The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-03-16 00:00:00

BENEVOLENT SOCIETY AND FREE SCHOOL 0

ST. PATRICK.
THE ANNUAL EXAMINATION of the PUPILS will
take place at the ScnooL-noom Pleasant-street, on
Tuis DAY, (Tuesday,) the 16th instant, at Eleven o'clock,
when the attendance of the Friends and Supporters of the
Institution is particularly requested.
WILL. MOORE, Secretary.

THE WATERLOO COURSING MEETING.
THE EXHIBITION of the PICTURE of the WATER,
LOO COURSING MEETING, painted by Mr
ANSDELL, WILL CLOSE on SATURDAY next, the 20t1
instant. Open from Ten to Four.
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POSTOFFICE-PLACE GALLERY.
TN this EXHIBITION will be found PICTURES. by the
I Old and Modern- Masters, of the very highest quality
and class. Amongst the most remarkable, to which Public
attention is particularly drawn, are
THE CASA DE LORETTO, by DoMENICHINO, from the
Gallery of his Royal Highness the Duke of Lucca.
ST. JEROME, by RUBENS and VANDYCK, purchased of
the Mareschal Soult.
ST. JEROME, by SPAGNOLLETO, front the collection of

Lucien Buonaparte.
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PIOMBO.
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-
MECHANICS' INSTITUTION.
PO-MORROW, (Wednesday,) at Half-past Seven P.M.,
Mr. A. J. MASON, of London, will commence a
Course of FOUR LECTURES on WOOD ENGRAVING,
&c., to be continued on the following SATURDAY, at the
same hour.
To be succeeded by EIGHT LECTURES on ASTRO-
NOMY, by Professor WALLIS, and FOUR LECTURES
on ELOCUTION, by the Rev. 13. T. STANNUS.

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W. B. HODGSON, Secretary.

TO CORRESPONDENTS

The lines by B. will not suit the columns of the STANDARD.
We shall not forget the suggestion offered by " Pat," but he
will easily imagine our reason for not inserting his letter :
we have a great objection to be brought unnecessarily into
contact with a contemporary.
The publication to which " A Staunch Protestant" alludes is
too obscure for notice, and it would be unjust to insert his
communication apart from such notice.
Any parcel left at Messrs. Whittaker and Co.'s, Ave Maria-
lane, addressed "To the Editor of the STANDARD,
Liverpool," will duly reach our office.
We have again to complain of the non-arrival of the Dublin
Statesman. Unless we receive it more regularly, we must
cease exchanging with our contemporary.
We have received 10s. from Mrs. Priestley, Lord-street, in
aid of the fund now raising on behalf of the widow men-
tioned in our last.

yid undertook the compilation of a work which was

,signed as a full examination and refutation of the

octrines of the Tractarians; he is a scholar and the-

ogian than whom there is none better qualified for
icli an undertaking; but after advancing some way
his task, he gave it up, with this declaration, which

'as the result of long and anxious deliberation—l re-
ounce this labour, because I find that in refuting Pu-

eyism, I am only doing what has been long since done

by our reformers

The same process of reasoning

'hich refutes Popery refutes Puseyisrn, and the work

is already done to my hand—causa finita est.
But as to what this school of divines would do with
our church, if they had the power, we have an inti-
mation from themselves in the very last number of the

Tracts for the Times, which exhorts us to " let the
church sit still for the present ; let her be content to be
in bondage; let her work in chains; let her go on
teaching with the stammering lips of ambiguous for-
mularies, and inconsistent precedents, and principles
but partially developed." If this mysterious language
does riot shroud some meditated revolution, we own

we are utterly unable to guess its meaning

But to turn from the theology to the policy of the
question, it does strike us that to any reasonable and
observing mind it must be evident that the great want

of the church at present is EXTENSlON—extension
chiefly among the poorer orders -of society—the la-
bouring and manufacturing population. This, for her
political security, and indeed for every reason, is one
of her chief wants, if not the very first; and this be-
ing so, it naturally occurs to one to ask, is the Tracta-,
rian school of theology adapted to, and likely to pro-
mote this end ? We should certainly think not. It is,
we may remark, in the first place, one of a very exclu-
sive order, and has much in it to repel, but little in-
deed to gain over those who have been drawn away
into the ranks of dissent. In the next place, it sets
the laity at an immeasurable distance from the ecclesi-
astical body, and disdains the aid even of the most
worthy towards supplying at any humble distance the
ministrations of the church among the poor ; and,
lastly, it combines so much of traditional teaching
with the simple enunciations of Scripture, that it ne-
cessarily adds embarrassment and difficulty to church
instruction, and deprives her services of that , free
course which they otherwise might have.
The Church of Rome, we may be reminded, finds it
easy to progress among the poor and ignorant. True ;
but the Church of Rome first takes away the light of
holy writ, and then traffics with the ignorance that she
creates. We have not heard that the Tractarians cal-
culated on " putting out the light" in like manner ;
but if they do, they should no longer be regarded as
members of the Church of England, but as a sort of
Romanist separatists from her. The Church of Eng-
land is built upon holy writ : " so that whatsoever is
not read there, nor may be proved thereby," she de-
clares, " is not to be required of any man, that it
should he believed as an article of the faith, or be
thought requisite or necessary to salvation ;" and for
this reason, the more consistent her instructions are

with the divine records, and the more perfectly they
harmonise with the pure and simple doctrines of the
gospel, the more readily are they likely to find accept-
ance among a Bible-reading and Bible-instructed po-

pulation

That the introduction of the Poor Law tyranny into
Liverpool has been suggested by some most pitiful
motive, there can be no doubt; but we feel assured
that those who have been accessory to the movement
will hereafter have abundant cause to repent bitterly
of it.

