The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-07-03 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS

ERRATUM.—The advertisement of the sale of Furniture,
Books, Prints, Mangle, &c., in Upper Beau-street, by Mr.
Byford, inserted in our last, was erroneously announced
to take place on the 23rd instant : it should have been the
3rd instant, (this day.)
The paragraph forwarded by " R" has already appeared in
the STANDARD.
We shall answer several queries, respecting the registration,
in our next.

The insertion of the amusing squib sent by " Illaudatus,"
might subject us to an action for libel.
We must once more request our correspondents to write on
one side of their paper only. Many valuable contributions
are necessarily excluded, owing to the neglect of this
simple rule.
To PUBLISIIERS.—Wc are obliged to defer till Tuesday our
customary notices of the periodicals, in consequence of our
not having received a large proportion of them until yes-
terday.

A correspondent who holds a large stock of waste paper,
complains of its serious reduction in value by the heavy
" lots of Mercury " thro•.vn upon the market within the
last fortnight in a wet state, and almost rotten ; having
been purchased solely for the sake of the caricature engrav-
ing, and evidently never having been opened. We should
suggest to him to store them up, as by a mere alteration of
the date they may a year or two hence be circulated again,
and the news which they contain, and the editorial wisdom
be just as fresh ac ever.
The lot umbrella, we hear, was seen on Saturday evening in
a very emaciated condition, engaged in a conflict with a
poker at the door of a cellar in Marybone. "To what vile
uses do we come at last."
PUBLIC PARK -A correspondent, adopting the signature of
" Gamma," (for whose letter we regret we have not room,)
suggests, as an appropriate site for a public park, the St.
Domingo estate. He points out the views it commands,.,
the purity of the air, the advantage it has in having trees ,
at their full growth, &c., and thinks the land, and the house
(which he thinks could be converted into a museum) might
be cheaply purchased. We had our attention drawn some
time ago to the same, and to some contiguous ground; but
some practical gentlemen with whom we conversed, ex-
pressed an opinion that the site was not suitable owing to
its northern aspect, and its declination to that inhospitable
point of the compass. There may, however, be a diversity
of opinion on this point, and we, therefore, give our cor-
. respondent's suggestion in brief.

El)t ?Liberpool -tailbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 3, 1840

By the George Washington, Captain Burrows, which
arrived here on Wednesday, we have received New
York papers to the 7111 ultimo, and by the United
States, Captain Britton, which arrived here the same
day, we have papers to the 13th ultimo, both inclusive.
These papers contain very little that is of particular in-
terest or importance, either of a general or political
character. They furnish us with some further parti-
Culars respecting'the great flood in the Savannah. The
damage done at Hamburg is estimated at 500,000 dol-
lars. At Augusta it is computed at from half a million
to a million of dollars. According to the latest ac-
counts the water was subsiding, but the railroad was
still impassable, and no communication had taken
place between Augusta and Hamburg except by water.
It was not known that any lives had been lost, but the
destruction of property was immense. It was feared
that at least one-third of the crop of cotton on hand
was ruined. News of an alarming character had been
received by the Secretary of war from Florida. It is
stated that on the 20th of May a body of Indians sur-
prised Fort Crumbs, and put every one to death who
sought refuge in that fortress. The employment of
bloodhounds against the Indians had proved a com-
plete failure. The details furnished in these papers re-
specting the dreadful effects of the tornado at Natchez
are of the most harrowing description. The steam-
boat Hinds, which had been wrecked during the storm,
had been picked up at Baton Rouge, having 51 dead
bodies on board—,4B of whom were males, 2 females,
and 1 child. The number of persons killed at Nat-
chez is frightfully great. In the city 48, and on the
river 269, perished by the tornado; making a total of
317. The number wounded amounted to 109.
The news from Canada is unimportant. We learn
that the whole sum of £50,000, recently advertised as
being required for the Chain* Canal, had already
been contracted for by the Quebec capitalists.
The county of Washington, Maine, bad been ra-
vaged by extensive fires in the woods. At Whiting,
two dwelling-houses had been burnt. the crops of
wheat were also considerably injured, and, in some
cases, entirely destroyed. Edmunds and Charlotte
were suffering severely, according to the latest ac-
counts, by this raging element.

