Why Was Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement Used As A Platform for Liberation Psychology In The Context Of Apartheid South Africa?
By: Sinawe Fairview
Tags: Black Consciousness, Double Consciousness, Apartheid, South Africa, Steve Biko

Why Was Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement Used As A Platform for Liberation Psychology In The Context Of Apartheid South Africa? Sinawe Fairview Sep 8·24 min read

Abstract

The year 1994 marked the end of Apartheid in South Africa — a racially oppressive form of rule, with detrimental, psychological effects. Anti-Apartheid activist, Steve Biko, pin-pointed the psychological effects of Apartheid on the Black populous of South Africa. He realized that Blacks were more and more accepting of the notion that they were racially inferior to Whites. Holistically, the pride of being black was slowly deteriorating and to end this inward hatred Steve Biko initiated the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) — a counter-ideology against the rhetoric of Apartheid.

My research essay therefore aims to show how Steve Biko freed the oppressed minds of his fellow man, by identifying the source of racial tension, and the psychological effects of racial oppression prolonged by Apartheid. Thus his motives establish my research question: Why Was Steven Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement Used as a Platform for Liberation Psychology in the Context of Apartheid South Africa?

I will initially focus on the source of racial tension and the methods in which racial oppression was maintained during Apartheid, with the use of History, by analysing sources. Having identified in essence, the source of racism in South Africa, I will then develop the direction of my research question by drawing on the academic pillars of Psychology. Psychology will allow me to explain the cognitive social effects of racial segregation and furthermore evaluate a set of interviews I conducted.

My extensive research allowed me to eventually reach the answer of my research question, and effectively Steve Biko’s underlying aim. Steve Biko construed that the mind of the oppressed is the most pivotal weapon that the oppressor can yield. Hence, by eradicating the inferior self-image of the Black individual; the pride of being Black will be restored and therefore holistic freedom will be attained.

I. Introduction

South Africa is currently in its 18th year of democracy; a relatively young republic. Before attaining democracy (1994), South Africa was a country ridden with a racially oppressive system of government known as Apartheid; the effects of which, post 1994, might still be present in some way today. An analysis of the racial oppression can thus be examined through post-Apartheid policies and through psychological effects of Apartheid, on South Africa’s society.

Various post-Apartheid policies were introduced to redress the inequalities of the past and to help non-whites, specifically, to get a head start in the integration of the Republic of South Africa. An isolated example is the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) Act (no. 53) of 2003 (The Presidency, 2004).[1]

BBBEE aims to redress the racial composition of South Africa’s economic sector which is still racially imbalanced due to the Apartheid regime with non-whites restricted from having managerial/executive jobs and institutionalized to work in the skills-based or public sector of the economy through the implementation of the Bantu Education Act (no. 47) of 1953 (Kallaway, 1992).

Though positively aimed, there are discrepancies especially with misinterpretation suggesting that BBBEE is an act of reverse racism and may be susceptible to corruption or abuse — an attitude prevalent amongst some white South Africans today, which may arguably stem from the psychological effects of Apartheid on the South African society.

From racial oppression, legislation during Apartheid, and reverse racism — racism is still present not only in South Africa but in modern day society. Bhabha (2004, pg. 2–20), suggests that Fanon (1961) saw racism drawing its roots from colonialism and post-colonialism, in Africa. In the context of South Africa the foundation of this global issue is the establishment of the Union of South Africa, and Apartheid. However, it is evident that various processes of transformation were initiated to liberate the non-whites and achieve democracy, some of which were psychologically motivated rather than politically. Among them was Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement leading to this research question:

Why Was Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement Used as a Platform for Liberation Psychology in the Context of Apartheid South Africa?

This research question requires History to set the context of the foundation, of racial tension and oppression in South Africa, and Psychology highlights the cognitive effects of racial oppression. Collectively, the linkage of these two disciplines using pivotal academic methodologies could reveal an answer to this research question, particularly the role that Biko played.

II. The Origins of Racial Tension: The Union of South Africa & Apartheid

Apartheid[2], derived from the Afrikaans language, is used to describe the era of racial segregation and oppression of non-whites in South Africa, by white European descendants — predominantly administered by the Imperial British, and Dutch settlers.