Taking it for granted that every man, woman, and
child in the kingdom is now perfectly satisfied that
the commission-administered law is the greatest scourge
ever put into the hands of public functionaries in this
kingdom for the purposes of tyranny, cruelty, and op-
pression, we have only to express our astonishment
that the spirit of party could operate to such an extent
as to prevent some men joining with the great body of
their fellow-citizens who naturally and justly acclaim
against so grievous an imposition. Baneful indeed
must that influence be which can render them insensi-
ble to the approach of so gigantic an evil, and _ take
from them all desire to avert it,—nay, which leads them
rather to court its arrival and weigh the petty gratifi-
cation of witnessing for a moment the fancied humilia-
tion of political rivals, against the great and lasting
mischief which must follow immediately in the train of
so miserable a triumph. We should have expected
that all party feeling would be forgotten where the in-
terests of the poor, and the interests of our common
locality, are so intimately concerned ; but such has not
been the case—and we own, that, low as our ideas of
Whiggery have ever been, this unpartiotic and dis-
graceful defection—(for the defalcation is all on one
side)—has depressed them to a point beyond which,
we suppose, they cannot now descend.

How comes it, let us ask, that every Conservative
is opposed to the commission-tyranny, but that not a
single TVhig has the courage openly to contend against
it ? When the question was asked at the meeting of
the special vestry held on Thursday—" For whose be-
nefit it was intended," some mysterious unknown in
the assembly replied " For Sir Joshua Walmsley's ;"
and really that great unknown, who is perhaps more
in the secret than we are, may be right. If we can
conceive so monstrous a nuisance to be for the benefit
of any human being, Sir Joshua Walmsley may as
well be the happy personage as any other that we wot
of. Certainly he has not shown himself the friend of
the poor, or of the inhabitants of Liverpool, by joining
in the remonstrance against it. We have it on the au-
thority of Mr. EARLE—and a very good authority too
in such a case--that the introduction of the law which
has been so long deferred may be attributed to the
over-much righteousness of the special vestry, and:
their scrupulous attention to the interests of the parish,
in the matter of the warehouse bill—it is, he gave us
to understand, a punishment upon them for meddling
with the projects of the Town Council—for their " mal-
versatio" of the parish funds in protecting the parish-
oners against the encroachments of the Council. Only
think how attentive the commissioners sitting in So-
merset House, London, have been to the interests of
the people of Liverpool—how anxious they have been,
amid numerous other cases, to save us from misma-
nagement and adjudicate impartially between our Whig
Town Council and our constitutional special vestry.
But whence did they receive their information ? How
came the commissioners so well to understand our
local differences, and to apply with such nice discri-
mination a remedy so exactly suitable to our wants ?
Was it Mr. EARLE himself that put them up to it, or
was it Sir Joshua Wahnsley—an active stirring man
in all public affairs—or who was it ? Well, no matter ;
at present our only concern is, that the visitation may
be averted ; for we do aver that if ever there was a
project calculated to fire the indignation and provoke
the displeasure of a patient people, the abominable pro-
ject in question is the one. Let us briefly review the,
facts.

But if this ground of opposition to the victimizing

We have in the first place a system among us that
answers all the purposes of which such a system is ca-
pable, and so administered that no complaint whatever-
has been preferred against a management which, from.
its peculiar nature, is of all others the most difficult..
Neither tax-payer on the one hand, nor pauper on the.
other, is heard to murmur—a circumstance in itself
remarkable and most creditable to the town. We
should think that few instances of a state of things so
singularly felicitous in a matter of so grave a character,

and so deeply important, could be pointed out. And
yet a proposition is made wantonly to destroy and sub-
vert it. Under what pretence, or for whose benefit?
The official answer must of course be, for the benefit of
the inhabitants of Liverpool. But the inhabitants of
Liverpool, all but a clique so numerically insignificant
of—vastly obliged, to be
sure,a not s f
ot
ro
such
hw okritnhd speakingintentiintentions—are
s—are desirous rather of
remaining just as they are, in their present unreformed
but happy condition. They ask for no new law; they
have no wish to have foreign commissioners put over
their heads; they want no deputy to assist them; they
only require to be allowed to manage their own affairs.
and are willing to bear those evils that they have rather
than experimentalize with others that they know not
of : in a word, they ask to be let alone. But no—this
may not be

Whig influence must be forced through
every vacant corner of the land; and as neighbouring
towns have been put in the stocks, a good pretence is
furnished for inflicting a similar punishment upon Li-
verpool. Centralization and " uniformity" are stock-
in-trade humbugs of the school.

ew poor law should be thought insufficient, we have
then only to examine the system itself in all its parts,
when we shall find every imaginable argument fur-
nished us for redoubling the energy of our resistance
in the overwhelming multitude of evils inherent in and
inseparable from it. Towards the poor it is brutal;
towards the rich, or the non-neressitons, it is offensive
without being economical. Turn, overhaul, anatomise
it in what way you will, investigation only increases
abhorrence and strengthens the repulsiveness of every
right feeling against it. We enter into no details ;
they have been already submitted to the public in va-
rious shapes, from the rending asunder of every natu-
ral tie in the workhouse bastile—the separation of pa-
rent and child, husband and wife—the doling out of
sustenance calculated to the very verge of death by in-
anition--the surgery and the medicine by contract—rto
the prison death-bed and the felon burial—all these
have heen already supplied abundantly, and we need
not dwell upon them. We have only to pray that in
Liverpool we may be spared the tender mercies of so
vile a system, and to urge upon the benevolent inha-
bitants of this great city the strong necessity of using
every legitimate means to avert the calamity. It is the
cause of the poor, and we should feel it a sacred duty
laid upon us not to be lukewarm in it. A deputation
has been appointed by the special vestry to proceed to
London for the purpose of presenting their remon-
strance ; but we shall despair of the success of their
enterprize unless the inhabitants generally strengthen
their hands by taking some further mode of evincing
the deep interest they feel in a matter so exceedingly
momentous. The petition now in course of signature
is an efficient mode of doing to.

INHABITANTS OF LIVERPOOL, HASTEN TO SIGN

IT! THERE IS NO TIME TO BE LOST,

In order to give the Jews the municipal enfranchise-
ment which is sought for them, it is only necessary to
remove out of their way that declaration, which pur-
ports to be made " on the true faith of a Christian."
It is contended that this obstacle ought to be removed
because Daniel Salomans, Esquire, is quite a respec-
table person, and because there are others of his nation
of a like grade, and of equal respectability in society;
and secondly, because the policy acted on of late years
has been one of relaxation and comprehension. On
these positions the argument for the proposed enfran-
chisement is mainly built; but whatever validity it
may seem in the mind of some men to possess, one
thing is certain—that it does not at all meet the prin-
ciple on which the objection to concession is founded.
'We are not concerned particularly about Mr. David
Salomans, or his status in English society; we may
allow him to be all that his vouchers say for him ; we
prefer no impeachment against either his moral or po-
litical character, or against that of his kinsmen and
nation residing in this country : it is something quite
immaterial to our immediate views. And as to the
other position, all we shall say is, that if parliament
must continue to do wrong ad infinitum, because it has
done so once, then of course it is useless for us to say
more upon the subject. But these are arguments of a
very lame description indeed, and unworthy of serious
refutation.

