The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-07-14 00:00:00

by the ratepaying clauses of the reform bill to a very
considerable extent. In a word, the propriety of not
committing the political destinies of the country into
the hands of penniless pretenders seems to be pretty
generally admitted.
But while it is clearly desirable that the counterfeit
class in question should be allowed to drop from the
registry as fast as their own alacrity in sinking will
permit, we are far from insinuating that all bona fide
voters who happen to be in pinched circumstances
should be indiscriminately handed over to the same
state. When we see men not over-fortunate in the
world arraying themselves on opposite sides of politics,
the fair presumption is, that where the stakeless ruin-
monger is intent upon changes incompatible with the
interests of trade and the rights of property, the un-
affluent and even straitened supporters of the existing
constitution, though temporarily unable to meet the
fiscal demands which they so cordially approve of, are,
nevertheless, desirous, like the Conservative operatives,
of doing all they can to uphold social order and the
organic framework of the country. We humbly sub-
mit, then, that this latter class are deserving of all
possible support and encouragement.
Throughout the electoral districts there are occa-
sionally to be found zealous Conservatives in straitened
circumstances, who, unless they, receive timely assist-
ance, will be in danger of losing their franchise. Now,
in all their vicinities there are opulent constitutional
residents who, at the sacrifice of a mere bagatelle,
might prevent the names of such persons from being
erased from the roll. What we humbly, but earnestly
recommend, therefore, is, that the wealthier Conser-
vatives should, in case of absolute necessity, some-
times assist their poorer brethren by paying their
taxes either in whole or in part, and either by gift or
loan, as a sound discretion may suggest. Among the
smaller constituencies, where approaching contests are
expected to run close, the outlay of two or three hun-
dred pounds in the way we have suggested would
secure Conservatives members. It is true, no doubt,
that the same sort of battle is quite as open to the
Whigs ! but, happily, the needful ammunition is not
always, to the same extent, at their disposal. Of
course, the prudence and propriety of acting upon this
hint must be judged of in each particular case. Among
numerous and poor constituencies it would be wholly
impracticable to attempt it; but in those smaller bo-
roughs, wherein the constitutional cause is likely to be
endangered by any anticipated defalcations in the pay-
ment of taxes, we trust that the local gentry and regis-
tration committees will do every thing in their power
•to avert such a serious evil. Liberal candidates, hap-
pening to possess the means, have adopted this policy
in several successful instances. The Conservatives
must fight with their own weapons. Remember, once
for all, that a general election may be not far distant,
and that the twentieth of July is at our door.

ARE THE WEST INDIA COLONIES TO BE
PRESERVED ?

A FEW PLAIN FACTS ; SHOWING THE NECESSITY 07 IM-
MIGRATION INTO BRITISH GUIANA AND THE WEST

INDIES, AND THE UTTER FUTILITY OF ALL EFFORTS

TOWARDS THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY AND THE SLAV!

TRADE WHICH DO NOT INCLUDE THIS.
Addressed more particularly to the Legislature,

The long-pending question of the propriety of introducing
free labour into the British West India colonies, is to be
brought forward, it is expected, in the House of Commons,
on the 30th inst. [June] ; and although all parties appear to
be aware of the present peculiar situation of those colonies—
although it has been admitted in that assembly, by every one
who has taken the pains to inform himself upon the subject,
that they can be preserved and rendered available to the
mother-country, only by the extensive immigration of free
men, and the adoption of free labour, the difficulty, strange
to say, yet arises, whether the enactment of measures for
the attainment of such objects may not, in some degree, in-
terfere with that which is now engrossing the attention of
humanity all over the globe—the utter abolition of slavery
and the slave-trade. Fallacy has been heaped upon fallacy,
sophistry upon sophistry, until the public mind has become
bewildered between objects so important and imperative.
With a view to dispel this cloud of perplexity, the writer
ventures to offer the following observations ; containing, he
conceives, a sufficiently clear statement of the case, and
pointing out the means by which every interest may be re-
conciled, and the calls of humanity met. At the same time,
he may be permitted to say, that though himself a native of
the West Indies, he has not, nor ever had, any property or
interest in any one of them. _ .

