In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the "Mexican American Generation" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.Q: The author of the passage expresses uncertainty with regard to which one of the following? Answer Choices: (A)whether or not one can assume that the increase in the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States led to an increase in Mexican American political activism (B)whether or not historians preceding Garcia were correct in their assumptions about Mexican Americans who were politically active between 1930 and 1960 (C)whether or not there was general consensus among Mexican American political activists between 1930 and 1960 (D)the extent to which the views of Mexican American activists were shared by the ethnic Mexican population in the United States (E)the nature of the relationship between the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People
A: Among A through E, the answer is
(A)whether or not one can assume that the increase in the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States led to an increase in Mexican American political activism
(B)whether or not historians preceding Garcia were correct in their assumptions about Mexican Americans who were politically active between 1930 and 1960
(C)whether or not there was general consensus among Mexican American political activists between 1930 and 1960
(D)the extent to which the views of Mexican American activists were shared by the ethnic Mexican population in the United States
(E)the nature of the relationship between the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People