What is
	going on right now it just started but all the failures are
	from the last 20 years. So we need to give a chance to this
	situation right now.
	Mr. Guest. And in addition to what we are currently doing
	is there any additional pressure that we can put on that regime
	that, again, you talk about freezing assets and about putting
	pressure on his inner circle, and what I was wanting from each
	of you, what can we do as a government to make sure that we are
	putting as much political pressure on Maduro to resign as
	possible?
	Mr. Canton. I, you know, this might sound--I am not a U.S.
	citizen, I am from Argentina and it might sound a little bit I
	am getting involved into something that is not my affair. But,
	you know, I live in this country for 30 years. And the U.S.
	should be, that is why I used that word before, following what
	the Lima Group decides rather than pushing the Lima Group to do
	something. That negotiation has taken place. And when the U.S.,
	you know, makes the decision to keep, you know, it is the U.S.
	Government particularly, but it is important to let the Latin
	American countries that now for the first time in 20 years are
	doing something, it is important to support them and to
	followup on their decisions.
	Mr. Sires. Congressman Vargas.
	Mr. Vargas. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And thank
	you again to the witnesses for being here today.
	When I always thought of Venezuela I always thought of it
	as a very stable democracy, just like Mexico, Colombia, a
	number of the large Latin American countries. And it really is
	tragic and almost unbelievable what has happened to Venezuela.
	Now we have, Ms. Escobari, as you call it, a contested
	environment. I never would have expected that.
	Now, in the situation that we find ourselves--they find
	themselves in, it is a humanitarian crisis that we seldom see
	in our hemisphere. And, again, as being someone who is not in
	favor in any way of military intervention, I am not in favor of
	that, but at the same time we have to move this thing along
	because the suffering of the people is so dramatic, and not
	getting better.
	I mean, how can we help? I mean, we are attempting to
	humanitarian--I have listened to all your testimoneys today--
	and humanitarian help first and a whole bunch of other things,
	but is there anything else that we can do, and again not using
	military force which I am not in favor of it, is there anything
	else we can do without hurting the people? In other words,
	moving toward a transition but without doing more damage to
	these poor people who have been hurt so badly.
	Ms. Escobari. To add to this question and to what my fellow
	panelists have said, I think the strategy is twofold. And it
	involves strengthening both of those strategies. It is widely
	accepted that the government uses oil to distribute rents to
	the military officers and maintain itself in power. So the
	sanctions are meant to limit his ability to do so can be
	strengthened.
	We can work with the international community so that all of
	Latin America and the European Union enforce these sanctions
	fully. And use diplomatic avenues so that Maduro, if we are
	going to go for this short-term dramatic strategy, that Maduro
	does not have options to sell its oil, and that we use our
	diplomatic leverage with India, and Turkey, and others.
	And while it is true that Russia and China may not be our
	allies, at the end they want to get paid. And they are deciding
	right now whether Maduro is the right person to bet on. And
	those, I think are calculations that are changing by the
	minute.
	And there are other stronger actions and escalations that
	we can engage in, short of military intervention.
	Mr. Vargas. But also short of hurting people. I mean, one
	of the things that I have great concern about is oftentimes
	when we have sanctions placed on countries, you know, we try to
	target them to hit the culprits. But oftentimes it ends up
	hurting the people in general. We do not want to starve the
	people of Venezuela. I mean, that does concern me.
	Ms. Escobari. Yes.
	Mr. Vargas. Because 95 percent of the exports is oil.
	Ms. Escobari. Yes.
	Mr. Vargas. I mean, if we cutoff all oil and we cannot get
	humanitarian aid into the country, I mean how are the people
	going to eat? I mean, how are they going to survive?
	Ms. Escobari. Yes, exactly. And this is why when we think
	of it as humanitarian aid, the effort should be massive and
	using all possible ways, including negotiating corridors,
	safety corridors and finding all ways because exactly of the
	calculus that you are, that you are describing.
	Mr. Vargas. That is very hard in a contested environment. I
	mean, you are the one that mentioned it actually in your
	testimony, you said this is a contested environment. I mean, it
	is hard to do that. I mean, we saw what happened with a little
	bit of aid and literally Maduro's thugs did not allow most of
	the aid in.