News had been received from Vera Cruz to the 14th
of May. There was no political news of importance
stirring. Campeachy continued to be blockaded on all
sides by the federalists, and there was every probability
that it would soon surrender. In the north, General
Arista, commander of the government troops, had been
completely successful against the federal party in that
quarter.

For other extracts from the New York papers, and
for the state of the money market, we must refer our
readers to another column.

The result of the motion of Sir Robert Inglis on
Tuesday night has grieved us less, infinitely less,
from its being adverse to the principle upon which an
extension of church accommodation has thus been
asked for from the legislature, than from the evidence
which it affords of a want of sympathy upon the part
of a number of leading conservatives in the House of
Commons, with the strongly expressed Protestant
feeling of a great portion of the Empire. To Sir Robert
Inglis himself and those who voted with him, we must
express our deep and fervent gratitude. The noble
effort of that trusty champion of our Protestant faith
will be remembered by his countrymen when the ex-
ploits and the very names of the hunters of a fleeting
and spurious popularity shall have been consigned to
oblivion.

The arguments and statements by which the reason-
able and moderate proposition of Sir Robert was advo-
cated are now before the country, clothed in the chaste
and beautiful language of a christian patriot and gen-
tleman. Let them be weighed and examined, for they
will bear it. Contrast them with the vapid and flip-
pant attempts at reasoning, by which they were met
from the ministerial side of the house. They will gain
additional weight by the comparison. Ultimately their
effect must be to ensure the object to which they are
addressed; and when that shall have been attained—
when the voice of prayer and thanksgiving shall rise
up from the heart of great masses of the people, who
are now deprived of the means of religious instruction,
treading in the paths of vice, peopling our jails with
felons and murderers, and drafting off yearly, hun-
dreds of our fellow-beings to labour in the swamps
of Norfolk Island, there to drag out a miserable life
in hopeless slavery, the. eye of the christian philanthro-
pist will involuntarily turn to the Honorable Baronet
as the author of that good of which he will then be the
rejoicing witness. His hand will be recognised as
having planted the cross in the desert, and brought

for the first time " the sound of the church-going bell"
to the ears of so many thousands of his benighted
countrymen.

But why, it will be asked, is this noble object de-
ferred ? Why has its present success been defeated
by a majority so small as to manifest the perfect prac-
ticability of its being carried ? Where were Sir Robert
Peel, Sir James Graham, Lord Stanley, and others of
their party on Tuesday when this motion was under
discussion ? We know not ; they themselves can best
explain, and in good time they must explain. The in-
terests of religion and humanity must not be perilled
by truckling politicians or backsliding Protestants.
These gentlemen have let pass an opportunity of ad-
vancing their own cause and their own character in
the estimation of the country, which on some future
day they may be anxious but unable to recal. If in
doing so they have been influenced by any dirty ambi-
tion, to win the hollow friendship of latitudinarian or
sectarian opponents, we know, and they will feel, that
they are deceiving and betraying themselves in the

attempt.
We arc glad to find that our own staunch and noble
representative was the seconder of Sir Robert's motion.
A day is perhaps at hand when he will have an oppor-
tunity of knowing that his straight-forward honesty is
duly appreciated by the electors of Liverpool.

On Monday evening the Sugar Duties Bill passed
the House of Commons without the alterations suggest-
ed by that narrow-minded, shallow, but conceited
individual, who is the pro tempore membet' for Wigan.
Mr. Ewart's amendment was one of the most silly at-
tempts at legislation ever hazarded by that prince of
charlatans. To secure the defeat of their own object the
free-trade agitators—the cockney grocers—could not
have entrusted their cause to a more suitable advocate
than this superlatively insignificant twaddler.