To allude to the " true faith of a Christian," is, we
have seen, an occasion of laughter, and a matter of
ridicule, in the House of Commons. The Irish tail
always attend well drilled and prepared on this point.
Their secreta monita are, to laugh down everything
serious. They cheer and applaud every sentiment
that favours the dishonour, and the erasure from the
statute-book, of the very name of our national Chris-
tianity; and seldom does it happen that they do not
punctually obey, or even better, their instructions.
Were any one to speak of " the true faith of a PA-
PisT," the mockers would instantly become grave as
Trappists, and serious as fasting eremites. The reli-
gion of the Roman pontifex maximus absorbs all their
reverence, and commands all their affections ; but not
so with Christianity : they hate the very name (unless
in company with the Pope), and more particularly that
of our national church. And what is the consequence
of this anti-Christian, devilish system and practice ?
Why, that few have the moral courage to encounter
it—that it scares away many of the Conservative
party—and, consequently, that when heads come to
be reckoned on questions of the deepest moment, the
numbers stand too often in the proportion that we find
them on this Jews' question, when the expunging of
the declaration " on the true faith of a Christian" was
carried by a majority of 137 to 24. Such is the dis-
advantage that our national Christianity labours under,
in consequence of the admission of Papists into parlia-
ment ; and yet the precedent is held up to us as a good
one, and even insisted upon as a sufficient reason for
extending the same measure of mistaken liberality to

lons an

the Jews 1
The position taken by Sir Robert Inglis is the true
one, and, we need not say, was wholly unaffected by
the " farrago of cant" given utterance to by the Colo-
nial Secretary in his attempt at reply. '6 You have
put the question," said his lordship, " on a thcoloyical
ground : are you aware that that is a mode of proceed-
ing quite unusual here, and which was not so done
when the Catholic claims were advocated ? " And the
more the pity, say we ; for the " theological ground,"
as his lordship calls it, is just the ground that, had it
been properly defended, would have presented an in-
superable barrier to those pretensions. Theological
references, we observe, are dreadfully annoying to
your Liberal ; and he would persuade himself that
they never can be a propos,—no, not even when a Jew
seeks admission to the privileges of a Christian state !
The Colonial Secretary alleges that it is intolerant
in the state to ask a man about his religion, in order
to ascertain his qualification for office or preferment.
But if so, it must he intolerant to ask him what sort
of house he resides in, or what property he possesses,
in order to test his fitness for voting for a member of
parliament, or for sitting himself in that house. The
one sort of test is just as much symptomatic of into-
lerance as the other ; and until society fall back again
to first principles, and return to primitive barbarity,
some such " intolerance" we must ever have.
To make Mr. David Salomans an alderman may
seem to some to be a mere bagatelle ; but if Mr. Salo-
mans cannot have that honour conferred upon him
without an act that goes a great way towards unchris-
tianizing the state, then this bagatelle becomes a very
grave affair ; and we are intolerant enough to think
that it would be far better to leave the Hebrew gentle-
man plain Mr. Salomans to the end of his days than to
perpetrate a deed of such evident national apostacy and
sacrilege. Papists and liberals may laugh, and it is
only natural they should, especially when they seem in
a fair way to win ; but Papists and liberals have no
desire to preserve our constitution in church and state,
or, we believe, in either, and are glad therefore to asso-
ciate with them all those who, if true to their own prin-
ciples, must be its bitterest foes. On the other hand,
every departure of the state from its position as Pro-
testant and Christian is a matter of serious grief and
deep regret to those who consider its christianity to be
intimately connected with its highest interests, its li-
berty and welfare in every possible relation and aspect.

Our Whig cotemporary, the A/bion,has kindly essayed
to involve us in a quarrel, and argues that because we
dissented last week from the proceedings in the Town
Council on this question, we have therefore put all the
conservative members in the same category with the
whigs and liberals. We are sure that our conservative
friends did not so understand us. When we speak of
the Council in general, we speak of it as a Whig body,
existing as such by the grace of a small majority, which
is alone accountable for its measures ; and if some of
our conservative friends have agreed with the majority
on this question, it is a casualty that we may have re-
gretted, but which certainly did not enter into our con-
templation at the time we wrote the observations re-
ferred to. Of the importance of that " union which
is strength" we are as fully sensible as our whig co-
temporary, who shows how highly he appreciates it by
seeking to sow dissention in our camp ; but much as
we value it we would not wish to attain or preserve it
by requiring others to dissemble their opinions, or by
shrinking, when the occasion required it, from a can-
did avowal of our own ; and this, we think, is good
conservative practice, which our friends will likely
agree with us in, and applaud rather than censure us
for pursuing. The " ingenious device" of the Albion
on this occasion—in which, by the by, there is a strong
spice of the malicious—will, we venture to say, be dis-
appointed of its object.