The official launching of Apartheid (1948) in South Africa was with the inception of the National Party[3] into government rule; during which many human rights violations were committed, through the enactment of various acts (Husbands, 2004). Through the imposed legislation the government institutionalized racial inferiority and superiority, as well as racial dominance.

Racial dominance is an explicit form of racism but racism itself, being a global issue, encompasses a broad definition. Varying definitions suggest that the word itself cannot be isolated to one interpretation; however identification of common themes may help reach a common meaning of racism. One definition articulates that racism is “the belief that all members of each race possess characteristics, abilities, or qualities specific to that race, especially so as to distinguish it as inferior or superior to another race or races” (Oxford University Press, 2013).

Alternatively, the US Civil Rights Commission defines racism as “…any action or attitude, conscious or unconscious, that subordinates an individual or group based on skin colour or race. It can be enacted individually or institutionally” (Randall, 1995). This definition focuses on the method in which racism is practiced and accounted for — individual or institutional enactment. In the case of South Africa racism took its course institutionally via the government.

Like most cases around the world South Africa used legislation to enforce racism. Backed-up by the constitution and defence forces — the Apartheid government had no worries in dealing with those opposed to racial oppression. Even prior to the rule of the National Party racist attitudes were still present in South Africa. This dates back to when colonization took place and more fundamentally when the British strengthened their imperialism with the grouping of four South African-based British colonies. These colonies led to the creation of the Union of South Africa on May 31st 1910 (South African History Online, 2013)[4].

While South Africa was annexed under British imperial rule and formally known as the Union of South Africa (1910–1961); it was governed by laws which oppressed, discriminated and segregated the indigenous African groups (Boddy-Evans, 2013). As a result, racial tension was pre-existent prior to the Apartheid regime and can thus have been legislatively reinforced during the era of the Union of South Africa.

This is the essence of the Pass Law.

I cannot sell my labour to the highest bidder.

I cannot live in the residential area of my choice; I am committed by the colour of my skin to

live in segregated ghettos or locations or slums.

Freedom of movement is restricted by the Reference Book.

The right to live in peace in my house is subject to any superintendent

or Native Commissioner who is empowered to endorse me out of the municipal

district if, in his opinion, my presence is a danger to public peace and good order.

This is the law.

An evaluation of the following source extracted from, Blame Me On History, by Modisane (1963) [5], can somewhat depict the racial tension in the country from 1910[6]

This is the essence of the Pass Law.

I cannot sell my labour to the highest bidder.

I cannot live in the residential area of my choice; I am committed by the colour of my skin

to live in segregated ghettos or locations or slums.

Freedom of movement is restricted by the Reference Book.

The right to live in peace in my house is subject to any superintendent

or Native Commissioner who is empowered to endorse me out of the municipal

district if, in his opinion, my presence is a danger to public peace and good order.

This is the law.

Table 1[7]

The above extract is one which perhaps comments on the Natives (Abolition of Passes & Coordination of Documents) Act (no. 67) of 1952 because of Modisane’s (1963) mention of the “Pass Laws” aka the “Reference Book” (O’Malley, 2013). The “Reference Book” was a product of the 1952 legislature, of which O’Malley (2013) states, “in short, this act co-ordinated documents by abolishing passes and introducing reference books instead”.[8]

Modisane’s (1963) underlying purpose for the source may have been to inform the nature of this legislation. It was an internal permit which influenced where an individual could choose to reside in, as he clearly states that he couldn’t live in the residence of his own will.[9] Modisane’s (1963) extract has a personal and emotional tone to it but it still holds historical value, because Modisane (1963) was born during the time of the Union of South Africa and was still alive during Apartheid; making his autobiography a personal recount of the legislation and its effect on him as a black South African.

However, being an extract, questions whether the text may have been taken out of context. It may impose elements of exaggeration and subjectivity, as it comments on legislation without direct referencing or quotes of the act itself. However, Modisane (1963) still manages to depict the possible presence of racial tension.

