Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach
By: Debate Podium
Tags: International Relations, Islamic, Politics, Middle East, Book Review

Edited by Quintan Wiktorowicz, Indiana University Press published in 2004, 316 pages.

This book puts the Islamic movements under the microscope of analysis with the relation of Islamic Activism. An academically detailed approach to the role of Islamic activism in social movements. One of the most fundamental elements which makes this book solidly strong is the fact that it doesn’t essentialize the utilization of religion. as concrete motive behind the violence in the social movements incidents. Which makes it diverse in terms of Islamic Activism social movements approaches.

Wiktorowicz as the first of articles argues that the “dynamics, process, organization” of Islamic Activism are crucial elements for understanding the contention that goes beyond “Islam” as a collective meaning, identity and eventually collective action; Islam is no “sui genris” according to Wiktorowicz. The book had been a collective set of academic articles which each of them had contributed tremendously for better understanding of the Islamic Activism in a Social Movement Theory approach. Charles Kurzman at the conclusion adds that “is a simple as it is strange”.

. The book is divided in three parts part I “Violence & Contention” the second part II explains the “Networks And Alliances” and finally the last part describes the “Culture and Framing”. The forward section of the book contains words from Charles Tilly. He also emphasize that “concentrating on specific mechanisms and processes instead of broad analogies.” Should be take into account. Each chapter provides a solid empirical research with the Islamic Activism across different Muslim societies. The book argues that one of the very first understanding of social movement theories were rooted in functionalism theory and focused on structural & psychological causes. of mass mobilization. They found a linear relationship in the structural strains that produces psychological discomfort, which as a result could trigger collective action. Some researchers recommends that the dramatic socioeconomic transformation had inclined to centralize wealth among the very westernize elites, corrupt state officials and in a chronic capitalism concentrated in the state bourgeoisie, which as a result generating negative effects on the large portion of population. For instance lack of municipal infrastructures, providing shelter and accommodation for the influx of rural-urban migrants looking for employment in the urban areas, the notable presence of housing shortages, increasing in number of shantytowns and tremendous growth of mega cities such as Tehran, Cairo or Algiers. According to Sociopsychological approaches it seconds that the Islamic Activism had been a result or response to the psychological discomfort and anguish which had been produced and developed by such conditions. Against the majority’s beliefs, the researchers had discovered that majority of the militants had high levels of education In their background and recently had migrated into urban centres mostly in search of better jobs opportunities. To my understandings, this approach requires more digging and scrutinizing. Often, the individuals engaging in the Islamic Activism social movements which later on would turn into violent groups are generally considered to be rural, poorly educated individuals gathering in such groups. The question and my criticize would be, the role of education in such individuals. is education instrumental to prevent violence in extremists groups. that is true that not all the movements that we witness their violence now were not established on the basis of violence and there had been a process of cause and effect dynamics. However the researchers suggests that such individuals had suffered from the social alienation and anomie in the society. I do not find this explanation very much satisfying. On the other hand some views suggests that Islamic Activism tends to be a response to cultural imperialism such as the influence of western culture norms and believes.

The explanation behind the Islamic Activism and motives behind it are not solely concentrated in one single factor of strains but a combination of them into one single unit explanatory frameworks. The mosques are considered to be an organic, national network that links the communities and their activists in one space. Thus mobilization through mosques are key point In bring individuals. together. The book provides as itself claims a “purposefully broad” meaning and definition behind the Islamic Activism. As defined Islamic activism is “the mobilization and uprising of contention to support the Islamic causes”. Therefore the authors looks behind the dynamics on how the frames are constructed, the solutions movements provides and last but not least the rationale and motive to support a collective action. Such definitions and explanations easily can produce stereotypes and misinformation in the west and widely label the Muslim communities as “terrorist”.

The authors in the book look through range of social movements from peaceful ones to the most violent ones. The first chapter focuses on the article written by Mohamad M. Hafez “From Marginalization to Massacres” A political Process Explanation of GIA Violence in Algeria. The GIA (Groupe Islamique Armé) committed a violent massacre in 1991 in Algeria. The attacks were taking place in the framework of mass Islamist insurgency whereas the security forces, intellectuals, foreigners and civil society were at the centre of attention of this group. M. Hafez argues that massacres are likely to happen in three basis. Initially, the state repression provides grounds for bifurcation and brutality. Secondly, the insurgents builds organizations to protect themselves from the repressions. Thirdly, the rebels stimulates a frame of antisystem to encourage and motivate the collective and collaborations to overthrow the actors and agents of the repression. Such state of affairs creates a indiscriminate repression towards the movements supporters, which builds a generalized environment for violence, injustice and even foster the movement’s sense of solidarity where they would share a sense of victimization and legitimacy. As Hafez Argues the GIA were giving fatwa (non-binding legal opinion stated by mufti in Islam) that “jihad is an Islamic obligation until the judgment day”.