TO TUE CONSTITUENCIES OP PROTESTANT

ENGLAND.-LETTER IT

" Infandum, Regina, jubes renovare dolorem."—Vine

FELLOW-PROTESTANTS,
Before proceeding further into the subject of my present
letter, allow me for a moment to recal your attention to the
two alternatives which are forced upon our acceptance by
Lord Morpeth's bill. Either Great Britain must submit to
see that great principle of the constitution—its Protestant
ascendancy—destroyed, by the admission into parliament of
an overwhelming majority of Popish members ; either we
must submit to see the powers of the House of Commons
directed exclusively to the furtherance of Popish ambition,
and to the weakening of Protestant establishments through-
out the empire ; or we must at once, resolutely and sted-
fastly, direct our energies to THE REPEAL OF THE BILL OF
1829 AS THE ONLY COURSE LEFT US TO PRESERVE THE
CONSTITUTION. Between these twu alternatives, I submit,
the constituencies of England have to choose ; and I now
proceed to offer to your notice a few considerations which
may guide you in your choice.
And first let us examine the practical working of the mea-
sure of emancipation, during a period of twelve years, up to
the present moment. We were told in 1829 that the admis-
sion of some thirty or forty members of the Romish faith
into the British House of Commons, bound by their oaths
to respect the property and the religion of the established
church, would, so far as Protestant interests were concerned,
be quite innocuous ; that such a body would soon fall into
the ordinary divisions of party, and, upon questions of civil
policy, would lay aside entirely the distinctive character of
their creed in promoting the general-welfare of_ the commu-
nity. Let us see, then, whether this prediction has been
fulfilled.
The first circumstance which strikes us, in entering upon
this portion of our inquiry, is the startling fact that not even
one solitary member of the Romish church in the House of
Commons can be found separated from the bulk of his party!
The pmfessors of other creeds—the most violent sectarians
even—can afford sometimes to differ with each other upon
great political questions ; but Romish legislators seem to
have bound up their political sympathies and opinions along
with their faith, and to receive the impulse which directs
both from one common source. Upon no great question do
we find them, by any chance, voting upon opposite sides ;
and if occasionally symptoms of coldness may be perceived
amongst particular members, an unseen influence immedi-
ately restores subordination, and draws together again into
a compact body the conflicting or the lethargic parts.
It is beyond dispute, then, that Popery refuses absolutely
to allow her representatives to be merged in the general mass
of the legislature. Whilst the professors of other creeds
mingle freely in, and differ upon, those questions of general
interest which invite discussion within the walls of the House
of Commons, Popery alone " walks apart "—her sympathies '
and her judgment steeled against the entrance of any convic-
tion which may draw them aside from the path which leads
to her ulterior objects. Whilst the professors of other
creeds, upon their admission to that house, become at once
the representatives, virtually, of the general interests of the
community ; the professors of the Romish faith never lose
for a moment the distinctive character of their religion—
never lose sight of the fact that they are representatives, in
reality, of the church, and not the people, to which they
belong.
The natural result—and, I have no doubt, the well-antici-
pated result—of such a system of self-violation on the part
of the Roman Catholic body in parliament, is to render
their support, to any ministry or to any party, in the present
balanced state of the House of Commons, an object of vital
importance. Through the medium of this isolation a united
strength of upwards of forty votes (making a difference of
upwards of eighty in a division) is created, which can be
brought down to the house to turn the scale upon any ques-
tion—which, unlike any other equal number of votes, is ca-
pable of being wielded by an unseen influence—and which,
when so wielded, never stays to weigh arguments—never
hesitates at principles. At the present moment this body
notoriously and avowedly possesses and exercises a control-
ling power over the entire working of the political machine
—can regulate the extent to which concession may be made
by the legislature to the constitutional expression of the
national will—can hold and does hold, in abject subserviency
to its insolent behests, the representatives in parliament of
the whole empire. For five years a compact with this body,
or with the power which works the springs by which its mo-
- directed, has enabled a profligate and imbelice mi-
a defiance of repeated majorities of both houses,—in
defiance, too, of a standing majority of British members in
the House of Commons, and of the great mass of the British
people,—to continue in possession of the reins of govern-
ment—to menace our holy church with " heavy blows and
great discouragements"—to tamper with democracy—to sap
the foundations of our commercial and financial prosperity—
and to degrade and dishonour the name of England through-
out Europe and the world!
It may be urged, indeed, in vindication of such an exer-
cise of their legislative privileges, that as representatives of
the " liberal" party in Ireland, the Roman Catholic mem-
bers only act consistently in supporting with their whole
strength a " liberal" government—a government which,
according to their views, legislates for the social and religious
welfare of Ireland. it may be urged, too, that so long as
they respect the oath, into which they have entered, to ab-
stain from any act of hostility to the established protestant
church of the realm, they have a constitutional right totake any
part, which they may judge most to their interest upon ques-
tions of general policy, and even to make any compact which
they may choose as to the conditions upon which their sup-
port is afforded. I deny, however, that the Roman Catholic
members of the House of Commons are the representatives
of any lay interest in the sister kingdom—" liberal" or
otherwise. Those members are " de facto" the represen-
tatives of the Romish Church in Ireland. They " live,
move, and have their being" by permission of " the church"
alone ; and can make no compact and will make no compact,
which has not for its object the aggrandisement of that
church. That in the pursuit of this object they adhere out-
wardly to the observance of the faith which they have sworn
towards the protestant establishment of the realm I will not
at present stay to deny. Although perfectly convinced that,
in its spirit ,—that good faith, and the oath by which it was
endeavoured to be secured, have been repeatedly violated, I
am unwilling to impute deliberate perjury to any body of
my Christian fellow-countrymen. But if I can establish the
fact that, in the exercise of their admitted constitutional
right of judgment upon general questions, they are influenced
by motives partaking of the principles of their creed—that
whilst ostensibly and professedly preserving their faith they
are in reality, through other agencies, effecting their object—
(which cannot, if they honestly entertain the opinions and
principles laid down by their councils, and inculcated in their
colleges, and from their altars, be any other than the ulti-
mate prostration of our holy church, and the raising of the
" damnable idolatry" of Rome upon its ruins) ;—in that
case, I apprehend, I shall have laid before you an amply
sufficient ground for coming to the conclusion, that the
repeal of the measure of 1829, if not at present even justi-
fiable, must be the inevitable result of a further increase
of power being granted by Lord Morpeth's bill, to the de.
mocracy of Ireland, ostensibly, but, in reality, to the church
of Rome in that kingdom.
Let us examine then the nature of the compact, implied
or expressed, which exists between the present government
and the members of the church of Rome in parliament. The
government of Lord Grey was a reforming—was a " liberal"
government ; and yet it is notorious that the support of the
Irish Catholic members in parliament was not, as at present,
upon every occasion at the service of the minister. On the
contrary, an extensive agitation existed in Ireland, fomented
by the present member for Dublin, and was conceived to be
of so dangerous a character as to require for its suppression
the temporary suspension of the constitution. The govern-
ment of Lord Melbourne succeeded that of the noble Earl;
the celebrated Lichfield House compact was entered into with
O'Connell and his supporters, and the cry of " justice to
Ireland" was, for a time. stilled. What then, I ask, was
the propitiation by which popery was conciliated and agita-
tion appeased? It was not, alone, place and emolument and
patronage, liberally showered amongst the dependents of the
Irish mendicant ; no : it was, distinctly and notoriously, the
prospect held out to popery of the " appropriation" of a
slice of the revenues of the established church in Ireland,
to secular and to popish uses. The interests of protestantism
were contracted to he surrendered, in exchange for the venal
votes of the mercenaries of the pope.