III. Racial Oppression

An assumption based on the above is that during this period racist attitudes were established. Koplan (2009) however argues that this particular period in time was not the origin of racist attitudes and tension. South Africa was colonized by the imperial British in the early 1800s during which they engaged in many invasive wars with indigenous South Africans. [10]

Given that the British were explicitly invasive and their presence was foreign to the indigenous Africans — this may have induced racial tension and established the course of racism to take root within South Africa. The timeline of events mentioned shows that racist attitudes were possibly established more than a century ago, as early as the colonial period up until the commencement of Apartheid.

Even though there are historical records dating back to the cause and effects of the colonial period; Apartheid still arguably receives more historical attention. Wolpe (1972, pg. 1) argues, “Apartheid is regarded as no more than an intensification of the earlier policy of Segregation.” The early ‘Segregation’ policy he mentions is in referral to the modus operandi of the Union of South Africa, which encouraged racial divide.[11] Wolpe’s (1972) argument may therefore suggest that Apartheid was more structurally oppressive and a close analysis of this would be best assessed through the Nationalist Party’s domestic policies, depicted by the following sources.

Table 2[12]

Table 3[13]

Table 1 and 2 depict some of the domestic policies of Apartheid. The purpose of Table 1 may be to simplify complex arguments which may have surfaced on the known fact that Apartheid was a racially oppressive system. As a result, it paved way for a debate of its social discrepancies as expressed through statistical data. Therefore its value may be that of a reflection of social standards, as it contains social descriptors like the distribution of land between Blacks and Whites during Apartheid.[14] Data evidently shows that there was a disproportionate allocation of land.[15] The social discrepancy of Table 1 may be commenting on Apartheid’s Group Areas Act (no. 41), 1950 which imposed racial segregation coupled with allocation of land (South End Museum, 2013). One may also argue however that the Natives Land Act (no. 27) of 1913, was more accurate in explaining this significant difference in land allocation as it was enacted to incorporate “territorial segregation” (South African History Online, 2013).

A notable difference in the teacher student ratio suggests a lack of investment in the education of Blacks, classes were probably clustered and teachers may have not been plentiful or racial segregation was also present in schools. This may have been aligned with the Bantu Education Act, of which Ocampo (2004) states that it “ensured Blacks receive an education that would limit educational potential and remain in the working class”. [16]

Table 2, an official sign found on the coastal South African city of Durban depicts the racial segregation present during Apartheid. It is valuable because it explicitly states that the beach shown is for “whites only”. This sign may be closely linked with the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act (no. 49) of 1953, which Christopher (1994, pg. 143) states that its aim “sought to create separate social environments for the White and other populations groups[17]”.

Conclusively, both tables suggest that racial oppression was present via the legislative, domestic policies of the National Party. It may have also triggered an increase of racial tension already present; drawing a correlation between the social conditions created by the oppressive legislation and the psychological effects it had on the non-whites of South Africa.

IV. Social Conditions & Social Categorization

The cognitive level of analysis in Psychology, states that cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors. In the context of Apartheid social conditions such as religion (which was influenced by the Apartheid ideology), education, locality, ethnicity and economic status, influenced the cognitive processes of social categorization, between Whites and Non-Whites. This was carefully articulated through the institutionalization of racism by the Apartheid government.

To fully understand the extent to which the Apartheid government institutionalized racism one needs to construe the ideological foundation of Apartheid and therefore its rhetoric[18]: South Africa could not function properly without its inhabitants being divided for their own mutual benefit (Neale, 2013).

In order to maintain the rule of the Apartheid regime; racially oppressive legislation was introduced. O’Malley’s (2013) depiction of the Group Areas Act (no. 41), 1950 shows a form of legislation which sought to racially divide South Africans, by allocating residential areas for each race, and making it illegal for other races to own land in a different racial area than their own.

This act in some way best promoted the ideology of the government and therefore one may argue that it had some psychological effects on non-whites who were given inferior home lands compared to white South Africans living in suburbs.[19] The implications of this act also had a psychological effect on the existent racial tension in the country, by inducing social categorization.