The rejection of Mr. Ewart's amendment we look
upon as another signal proof of the returning good
feeling towards the West India planters, which has, of
late, become so generally manifest. The delusions so
diligently spread abroad by the mercenary emissaries of
the Anti-Slavery Society, and by the rhapsodical free-
trade philosophers, are beginning to disappear before
the light of truth. The people of Great Britain are no
longer to be gulled and cheated by a set of such brain-
less theorists.

Our readers need scarcely be reminded that Messrs.
Ewart, Hawes, Hume, and Villiers, who stood forth as
the uncompromising advocates of the free-trade prin-
ciple, in reference to the admission of foreign and
slave-yrown sugar for home consumption, have always
been amongst the loudest clamourers for the emancipa-
tion of the negroes. This does not, certainly, speak
much in favour of the political morality of these gentle-
men and their adherents. The parties who have been
most vehement in their declamations against the West
India planters—who have inveighed in the strongest
terms against the " oppressions " to which the negroes
have been subjected in our colonies—who have been
most lavish of their sympathy with the " suffering
population " of the West Indies—and who have been
most confident in their predictions of the success that
would inevitably follow the experiment of immediate
emancipation, are now stirring heaven and earth to
procure the removal of existing restrictions on the im-
portation into this kingdom of slave-grown produce.
Have these men consciences, or are they so seared by
the selfish philosophy of the day, that they cannot re-
cognise the distinction between right and wrongs
Allowing that the tyranny exercised over the negroes
in the West Indies was as bad as it has been de-
scribed by the anti-slavery agitators—a concession
which we only make for the sake of argument—there
was nothing in the system of our colonial slavery half
so grinding and oppressive as we find in the existing
slavery of foreign states. The aggravated horrors of
the system, as in full force in Cuba, Porto-Rico, and
the Brazils, are unparalleled in the history of the West
Indies. And yet we find men, yes, men who can cant
most glibly on questions of humanity, and who make
an ostentatious parade of their philanthropy, who are
anxious to offer a bounty upon the perpetuation of the
abominable system with all its deep intensity of misery
and degradation.

The inconsistency of these men will appear still more
strikingly when we consider the sacrifices made by this
nation for the purpose of procuring the redemption
from bondage of the negroes in our own colonies—sa-
crifices made to please the pretended friends of the
negroes. We have paid twenty millions of money in
solid cash, by way of compensation to the planters ;
and we have to pay about four millions annually, in the
shape of bounty, to satisfy the abolitionists. They
have succeeded in persuading the imperial parliatnent
and the colonial legislatures to raise the negro popu-
lation of our colonies to the dignity of freemen. They
have had their own way in working out the " great ex-
periment" of immediate emancipation : and now, when
they find that the colonies are hastening to ruin, and
that free-labour sugar, in defiance of their prophecies,
is not produced in sufficient quantities to compete in
the home market with the slave-labour sugar of other
colonies, they have the hardihood to come forward with
a proposition, the practical tendency of which is, to
undo all that has been so nobly and generously done by
the nation for ameliorating the condition of the negroes
in our own colonies, and to rivet more strongly than
ever the chains of slavery in foreign states. Is this
consistent ? Is it honest ?

The deficiency of produce in the West Indies and
British Guiana is now acknowledged by all parties.
The " great experiment," from which such mighty
consequences were confidently predicted, has, thanks
to the bungling mismanagement of the Colonial-office
and the mischievous interference of turbulent agita-
tors, proved, so far, a complete failure. The tables of
imports from our colonies render this fact indisputable.
Colonial produce is becoming dearer every day. It is
obvious that this increase of prices cannot go on much
longer. However willing the nation may be, at pre-
sent, to deny itself of the luxuries of sugar and coffee,
this self-denial cannot endure for any protracted
period. What, then, can be done to remedy this state
of things ? Ewart, Hawes, Villiers, aua Co. advise
us to admit foreign sugar, at reduced duties, for home
consumption. This would be equivalent to a bonus
upon slavery in its most aggravated form. It is per-
fectly idle to meet this assertion by saying that free labour
foreign sugar would alone find its way to the British
market. We cannot admit free-labour foreign sugar,
and, at the same time exclude slave-labour foreign
sugar, without violating treaties with the Brazils,
United States, and other countries. This settles the
point at once.

