The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-13 00:00:00

DUBLIN COUNTY ELECTION.-Jury 9th

The nomination of candidates for the county of Dublin
took place this day, at Kilmainham Court-house. The pro-
ceedings commenced at eleven o'clock. The respective can-
didates appeared on the hustings attended by a large retinue
of friends. The conservative candidates, Captain Taylor and
Mr. J. H. Hamilton, were loudly and enthusiastically cheered,
while the liberal candidates were received in silence.

The precept having been read.
The Hon. James Plunkett, in a brief address, proposed
Lord Brabazon.

Mr. George Roe seconded the nomination.
Mr. Christopher Fitzsimon proposed Mr. George Evans
Mr. Arabin seconded the nomination.

Major Thompson, of Hollywood, proposed Mr. James
Hans Hamilton. Mr. Hamilton was a kind and resident
landlord, and expended large sums of money in local improve-
ments and the employment of the poor.
Mr. George Alexander Hamilton seconded the nomination.
Sir R. Shaw proposed Captain Edward Taylor.
Mr. Cobb seconded the nomination.

The High Sheriff announced that he, in accordance with
the compact between both parties, would order the polling
to commence at nine o'clock on Monday.

Lord Brabazon then addressed the electors at some length,
and dwelt on the relative merits and demerits of whig and
tory geverments.

The candidates then addressed the electors, and a show of
hands was taken by the she►iff, who declared it to be in fa-
vour of Evans and Brabazon.

ELECTIONS FOR SCOTLAND

(From the Scottish Standard.)

We rejoice to be fully enabled now to announce that the
conservatives will have no reason to complain of the part
Scotland has taken, and will take, in the all-important con-
test now rapidly drawing to a conclusion. The burgh elec-
tions have terminated in a gain of two seats to the conserva-
tives, and a gain of one seat to the whigs. We lament the
loss of Kilmarnock, and sincerely regret that so able a man
as Mr. Colquhoun should be excluded, for however short a
time, from Parliament. In Church matters, undoubtedly
we differed from him ; and we have no hesitation in assert-
ing that his extreme non-intrusion views, by operating on the
minds of many moderate men, and exciting the envenomed
hostility of the dissenters, was the main cause of his defeat.
The majority against him—eleven,—is such as to leave ample
room for a more successful result under different circum-
stances. The gain of the Haddington and Falkirk burghs, and
the return of Messrs. Balfour and Baird, must afford the
highest gratification to the friends of the Church and consti-
tution. These gentlemen have succeeded as real conserva-.
tives—their political and ecclesiastical views being strictly
in unison with those avowed by Sir Robert Peel. In those
burghs, which the conservatives have contested unsuccess-
fully, we can point to a vast increase in the numbers of the
conservative party. In Glasgow, the conservatives polled at
the last election 300 votes more than at the former election.
In Greenock, they have augmented their force from 202 to
307—a gain of 103 votes ; and their can be no doubt that at
this rate Sir Thomas Cochrane will very soon turn out Mr.
Wallace, of Kelly. In Aberdeen, we find that Mr. Innes re-
ceived no fewer than 513 votes. an increase of nearly 200
since the last contest; nor is it quite certain that Mr. Banner-
man would have carried his election, had he not yielded to
the squeezing of Mr. Adam, of the Aberdeen Herald, who
forced him to recant, of course insincerely, most of his ex-
treme non-intrusion dogmas. Mr. Duff, in Elgin, has lost
the election by a majority only of 14 ; and Colonel Agnew in
Wigton has been defeated by the comparatively small majority
of 28. The seeds of future triumph are evidently laid in all
these burghs ; and we therefore say that Scotland must not
be judged by the actual gain and loss in the burghs ; but by
the demonstrated progress of conservative principles—a pro-
gress which the coming registration may ripen into a positive
superiority. One burgh contest remains to be decided—
Wick ; in our next we hope to be enabled to record the
triumph of Mr. Demptser, but whatever be the result, the
issue cannot be any loss, though it may be a gain, to the
conservatives. Caithness is surrendered for the present,
from circumstances which we believe will prove but
temporary. But to counterbalance this single loss, the
the conservatives have already driven the whigs from Mid-
Lothian, Argyll, Dumbarton, and Roxburgh—a gain of three
counties, which, added to one seat from the burghs, gives us
at this date a gain of eight votes. Stirlingshire, Banffshire,
and Kirkcudbright, hitherto in the possession of the whigs,
are yet to be decided ; but we have little doubt that at least
in the former, if not in both the latter counties also, the con-
servative candidate will be returned. Renfrewshire, Wigton-
shire, and the combined counties of Elgin and Nairn, previ-
ously held by the conservatives, are contested by whigs—the
former two pretty keenly, the latter very feebly. In none of
these cases, however, is loss seriously apprehended. Bute-
shire has been the scene of a most unseemly collision ; but
the good sense of the electors enabled them to triumph over
all attempts to delude them. We say deliberately, had the
return of Sir William Rae been prevented, it would have
been a national loss and a national disgrace. From this brief
view of the elections in Scotland, it is fully evident that we
are gradually making up with our English friends in the
march of conservatism. A few years, we had almost said
months, longer, and we shall be fairly abreast of them.