	And how do you negotiate it when they have armed thugs
	preventing the aid from coming in? Anyone else want to try
	that?
	Mr. Canton. I have a very, very short answer which I
	mentioned it before. Give it a try. It just happened now. You
	know, when we tried for the last 20 years, nothing happened.
	But this is not the first time it is happening. And the Latin
	American countries are serious about it. So let's give it a
	try.
	Mr. Vargas. OK. The last thing, last question I did want to
	ask is this, one of the things that I fear. What if Maduro
	rolls the tanks? I mean, what if at the end of the day he
	decides that he is just going to go to try to put down these
	massive demonstrations with massive assault on the people, then
	what do we do? Because this is not unheard of. I mean, this has
	happened, of course. Dictators have done this throughout
	history.
	Do not be afraid of the question. Somebody answer. Mr.
	Rendon, go ahead.
	Mr. Rendon. So far it has not been the experience in
	Venezuela. And, you know, I have, again, I have followed it
	since 2000. I met Chavez. I met Maduro. I spoke with them for
	the last, you know, many occasions. That has not happened.
	Really very great things have happened, but not that.
	Mr. Vargas. Well, let's pray that it does not happen. My
	time is over. Let's pray that it does not happen.
	Thank you.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you.
	Congressman Meeks.
	Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	Mr. Canton, you have particularly some of what my concerns
	are. There is no question in my mind, and I, like you, have
	been down to Venezuela and I have been going down there for the
	last 20 years. Knew Chavez when he was there, and Maduro was
	part of the National Assembly.
	My concern, though, is with the United States being in
	front of everything, as opposed to Lima Group and other allies,
	and particularly those, the Lima Group, who are in the region,
	who surround the borders, what is happening is, as opposed to
	some of these other countries, or other NGO's, or other ones
	who are trying to get that humanitarian aid in, it seems as
	thought it is a political fight to a degree where it is the
	United States that has taken the front of this as opposed to
	the back and supporting other groups from behind in that
	regard, as opposed to making it look like, you know, it is--and
	the threat of military aid, military intervention.
	And so the boasterous talk is going, taking place. But that
	helps hinder helping the Venezuelan people who needs help. The
	focus should be on the help. And one thing that I have not
	heard, what we need to make sure is done in this conversation,
	is bringing forth elections, democratic, free, and fair
	elections so it does not just look like you are trying to put
	somebody in an topple a government. We are saying, and I agree,
	that the prior election of Nicolas Maduro was not free, was not
	fair, was not, and so therefore he was not legitimately
	elected.
	But what we should be advocating for is for the legitimate
	elections, not just putting someone in. And that is what the
	Venezuelan people want because they do believe in democracy. I
	have seen it.
	When I was over in Europe just, you know, last week, our
	European allies they believe it is an illegitimate government.
	But they do not want, they want others, they want to make sure
	that there are others that are involved in this. And when I
	look at what is taking place at the border it is just the
	United States. China forced their way in. And when I look at,
	you know, I am told from some, they, you know, have questions
	with Elliott Abrams, just the imagery because of what our past
	history is. That is a problem. And then some of the rhetoric
	that is taking place here with the Colombians, and the
	Brazilians, and others, you know, millions of people are
	running across. And these governments are welcoming then. And
	so they did not ask whether this is part of it or not, but they
	do ask, well, how does the United States gets involved when you
	have people who are suffering and hurting.
	And Central America, and our country is saying not accept
	them, put up a wall to stop them from coming here. Send them
	back. Thank God Colombia and Brazil is not doing that. Thank
	God they are not doing that because then what would happen to
	those people?
	And that gives us a problem from leading in front because
	of the problems that we have with other areas on the
	hemisphere.
	So, would it not make sense, or am I just, you know, crazy
	here, that we allow Lima, the Lima Group, we allow OAS, we
	allow and get more involved so it is another party, and we do
	all we can to support those groups? So it is not us trying to
	be the big guys coming in, the whatever Maduro calls us now.
	Does that make any sense to you?
	Mr. Canton. Yes, of course. I agree with you. And I do have
	in my presentation, you know, calling for elections. You know,
	the 5-minutes time did not allow me to reach the end. But I do,
	I do think that that should be the way out. Although I am not
	very optimistic about it, I have to recognize that. But it
	should be a natural way out and peaceful way.