Similarly, the Bantu Education Act (no. 47), 1953, showed the disparities of education, and coupled with the Apartheid ideology only reinforced the differences of social conditions (ethnicity and economic status). Had it not been for these acts; Social Categorization would not have taken place because even though the ideology of Apartheid was explicit, maintenance of rule had to be effectively achieved through racially oppressive legislation.

The enactment of various racially oppressive laws only fuelled racial tension and oppression. Subsequently, many non-whites were subdued to a cognitive dilemma of self-identity. This dilemma is one which exemplifies the social differences within a particular place or region and how it affects the people and their position in society. Be it class, race or merely economic status — humans have a tendency to identify with a particular group and have this innate need to compare themselves to other groups, thus creating social categorization.

This social categorization forms an in and out group between Whites and Non-Whites respectively, based on racial discrimination. Tajfel & Turner’s (1971) Social Identity Theory (SIT) proposes that people exhibit their identity by categorizing themselves into groups and forming an identity based on the group. This social difference was enhanced by prejudice or discriminatory attitudes by the in-group against the out-group and at its most extreme form the discrimination may be racially inclined, as was the case in South Africa.

Tajfel & Turner (1971) hypothesized three mental processes that lead to distinctions between the in and out group, and classified these cognitive processes as: Social Categorization, Social Identification and Social Comparison.

Social Identification involves the social behaviour of the individual after adopting a particular group. The individual’s behaviour is influenced by categorization. In this case the values adopted by the Whites were that of superiority, and Non-Whites inferiority. Tajfel & Turner (1971) claimed that Social Identification would affect the individual’s emotions in correlation to their identification as it would exhibit either low or high self-esteem. The Whites therefore may have experienced high self-esteem as their identification enhanced white supremacy, and in contrast Non-Whites may have experienced low self-esteem because their Social Identification enhanced powerlessness and degradation.

Social Comparison aims to prove that both increased and decreased levels of self-esteem will induce social competition. In order to maintain or reach high levels of self-esteem the groups will compete for better social conditions; thus resulting in a change in their social identity. In the case of Non-Whites their competitiveness will coincide with a comparison of themselves with Whites and this will make them aspire to have a higher self-esteem so as to reach a social identity similar to Whites. This psychological manipulation sometimes affects the mental representation of the out-group’s identity and hence it leads them to aspire to the lifestyle of Whites and negate[20] their own identity.

The SIT perhaps best explains the effect of social categorization in determining segregated identities. This could establish a cause-effect link between social conditions via legislation, and social categorization. This supposed direct relationship may be attributed by the enactment of the racially oppressive laws that the Apartheid government passed. Had it not been for these various racially oppressive acts; the social conditions during Apartheid would not have been present because only their legality made them maintainable. Therefore one can see how social and cultural factors may have directly influenced the formation of social categorization during Apartheid.

V. Challenging The System: The Black Consciousness Movement

The implications of social categorization between Whites and Non-Whites in South Africa had a greater psychological impact on the make-up of the civil society and their attitudes towards themselves, as well as to others. The nature of competition among races, induced by social comparison only established a comparison which promoted the pseudo-science of Social Darwinism.[21] In the context of Apartheid South Africa this was characterized by the ideology of the Apartheid government.

South Africa and its oppressed section of society were not the only victims of racism. Social categorization dates back as far as the colonial period. However, intellectually engaging education was soon made accessible to Africans and eventually the formation of political parties and other movements which challenged racial oppression ensued. These liberation struggles gave rise to many notable African scholars like Biko. However, the ideals and values impinged by people like Biko were not only limited to South Africa but were present all over the world.

Biko, influenced by DuBois[22], established the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa during Apartheid (Hynes, 1974).[23] DuBois questioned racism and became educationally involved to end what he believed racism to be a matter of ignorance, and set way to prove this in his research studies.[24]

African American civil rights activists such as Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. adopted DuBois’ philosophies of the African Americans’ ‘double consciousness’ because they were entrenched by his views on racial prejudice (Gelbart, 2012). [25] Eventually a chain of influence reached Africa, which saw the formation of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in the mid-1960s (Libre, 2009).[26]

Before understanding the development of the BCM first tracing its psychological roots — is vital. Martín-Baró (1994) developed the foundation of Liberation Psychology[27] by identifying three conditions which led to the civil war[28] — Social Conditions, Social Patterns and Transformation. These conditions may still be found in, and applicable to, other countries which may be facing internal issues of social injustice.