LIVERPOOL JULY RACES.—We understand, from autho-
rity, that the most strict punctuality will be observed in the
time of starting for each day's race. The bell will be rung
for starting each day at a quarter before one o'clock, and the
horses to be at the starting post at one o'clock precisely.
About thirty horses are expected to start for the Trade Cup,
and twelve for the Ledger.

KINSALE ELECTION.—The triumph of Mr. Watson a
this election is likely to be short-lived. His majority, from
the proofs adduced in the Cork Constitution, will easily be
overturned, but the principal ground of objection is want of
qualification, which Mr. Watson was unable to gainsay.
The royal mail steamer Columbia, which would leave Bos-
ton on the Ist and Halifax on the 3d instant, will be due at
this port on or before Wednesday next.
STEAM-SHIP ADMIRAL.—After an absence of months,
this favourite vessel, we notice, has again been put on the
Glasgow and Liverpool station. She arrived here yester-
day, making an unusually quick passage. To any one desi-
rous of viewing one of this country's most perfect steamers,
we may say the Admiral presents a specimen of elegance
and real comfort in cabin accommodation and arrangements
seldom met with.

LIVERPOOL TOTAL ABSTINENCE SOClETlES.—Yesterday
the seventh anniversary of the Total Abstinence Societies of
Liverpool was held. Early in the morning the different
bodies began to move, and formed a large procession, which
passed through the principal streets of the town. The ap-
pearance of these bodies was very animated, accompanied, as
they were, by several excellent bands, and diversified by nu-
merous appropriate emblems and flags. In the evening a
very large meeting was held in the Amphitheatre, for the
purpose of promoting the general cause. Lawrence Hey-
worth, Esq., President of the Total Abstinence Society, occu-
pied the chair, and the meeting was addressed in excellent
speeches by the chairman, Mr. George Greig, Mr. John
Hockins, the " Birmingham Blacksmith," Mr. Burrows,
Mr. Brown, Mr. Carter, and several others. The proceed-
ings were much enlivened by some excellent singing.
STREET ROBBERY. —At the police-court, yesterday,
Daniel Simpkins was placed at the bar, on a charge of hav-
ing robbed Mr. Joseph Banks, draper, of Trowbridge-street,
of a considerable amount of money. It appeared that shortly
before twelve o'clock, yesterday morning, Mr. Banks was
attempting to pass the total abstinence procession, opposite
the Royal Bank, in Dale-street, when he felt some one jostle
him. He took no notice of the circumstance but passed on.
His pocket, however, had been dexteriously picked by the
prisoner of a bag containing two £lO bank of England notes,
three £5 ditto, 11l sovereigns in gold, and some silver. The
robbery was perceived by William Roberts, a stonemason,
who resides in Bispham-street. He saw the prisoner push
Mr. Banks with his left hand, and put his right into the
trowsers pocket of that gentleman, take out the bag and put
it into his own left breast. The prisoner then went towards
Castle-street, and was pursued by Roberts until he turned
back, and when he arrived opposite the Angel Hotel he was
pointed out to a policeman who took him into custody. Mr.
Banks was next pointed out to the officer by Roberts. When
the prisoner was searched Mr. Banks' bag was found upon
him, with the whole of the money. in it. Mr. Rushton at
once committed the prisoner for trial at the next sessions.
THE SUDBURY ELECTION.—The return of the corpora-
tors of Sudbury to her Majesty's writ, on transmitting a
black man as their representative :
" Most gracious Mistress, we have done our best,
" And send a man no blacker than the rest.
MATTUNIT MAMMON; Returning Officer."

REPRESENTATION OF SOUTH CIIESETIRE

NOMINATION OF THE

'AND IDATES.

The nomination of the candidates for the representation
of the South Division of Cheshire took place on Saturday
at the Castle of Chester. The candidates were Mr. George
Wilbraham, reformer, Sir Philip Egerton, conservative, and
Mr. Tollemache, conservative, the two first being the old
members.

The legal preliminaries having been gone through in the
Shire-hall, the Under-sheriff, Mr. Edward Proctor, of Mac-
clesfield, addressed the electors. He said he was there to
apologise, in the first place, for the absence of the High-
sheriff upon this great occasion. Most, if not all, present,
were aware of the cause of his absence ; the High-sheriff was
exceedingly sorry for it, and he hoped it would be accepted
as his apology. (Hear, hear.) As Under-sheriff he (Mr.
Proctor) now called upon the electors to elect two knights of
the shire, to serve in the House of Commons for the south-
ern division of the county in the ensuing parliament. They
had a high and important public trust to discharge, one
which had been given them to exercise for the benefit of
their country ; he therefore earnestly entreated that good
order and good feeling would prevail at this meeting, so that
all parties might have a fair and impartial hearing. (Loud
cheers.)

Colonel TOWNSEND moved an adjournment into the Castle
yard. (Loud cries of " No, no.")

The UNDER-SHERIFF said if the court were full he would
adjourn the meeting immediately, but it was not. (Cheers
and uproar, which lasted for some time.)
It being at length obvious that the proceedings would not
be allowed to commence unless there was an adjournment,
the Under-sheriff adjourned the meeting to the Castle yard.
There was a great deal of scrambling for places, and infinite
disorder, before silence was obtained.