	The U.S. has a difficult role, no question about that. And
	it has a history of relationship with Latin America which was
	up and down along the decades, but it is an very important role
	the U.S. can play.
	But at this stage I agree with you and I insist for the
	first time in many, many years when the issue of Venezuela
	comes up, for the first time the Latin American countries, most
	of them are working together. It is critical for the U.S. to
	support that process and let the Latin American countries, the
	OAS, the United Nations, I would include Mexico as well, and I
	would include Uruguay as well, work with them to try to find a
	solution.
	Mr. Meeks. Ms. Escobari, we still have time here.
	Ms. Escobari. I agree. And I mentioned in my testimony that
	we should let the Grupo de Lima lead but--we need to support
	them. And our capabilities are massive, both in our ability to
	help in aid and otherwise. But we should let the Grupo de Lima
	lead.
	And in support, President Guaido in terms of directing, you
	know, the carrots and sticks.
	Mr. Meeks. Thank you.
	Mr. Sires. Congressman Phillips.
	Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to our
	witnesses, and also thank you to my colleague Mr. Meeks who
	referenced elections.
	And I want to turn our attention a little bit prospectively
	to a post-transition, hopefully peaceful transition. And I
	would like to hear from each of you relative to what specific
	conditions you believe the international community and this
	U.S. Congress should ensure are satisfied to ensure that
	Venezuela has free, and open, and fair elections after a
	transition.
	And also, what timeframe you think would be most
	appropriate thereafter.
	Mr. Canton. I am sorry I answer first, but I have to leave
	because I----
	Mr. Phillips. Please.
	Mr. Canton [continuing]. Need to take a flight.
	I would say credible international observers which the last
	elections in Venezuela and these last two elections, you
	probably know better than I do, there was no credible
	international election observation. And the OAS was not allowed
	to go. And most important NGO's doing election observations
	were not allowed to go. The European Union was not allowed to
	go.
	So, you need election observations.
	And the timeframe, the timeframe is now. But, you know, you
	cannot call for a snap election because that is not helpful.
	But a reasonable time for all the political parties to be able
	to participate freely, so you have to have months.
	Mr. Phillips. Months.
	Mr. Rendon. Yes, just to briefly add on that. You also need
	to work the conditions on the ground. Maduro has been proved to
	be intimidating the Venezuelan people using food as a weapon.
	And so when you are calling elections you need international
	observers but you also need to work the conditions on the
	ground by providing humanitarian aid and disempowering the
	regime by using this tool, this food program called CLAP, which
	is the main political tool that they have to use. But it is
	linked to the national I.D. and to the way you vote and the way
	you are politically affiliated.
	So, in a way it is like the Chinese credit system but with
	lower technology. So, if you want to set up free and fair
	elections in the future, that CLAP program needs to be one of
	the first things that need to be out. And among the many
	others, right, because now we--I mean, I agree, elections are
	the first step but you need to announce a new electoral system.
	The current electoral system right now is highly corrupt, so
	you need to have a new council and as well.
	Mr. Phillips. And any thoughts on who is in a position to
	initiate such a new system?
	Mr. Rendon. The only institution based on the Venezuelan
	Constitution is the National Assembly. They are the only ones
	who can announce elections at this point and also a new
	electoral system----
	Mr. Phillips. The infrastructure.
	Mr. Rendon [continuing]. That can promote free and fair
	elections.
	Mr. Phillips. OK, thank you.
	Ms. Escobari.
	Ms. Escobari. And just to add to that, which I agree with,
	I think you need a minimum of stabilization and citizen
	security to hold elections. And the National Assembly has
	actually approved guidelines on the transition and thinks that
	this might take around a year.
	Mr. Phillips. OK, a full year.
	All right, thank you. I yield the rest of my time.
	Mr. Sires. Congressman Levin.
	Mr. Levin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	I want to explore a little the question of amnesty and
	human rights violations. And now I will direct this to Ms.
	Escobari. But I am curious to hear both of your thoughts.
	Reports indicate that under Maduro Venezuelan military
	officials have committed grave human rights abuses. The U.N.
	Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has reported
	the use of ``excessive force to deter demonstrations, crush
	dissent, and instill fear.'' It is my understanding that the
	Venezuelan National Assembly has enacted legislation to provide
	amnesty to public officials, including security forces, that
	abandon the Maduro regime and support the transition, you know,
	the transitional government.
	President Trump relayed a similar message himself last week
	during a speech at Florida International University in Miami.
	He delivered what he called a ``message for every official who
	is helping keep Maduro in place,'' and he said the following:
	``You can choose to accept President Guido's generous offer
	of amnesty, to live your life in peace with your families and
	your countrymen. President Guaido does not seek retribution
	against you, and neither do we.''
	There is a long history of impunity for human rights
	abusers in the Western Hemisphere and other parts of the world.
	And, you know, on the other hand there have been some examples
	of truth commissions and efforts to hold people accountable
	which, in my view, are necessary for the development of healthy
	democracies.
	So, can you provide a little more detail on the kinds of
	human rights abuses that may have been perpetrated by
	Venezuelan military officials to start with?
	Ms. Escobari. Yes. I wish our colleague was here because he
	had a long list and the list includes torture, and
	imprisonment, and the killings that we witnessed this weekend.
	And I think, the amnesty law and the proposal by Guaido is
	powerful because it is part of the strategy of getting the
	military to defect. However, there will be, there will be a
	determination on those who have committed crimes against
	humanity, and that amnesty law cannot protect those.
	Mr. Levin. It cannot protect those under Venezuelan law or
	under international law you are saying?
	Ms. Escobari. I think neither.
	Mr. Levin. That is something that is in Venezuelan law, in
	the constitution, in the statute? Where is that? Or is that
	just an aspirational kind of statement?
	Mr. Rendon. Yes.
	Ms. Escobari. Sorry, go on.
	Mr. Rendon. According to the Venezuelan Constitution there
	cannot be any pardon on human rights violations. And so when I
	think of this amnesty law I think not of the top generals who
	have--who are the responsibles of committing human rights
	violations, I am thinking more of the bottom, the bottom
	soldiers who are just following orders from their generals.
	Right? And that is where the strategy can be found.
	Now, there is a tricky part here because when it comes to
	crimes against humanitarian, following orders is not an excuse.
	Mr. Levin. Exactly. I mean, I you, if I, if you are my
	commander and you tell me to torture Mr. Phillips, I may not
	torture Mr. Phillips and, if I do so, I am committing a grave
	human rights violation.
	Mr. Rendon. That is----
	Mr. Levin. So I do not understand the point about generals
	and soldiers on the ground.
	Mr. Rendon. That is correct. There are soldiers who have
	either not committed crimes against humanity who can be saved
	by this amnesty law. And that is where I think this law can
	provide a bridge to some of those to support Guaido and the
	democracy of Venezuela. And I think it is a tool together with
	the whole pressure that we are trying to use toe facilitate the
	democracy in Venezuela within, led by Venezuelans. Right? So, I
	think it is a powerful tool and I think we need to support that
	as much as possible.
	Mr. Levin. Well, thank you. I will just say that given the
	almost complete disregard for human rights of the current
	occupant of the White House in everywhere from South America to
	North Korea, this body has a responsibility to step up and
	proclaim American--America's long dedication to, imperfect, but
	our dedication to human rights. And as urgent as the situation
	is in Venezuela, we need to proceed in a way that holds the
	respect of human rights sacrosanct.
	Thank you. And I yield back my time.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
	We are going to have another round of questioning. I and
	maybe they have another question.
	It was recently stated that India now has stepped up and
	bought the oil from Venezuela. And they did it pretty quickly.
	What can we do to stop that? Because that is basically the
	funding for Maduro.
	Mr. Rendon. Yes, I think that is a critical point, Mr.
	Chairman. And I think we need to engage the Indians. That cash
	is being used by Maduro to keep up the repressive regime;
	right?
	And but that has a specific purpose to that trade, and that
	is fueling the domestic gas in Venezuela. And Venezuela is
	running out of gas. And people would not--are not going to be
	able to fill their own cars with gas if the Indians are not
	sending that cash to Maduro.
