Mobility, Modernity and Mobile Phones: Africa’s ‘low-end globalization’ comes to China.
By: Evan John
Tags: Migration, Commerce, Africa, Hong Kong, China

IV / GUANGZHOU: The Dragon and the Dream Factory.

The new bullet train speeds through southern Guangdong province. Taking in the landscape of damp pastures and low-rise houses flashing past, it seems strange that only 40 minutes ago was the vertical city of Kowloon. It’s possible to feel almost agoraphobic, leaving the intense but reassuring density of Hong Kong, and a small bit of trepidation, to be now venturing into the mainland proper; about which stories aplenty abide. China has been described by some informants as the ‘wild west’ (Mathews & Yang 2012) of Asia, due in part to the dual economic opportunities and risks present (Bertoncelo & Bredeloup 2007). New arrivals to Guangzhou now follow in the footsteps of their compatriots who came before. Just as in Hong Kong, the growth of the diaspora may be traced in its earliest form to the presence of some ‘big fish’ or ‘anchors’ (Bertoncelo & Bredeloup 2007). It was these merchants who undertook the ‘collective, but perhaps unintended, task of opening trading routes, opportunities, and imaginations for the next generation of African entrepreneurs.’ (Castillo 2014:238).

Not only have these businessmen established an African presence on the mainland, but there they may operate as guides and intermediaries, offering guidance as to where to buy and offer services to ship goods back for less-established traders (Mathews & Yang 2012:111). Without a formal presence, such ‘enclaves’ build up effectively on top of one another, making the diaspora highly relational, and fragile. While Africans may be present here, there is little or no option to formally settle or integrate into the workforce. As such, clusters such as Xiaboleu ‘serve as shelters for new migrants in the host society’ (Zhang 2008:385). Within these, even more ‘low-end’, precarious transnationalisms proliferate.

The petty traders and itinerants arriving in Guangzhou present distinct subjects to those who came here previously. While for the ‘anchors’ — more established businessmen — such trajectories were simply a continuation of their existing transnational economic activity, for an increasing number of young ‘touts’ (Bertoncelo & Bredeloup 2007:100) who have followed since, these transnational voyages represent ‘transformative processes and opportunities for new beginnings’ (Castillo 2014:242). These young men are university-educated, having either completed formal studies in Africa, or potentially dropped out in China, having obtained a student visa (Bertoncelo & Bredeloup 2007:98).

Much like the narratives of Europe and the West have begun to flow backwards towards the continent (Melly 2011), the linkages to China now, as I have mentioned, present a tantalizing opportunity. Castillo describes how bachelor men of increasingly modest means ‘collect funds amongst relatives and friends and set out on a “‘once-in-a-lifetime’… mission to seek their fortunes in China’ (Castillo 2014:240). They may arrive in Guangzhou with little or no real capital, perhaps not even enough for their first night’s stay, but hope to begin working their way up to ‘the big fish’, whos help they initially employ (Lyons et al 2012:880). Indeed, it is here, perhaps, that the parallels between the ‘stuckness’ of life back ‘home’ and the emergent African transnationalisms in Mainland China emerge.

Regarding the phenomenon of ‘failed migration’ in Dakar, Melly has argued that even the attempt to migrate grants ‘social visibility as one who had worked hard, taken risks, and experienced life elsewhere’ (2011:370). The risks are great, and the rewards unclear, but even these ‘suicidal’ migrations. As Huagen argues, this represents at attempt to become unstuck. Yet these failures can create yet more immobility (2012), like quicksand. Indeed, while some may keep enough money in reserve to return home, others are not so lucky, overstaying their visa and being unable to leave due to fear of imprisonment and prohibitively expensive fines (Lyons et al 2012:882). Most of these overstayers ‘live hand-to-mouth and subsist on odd jobs provided by successful merchants.’ (Lyons et al. 2012:880), having to dodge police patrols regularly. As such, a strange presence of recurrence — neither fully established nor wholly transient — has emerged.