The UNDER-SHERIFF having called upon any elector who
had a candidate to propose to come forward,
Mr. LEIGH TOWNSEND, amidst mingled cheers and groans,
said he had great pleasure in proposing their old, much-
esteemed, talented, and consistent member, Mr. George
Wilbraham. as a candidate for their suffrages,—(hisses)—
believing that in his conduct in past years there was an
earnest of what he would be in future—the most proper man
to represent this constituency. (Hear.) He rested Mr.
Wilbraham's claims for support on the untiring and unflinch-
ing attention which he had given to all their interests in par-
liament. (Hear.) Let those gentlemen who had been
concerned in the conservancy bill of the River Mersey,
and in the Birkenhead gas bill, testify if they had ever
found Mr. Wilbraham wanting in that attention which
was due to the interests of his constituents. (Hear.)
The question before them now, that upon which their Queen
had called them to decide, was, whether they would submit
to increased taxation, the imposition of the excise tax, the
salt tax, and the abolition of the penny postage. (Cries of
" Oh, oh.") The question was, whether they were prepared
for direct taxation, or by a revision of the existing duties
upon sugar, timber, and corn provide for the exigencies of
the state. (Hear.) Another claim which Mr. Wilbraham
had to their support was the unceasing attacks, he might say
the hostility, which he had experienced at the hands of
the other party. (Hear, hear, and " No.") What was Mr.
Wilbraham's conduct in the year 1835, when he was solicited
by a large party of his supporters to coalesce with a gentle-
man for whom he (Mr. Townsend) had the highest respect,
and of whom he would say no more than that he wished him
upon his side of the hustings? (Hear.) Mr. Wilbraham
refused then to disturb the peace of the county, upon the
ground that a large and influential party in the county pro-
fessed conservative opinions, and it was but fair that they
should have their representative in parliament. (Hear, hear.)
What had come from that party since all the electors well
knew. He would not longer detain them, but at once nomi-
nate George Wilbraham, Esq., as a fit and proper person to
represent this division of the county in parliament. (Cheers
and disapprobation.)
Mr. E. D. DAVENPORT seconded the nomination of his
friend Mr. Wilbraham—a man whose conduct needed neither
seconder nor supporter, for it spoke for itself. At a crisis
unparalleled within his recollection, the friends of monopoly,
ably represented as they would be by one of the hon. candi-
dates, not contented with dear sugar, dear corn, and dear
timber, were making an attack upon those liberal principles
which had but lately been implanted, for the first time, in
this county, and cherished to some degree of maturity. In
the first place they canvassed the county 18 months ago, and
attempted to entrap the electors. (Cries of " No, no.")
Perhaps, then, it was 20 months ago—(cheers);—and from
that time to the present, no attempt had been wanting to
entrap the electors into a premature promise to vote they
knew not for what man or for what measures, because the
measures now agitated were not then thought of. Another
novelty in these proceedings consisted in the sitting members
taking part with the new candidates, which was a complete
innovation upon all former practice. Formerly the sitting
member was satisfied with representing his share of the
county, without interfering directly or indirectly with the
choice of his colleague. He remembered when Lord Crewe,
his (Mr Davenport's) father, and Mr. Egerton of Tatton
were in the representation, not one of them interfered in the
choice of their colleagues ; and he warned the honourable
gentleman opposite who had now violated the practice, that
it would recoil upon them. (Hear, hear.) A consistent and
honest representative like Mr. Wilbraham should not be
turned out to make room for —. (Great uproar drowned
the close of the sentence.) There was a combination of par-
ties against a man who had served the county faithfully; and
he would now describe their interference, which he did not
think at all decent. The Macclesfield paper, in their report
of a certain Conservative meeting at Congleton, stated that
Sir Philip Egerton had recommended Mr. Tollemache to be
chosen as his associate ; in short, the hon. baronet had given
it out to them, and through them to the county at large, that
he could no longer sit with Mr. Wilbraham as his colleague.
(Hear, hear, and uproar.) The reform soldier, therefore,
must be cashiered because he stood between the wind and
Sir Philip Egerton's nobility. (Hear, hear, and uproar.)
This sort of interference was quite without example ; he had
known nothing of the kind in this county within the whole
of his recollection. He did not mean to say that Sir Philip
Egerton dictated to the electors, but the hon. baronet cer-
tainly did recommend them to choose Mr. Tollemache for
his associate. They did not deny the report
Several VoicEs.—We deny it altogether. (Much uproar.)
_ _