According to Martín-Baró (1994) Liberation Psychology is a form of resistance against oppression. However, it is borne of Social Conditions that are interlinked with patterns of social injustice. Social Conditions, are products of the structure of a certain society, and constitute of economic, ideological, political and cultural factors (Martín-Baró, 1994). These factors branch out into legislation which establishes and enforces oppression (Martín-Baró, 1994).

In relation to the Apartheid regime; Biko identified that the racial tension in South Africa dates far back to the formation of the Union of South Africa. He realized that Apartheid only strengthened institutional racism. Furthermore he construed that Blacks (Non-Whites) were victims of social comparison in relation to Whites. This conflicting ontological distinction, led to a cognitive dilemma of double consciousness experienced by the oppressed. Hence many Non-Whites began believing, to a certain extent, that they were inferior to Whites. Biko, however, understood that the manifestation of psychological oppression would have great long-term effects and chose to combat the rhetoric of the Apartheid government with the BCM.

To some extent one can argue that the BCM was the defining transformation against oppression in the context of Apartheid South Africa and that Biko used it as a platform for Liberation Psychology during Apartheid. He feared that even in the advent of physical liberation against the oppression characterized by Apartheid; the mind of the Non-Whites may still be subdued by Whites because their cognition may still view Whites as the supreme and more intellectual race. Hence, he stated that “The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed” (Biko, 1971).

To grasp a more informed view of BCM and its aims I interviewed four subjects. They were given consent forms3. This qualitative research was an evaluative type as it aimed to determine whether the BCM was uprooted from Martín-Baró’s (1994) prescribed three[29] conditions of Liberation Psychology; aiming to answer the research question.

The subjects interviewed had one similar characteristic — they were all South Africans who were born and lived during Apartheid; making the sampling as purposive. The sample group consisted of three non-white subjects (2 Black and 1 Coloured[30]) and one white subject. Semi-structured interviews were used because on socially sensitive issues, like Apartheid, it allowed free elaboration of answers; thus resulting in an in-depth evaluation of qualitative data where the aim was to determine whether or not the BCM followed its prescribed procedures of being used as an intellectual approach, and a tool of transformation under the criteria of Liberation Psychology.

The subjects were asked 5 sets of questions[31] pertaining to their own understanding of the BCM and whether it matched with its reasons for inception and, in addition, their views on psychological liberation characterized by the BCM.. Each subject was debriefed[32] at the end of their interview.

The following emergent themes were found: Word Repetitions, Connectors and Transitions. In the first question Subject A, B and C all repeated the word “liberation” and Subjects D and A similarly linked the question back to “democracy”. Thus, in isolation, the use of the word “liberation” was constant. The answers given by the subjects indicate that they associate the BCM with the liberation struggle. This relationship presented itself as being conditional and time-orientated in the subjects’ responses. This established relationship between the BCM, and the greater liberation struggle itself, may indicate that the subjects identify the BCM as a significant component in South Africa’s quest for democracy.

Questions 3 and 4 induced a notable transition. There was a subsequent shift in the tone of the subjects after hearing the questions recited to them. Previously, the subjects were fluid with their responses and as a result there was minimal hesitation audible in their responses. However, these questions are distinctively, racially inclined as they ask the subjects’ opinions on the Black race of South Africa. Racial topics are inherently a volatile issue, both domestically and globally, accounting perhaps for the subjects’ change in tone, noticeable through careful, concise and slightly diplomatic responses. Even subjects B and C responded with caution, which was in contrast, much different from their critical and passionate mode of prior answering.