Listry, in

Since the terms of that particular compact have been aban-
doned ; since that particular breach in the walls of our holy
church has been found impracticable ; one concession after
another has been held out—one outwork after another has
been betrayed by the ministry—to purchase the paltry ma-
jorities by which alone they exist from hour to hour. As
each successive session has been shuffled over, the working
of Irish agitation has recommenced ; and a new demand
sprung up, to be extorted as the price of Irish adhesion in
the next. But has any one of these instalments of the debt,
due, by compact, to popery, been unconnected with the ad-
vance of that dark apostacy itself? Has any one measure,
demanded and conceded, had in view, merely, the social hap-
piness of the Irish people? Not one ! An isolated case of
private jobbing may occasionally be found—some Shannon
navigation job ; but it is a fact, to which I challenge contra-
diction, that not one of those great measures included in the
cry of " Justice to Ireland," and successively forced upon
the acceptance of Lord Melbourne's government, as the
price of Irish catholic support, has had any other ulterior
object than that of weakening the bulwarks of Protestantism,
and prostrating the energies of this great nation at the feet
of the mother of abominations—of hastening forward that
period, which is so ardently and so unceasingly contem-
plated by popery, when the last ray of civil and religious
liberty shall be quenched in Great Britain, and the native
spirit of her people bowed down, in abject submission, be-
neath the gloomy tyranny of Rome.
The whole operation, then, of the emancipation bill of 1829,
up to the present time, has been directed, notwithstanding
the securities by which it was accompanied, to depress the
growth of Protestantism throughout the empire, and to en-
courage the hostile principle of popery. By that measure, in
• conjunction with the abuses which have been allowed to
creep into the system of registration in Ireland, the social in •

terests, as well as the religion itself of the people of Great
Britain, have been placed virtually in the hands of a body of
men whom no faith is allowed to bind—over whom the con-
stitution has no hold—who represent no constituencies ex-
cept the Romish priesthood of Ireland, and whose votes in
Parliament upon the most ordinary questions of party are
directed by the dark and subtle policy which emanates from
the councils of the Vatican. Whilst this over-riding tyranny
exists, can it be said that you, the existing constituencies of
Great Britain, have an independent voice in the legislature ?
Do the majorities, by which a despicable party are enabled to
cling to office, express your will ? Is it by your permission
that the established religion of your country is hourly in-
sulted—that the constitution of your country is about to be
abandoned to the wild and reckless demands of democracy—
that infidelity, socialism, and unvarnished infamy, are suf-
fered to pollute even the chambers of the sovereign ? Un-
doubtedly not. At this moment the constituencies of Great
Britain are virtually unrepresented in the House of Com-
mons ; the once boasted constitution of our country is but a
plausible and an ingenious mockery!
It is true that time would in part have corrected this glar-
ing evil. The loyalty and patriotism of the British people
would at length be able to gain the ascendancy for British
interests in that house. Already the majorities which an im-
becile and worthless ministry can command, even with the
utmost aid of popery, have dwindled down to a paltry unit;
and a few more months, or even weeks, may extinguish them
altogether. Is it to he endured then, I ask, that a reckless
and dishonest faction should be permitted, by the bill brought
forward by Lord Morpeth, to recruit those majorities—to
admit another influx of popery of more undiluted and more
rampant character tian the existing body ? Will you—will
the people of Engi:nd—rush madly forward to a bloody re-
volution, which mu .t be the issue of thus handing over to the
uncontrolled power 3f a fierce democracy, wielded by popery,
the lives, the p:o,:erty, and the church of your fellow-sub-
jects? I leave th,, question for the present to your calm
consideration

1 PROTESTANT ENGLISHMAN
Liverpool, Mar . 13th, 1841.

PROCEI DINGS IN PARLIAMENT.

(Frow our London Correspondent.)

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING

The debate in the House of Commons on Wednesday
evening, on the subject of the removal of the Jewish disabi-
lities as applied to the holding of corporate offices, is well
worthy of attentive perusal. Although not apprehensive that
such a measure can ever, practically, effect serious injury to
society ; although satisfied that a Jew or a Hindoo is quite as
likely to dignify by his presence those precious assemblies
which have been created in our corporate towns by the mu-
nicipal reformers of the present day, as some of those sweet-
tempered Socinians who now figure there: yet it is impossi-
ble to imagine by what logic the admission of members of the
Jewish religion to legislate for the moral and social order of
Christian communities can be defended, which will not
equally apply to their admission to the legislature of the whole

kingdom.
The manly and truly English speech of Sir Robert Inglis
is especially worthy of admiration, as proving at any rate how
the British constitution, in its ancient entireness, can be sup-
ported, against all the flippancy of modern liberalism, by a
Christian patriot, a scholar, and a gentleman. Let that
speech, uninipeached as it was throughout in all its positions,
be compared for a moment with a vapid mouthings of ultra-
liberalism, which issued from the lips of the Home Secretary,
or with the insolent chirpings of the unfledged duckling who
followed him, in the person of Mr. William Ewart. Con-
trast the open sneers and ribald mockery with which the very
mention of principle—religious principle, as constituting an
ingredient of fitness for the exercise of legislative powers,
were received by the " liberal" majority of the house, with
the exulting cheers which greeted the ministerial profession
of open latitudinarianism ; and the country will, at the least,
have an opportunity of estimating the degree of safety with
which matters of a higher import might be left to the sole
guardianship of that branch of the legislature. Would that
we had many members in the House of Commons possessed
of the same sterling and uncompromising Protestantism which
distinguish, on every occasion, the sentiments and the con-
duct of the honourable member for Oxford !