,
Mr. DAVEN PORT.—Why ihe report appeared in their own,
the Macclesfield, paper. (Hear, and cheers.) Sir Philip
Egerton could talk of economy and retrenchment, and com-
plain of the extravagance of the present government, but if
he (Mr. Davenport) recollected rightly, he lost his seat for
the city of Chester for voting against enquiry into the civil
list. As a specimen of the hon. baronet's course when in the
House of Commons—of course he (Mr. D-) trusted news-
paper reports, particularly as they were Tories—he recom-
mended the passing of the Weaver Churches Bill in the House
of Commons, because it would affect the county rate only in
the proportion of the thirteenth part of a farthing. (Hear.)
It came to pass, however, that within the last fortnight or
three weeks another halfpenny, or twenty-six times the 13th
part of a farthing had been added to the county rate—
Major CORBETT.—Not for the building of the Weaver
churches. (Loud cheers, and cries of " Hostage's bill.")
Mr. DAVENPORT.—It was for the purposes of the House
of Correction, and not for the building of the churches.
That was a pleasure yet to come. (Great uproar, and cries
of " Off, off.") So the county of Chester was to be taxed
a half-penny in the pound to raise between £2,000 and £3,000
to pay Mr. Hostage's bill. (Continued uproar.) He (Mr.
D.) gave this notice to Mr. Potts, if he was within hearing,
that he would at the next Qurter Sessions call for the pro-
duction 11
of the items in that bill, for he had been informed 11
that some of the money had found its way into the pockets
of those who had been busy in promoting it here. He had
also heard that Mr. Hostage had taken a house in the fashion-
able part of London, where he lived exceedingly well, and
all these expenses of course came out of the annual tax upon
the county. (Cries of " Private affairs" and " off, off.")
They were not private affairs at all ; they were public matters,
and so the electors would find, for they would have to pay for
them. (Great uproar.) The Weaver bill had met with Mr.
Tollemache's support from beginning to end, and with the
opposition of Mr. Wilbraham. (Cheers.) He also remem-
bered Mr. Tollemache, in the midst of his present allies,
resisting his (Mr. D.'s) attempts to open the private taxing-
room of the magistrates ; Mr. Wilbraham, upon the con-
trary, although attending his parliamentary duties, gave him
all the assistance he could till Mr. Stanley, who had paid
dearly for his services in that way, opened that room to the
public by an act of parliament. (Hear, hear.) Having told
the electors the nature of the services of Mr. Wilbraham
compared with those of Mr. Tollemache, he would proceed
to consider the hon. gentleman's principles, and that con-
sistency in which nine-tenth's of the merits of a member of
parliament consisted.—Mr. Davenport entered at some length
upon an examination of Mr. Tollemache's claims, but in the
course of his observations the reporters' table was besieged
by the crowd from behind, and they were obliged to flee,
/some losing their books, and all being terribly annoyed.
The speaker concluded by seconding the nomination in
dumb show.

The Hon. HUGH CHOLMONDFLEY proposed Sir Philip
Egerton as a fit and proper person to represent the division,
and attempted to address the electors, but the uproar of the
adverse party compelled him to desist.
Mr. GIBBS CRAWFORD ANTROBUS seconded the nomina-
tion, but not a word of what he said could be heard.

Lord HENRY CHOLMONDELEY proposed Mr. Tollemache,
and the nomination was seconded by Mr. JAMES FRANCE
FRANCE.

The UNDER SHERIFF then took a show of hands, it being
understood that it would be impossible for any of the candi-
dates to be heard. He declared the show of hands to be in
favour of Sir Philip Egerton and Mr. Tollemache.
Mr. TOWNSEND immediately demanded a poll on the part
of Mr. Wilbraham.

At this period the uproar and disorder was indescribable.
Suddenly it ceased, when

Mr. GEORGE WILBRAHAM presented himself to ad-
dress the electors. Some time elapsed before order could
be restored sufficiently to enable us to hear him. We un-
derstood him to commence by complaining of the under-
sheriff's decision as to the show of hands, there being, he
contended, more than three to one in his favour. He theu
proceeded—l came among you ten years ago. I may be
altered in some respects since that time, but in my political
sentiments lam not changed. (Hear, hear.) I am one of
those who do not think that a man's political sentiments
ought to be taken up directly, or laid down without a goad
cause, for I hold them to be a sacred deposit for the happi-
ness and prosperity of his fellow-men. (Hear, hear.) There
are, I know, some gentlemen who will tell you that they
have abandoned their friends and their party without quitting
their principles. (Hear.) I cannot look into the breasts of
other men, but this I ktiow, and this I have observed, from
having studied pretty closely the history of apostacy, that no
man ever quitted his party without his principles following
very soon afterwards. (Hear. hear.) Some gentlemen tell
you that they are conservatives, but they are still reformers.
I do not understand that proposition ; I cannot comprehend
any more of it than that they are the strongest tories. (Hear,
hear.) If 1 had been a person who had yielded to this sort
of delusion ; if I had been weak and wicked enough to aban-
don my friends, what would you have thought of me ? (Hear,
hear.) I ask, not only you, honest reformers and constitu-
tional whigs, but I turn to you, equally honest and equally
consistent tories, for I like to call men by their right names,
what you would have thought of me? (Hear, hear.) You
might have flattered me, you might have cajoled me, you might
have made use of me for your purposes, but would you not
in your hearts have despised me ? (Hear, hear.) You might
have made use of me, and extracted what little influence I
must have had, and then have deserted me, turned me over,
and thrown me aside like a squeezed orange, and you would
have reverted to some gentleman entirely of your politics who
had never deserted your principles nor abandoned his own.
(Cheers.) I here appeal to my competitors for the high ho-
nour of representing you, men of fortune, of respectable cha-
racter, and of considerable influence. Gentlemen, with Sir
Philip Egerton I have always acted with the utmost cordi-
ality in promoting the business of this county. (Hear.)
He has been a consistent man; he is a worthy representative
of his party, for I believe he has never once deviated into the
error of a liberal vote. (Hear, hear.) I cannot say anything
against him, for I have a high respect and regard for Sir
Philip Egerton, nor would 1 have ventured to have men-
tioned his name had he not chosen to repudiate me, and
turned his back upon his old colleague. (Cheers.) I say
that his conduct, and the speech that he made at Congleton,
is a great contrast to the manner in which I have always
acted towards him, and I think it is somewhat deficient in the
courtesy which one member of parliament usually shows to
another, his colleague, however he may differ with him on
political subjects. (Hear.) To Mr. Tollemache I owe great
obligations. It was by his respected father that I was first
induced to come forward for this county. He was the first
person who solicited me for that object. (Hear.) I owe
great obligations to the present gentleman. who has uniformly
till within the last year or two declared that his great object
was to rescue the county out of the hands of the odes.-
(Hear, hear.) Is not that true, Mr. TaeinAche?

