Reconciliation with U.S. Racist Nativism Past Can Advance Humane Immigration Reform
By: National Center For Institutional Diversity
Tags: Political Engagement, Immigration, Voting, Election 2020, Higher Education

Undocumented immigrant activism has been a constant factor in fighting and advocating for humane immigration rights in the U.S. over the past several decades.

Almost immediately after President Ronald Raegan signed the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, our nation has witnessed a slow yet growing number of deportations of countless immigrant families and the perpetual harm that immigration enforcement has had on communities across the country.

On the other hand, immigrants and their allies have led much of the expansion in pro-migrant legislation at the state and local level, which has led to access to in-state tuition and driver’s licenses to undocumented community members in some states. Those of us within the immigrant rights movement credit the Obama Administration for exercising prosecutorial discretion to breathe life into the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, which currently shields 700,000 immigrants from deportation.

Much of the groundwork that resulted in the creation of the DACA program was done through national campaigns like the “Back to School Day of Action,” where 500 undocumented students arrived in Washington D.C. to gain support for the DREAM Act. Other examples include the “Trail of Dreams” campaign, where four undocumented students walked 1,500 miles from Miami to Washington D.C. to generate support and awareness, and the #BringthemHome campaign, where undocumented activists self-deported as a way to bring awareness to family separation (Muñoz, 2015).

Unfortunately, under the Trump Administration, activism has perhaps garnered broader advocacy and support for undocumented immigrants. National organizations like FWD.us, America’s Voice, RAICES, United We Dream, and others, have shaped the national landscape of immigration advocacy by providing resources and support to immigrants on a national scale.

In fact, ahead of the upcoming presidential election, the United We Dream Action (UWDA) PAC has spent $600,000 in ad buys targeting Latinx voters in battleground states calling out Republicans who have been complicit in President Trump’s anti-immigration agenda. Similarly, social media influencers have leveraged their voices and visibility through digital campaigns under the #FamiliesBelongTogether and #HeretoStay hashtags.

These immigrant-led actions are foundational to democracy and the election process yet the question remains, “When is the U.S. going to create a pathway to citizenship for its estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants?” We surmise that the humanity of immigrants cannot be reckoned with unless the United States acknowledges its historical legacy of racism and racist nativism.

The forthcoming book from Teachers College Press, “Why Do They Hate Us?”: Education, Racist Rhetoric and the Trump Era” (Pérez Huber & Muñoz, 2021), outlines how historically race and fear are tools utilized by U.S. political leaders to sustain whiteness, white supremacy, and racism to articulate who belongs and who doesn’t.

These articulations of racist nativism are also entrenched in the U.S. immigration policies and laws that have historically restricted immigration and often blamed immigrants for the economic and societal woes of the U.S.. What we are witnessing in the Trump Era is not a new strategy in U.S. politics; however, the Trump Administration has galvanized race and fear to heightened xenophobia and racism in unprecedented fashion.

Here is what we believe — that the hate and racism propagated across the U.S. by the Trump Administration will once again challenge any elected President to make immigration reform within the first 100 days. This year, the person facing that challenge could be Joseph R. Biden Jr.

In 2008, President Obama’s campaign platform vowed to make immigration reform his top priority in his first 100 days as President, yet his focus on enforcement (e.g. the deportation of recent border crossers and noncitizens with convicted criminal histories) was meet with criticism by immigration advocates, which earned him the nickname “Deporter in Chief”.

Obama’s attempt to present himself as the “law and order” president to gain the support of GOP lawmakers failed in comprehensive immigration reform talks. We will never forget how Erika Andiola, an immigrant advocate and DACA recipient, posted an emotional YouTube video as she pleaded with the audience to help stop the deportation of her mother. Andiola is one of many who have endured trauma at the hands of immigration enforcement in the U.S. over the past decade, all as we have collectively witnessed immigrant children shoved into cages after being separated from their families. Even more recently, we learned that immigrant women inside a private detention center were subjected to non-consensual hysterectomies, and pervasive inhumane conditions (including sexual assault).

How can we expect the American public to treat immigrants with humanity if these government-sanctioned practices of trauma are commonly used?

As a nation, we need to reckon with our historical and institutionalized legacy of white supremacy, racist nativism in racist rhetoric, and how they manifest through our legal and institutional processes and policies. For many decades, undocumented immigrant activists have been fighting for equity, justice, and liberation. Yet, the fight has no signs of ending any time soon.

The next president of the United States will have to face the immigration issue head-on. The main question will be whether our nation will bear witness to more immigration enforcement, racist attacks, and fear-mongering or simply just more enforcement without reform. Only time will answer these questions — but we must continue to remember that along with the importance of coalition building and voting, the fight against white supremacy is just as imperative.