Conclusively, question 5 prompted the most significant question in the conduction of my interviews. Apart from Subject A, who felt that the BCM was “balanced in its approach”; the remaining subjects agreed that the BCM was an intellectual form of resistance. Their responses articulated that they construed the BCM as a negation of white supremacy, as it challenged psychological oppression. A sensitive question as it harnesses on the race issue. However, the transition established with the change in tone, experienced again by all the subjects, indicates that the subjects share a common sentiment towards psychological liberation. Their tones were positively sincere and fervent, regarding the BCM’s motion as a psychological liberation campaign.

At the end debriefing of the interviewees involved explaining the true crux of BCM — why it was formed and how it challenged the racist sentiments of Apartheid. Having later understood the actual context of the BCM’s formation; the subjects understood that there was more to its inception than the political stagnation caused by the ANC and PAC leaders during their arrest in the 1960s.[33]

Holistically, the answers to all the questions may be indicative of the interviewees’ personal views. Question 1’s answers may suggest that the subjects identified the BCM as playing a key role in the liberation struggle. Questions 3 and 4, which resulted in circumspect answers, may be indicative of the racial tension established in the country, formally by Britain (1910) and continued during the Apartheid regime. Question 5 may characterize the process of transformation in Liberation Psychology, as the subjects’ tones reflect that of a positive mentality in contrast to the psychological oppression present pre-1994. However, this is just one perspective. Future researchers should interview a larger and more racially diverse group of South Africans to reach a balanced hypothesis. Professions of interviewees should also be considered as this may influence their knowledge of the subject matter e.g. politicians or psychologists.

VI. Conclusion

South Africa is still to some extent tarnished by the effects of racism. Racism initially took its shape in the form of racial tension in South Africa and later was exhibited explicitly with the enactment of various, racially oppressive legislations which set the tone for South Africa to meet the criteria of Liberation Psychology as it experienced social conditions and patterns, indicative of social inequality. Furthermore, the political vacuum caused by the arrest of ANC and PAC leaders allowed the opportunity for an ideology to influence a transformation process against Apartheid. This transformation was initiated in South Africa by Biko perhaps because Black people were victims of double consciousness, as they no longer embraced their skin with pride. They, along with the other non-whites, were seen as the out-group forcing them to accept racial inferiority imposed by the in-group, white South Africans, unto them.

The psychological effects of this social categorization were quite detrimental as it made Black South Africans negate their identity, and led them to socially compare themselves to what was seen as the ideal identity — being white. Biko therefore realized that in order to free his fellow man; the breaking of one’s shackles must first start with the mind as that is the greatest weapon of an oppressor. He therefore used the Black Consciousness Movement as a platform for Liberation Psychology to take due course, because he feared that, even in the advent of democracy, South Africa’s black society would still be oppressed.

VII. References

Blog Post

- Gelbart, J. (2012, December 14). Double Consciousness. [Web Blog Post]. Retrieved from: http://guides.boisestate.edu/content.php?pid=19556&sid=843732

Books

- Biko, S., & Stubbs, A. (1978). I Write What I like. New York: Harper & Row.

- Christopher, A. J. (1994). The Atlas of Apartheid. London: Routledge

- Fanon, F. (2008). Black Skin, White Masks (New Ed.). London: Pluto.

- Fanon, F. (2004). The Wretched of the Earth (New Ed.). New York: Grove Press.

- Southern Africa, O. U. (2006). Understanding Apartheid: Learner’s Book. Cape Town: Oxford University Press.

Online Journals

- Moane, G (2003). Bridging the Personal and the Political: Practices for a Liberation Psychology. American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 31, Issue 1/2, pp. 91–101. Available: Springer Link. http://link.springer.com/article/10.1023%2FA%3A1023026704576 Accessed: August 2013

- Presidency, The (2004). Government Gazette: The Republic of South Africa. Broad-Based Black Economic Employment Act, 2003, Vol. 463, Issue 17, pp.1 -6. Available: https://www.environment.gov.za/sites/default/files/legislations/bbbee_act.pdf Accessed: August 2013

- Wolpe, H (1972). Capitalism and Cheap Labour-power in South Africa: from Segregation to Apartheid. Centre for Civil Society University of KwaZulu-Natal. Accessed: August 2013 http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za/files/Wolpe%20Economy%20&%20Society%201972.pdf

Speech

- Biko, S. Bantu. Black Consciousness Movement [Conference]. Cape Town. 1971.