On Friday night, in the House of Commons, a motion was
Introduced by the President of the Board of Trade, the sub-
ject of which will, I have no doubt, excite the most anxious

attention of your mercantile community, especially of those
engaged in the trade with our West Indian and American
colonies. It is well known—to your mercantile readers at
least—that the connexion between those colonies and Great
Britain, hitherto, has been maintained by the formation of a
system of mutually protective duties, in favour of colonial
produce and British manufactures, as compared with those
levied upon the produce or the goods of other countries. The
proposition of Mr. Lahouchere is to reduce the rate of duties
_'.. by our colonial tariffs upon all merchandize, not the
'oduce r

of Great Britain or of any British possession, to an
,verage rate of 10 per cent. ;—in effect to throw open the
narkets of our colonies to foreign powers, and thus to de-
prive Great Gritain of one of the most important benefits
which she derives from her colonial possessions, in exchange
for the expense by which they are supported, namely, a pre-
ference in their markets for her merchandize over that which
is afforded to all other nations.

It will scarcely be expected that in my capacity, as a cor-
respondent merely, I can enter into the various and compli-
cated questions which must arise upon the consideration of
a subject of such vital importance to the interests of Great
Britain herself, and of her colonial empire. lam not aware
that the benefits of our past free trade policy at home have
been so strikingly evinced as to call very loudly for their ex-
tension into our dependencies abroad. But it is impossible
not to be at once convinced that the present crisis of affairs
across the Atlantic is about the most impolitic that could be
chosen for the agitation of such a subject—be its propriety
in other respects what it may. We are menaced with a war
of aggression upon our Canadian possessions by the people
of the United States, which it will require all the energies,
and all the devoted patriotism, which our fellow-countrymen
in Canada possess in so emiment a degree, to repel ; and yet

this is the moment which is selected by a whig government
for the agitation of a measure which unquestionably must
tend—whatever other results it may have—to weaken the
connexion whici-. t present exists between the Canadian peo-
ple and the mother country.

The Jesuit cunning which appears to pervade every move-
ment of the present cabinet, is not blind to the fact that the
protection afford( .1 to British merchandize in our colonies,
once withdrawn, the corresponding protection afforded to co-
lonial produce in the markets of Great Britain must be with-
drawn also. If our West Indian colonies receive their pro-
visions, their timber, and their manufactured goods from
foreign nations, can they demand that we should tax our-
selves to encourage the growth of their plantations ? If Ca-
nada supplies herself with the silks, the linens, and the cot-
ton manufactures of Europe, can we any longer allow her a
monopoly in British markets ? Undoubtedly not. The whole
proposition on the part of ministers, to the extent at least to
which it is carried, is a manifest trap, contrived to secure
the adoption, ultimately, in Great Britain herself of a policy
which they dare not, as yet, openly bring before the con-
sideration of the public. _

The debate upon the motion, it will be perceived, was
adjourned ; and it is much to be desired that, in the mean-
time, the attention of mercantile communities throughout the
kingdom should be directed to a consideration of the sub-
ject. _

In connection with the present hazardous position of the
Canadas, and with this proposition of ministers, it is impos-
sible to lose sight of the outrage about to be perpetrated upon
the feelings of our loyal Canadian fellow-subjects, by the St.
Sulplice robbery. If there be one darling object second in
importance to the subjugation to her rule of Great Britain
itself, towards the accomplishment of which popery is at pre-
sent directing her energies, that object is to secure a footing
upon the vast continent of America. The preservation by
Canada of her connexion with Great Britain is the obstacle
which can alone arrest the advance of this subtle power ; and
to break that connexion, let past events evidence how un-
ceasingly of late have been her exertions. But it is not by
an ordinary policy that the statesmen of the Vatican carry
out their projects. It is not upon such vulgar instruments
as Papineau and O'Connell, as M`Kenzie and Hume, that
they rely on all occasions to secure their objects. The in-
vincible loyalty of the province of Upper Canada frustrated
their last daring attempt; and that loyalty must, therefore,
be alienated. The people of Great Britain would still aid in
resisting any similar attempt ; and that people must also be
alienated. Rome chooses her time with all the astuteness of
diplomatic foresight ; and now—whilst a fierce democracy
from America is hanging upon the frontiers of Canada—when
the war whoop has been shouted, and the bowie knife has
been whetted—a measure of gross dishonesty and shameless
perfidy is flung in the face of her brave defenders by a British
Governor General, whilst a British parliament prepares for
the disruption of the only tie, save loyalty, which binds her
to the British coronal. Deep and subtly daring as are all the
workings of popery—mysterious to the unreflecting of its
opponents and to the blindness of its duped and bewildered
tools—it is much to be doubted whether throughout her past
history—amidst all her plots against the liberties of man-
kind—can be found a more apt choice of time and of instru-
ments for effecting any cherished object, than is presented in
the crisis and the means which have been fixed upon for the
alienation of Canada from her connection with this country.
Unprincipled and reckless jobbing seems to characterize
every measure brought forward by ministers. The county
courts bill, which was read a first time on Friday, contains,
perhaps, as pretty a specimen as could be wished. By this
bill, and another legal measure which is before the house, be-
tween 70 and SO judgeships are to be created at the disposal
of the crown, at salaries ranging from £5OO to £l5OO a year !
Nice pickings these for secretaries of reform associations and
other similar functionaries, who cling to the skirts of whig-
radicalism for the expected " doles." Her Majesty cannot
afford to make Oxford knights every day in the year ; and
hence the qualification formerly proposed for the judges in
question—a standing of ten years at the bar—is dispensed
with, as Sir Edward Sugden remarked, " to extend the sphere
within which the ministerial bounty may fall." Verily, they
are a nice set!

LOCAL NEWS

STEALING COPPER.--Yesterday, at the police-court,
Richard Bryan was committed to gaol for three months, for
'stealing a quantity of copper from one of the docks.

PASTORAL AID SOCIETY.—We understand that the an-
nual meeting of the Liverpool Auxiliary to the above society
will be held on Monday, the 29th instant, when, from the
important nature of its operations and the questions con-
nected with the society, much interesting matter may be ex-
pected. The Chancellor of the Diocese will be in the chair.

