The Democrats Were Suckered Into Mail-In Voting
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The Democrats Were Suckered Into Mail-In Voting

They walked right into a trap. A “mask up, line up, and vote early” campaign would have defused the awaiting mail-in voting land mine. Geograf Dec 20, 2020·9 min read

Brown Wooden Mouse Trap With Cheese Bait on Top Credit: Skitterphoto

Over 92 million early votes have been cast, says the U.S. Elections Project — nearly 70% of the total votes received in 2016. Of early votes, 33.1 million were made in-person while a staggering 58.8 million were sent via mail. The majority of those votes, 45.7%, came from Democratically registered households versus 30% for Republican homes.

Though registration status does not guarantee how a ballot was cast, NPR / PBS News Hour/ Marist data suggests that Democrats have driven early voting since they have greater trust in mail-in voting. Democrats have requested more mail-in and absentee ballots than Republicans, who have signaled that they will show up in-person on November 3rd due to mail-in vote fraud concerns.

Also, according to the Election Project — over 32 million mail-in ballots are outstanding. And with the majority of those requested and projected to be cast by Democrats — President Donald Trump certainly likes those numbers.

That’s because the GOP hopes the months-long narrative of “universal mail-in voting is going to be catastrophic” will allow them to scrutinize votes, eliminate many outright, or simply run out the clock as the votes are tallied in the weeks ahead.

Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh added, “states also want to be able to definitively announce the results of the election on election night, or as soon as possible thereafter,” thereby suggesting that any votes not yet processed by the stroke of midnight should be turned into pumpkins.

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Donald Trump began planting the seeds of suspicion in mail-in voting early on, decrying the problem of “unsolicited ballots.” In August, on Twitter, he claimed that “the fraud and abuse will be an embarrassment to our Country.”

And then in true “I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters” fashion, he publicly revealed his motivations in response to his opposition of a bill that would have expanded postal service funding to support voting by mail. In an interview with Maria Bartiromo on Fox News, Trump said that the funding bill would all allow “levels of voting that, if you ever agreed to it, you’d never have a Republican elected in this country again.”

Trump: ‘I could shoot somebody and not lose voters’, CNN

Democrats took the bait. Nancy Pelosi defended mail-in ballots and challenged the President’s attempts to sow doubt as a “domestic assault on our Constitution.” Trump was even called out on the blatant hypocrisy, as he himself had voted absentee, by mail for the Florida primary this year.

“Don’t risk your health,” Pelosi said. “Vote by mail.” Other Democrats followed suit. Colorado Secretary of State Jena Griswold (D) said of Trump’s efforts to discredit the process: “[Trump] is lying about vote by mail.”

But that was the wrong move. What might have happened instead if the Democrats had played a different hand? Rather than fight back, they might have responded with a rallying cry for their voters to show up in-person to eliminate the argument — no matter how unfounded?

A public campaign to “mask up, line up, and vote early” would have defused the mail-in land mine placed by Trump. It’s not like he wasn’t showing his hand. He was literally telegraphing plan B. The very next line after that “embarrassment” tweet in August read, “Hopefully, the Courts will stop this scam!”

Indeed, that’s precisely what he hopes: that states courts would suppress efforts to extending early voting. And any decisions that pass to the highest court will be decided by recent like-minded Supreme Court justices Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barret, who might deliver the election to Trump.

This week, Kavanaugh signaled his bent towards the Trump narrative in a 5–3 ruling against an absentee voting extension in Wisconsin. In his opinion, Kavanaugh wrote that “to avoid the chaos and suspicions of impropriety that can ensue if thousands of absentee ballots flow in after Election Day and potentially flip the results of an election.” In her dissent, Justice Elena Kagan said that “there are no results to ‘flip’ until all valid votes are counted.”

Kavanaugh added, “states also want to be able to definitively announce the results of the election on election night, or as soon as possible thereafter,” thereby suggesting that any votes not yet processed by the stroke of midnight should be turned into pumpkins.

According to The New York Times, Trump continues unfounded attacks on the election process at his rallies. Last week, The Times reports he charged, “every day, there’s cheating with the ballots.” In challenging the integrity of the process, “Trump advisers said their best hope was if the president wins Ohio and Florida is too close to call early in the night, depriving Mr. Biden a swift victory and giving Mr. Trump the room to undermine the validity of uncounted mail-in ballots in the days after.”

That’s because in-person voting on November 3rd is expected to show an early Trump lead — especially in states like Pennsylvania that won’t even begin to count mail-in ballots until that day. And seven Pennsylvania counties will wait until after Election Day to process mail-in ballots. As the red tally erodes, Trump will cry foul and that a reversal of fortune and ultimate loss is only possible with a “rigged” election.

As the legal teams descend upon the nation’s ballot boxes, Trump hopes that he can run out the clock. The Atlantic detailed in their piece, The Election That Could Break America, that only once, in 1877, did uncertainty during the Interregnum (the interval from Election Day to the next presidents swearing-in) nearly bring about chaos. At the time, the “Democrats began parliamentary maneuvers to obstruct the electoral count in Congress. Their plan was to run out the clock all the way to Inauguration Day, when the Republican incumbent, Ulysses S. Grant, would have to step down.”

In 2000, the nation watched impatiently during the Florida recount proceedings, which lasted for over a month. Get ready for the long haul because that will look like a cakewalk compared to this election.

Remember the scrutiny made on the precise cut of in-person ballots? (Suffice it to say, Chad did not make it to the list of top baby names the following year.) Now imagine the claims that will be made against late-arriving mail, smudged postmarks or signatures, the exact placement of written information related to the lines or boxes where they must be situated.

Prepare for the magnifying glasses used to validate whether a name was written above the line, or touching it as a means to disqualify the ballot. Or claims to discount the written votes of “Bob’s” rather than “Robert’s.” Expect the scrutiny to be fierce.

The only sure way to have avoided this ambush was to vote in-person, which should have been the Democrats’ direction from the start.

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