Mr. TOLLEKACHE.—No. (Great cheering.) .
Mr. WILBRAH Am.—l have it in black and white. (Hear,
hear.) I have it in letters that his great object was to rescue
the county from the hands of the tories. (Hear, and some
uproar.) _ _

Mr. TOLLEMACHE.-I have the letters too. You have
stated part of the truth but not the whole. (Cheers.) Spea&

the whOle truth ! (Renewed_ cheers.)

Mr. WlLBRAHAM.—Gentlemen, I have endeavoured to
promote your interest in this county to the very best of my
power, and upon every occasion except one, and that is the
Weaver Churches Bill, Sir Philip Egerton and myself have
gone hand in hand. (Hear.) I opposed that bill because I
thought it an encroachment upon your rights. (Cheers
and hisses.) I presented to the House of Commons in one
day two and twenty petitions against that bill, and I did think
it was my duty to oppose it, because it improperly put other
hands into your pockets—into the pockets of the ratepayers for
the purpose of building churches. (Much hissing, followed
by cheers.) I should be glad to know, as I understand there
are some gentlemen here who voted for me, and who brought
up their tenants to vote for me at the last election against
Mr. Corbett, what I have done, what is the crime I have
committed, that they choose to go round and bring up those
very same tenants to vote against me upon this occasion ?
Cries of " You have done plenty," and counter cheers.)
Have I done anything iu opposition to my principles, have I
neglected my duty, have I gone into any extravagant mea-
sures? (Hear, hear.) lam the same man I was when I first
appeared before you. lam as averse to the detestable doc-
trines of ultra radicalism, and I equally shrink from the
withering blast of toryism which would tolerate any defects
in our constitution, rather than apply the hated word of re-
form. (Hear, and hisses.) I should be glad to know from
them, and I wish to meet them here face to face and ask
them, what I have done that 1 should forfeit either their re-
gard or• the general good opinion of the county ? (Cries of
" Plenty," and "You have supported Lord Melbourne.")
Apostates have the privilege of the female sex—they think
they have a right to change without giving any reason for it.
I do not wish to delay you any long time in giving you an ac-
count of my conduct and of my principles. My conduct in
parliament will speak for itself. I have uniformly supported
your rights, and the rights of the people without any ex-
travagance on my part. I tell you freely, and I tell all such
who are here, that I am no radical, but that I am a plain con-
stitutional reformer. You will, however, perhaps expect
that I should say a few words upon a subject which is inter-
esting to you all—l mean upon the corn-laws. (Hear, hear.)
I acknowledge that a protection is due to the British farmer,
not only on account of the heavy burdens which he bears
more than the rest of the community, but because, if you dis-
courage the growth of corn in this country to any extent, the
whole country will ultimately be the sufferer. (Hear, hear.)
I am, therefore, an advocate for a protection ; but I have al-
ways said, and for years back I have repeated it, that the
present system of the corn-laws does not give an adequate or
a proper protection to the farmer. (Hear, hear, hear.)
An ELECTOR.—What protection would you give? (Hear.)
Mr. WILBRAHAM.—I cannot answer that question now.
(Much uproar.)
Another ELECTOR.—What protection would ycu give to
the farmer if the present corn laws were abolished ?
Mr. WILBRARAM.—I do not choose to tell you. (Great
disopprobation.) That will be a question for consideration
in a committee. (Cries of Oh, oh.) lam not bound to the
government, but I do say that' the principle of a fixed duty is
infinitely superior to the present sliding or slippery scale, and
that it would be a great advantage.
An ELECTOR.—It would not remain one hour in a year of
scarcity, (Cheers.) _