But is there no remedy ? The readers of the
STANDARD will surely anticipate the reply. The obvi-
ous remedy is, the encouragement of free labour in our
own colonies, or, in other words, the encouragement
of immigration, on a scale commensurate with the
wants and resources of our colonial possessions. For
this we have long and earnestly contended. The ne-
cessity of an increased supply of labourers in the West
Indies and British Guiana is now acknowledged on all
hands. The capabilities of those colonies to produce
an amount of coffee and sugar sufficient for the con-
sumption of the whole world is equally acknowledged
by all parties. We have, therefore, every reason for
calling upon the anti-slavery agitators and the political
economists to devote their energies to this grand object.
Instead of seeking to put an end to the slave trade by
the colonisation of Africa, and throwing away their
time and money on theoretical expedients, the imprac-
tibility of which has been fully demonstrated, let them
exert their eloquence and their influence, and employ
their time and their wealth in extinguishing slavery by
rendering slave labour unprofitable. Let them call upon
the government and the legislature to afford every
facility for the introduction of free immigrants from all
parts of the world, into our own colonies. This is all
that the planters want, and this they must speedily ob-
tain, or they will be plunged into irretrievable ruin.

But we must not stop here. We cannot close these
remarks without suggesting to the West India inte-
rest the policy of forming a WEST INDIA COLONI-
SATION SOCIETY. We have a Canadian, a New
Brunswick, a Newfoundland, a South Australian, a
New Zealand Colonisation Society, all of which, we
believe, have been found to work admirably, and all of
which have been eminently conducive to emigration on
a large scale. Why should the West Indies and Brit-
ish Guiana, with their vast undeveloped resources, and
their millions of acres of unreclaimed crown lands, be
without a similar advantage ? But of this we shall
have more to say in future numbers.

We can quite well afford to pity the slaffiling attack
upon the STANDARD, conveyed iu an ominous make-
weight in Tuesday's "overset" Mail. The increasing
advertisements and unpuffed circulation of the STAN-
DARD are their own vouchers, and the best reply to
the insinuations and fictitious charges of our rash and
sinking contemporary.
We believe that the paragraph, which invites evi-
dence against itself, was penned with a view not so
much to injure us, as to serve a Jerry Diddler's pur-
pose in appealing to it as a means for alms, and as a
bait for " gudgeons," at whose expense it is peculiarly
desirable for gentlemen in difficulties to raise the wind.

We quote, for our contemporary's satisfaction, a
paragraph from the Morning Post :
" Our contemporary," observes the Post, in reply to an
article 'n the Globe evening paper, "Our contemporary says
he has extracted this" (a portion of an article of the Mail)
" from a provincial paper ;—an assertion which, as we have
not at hand the means either of verifying or contradicting it,
we are bound to regard as true. But why extend the circu-
lation of such disgusting trash? To prove that the writer is
disloyal ? The evidence would have been more cogent had it
been adduced to prove that the writer was tipsy. No,—the
ambiguous extract has a higher aim. It is to prove forsooth
that the Conservative party is disloyal. The inference and
the production upon which it is founded must scarcely be the
product of one mind and spirit. We trace equal coarseness
of feeling and equal potency of gin in each.

" Of one thing at least we are sure, that the diffusion of such
a paragraph, and the elaborate attempt to impart to it a dis-
tinct and atrocious meaning in reference to her Majesty (the
writer being evidently incapable of any meaning whatever),
though conclusive enough that our contemporary is a faith-
ful and zealous servant of the O'Connell ministry, cannot be
taken as a proof of his respectful and affectionate loyalty to
the Queen."