	I think the more we empower, again, Guido's government,
	providing those oil payments to Guido's government and the
	National Assembly, providing those trade agreements to Guido's
	government and National Assembly is not only the only
	constitutional, legitimate way forward, but it is the right
	thing to do. And I think we need to as much as possible
	transfer those to Guaido.
	So, when the U.S. talks to India, that is the direction
	that we need to be engaging, recognizing Guaido and engaging
	the Guido's government.
	Mr. Sires. Can the Lima Group talk to India?
	Mr. Rendon. That is a good question. I think they are under
	the authority to do it. And they should be, they should be
	pursuing that route.
	Ms. Escobari. They probably can, but we probably hold more
	leverage. And I think for India it is completely an economic
	decision.
	If we think about the numbers, last year Venezuela sold
	about $20 billion but most of the cash came from the U.S. Now
	that the U.S. is not going to be providing that, they are going
	to be selling it at a deep discount.
	But just think about the magnitude of the need. I think
	there still would be around $5 billion that would, that would
	not reach the Maduro government. And I think that number is
	also important when we think about our humanitarian package.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you.
	Congressman Levin, do you have a second question?
	Mr. Levin. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	I would just like to followup actually on the PDVSA
	sanctions situation. And I would like to get your all's take
	on, you know, the possibility of unintended consequences.
	As you know, the Trump administration put sanctions on
	PDVSA, presumably in hopes that cutting off Maduro's money
	supply would force him to exit. But as I said during our last
	hearing on this subject, I am worried about what is going to
	happen to the Venezuelan people while this strategy plays out
	or does not.
	The New York Times ran a story earlier this month on this
	very question, and I think the headline said it all: ``U.S.
	Sanctions Are Aimed at Venezuela's Oil. Its Citizens May Suffer
	First.''
	So, my question is, could these particular sanctions worsen
	the humanitarian crisis that has already gotten so bad in
	Venezuela? And either, I am interested in either of your
	answers.
	Ms. Escobari. Yes, I think the strategy is one to be able
	to starve Maduro of his ability to continue to maintain himself
	in power. And that cannot happen without an equally robust
	strategy on the humanitarian side. And these are the orders of
	magnitude that we should be talking about.
	Mr. Rendon. Yes, in a way it is going to limit Maduro to
	keep importing food and other products. It is the only way the
	Venezuelan people are getting fed, by imports. So, Maduro is no
	longer going to be able to import as much as people are
	needing.
	Mr. Levin. So we are sort of playing a game of chicken with
	him where we, at the risk of the people starving?
	Mr. Rendon. I think the key part here, again to the point
	of Guido's government, is to make sure that he has the power to
	keep, and the National Assembly to import now. And if we are
	now recognizing Guaido as the only legitimate president, we
	need to give him that power. And I think providing humanitarian
	aid is the first step. We should be trying to keep pushing
	humanitarian aid, not only to the Colombian border but to
	every, every single border in the country.
	And we only tried once. Let's keep trying, let's keep
	trying because, again, Venezuelans are starving. So I think
	that is the----
	Mr. Levin. Do you think it is fair to say that we
	politicized humanitarian aid in this situation, that the U.S.
	is saying, well, this is the government over here and they, and
	given the long history of the Yanqui intervention in the
	hemisphere in many countries, overthrowing democratic
	governments, that it is problematic for us----
	Mr. Rendon. Yes.
	Mr. Levin [continuing]. To be playing the role, even the,
	you know, a good strategy in, you know, in other circumstances?
	Mr. Rendon. I will argue because of the National Assembly
	and President Guaido himself requested aid, and also this was a
	multilateral approach. No, it is not about the U.S. sending
	aid, it is about Canada, Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Peru,
	Ecuador, and even Uruguay sending medical supplies, the
	European Union, following the National Assembly and Guido's
	request for aid.
	And on top of that the one politicizing, using food as a
	weapon here is Maduro. He has been doing this for years. So
	when I see Saturday's event I do not think aid's being
	politicized, I think it is following, again, the only
	constitutional route that we have today to support the
	Venezuelan people. And I think we should be continuing that
	path.
	Yes, there is room for improvement. I think the execution
	of Saturday's humanitarian aid can be improved in many ways. We
	only saw that happening in three points, crossing points in
	that border. That is a border that has 250 unofficial crossing
	points. So, if we want to----
	Mr. Levin. Unofficial or?