Mr. WII:BRA HA2,l.—Perhaps 'some of you think that if any
change were to take place in your beautiful system of corn
laws you would have corn here at such a price as to ruin
the landed interest. (Hear, hear.) I say, no such thing,—
that it will be an advantage to the landed interest. (Cries of
" No, no.") You must consider what would be the price of
the foreign corn that would come into competition with
English corn. Do not fancy that in the countries whence
that corn comes it is to be picked up as cheap as you can pick
blackberries. No such thing. They have their rents, taxes,
and rates to pay—not quite so heavy as ours, I believe, but
yet they have considerable burdens upon them. By every
calculation that has been made it comes to this, that if you
were to have the best corn which is exported from Dantzic,
you could not put it on board ship under 365. the quarter.
I do not speak lightly upon this subject, for I have made
many enquiries from many parties concerned iu it. You
could not, then, have to pay less for expenses of freight, cost
of landing, and remuneration to the importer, than 10s. a
quarter. This would make the price 465. a quarter. Now,
if you add on a duty in round numbers of 10s., you make the
price 565. a quarter, with very little profit to the importer.
This would make the price is. the imperial bushel. or Ss. 6d.
or Ss. 9d. the large bushel of this county, so that this is the
whole which the farmer has to fear in the competition of
foreign corn. I have often heard it said "you may buy corn
at a much cheaper price." Yes, so you may; the sweepings-
out of the shop, and the emptyings of the machinery, will
sometimes be sold, and bad corn thrown upon the regular
trade; yet if we have a protective duty of 10s. a quarter you
never can have prices less than 58s. or 60s. the quarter. You
naturally ask then—pardon me going into these details, for
they are of interest to farmers—" What advantage will a
change be if corn is not made much cheaper ?" I will tell
you. The object of a fixed duty is to settle and regulate the
price. Corn will never be allowed to rise to a very high
price, for if it gets above 60s. the rise will be checked by im-
portation from abroad ; and should prices here, through an
abundant harvest, be very low (and I have known harvests
so abundant, and corn so cheap, as to be almost a misfortune
to the farmer), then you adopt the other part of the plan,
which is recommended in that most excellent little book of
Mr. M'Culloch, that is, giving a bounty or premium upon
exportation to the same amount that you pay for duty
upon the importation of foreign. (Hear.) So you will
always preserve the farmer from very low and ruinous prices,
and at the same time protect the consumer from very high
prices. (Cheers.) But it will have another good effect. It
will make that which now goes into the hands of jobbers,
speculators, and men of that sort—l speak with no disrespect
of them—to go to the revenue, and will save you from the
imposition of other taxes, which the exigencies of the state
require. (Hear, hear.) I think no man can have visited the
manufacturing districts of this country without being struck
with the great distress that prevails there. Sir Robert Peel
denies it ; but be takes his views from printed statements and
reports given in, which are very often fallacious. (Hear.)
He does not take into account the great and increasing power
of machinery, nor does he consider the vast increase of po-
pulation ' • buc he says they are not in a state of distress. If
that is the case, my information and my own eyes have very
much deceived me. It is impossible to see those manufac-
turers without knowing the contrast between the beauty of
their fabrics and the miserable state of those who produce
them. You see everywhere the most beautiful fabrics in the
world, whether silk or cotton, or a mixture of both, minis-
tering to the luxuries of the great, and supporting the com-
fort of the middle classes ; but if you look into the state
of the workmen, you will find three or four families
in one miserable cellar, happy if they can obtain even
three or four days work in a week, and subsisting
in the most miserable way upon hardly a sufficiency of
food. (A VOICE, " They may thank the whigs for that.")
Can this state of things last much longer ? (Cries of "No.")
These men are intelligent ; they are deriving knowledge every
day, and do you think it is likely to last ? (Cries of " No.")
I ask you, ought it to last ? (Renewed cries of " No.") I
then ask you, you the men connected with the landed inter-
est, you landed proprietors, to make some little concession
to the wants and distresses of these your fallow-subjects.
Do not let us put ourselves into the position of America,
where the southern and northern states have frequently been
upon the point of separation, because one is a manufacturing
and the other an agricultural district. Let us join together;
do not let Englishmen dissever their interests ; let us assist
one the other. I ask you, gentlemen, for the sake of
humanity, to grant some little relaxation of the distress of
your fellow-subjects • I ask you, farmers, not to do anything
that will immediately injure your own interests. I could
chew you, if I had a less audience and could speak more
familiarly—l could demonstrate that your own interests
would not be hurt, but that, upon the contrary, they would
be promoted by the change proposed. And I must ask you
gentlemen manufacturers, if there be any such here, not to
be unreasonable in your demands. Do not press us too hard ;
we are willing to meet you • we know your distresses, and
we wish to remove them. I ask the landed interest not to
do any thing that will hurt themselves. You know as well
as I how much dependent we are upon commerce ; you know
that the first question, in all my part of Cheshire at least.
with all the surrounding farmers is, " How goes the Mani
chester markets ;" and if things sell not well there, our
cheese, our flour, our potatoes, all must fall in the same
proportion. Our interests are tied together ; they must
stand or fall together; and I beseech you, gentlemen of the
landed interest, to look fairly into this question, and, my life
upon it, it will redound ultimately to your advantage. (Cheers
from the whigs.) lam not of the opinion of the writer in
the tory organ, the Standard newspaper, who said some-
thing to this effect :—" What would it signify to you if these
manufacturing districts, Manchester, and Macclesfield, and
Birmingham, were all at the bottom of the sea ?" (Cries of
" Oh, oh.") " What," says the tory organ, " would this
signify ?" Gentlemen, is this a proper sentiment to come
from the organ of a great and respectable party? (Hear,
hear.) What would be the effect upon every one of us?*
Our small farmers would fall first, and the whole-landed in-
terest would be engulpbed in general ruin. (Loud cheers.)
Now one word upon the subject of sugar. You have been
told that it is wrong for us to introduce foreign sugar, be-
cause it may be the means of encouraging slave labour.
(Hear, hear.) Why is not everything you have upon your
person, your cottons, and even the very gold you have in
your pockets, the production of slave labour? Is it not an
arrant humbug, is it not downright hypocrisy, to say that
the poor people of this country are to be deprived of the be-
nefit of cheap sugar, not because it will promote the interests
of the slaves, for, thank God. they are fully protected, but
in order to preserve a monopoly in favour of the West India
proprietors? (Hisses and cheers.) I do not know much
upon the subject of timber ; that is a subject understood
principally by the builders ; but this I say, that I have seen
no reason why we should not import good timber from the
Baltic instead of bad timber from the Canadas. (Hear, hear.)
And you would have many advantages from this. In the
first place, it will tend, in some degree, to restore that reci-
procity of trade which once, to our great benefit, existed be-
tween this country and Germany, and other nations upon
the borders of the Baltic. (Hear.) You have been deprived
of that commerce principally because you would take no-
thing from them ; and when the present treaties are
at an end, as they will be soon, can you expect they
should take your manufactures unless you, at the same time,
consent to their fair right of you taking something from
them ? (Hear, bear.) Look what the American President
said in his message the other day : " We will not give an
opinion upon our tariff yet—we will wait to see what England
will do." I fully understand him there. He means to say,
thdt unless we introduce something more of liberaliti into
our system of trade, they will put such a tariff upon our
goods as will absolutely exclude all our manufactures from
the whole continent of America. They look then to the
setting free of the trade of this country. (Hear, hear.) I
have now explained myself upon these three topics, and the
question you have to decide will be this—will you have bread
at a fair and moderate, but not an extravagant price ? Will you
have cheap sugar? Will you have good timber and no addi-
tional taxation?—(cries of " Oh, oh!")—Or, on the other
hand, will you continue a system of trade which, from its
pressure, will compel new taxes to be laid on? (Hear, hear.)
Will you have a salt tax,'or a house tax ? (A VOICE, "We'll
have a property tax.'') A property tax, gentlemen, with all
my heart ; and if it came to the point that it was really
wanted to guard the interests of this great country, I should
be for any tax rather than a bad one. (Hear, hear.) Gen-
tlemen, the complaint of these slippery friends of mine is, that
1 have not abandoned my party, but that I support the very
government the support of which was actually by some of
them made the very condition of that support which, upon
principle, they gave to me. (Hear, hear.) If it is a crime
not to abandon one's friends and one's principles, I plead
guilty to that charge. I want a good government—a liberal
government ; and when I find a government that will do
you canor noble-
minded a
nd
a e _ l e
more justice to you than the present, that government I will
mansup fpoort.hi
minded man, a man more full of constitutional knowledge
than Lord John Russell—(three groans were here given for
g(hliereairn'theeagrirt'y, nwdheahnis youses .)
can When
more
the noble lord,)—when you can find any man that will carry
the glory of this great country higher,.n and at the same time
preserve peace; when Y"ctall:alin Lioartl
man who can make the
British lion more respected Palmerston, then will
I give a government s.o const_ituted my support. (Loud
entlemen, I am unis• • -illing
to speak
meanness" and " baseness,"
with harshness of any of those public men with
uwchorhdisssiansg.),,
cheerso tuseandsuc:
whom I politically disagree. (Hear, and cheers.) I would
_
and others of that sort which I hear brought forward by the
opposite phrases so ofte9. I will not condescend to such ex-
pressiono, for they bring more diegrece upon him who utters