LEEDS-STREET AND GREAT HOMER-STREET METHO-
DIST SCHOOLS.—Two sermons were preached in the Metho-
dist Chapel, Great Homer-street, on Sunday, by Mr. Wm:
Dawson, of Leeds, in behalf of the Sunday and Infant Schools
connected with that place of worship. The chapel was
crowded. both morning and evening, and we are glad to say
that the collections were considered liberal. Mr. Dawson
preached last evening (Monday) in Pitt-street Chapel.

Sr. MARK'S CHURCH.—We have already noticed that a
sermon was preached in this church by the Rev. H. Wlsleile,
and a collection made in behalf of the Liverpool Charitable
Society, amounting to -CB3. In addition to this, a further
sum has been contributed by the members of the same
church, exceeding £BO, which has been given under the di-
rection of a committee to the suffering poor, in the shape of
food and coals. The following statement is, we believe,
tolerably correct :—Persons relieved, 499 ; loaves, (7d) 628 ;
meat, 877 lbs ; pecks of potatoes, 495 ; coals, 490 cwt.

LIVERPOOL DOCK AND TOWN DUES.—A very influen-
tial meeting was held in Runcorn on Tuesday last, to consi-
der the question of applying to the legislature for exemption
from the dock and town dues of Liverpool, upon vessels tra-
ding to Runcorn. The Manchester Courier states that the
Liverpool Dock Committee have withdrawn all objections to
the claims of Runcorn,—but surely such cannot be the case ;
for however liberal the majority of our dock trustees may be
to the imaginary rights of this rival port, we cannot suppose
they will permit such an injury to be inflicted upon the inte-
rests of Liverpool as their apathy seems to threaten.
TWO VESSELS LAUNCHED AT RUNCORN.—On Monday
week a fine sloop was launched from the building-yard of
Messrs. John Latham and Co., Runcorn, and on the follow-
ing day, a large fishing smack was launched from Mr. Ma-
son's slip. The tides on both days were the highest of any
that will occur this year, and the vessels moved gallantly off
their stocks into the river, amidst the shouts of assembled
crowds, the display of banners in the breeze, and the firing of
cannon. The carpenters and others interested in the vessels
were afterwards regaled by their employers. Our Runcorn
neighbours are warmly congratulated by their Manchester
friends for the specimens of their work which they have lately
sent forth upon the sea, and a hope is held out that the port
of Manchester will, ere long, find employment for their skill
in shipbuilding.
STEALING FROM A VESSEL.—Frank B. Kellison, mate
of an American ship, and a youth named Michael Gore, were
yesterday charged, at the police-court, with being concerned
in taking from the ship a quantity of pieces of sheet copper,
and a bag of copper nails. No leave had been given by the
captain to the mate to send the articles from the ship. It
appeared he had given them to the boy to sell, and was to
pay him for his trouble. Kellison said that he considered he
had a right to take the scrap copper, &c., and dispose of it.
The captain stated that, on the contrary, he had told the
prisoner to collect it together, so that it might not be pur-
loined. The boy was discharged, and Kellison committed to
gaol for three months.
CHURCH OF ENGLAND MISSIONS TO THE JEWS.-011
Thursday evening week, a public meeting was held in the na-
tional school, Runcorn, in support of the Society for Promot-
ing Christianity among the Jews, at which the Rev. H. S.
Joseph, lecturer to the Jews, and formerly Jewish rabbi, at-
tended, together with Mr. M. Margoliouth, a converted
Jew of Poland, and they communicated some important and
interesting intelligence relative to the present state and pro-
spects of the dispersed children of Israel, and of the success-
ful operations of the society, in exciting a spirit of inquiry
into the evidences of Christianity, and in founding a branch
of our apostolic church at Jerusalem, in which our liturgi-
cal services are statedly used. Mr. Joseph related a striking
circumstance in which the traditional and idolotrous services
of the church of Rome presented an insurmountable obstacle
to a number of Jews embracing Christianity.
MECHANICS' INSTITUTION.—The lecture-room of this
institution was, on Saturday evening .last, crowded with a
highly respectable audience, to hear a concert of glees and
, choruses, performed by the pupils of the senior and junior
classes o'f music, under the able and scientific direction of
Mr. G. Eyton, the master of this department. The perfor-
mance did Mr. Eyton and the gentlemen great credit. The
precision with which the choruses were given was admirable,
and the effect produced was evinced by the cordial and reite-
rated approbation of the company. The pleasure of the
evening was further enhanced by a performance upon the
" Stone Harmonicon," by the three sons of the inventor and
Mr. Davies, who played several waltzes and airs with brilliant
effect. Master Tyzack, a boy of six years, pupil to Mr.
Eyton, played an air with variations on the violin with asto-
nishing confidence, producing a strong sensation of surprise
and pleasure in all who listened to the performance. We
hope the gratification this performance has occasioned will
induce the committee to repeat it.
WANTON OUTRAGE.—DanieI Murphy was placid before
Mr. Rushton, on Saturday, charged by Mr. Robert Short-
house with having assaulted him. Mr. Shorthouse stated,
that on the preceditr, day he was walking along Rodney-
street, when he passed the prisoner and another man. In a
few minutes he heard a scream,' and, looking back, he saw
the prisoner and his companion attacking several blind young
women, in a very indecent manner. He turned round and
remonstrated with them, but they persevered, and their ac-
tions became still more indecent. Mr. Shorthouse went up
to them, upon which the prisoner's companion ran away.
Mr. Shorthouse succeeded, with great difficulty, in making
the prisoner desist, and he put the blind girls in the right
direction. The prisoner, after this, followed him, calling
him brutal names and abusing him, and at last he struck
him. Mr. Shorthouse called an officer and gave the prisoner
into custody. The prisoner declared that lie had no recol-
lection of what had happened, spoke of his respectability,
and said he had been a gentleman s servant. He attributed
his misconduct to the influence of drink. Mr. Rushton,
after a suitable admonition, ordered the prisoner to pay £2
and costs, or be imprisoned one month.
IMPORTANT TO BENEFIT SOCIETIES.—At the police
court, on Friday, a man named Thomas Lloyd, who appeared
to be in a sickly and feeble condition, appeared before Mr.
Rushton, and complained that the relief to which he was en-
titled by the Total Astinence Benefit Society was withheld.
He stated that he was a superannuated member, and had
been ill for fourteen months. The secretary of the society
appeared against the claim. He said that they had no funds;
that the society had been broken up on the 27th of June
last, in accordance with the act of parliament ; and that the
fund on hand at the time, amounting to £97, had since been
paid to sick members, as well as an additional sum. The
society had since joined the Independent Rechabites Society,
and the complainant's name had been also enrolled amongst
the members of that society. A general meeting had been
called at the breaking up of the society. Mr. Rushton ex-
amined the rules of the society, and inquired whether the
complainant had consented to its being broken up. He re-
plied that he had not, for he was then sick in Wales. Mr.
Rushton stated, that that would not do. He found nothing
in their rules that authorised them to break it up without
complying with the requirements of the act of parliament,
(16 Geo. IV. cap. 56, sec. 26,) and these were, that five.
sixths in value of. the members should give their consent,
and also that all parties entitled to reliet on account of age
or infirmity should give their consent, testified under their
hands individually and respectively. No such certificate was
produced as regarded the present applicant, and the society
must provide for him. He (Mr. R.) would not allow of
such juggling changes in societies, evidently resorted to for
the purpose of getting rid of their superannuated members.
The secretary said he considered such a decision hard upon
them, as the applicant had already received about £4O. Mr.
Rushton :—That is of no consequence, as affecting the justice
of the case. I shall give an order on you for payment, and
shall see that it is enforced.
SEAMAN'S WAGES.—On Friday last by adjournment,
James Williams, chief mate of the ship Berkley, made a
claim against Mr. Samuel Lee Trotman, for two months'
wages, £B. 3s.' for the time he was on board the said ship at
Calabar. It appeared that when the complainant was first
engaged as chief mate, a person named Black was master
of the ship, who was discharged, and another master was
substituted, of the name of Rakin. Shortly after Rakin took
command of the ship, be received orders to take the ship to
another part of the river, which the chief mate insisted on
being carried into effect, but Captain Rakin objected ; this
led to insubordination on the part of the chief mate, and Cap-
tain Rakin was under the necessity of sending to one of the
chiefs for assistance, and three canoes were ordered, and a
sufficient quantity of natives, for the purpose of keeping erder
on board the ship. After much disturbance taking place, the
chief mate left the ship at Calabar. It was stated that a Mr.
Wood who was a passenger on board, had made an entry of
the transaction in the log-book, Mr. Rushton ordered this
case to stand over till yesterday morning, in order that Mr.
Wood might be produced. On Mr. Wood being examined,
it appeared that the whole statement made in the log-book
had been correctly entered, and on this being clearly esta-
blished, Mr. Rushton said he could not permit the mate to
supersede the master, who had full command of the ship ;
and that as
.the complainant had attempted to act contrary to
the master's orders, he was not entitled to his wages ; if the
owners chose; they could proceed against him by action at
law for mutiny.