	Mr. Rendon. Unofficial.
	Mr. Levin. OK.
	Mr. Rendon. Called trochas, which are, you know, your
	regular path where people--which, by the way, 50 percent of the
	people crossing the border are using those unofficial paths.
	So, if we want to really send humanitarian aid we can, we need
	to find those ways and we need to keep continuing that pursuit
	following the National Assembly request and President Guido's
	request.
	Mr. Levin. Thank you. I really, I really appreciate that.
	I mean, Mr. Chairman, I do not say any of this to support,
	you know, the Maduro regime one iota. I just worry about
	finding the most effective way forward given, you know, given
	our country's history, and whether us playing such a prominent
	role and, of course, threatening force is the most effective
	way.
	I yield back. Thank you.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
	Congressman Dean Phillips.
	Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
	We spend a lot of time talking about what we should do,
	perhaps not enough time listening to what people want or need.
	I would welcome both of your perspectives, to the extent that
	you can share them, about what both the National Assembly,
	members of the Assembly, specifically independent of aid,
	because when you are hungry and in need it does not matter
	where it comes from, independent of that what would the
	National Assembly if they were here, as many as possible in
	front of us, what would they want from us right now? And what
	would the people of Venezuela, those that remain in country,
	what would they be asking us for right now if we could listen
	to them?
	Mr. Rendon. I think the National Assembly has a clear
	priority right now which is the same as President Guaido,
	stopping usurpation, Maduro's usurpation of power is priority
	No. 1.
	Second, letting Guaido set up----
	Mr. Phillips. May I interrupt you? And how?
	Mr. Rendon. Yes. I think going back to the points we have
	discussed, humanitarian aid is one, but also supporting the
	amnesty law that the National Assembly passed. I am sure they
	will be asking the U.S. to support that amnesty law in ways
	that can be legal; right? I am not supporting a violation
	against international law and human rights. But there is room
	to support this law that is kind of the only bridge that many
	military members have to get out of their situation; right?
	So, that would be another.
	I think the day after scenario is a crucial issue that the
	National Assembly has been trying to put effort and energy on
	that. I think that would be in our request. They would be
	asking the U.S. and the international community to keep in mind
	that the day after they are going to be, the role of the U.S.
	and the international community is going to be crucial from
	economic, financial, security, social, institutional point of
	view. Everything needs to be done in Venezuela. It is going to
	be a blank sheet. It is a completely destroyed country.
	And the only institution able, legitimate to pursue that
	route, is the National Assembly. But they cannot do it alone.
	They need the support of the U.S. and other countries. So that
	would be I am sure another, another request that they would be
	asking if they were here.
	And among many other priorities, right, and going back to
	the bank accounts and the assets, and they need to operate as a
	government. They cannot do it right now because Maduro is
	limiting them financially and economically. So they will be
	probably asking the U.S., hey, we need, we need access to bank
	accounts and to assets so we can operate as a government.
	Mr. Phillips. Thank you.
	Ms. Escobari?
	Ms. Escobari. I mean, I think to just reiterate, the
	situation is unbearable on the ground for most Venezuelans. And
	I think we have shared a lot of numbers. But these numbers do
	not reveal the sense of powerlessness of not having a voice to
	democratically choose another path.
	And I think there is an incredible momentum around the
	world. Venezuelans want to know that we have their back and
	that we will not forget them, and that we will push as hard as
	we can as they see an opening right now.
	Mr. Phillips. So it is fair to say that the people of
	Venezuela want us to play a role in both promoting a transition
	and in, of course very importantly, rebuilding the Nation. And
	my question was more to the sentiment right now of the----
	Ms. Escobari. Absolutely.
	Mr. Phillips [continuing]. Venezuelan people vis-a-vis the
	United States of America and what role they want us to play.
	Ms. Escobari. Absolutely. And this is why I think they
	continue to go to the streets even though this country has been
	battered in this way.
	Mr. Phillips. OK. Thank you very much. I yield back.
	Mr. Sires. Thank you. I thank the witnesses and all members
	for being here today.
	With that, the committee is adjourned. Thank you.
	[Whereupon, at 4:18 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

	APPENDIX

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	RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

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