That the great experiment of negro emancipation has ut-
terly and lamentably failed, is a fact long since notorious.
The horrors and cruelties of the African slave-trade, instead
of abating, have been aggravated by that " experiment" al-
most beyond calculation. The number of human beings
shipped from the shores of Africa for the slave-holding states
of Spain, of Portugal, of Brazil, and—O tell it not in Gath,
tell it not in Ascalon—for the liberty-boasting republic of
North America, has been increased, since the Emancipation
Act, to actually double what it was before ; while-the enor-
mities inflicted upon these wretched creatures—the severi-
ties, the barbarities, unheard of as they were—have been
augmented in proportion. Not long ago, a small schooner,
measuring forty-three tons, carried into dock at Liverpool,
had on board, when captured, no less than 320 slaves ! The
confinement of so many in so small a space reminds one of a
certain tragedy enacted at the Black-hole of Calcutta. We
have had an instance, too, more recently, of a vessel being
taken off the coast of Africa, in which nearly 400 were found
dead from suffocation ! With such appalling facts, no won-
der that the chances of the slaves arriving at their destina-
tion should be so lightly estimated, that in Portuguese and
Spanish America the rates of insurance have fallen as low as
from seven and a half to twelve per cent. !
But this is not all. It is not alone the Spanish, nor the
Portuguese, nor the Americans, who are laughing to scorn
our efforts to abolish this nefarious traffic. It appears that
the French, under convoy of national armed vessels, have
taken, and are still taking, slaves to Cayenne, from a new
depot on the coast of Africa, purchased (or perhaps it is
termed hired) for a period of fourteen years. The atrocity
of this proceeding needs no comment. Suppose these slaves
liberated at the expiration of the specified term, how many
will be living to relate the tale of woe ? The Dutch renewed
their slaves once in about eight to ten years ; and it is stated
by Mr. O'Connell, that seven years is the cult average term
of slave-life : here, then, we have just double the term of
life for a state of bondage exacted, and that, when the uni-
versal voice of execration is raised against so ►monstrous a
system. I dwell upon this offence the more, as it is com-
mitted on the part of a nation who are among the loudest
in the asseverations of their abhorrence of slavery.
Meanwhile the petty States, who are still pursuing their
iniquitous career, are flourishing, while British Colonial
Commerce—at least in that part of the world—is menaced
with utter ruin. _ _