any other;

the bad principle of the corn laws.
ity so much then as to make those
r, hear.) He says he will consi-
into power. (A VOICE. " And
'' not tell you what is his mean-
') He only knows that
t sliding system upon a lower scale,
•-s the whole of the country.

r will you either

objection to the present scale is, that it
rs and others to take away that amount
which ought to belong to
ejection ; but when he has
ig scale, the evil of which we
s only every four or five years,
sear, hear," and cheers.)

erpetaal state of fluctuation ; you
price of corn ; you will have either
on one hand, or an equally afflicting
Our object at least—for mine is
ith the government plan—and the
hat we would endeavour to
regular and steady

s to procur

.e is no portion of the community to
; useful than it will be to the farmer.
,en, there is one more topic concern-
hich I must advert. What was his
? He did not tell the House of
istry, " I find fault with you ;"
ussell that he had conducted the
could say nothing against the go-
ion of the couutry. Every fin-
er; the foreign govern-
the foreign secretary of
id did more honour to the
so as almost to verify the

:atesman Lord Chatham, " That there
Ted in Europe without the permission
ate in Downing-street." He could not
1 my excellent friend, Sir Philip Eger-

!ch of his at Congleton, did con-

Lord Palmerston, and did tell his hearers
,on was a mere trifler, and knew nothing
Hear.) Possibly there may be some new ar-
oon. I hope that my excellent and worthy
gerton will, in that case, be placed in the
)f state for foreign affairs, that he may
)f undoing the mischiefs which he fancies
as done, by preserving peace with France,
British lion respected in every quarter of