Websites

- Boddy-Evans, A. (2013). Union of South Africa. African History. Available: http://africanhistory.about.com/od/southafrica/a/UnionSA.htm Accessed: October 1, 2013

- David, Dr. Saul. (2011). Zulu: The True Story. BBC: History. Available: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/victorians/zulu_01.shtml Accessed: October 1, 2013

- Husbands, A. (2004). Steve Biko Biography. Global Perspectives on Human Language: The South African Context. Available: http://www.stanford.edu/~jbaugh/saw/Ajani_Biko.html Accessed: August 16, 2013

- Hynes, G. (1974). A Biographical Sketch of W.E.B. DuBois. W.E.B. DuBois Learning Center. Available: http://www.duboislc.org/html/DuBoisBio.html Accessed: November 7, 2013

- Inc, Goodreads. (2013). Blame Me On History. Goodreads. Available: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1396124.Blame_Me_on_History Accessed: October 12, 2013

- Ocampo, M. (2004). A Brief History of Educational Inequality from Apartheid to the Present. Global Perspectives on Human Language: The South African Context. Available: http://www.stanford.edu/~jbaugh/saw/Lizet_Education_Inequity.html Accessed: October 12, 2013

- O’Malley, P. (2013). 1952 Natives Abolition of Passes & Coordination of Doc’s Act No 67. Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. Available: http://www.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv01538/04lv01828/05lv01829/06lv01853.htm Accessed: October 12, 2013

- Oneale, L. (2013). Apartheid and the Deceptive Leaders of South Africa. Guardian Liberty Voice. Available: http://guardianlv.com/2013/07/apartheid-and-the-deceptive-leaders-of-south-africa/ Accessed: August 16, 2013

- Online, South African History. (2013). The Union of South Africa 1910. South African History Online. Available: http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/union-south-africa-1910 Accessed: October 1, 2013

- Ryan, G., Bernard, H. (2010). Techniques to Identify Themes in Qualitative Data. Techniques to Identify Themes in Qualitative Data. Available: http://www.analytictech.com/mb870/readings/ryan-bernard_techniques_to_identify_themes_in.htm Accessed: January 4, 2014

- Press, Oxford University. (2013). Racism. Oxford Dictionaries. Available: http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/racism Accessed: October 1, 2013

- Randall, V. (1995). Defining Race, Racism and Racial Discrimination. Race, Racism and The Law. Available: http://racism.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=276:race0801&catid=14&Itemid=117 Accessed: October 1, 2013

[1] According to The Presidency (2004, pg. 4), the central objective of BBBEE, which defines “black people as a generic term which means Africans, Coloureds and Indians”, is to promote “economic transformation in order to enable meaningful participation of black people in the economy.”

[2] Directly translated Apartheid means “the state of being apart” (Oneale, 2013)

[3] Political party

[4] The four colonies were known as the British Cape Colony, Colony of Natal, Orange River Colony and the Transvaal Colony.

[5]William Bloke Modisane (1963) was a famous black South African writer, playwright, actor, journalist and one of the founding members of Drum magazine. Drum, at that time, was an investigative journalism magazine which reported numerous incidents that were abound with accounts of social conditions, racial conflicts and racial tension, particularly during the era of the Union of South Africa and Apartheid (Goodreads Inc., 2013).

[6] Before South Africa’s republican status in 1961.

[7] See Appendix A

[8] The “Reference Book” in itself acted as a mini dossier for blacks. It contained a photograph for identification purposes and was holistically used to control the movement of black South Africans as suggested by Modisane (1963) when he states that the book restricted “freedom of movement”.

[9] One can also assume that racial divide was present as Modisane (1963) states that his skin colour “committed” him to live in an inferior location e.g. township. A township is a settlement equivalent to a slum, formerly officially designated for black occupation by Apartheid legislation.