The same procedures were followed by another article written collaboratively between Mohammad M. Hafez & Quintan Wiktorwicz bringing the Egyptian Islamic Movements. There is something in common with all these Islamic Movements in different Islamic Societies, including articles written by Fred H. Lawson on Shi’ah social movements and the article of Glenn E. Robinson discussing and analysing Hamas. All of these uprisings shares one particular and notable element with each other. And that is the State repression. Each social movement were using different political opportunities structures and framings. The authors provides an extensive and fundamental nuances behind the motivations, ideas actions and reactions vis-à-vis state repression and social movements.

The second part of the book Networks and Alliances includes. 4 chapters addressing the importance of networking structures and how movements can mobilize masses through such networks and alliances. Starting from the Diane Singerman articles where she highlights the rules of “informal” networking and its effects. Singerman argues that the Islamic movements as it is portraited throughout media, government or even academia where such institutions considers Islamic Activism as “exceptional” or unique due to its religious, ethnical, and cultural factors and aspects. Diane would demonstrate through the chapter that the Islamic Activism is not unique but it shares many aspects and characteristics of common social movement.

In the Middle Eastern countries in particular freedom of political expression never flourish to any form. This lead individuals to find themselves in informal networks and to promote their interests. The informal networking which the Islamists were great at doing so because they were utilizing informal and less visible ways in order to mobilize and absorb supporters. The strategy of such mobilizations highly depends on informal and personal networks in addition the religious and cultural dependency to build movements. A collective identity is something which will be shaped intentionally or unintentionally by the movement leaders, poets, religious figures in such movements. Theorists had argued that there are very positive corelations between the collective identity, activism and mobilization. As a result it would create solidarity and a solid shared moral duty and resistance. Such informal networks might be deriving from particular mosques, schools, prions, or even repression Diane argues. But on the other side of the map, A. Clark claims that how nadwas(Qur’anic study groups) which is a group women gathering in Yemen had been an instrumental environment for informal networking and alliances. Clark states that how such women gatherings contributed for the new recruits. and expanding the networks through such gatherings.

In the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the rule of bazaars and mosques are considered. to be. fundamental in the revolution Benjamin Smith argues. The bazaars consist of the shopkeepers, merchants employees and hawkers. The “bazaaris” were devoted conservative Muslims according to Smith. The ulama could reach successfully to the bazaaris social networks was a crucial achievement for the revolution. Again the mobilization of the Bazzaris highlights the importance of the informal networks in the a social movement. According to Smith the state-society relations overtime had impinged the Bazzaris political reaction and motivation for protest. One perspective we can approach is that how social structures is a vital determinator in the capabilities of the government in order to enforce a policy. Smith believes the religion and culture were not primary the motives but secondary behind this Iranian revolution. That’s why he called this chapter “Collective Action with and without Islam”. With the new party in power in 1975 (Rastakhiz party) the state-bazaar relations became worst than ever. Where thousands where imprisoned from Bazars due to resistance and regulations of the prices in the Bazars by the state. Eventually after the revolution of 1979 and emergence of the Islamic republic, there had been very limited state policy responses between the two regimes. And we know today that the current regime which the Bazaaris had fought for, brought nothing but hyperinflation, unemployment, poverty and economical issues for decades. The question that would be interesting to answer would be fact that Iranian regime is at best of despotism as we witness on daily basis. Why the same Bazaaris do not go through the same methods and tactics in order to fight for their rights ?!. the regime is despotic in extreme level although there had been social movements that we need to take into account, however that had been temporary and brough almost no changes. In my perspective, where the Benjamin Smith’ article can be criticized is the absence and rule of universities in the revolution. The student movements and universities had been primary reasons for revolution whereas some scholars believe it was one of the most important elements in triggering the revolution in Iran. Where as in this article that role is merely described.

The last part of the book culture and framing, an article from Carrie Wikham approaches towards how the social movements recruitments of lower middle class is taking places. These recruiters are normally the young, vulnerable youths which will be hunted by the Islamic movements groups in places such as Egypt. To this youth Islam is shown as a “solution” to everything in life where as everything should come under the structure and frame of Islam. I have personally met few people who had been in same scenario. After graduating from school or university, they didn’t had any plans or motives for future. Islam had been a responses to those sort of difficulties in life for such people. Another article written by Hakan Yavuz approach on Islamic activism and on how conservatives sized the opportunity of economic liberalization in Turkey and it had created new state-oriented Islamic movements.

Faisal Bashiri

Debate Podium