That class of persons who were most ardent in their ex-
pectations of the glorious change which their too glowing
fancy pictured as the result of emancipation, sorely, bitterly
disappointed, are now, with a power great for good or for
evil, directing their undivided attention to the civilization of
the savages of the interior of Africa. Vain project ! The
main body of the army is sent on in advance, while the enemy
is in ambush. Could these philanthropic, but short-sighted,
indiiiduals be induced to reflect on the probable conse-
quences of the course they are pursuing, they would find that
they are only giving greater opportunities to the foreign
slave-holders and slave-traders for the prosecution of this
abominable traffic—that they are, in effect, offering higher
premiums upon slave-grown produce.
In this extremity of affairs—the atrocious slave trade, on
the one hand, carried on with increased and still increasing
vigour, and, on the other, the interests of the West India
Colonists jeopardized, and their property hanging upon a
thread—the legislature is called upon to interpose. Nor is
it any mere consideration of mercy, or even of policy, that
requires the exercise of its authority. Justice—that justice
due by it to the subjects of the State with whose conduct it
is entrusted—demands that it should, without delay, adopt
measures for the preservation of the integrity of her Majesty's
dominions in the West Indies. For, it needs no extraor-
dinary perspicacity to foresee that, if the present state of
things be suffered to continue, the cultivation of those colo-
nies must, ere long, cease ; the commercial intercourse they
have hitherto maintained with the mother-conntry will be
destroyed, and all British property in them swept away.
Already have the crops fallen off one-half; and the price
of sugar, (British plantation,) raised from twenty-three and
a half to forty-five shillings. At this moment a petition lies
before parliament, praying fur the admission of foreign sugar
—that is, slave-grown sugar—for home consumption ! Many
estates in Demerara have, moreover, been abandoned, while
the negroes are becoming landed proprietors !
The capitals in the West Indies are, indeed, rapidly
dwindling away. " They would," observes a judicious
writer,* " entirely perish in one year, if the produce of slave-
holding countries were allowed to compete with that of the
West Indies in the home market. But this competition is
highly probable. Sugar is almost as much a necessary in
Britain as bread ; and as the corn-laws are always relaxed
when scarcity threatens, so we may be sure that, happen
what may in consequence, the duty on foreign sugar will be
lowered as soon as ever the price shall be sufficient to check
consumption materially. The capitals of the West Indies
are, so to speak, kept alive by the present high price of pro-
duce in this country ; and as this high price arises from the
diminution of supply occasioned by the scarcity of labour in
the colonies, it may be said, that the scarcity of labour com-
pensates the planter in one direction for the evil which it oc-
casions him in another. [This may appear plausible on a
prima facie view of the subject; but the fact is, nine-tenths
of the avails of the produce have gone to the labourer; very
few of the estates being enabled to pay their current ex-
penses, even at the increased prices.] The monopoly of the
British market, in a word, is essential to the growth of
sugar in the West Indies with the present scarcity of labour.
But as the effect of the monopoly is to raise the price just in
proportion as the supply decreases continually, the doom of
the monopoly appears to be sealed. Judging from a variety
of indications, we should say that it will scarcely last over
another year. Within a year of its abolition, the capitals of,
the West Indies vanish, unless a great immigration of la-
bourers should take place in the meanwhile."
Here, then, are the means of reconciling every interest,
and, at the same time, carrying out the true principles of
emancipation. Let government, while it insists to the utmost
on the observance of its treaties with other nations for the
suppression of the slave trade, adopt measures for the exten-
sion of inter-tropical agriculture, by encouraging free labour
and immigration into the West Indies, especially Guiana,
which, in the richness of its soil, the salubrity of its climate,
and its general natural advantages, is not excelled by any
other country on the
globe. Immigration—free, unre-
stricted immigration from all parts of the world—can alone
save this fine colony from' impending ruin; while, by con-
ducing to a more general and productive cultivation, it affords
the only chance of rendering slave labour unprofitable ; and
no one will deny, that to undersell the latter would tend at
least as effectually to check its progress, as the efforts, how-
ever praiseworthy, of Christian missionaries and anti-slavery
societies. To seek to put down slavery by establishing a
commercial intercourse with the natives of the interior of
Africa, may appear plausible enough, and no one can object
to attempting the experiment; but are the West India colo-
nies, in the mean time, to be neglected ? The rendering
available these our possessions is
not only perfectly com-
patible with the suppression of the evil, but is, in fact,
only method by which emancipation can 'be hoped to be a
s root,
tre only
en-
tirely and successfully consummated : it •
on which we can rely for attacking at theis
theand tearing
up and casting to the winds, the foul up
slave-
trade. . . resource
of.thth

A few words, in passing, as to Guiana. This colony
"com-
prises an area of 100,000 square miles, and
handYe's.it could
fresh soil
scotton,
individual human being to the mile. Its fertilityascarcely one
that, on the authority of Sir Andrew Hallida, is so great,
alone furnish sugar, molasses, rum, coffee,
sufficient for the whole world, and still have
bring into cultivation." Without going the length of this
to
author, it is but just to observe that even in the most adverse
seasons, labourers can raise, upon that portion of the soil
allotted to them, an ample subsistence for them and their
families, in yams, cassada, rice, corn, plantains, and several
other articles, and have a surplus too for, sale. Sir J.

* Vide Colonial Gazette, June 17, 1840.