[10] One particular war which significantly stood out was the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 which is still today considered one of the greatest defeats the British army has ever experienced (David, 2011). These clashes/wars were commonly centred on the dispute of territorial claim, as was the case in most colonized countries.

[11] Harold Wolpe was a South African lawyer, sociologist, political economist, anti-Apartheid activist and political member of the African National Congress (ANC) during the Apartheid era

[12] See Appendix A

[13] See Appendix A

[14] It can also be classified as a primary source as it dates back during 1978 which falls under the era of Apartheid

[15] 19 million Blacks were given 13% of land whereas as Whites were allocated with the remaining 87%, even though their population stood at 4.5 million.

[16] The reliability of Table 1 may be questioned since the source’s origin isn’t indicative of direct governmental statistics, and therefore may have been manipulated.

[17] One limitation of Table 2 is that it may be a public representation of an official legislation and therefore its context and aims may be misinterpreted if the legislation hasn’t been identified.

[18] Apartheid’s ideology was one which the government may have viewed as being mutually beneficial. It was influenced by pseudo-scientific reasoning in that the Afrikaners (European Dutch and Huguenots descendants who settled in South Africa in the 17th century) believed that it was ungodly and impractical for them to live cohesively with other races, especially the indigenous blacks because they were considered as heathens, and therefore inferior (Neale, 2013).

[19] This particular piece of legislation only enhanced the different acts which were already enacted because it strengthened the disparities of the social conditions in South Africa, in terms of locality

[20] Fanon’s (1952, p. 82) ontological distinction between Whites and Non-Whites: “for not only must the black man be black; he must be black in relation to the white man” perhaps highlights why the Non-Whites in South Africa had, and may still have, a distorted social comparison which negates their identity in a quest to have social conditions similar to those of the white man. Therefore even though the context of colonization and Apartheid may differ; the effects of social categorization are relatively similar; thus establishing a close link with Fanon’s (1952) critique and Tajfel & Turner’s (1971) hypothesis.

[21] One of the arguments presented by Social Darwinism is that certain races are biologically superior to others

[22] DuBois was an African American educator (Hynes, 1974)

[23] DuBois is credited for crafting the Black Consciousness Movement (Hynes, 18974). The movement itself came about through the influences of racism in the United States of America (USA) during the 18th and 19th century — the period in which slavery was still active. DuBois was considered highly intellectual especially amongst the African American community (Hynes, 1974).

[24] His ultimate aim was to challenge and disprove the science behind racial prejudice and discrimination against black people, across the globe, by the West. This was the first time someone challenged the rhetoric of white superiority and black inferiority via scientific research (Hynes, 1974).

[25] According to DuBois (1903) the term ‘double consciousness’ originally referred to the psychological challenge of reconciling an African heritage with a European upbringing and education. Therefore it seemingly opposed the evaluation of oneself according to the perception of another, for the evaluation was stirred out of ignorance and racial prejudice in this context.

[26] During the 1960s South Africa’s liberation struggle was politically fading, following the banning and imprisonment of many anti-apartheid leaders from political party giants such as the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) (South African History Online, 2013).

[27] Martín-Baró (1994) hypothesized that civil conflict, induced by the inequalities of socio-economic conditions, is not only limited to outcomes of violence but also has underpinning, psychological effects on the out-group. However, in order for the out-group to secede from psychological oppression, in addition to physical oppression, an intervention of Transformation needs to take place. This process of Transformation will give rise for the opportunity of the out-group (oppressed civilians) to break free from the chains of oppression. This quest for Transformation, at a psychological perspective, was the basis in which BCM was formed by Biko.

[28] El Salvadoran Civil War (1980–1992)

[29] Social Conditions, Social Patterns and Transformation

[30] In the Southern African context, a politically correct term used to classify people of mixed race.

[31] See Appendix C

[32] See Appendix D

[33] In my post-interview debriefing sessions (which have not been formally recorded) the interviewees agreed that BCM’s mission, as an intellectual force against the rhetoric of Apartheid, aimed to reject the pseudo-science of Apartheid against blacks. The responses to the questions and feedback from the debriefing process extend on BCM’s reasons for inception — see Appendix C.