, and cheers.) I am sorry to detain you
;ht it to be the duty of a person who as-
presentative, to talk freely with you, and
real sentiments are. (Hear, hear.)
of conscience for all, nor would .1
1 disabilities, or with social degrada-
ips at another altar than myself; and
to be the true ground upon which
'ess, a supporter

am, neverthe

e to her principles ;
,ect her ministers

I be-
(" Hear,

) Gentlemen, I am well aware of
,n that is prepared for me. I feel, how-

done my duty to you. (Cries of no. no,
1 any man say no ? (A voice—" We 'll
Mr. Davenport has told you that
n of the county has been subjected
cries of no, no,)—and that un-

a canvass

pretexts

at one time extorting promises by tell-
lot going to offer myself again, and a
ies—(Much confusion.)
E.-I never beard a word about it. (Loud

LEMACH

—Your friends have put opinions upon
t hold. (Hear.) Nay, they have even
(Hear, hear.) Ido not accuse you of
-che, but your friends have told mine in fi,ty
you are a friend of O'Connell's, and we can't
. ' (Loud cheers.) What is Mr. O'Connell
Mr. O'Connell ? He is not a whig ; he is a
i radical. (Cheers.) He may support the go-
his objects •, I support the government for
, hear.) I have supported them conscienti-
any object—without any view of obtaining
i earth ; I have supported them undoubtedly,
g that they have some faults,—(loud
)probation)—in which, give me leave
ed them. Still I look upon them to be
t I have known in my time. (Laughter.)
all the difficulties that have been thrown
contest. I know that we shall see hundreds
)slay brought up, marshalled and taken
st me, to vote with the very same men by
s ago, they were brought up and marshalled.
Tear.) Have these men changed their senti-
leaders ? (Hear, hear.) I know that I shall
d to me, from one or two houses, thirty or forty
) all gain their qualifications from those single
—who, perhaps, do not know even the name of
to they oppose ; who, perhaps, have been travel-
of itinerant voters through Yorkshire and other
they have given faggot votes, and who will be
lesday to overwhelm me. I know all these
hich I have to contend, but I appeal to you,
)dent yeomanry of this county, and I ask you

up on

r you will abandon me—whether you have seen any
to change your sentiments as I have never changed
(Hear.) I have but one word more to say,—that I
1 the same man in every particular that I have ever
I have never changed my sentiments. I have never
d my regard for the farming interest, or for the general
t of this great country ; and so longias you choose to
those interests to my charge, so long I never will be-
em. The honourable gentlemen then retired, amidst

EGERToN next addressed4the electors. He
:ceived by his friends, and with some marks of
by the other side. The hon. baronet spoke
Brother Electors of South Cheshire In ad-
pon this, the fourth occasion, as a candidate for
;, I shall cautiously abstain from following the
i has been set us by our opponents. (Hear,
I endeavour, to the utmost of my power, to
upon any topics of personal abuse; I shall
stions of private business ; and 1
Is address more especially to avoid
expressions which may cause pain to

ilbraham. (Hear, hear.) I have had the honour of
apon terms of friendship anti of intimacy with .Dlr.
y years. I have ever admired him in his
)rd and as a gentleman, and I have only
mlitical sentiments should have been so
. ,ed ; but at the same time, that regret has
lessened by the consideration that in all
have not suffered questions of political ex-
!re with our private friendship. (Hear,
upon this occasion detain you with enter-
ms measures in which I
iament. I should deem
-
)erate insult to the understanding of
of this county in attempting to ex-
estions which they have had oppor-
selves acquainted with ; (hear, hear,)
sidered explanations of this sort as
i glory or of delinquency,—(hear,)—
ere I might fancy that I might gain
w advocating this or that measure—

r as a 1,

It our r

tion of the van°

the very term justification implies a
. (Applause.) I shall also avoid this
cider the present as a political crisis of
ttude and importance, that it is not so
1 popularity of the candidate which you
the political principles which he professes.
question which you have to decide at
simply and clearly this—will you
of the House of Commons
_ want of confidence of the represeuta-
ie in the ministers of the crown? (Loud
the question you have to decide ; and the
to ask those who are candidates for your
and clearly this—will you or will you not
3nsibility of ministers to the House of
wed cheering, and cries of " No, no.")
that I am addressing many of those who
in accordance with the views of her
- obscure, and confound, and mystify
'rest question. (Hear.) I know
-Nose who have endeavoured,

that cot

of this

from
electors—
art .corn, cheap sugar, cheap
a blind the eyes of the, tau.
their attention
But, gentlemen, I will notisd great
-will presently go into facts. (Cheers
:II
" What caused the diss2,
VorcE,
4ce alluding to the dissolution. Well,
, of that dissolution ? (A Voice, " The.
,ier majesty's ministers 'appeal to the people
‘ere defeated upon the question of the sugar
.ear.) Did the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when
aced his budget, inform you that if defeated upon
.get he would appeal to the people ? (Cries of " No.")
ne told you that if he failed to obtain the money which
required to bolster up his empty exchequer; that if he
lied to procure that money by the budget, he would procure
~..,1.33T other means, but he said nothing about dissolution.
Cheers.) But, gentlemen, ministers are wise in their