IMPROVEMENT OF THE MERSEY AND IRWELL FOR
SEA-GOING VESSELS.—It
ahaving been announced in Run-
corn that on Wednesday last party of scientific and mer-
cantile gentlemen, who feel interested
owould . , the contem plated
'
improvements of the navigation,
of
therari
comepp down the
river
from Manchester in the company
steam-
packet Jacksharp, for the purpose of surveying the naviga-
tion and investigating and discussing the projected under-
taking, the powerful steamer was prepared and despatched to
the Grand Junction Bridge, beyond Bank Quay, to meet the
distinguished party, and convey them on their interesting
and most important expedition to Liverpool, and round the
floating light ship at Formby. The day was beautifully fine,
and the tide being a very hjgli one, the party had the most
favourable opportunity of prosecuting their designs with
pleasure and advantage. They arrived at Runcorn about
three o'clock in the afternoon. In passing along the river
they were frequently cheered from its banks by assembled
crowds ; and when they approached the docks of the Mersey
and Irwell Conapany, at Runcorn, they were greeted with a
royal salute of half-minute guns, and the masts and rigging
of the numerous Irish traders and coasters which crowded
these spacious docks were gaily decked out with flags, and
many rounds of hearty cheering were given from the sailors
on the pier heads,
who, according to the very disinterested
representations of our Manchester contemporaries, expect
ere
achester basin. long to moor their ships and discharge their cargoes in
The day's excursion is hailed as the
M
commencement an earnest of one of the most magnificent
undertakings for the port of Manchester, that ever was con-
ceived. Our rival port friends grow eloquent on this an-
ticipated project, but building castles in the air sometimes
amuses the most talented individuals.
CORONER'S INQUEST.—An inquest was held on Friday
before P. F. Curry, Esq., on view of the body of William
Wynne, a married lean, of seventeen years of age. Char-
lotte Chambers said she was the daughter of Mary cham-
bers, who keeps a cow-housein Finch-street. On Tuesday
night week, about ten o clock, as she was standing on the
steps at the door, she observed the deceased standing on the
area rails before the house, looking through the window.
He remained on the rails some time, and, at last, made an
effort to jump off backwards, when his trowsers caught the
top of the rails, and he fell backwards and struck the back
of his head against .the flags. His feet remained on the
rails. She went to his
assistance, and endeavoured to loose
his trowsers from the rail, but was not able to do so, and
she then called _
some men from the house who came and
lifted him up. He said he was not much butt, and walked
away, and she did not see him again until Thursday morn-
ing, hen he was
dead.—Eliza Wynne said the deceased
was her husband, and was seventeen years old. Last Tues-
day night week deceased was brought home, and complained
of a pain in his head, and was very sick. A surgeon was
called to him, but he never appeared to get any better, and
was at intervals insensible. He died on Tuesday night last.
He never said that he had had a fall, and seemed quite un-
conscious of it.—
Mr. Pennington, surgeon, who had attended
the deceased, said, that he found him, on Tuesday week, in a
state of insensibility: He examined his head, but found no
external marks of injury. He prescribed such remedies as
he considered proper, but without avail ; he never rallied
He had symptoms of concussion of the brain, and, no doubt,
died from injury tc., the head. The. jury returned a verdict,
that the deceased (bed from conemision of the brain, caused
by accidentally fa ng from the rads.