The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-30 00:00:00

" THE FLEET PAPERS.'

Mr. Oastler continues his labours with unabated energy,
though still, we regret to say, an inmate of the Fleet Prison.
It is a curious ordination of events, that one who has lived
much abroad in the world, and shewn himself animated by an
ardent desire to be serviceable to his fellow men, should at
last find his most extensive means of contributing to that
end when confined within the four walls of a gaol; but,

though the body may be restrained, the spirit can walk
abroad at liberty. The printing press stands by the side of
the solitary one as his humble minister, and, in fact, resem-
bles him,—for, whilst it changes not its place, no more than
he, it yet sends forth its productions to be scattered by the
four winds of heaven, and cause its soul, as it were, to per-
meate the world. From the number of this day we make a
large extract. It needs nothing from us to recommend it.
We admire at all times the heartiness with which Mr. Oastler
devotes himself to the cause of the labouring classes, and we
think it in itself admirable; but beyond this, of course, we
do not bind ourselves. From some of his remedies in detail
we may possibly dissent; but the spirit of his writings, and
their object generally, we can commend without any reserve.
Ile thus speaks in the 31st number of the Fleet Papers,
which will be published to-morrow, in the shape of a letter
addressed to his late master, Mr. Thornhill :
" Nothing is more certain, than that the governors of a
nation should be intimately acquainted with the real feelings,
circumstances, and prejudices of the governed. Nothing is,
I fear, more true, than that the leaders of the two contending
parties, Whig and tory, are perfectly ignorant of the condition,
mind, and prejudices of the working classes who form the
masses of English society, and who have, beyond all con-
tradiction. contributed to the result of the general election.

" A change of ministers, without a changeoimea;ures,
will only create a state of greater disquietude, and remove
prosperity to a longer distance.

. .
" The great cause of the failure of the whigs to govern the
nation acceptably, is, undeniably, their entire ignorance of
the character of the ?corking classes. That ignorance has
been demonstrated by their failure to produce aLrming com-
motions amongst the masses, by that most exciting of all
cries, " cheap bread." There can be no doubt that the hopes
of the Whig cabinet rested upon the efficacy of that cry,
hoping, by it, to excite the people to frenzy, and thus, once
more, to fix themselves in office by the thunders of popular

Every effort which deception, fraud, arid malignity,
aided by power and wealth, could accomplish, has been re-
sorted to ; but still the masses have resolved to aid the tories,
and, at all hazards, to get rid of the Whigs ! Thus the elec-
tion has proved, that no men were ever so much deceived in
their estimate of the working people of England, so ignorant
of the true condition and feelings of Englishmen, as were the
Whig ministers, who so lately advised her Majesty to dissolve
parliament, under the hope that, aided by a cry for " cheap
bread," a large accession of strength to their ranks would be
the result ! If there were no other reason for their dismissal,
the utter ignorance which the wings have thus evinced of the
true character and wishes of the people of England would, of
itself, be sufficient. It must be manifest to every one, that
such ignorance proves incompetence. I well knew that they
would he disappointed ; but when I said so, they only abused
and traduced me, and exulted in my imprisonment. They
have now paid the penalty of their ignorance, incompetence,
and brutality.
" But, Sir, if it be true—as I greatly fear it is—that the
leader of the tory party is ignorant of the wants, the condi-
tion of the prejudices of the working classes of England, it will
be impossible that he can adopt measures calculated to meet
the national emergency. in that case, he will fail in his
efforts (as the whigs have done in theirs) to set right the
machine of state.
" I am not about to dispute the great talents of Sir Robert
Peel. That he is a scholar, a most able debater, and a man
well versed in all the technicality and machinery of the House
of Commons, I am ready to admit. He may be a good
financier, and an adept at diplomacy—nay, more, if he be,
in addition to all these acquirements, a sincere patriot, still,
if he mistakes the character of the working people—if he be
in ignorance of their condition, their wants, their hopes,
and their prejudices—if he thinks that they are irreligi-
ous, revolutionary, idle, and turbulent, when they are re-
ligious, loyal, industrious, and peaceable—if his opinion be,
that they are the enemies of the institutions of the country,
and dissatisfied with the principles of the constitution, when.
in fact, they are the strongest bulwarks of both—if, I say,
Sir Robert Peel should thus mistake, as the whigs have done,
the true character of the working people of England. why
then, sir, all is learning, talent, ability, official and parlia-
mentary experience, will be of no use either to him, his
party, or his country. He may, for a few years, blunder on
in Egyptian darkness, as his predecessors have done, but he
will inevitably secure to himself, with them, execration, con-
tempt, and defeat !
" I have studied the working people in their homes
—in their factories ; nay, I have followed them in
their wanderings, to the hospitals, infirmaries, alehouses,
workhouses, and prisons. I have marked their miseries and
their poverty—poverty, neglect, and want, in a christian
country, which is the reward of excessive industry !—and I
have been astonished at their patience and forbearance, un-
der oppression which would even drive some wise men mad !
" I can bear testimony to their affection for their wives
and children—their kind regard, and manly, fearless sacri-
fices for their neighbours, who are in greater want than them-
selves—their devoted attachment to those who rank higher
than they do, and who show them any kindness—their con-
siderate and touching benevolence to such, when reduced to
poverty—their regard and affection to their employers who
are just, and kind, and sympathising—and their forbearance
towards those who most cruelly oppress and shamefully de-
fraud them—their love of their native spot, ' the place where
they drew their first breath, and where they hope to draw
their last'—their attachment to the church round which the
ashes of their fathers slumber—mad, where the clergyman is
found at his post a faithful watchman of Israel, their devo-
tion and reverence towards him. In a word, their love of
peace and order—their dislike of confusion and change—
their fondness for old local habits, and their enmity to all in-
novations. Their attachment to the soil and rural pleasures,
are manifest even in their cellars and garrets ; there you
often find birds and plants—nay, even in the factories I have
seen flower pots containing valuable plants and splendid spe-
cimens of cucumbers !
" Such, sir, are amongst the ruling virtues of the working
classes of England, who are, in fact, as a body, a religious,
affectionate, honest, industrious, patriotic, and loyal race !
" ' But,' say their enemies, they are ignorant ! ' Indeed !
Is Bible knowledge ignorance ? Is the knowledge of the hu-
man heart ignorance ?—Sir, the men who charge the working
classes of England with ignorance, never mixed with them—
never knew them. If they had done so, they would not prove
their own ignorance by asserting such folly.
" I once thought that the working pepple were ignorant ;
hint, sir, since then, I have sat under al* tuition, and I am
the wiser for their lessons. I would have their accusers do
the same, and in the school of the labourers and operatives
of England, to learn wisdom.
" I have told you the true character of the working milli-
ons of England. Now, how have the whigs legislated for
the virtuous arid industrious men ? and what is the result ?
" The records of parliament prove that the laws made for
their government, are laws of coercion and tyranny. The
New Poor Law is a direct attack upon their constitutional
rights. W hen they are able, the working classes pay into
the Poor Law fund ; when disabled they have as clear a right
to relief therefrom, without any degrading conditions, as you
have to your rents ! When their right is trampled upon by
the aristocracy, you must not complain, if, tit for tat,' be
attempted by the poor. The rural police, and the transmis-
sion of the metropolitan police to the provinces, are direct
attacks upon their liberty. They know that the constitution
never allows strangers to interfere with them, but that their
well-known and respected neighbours are the legal guardians
of their liberty, and the enforcers of order. The result of
such un-English legislation is, the hatred and disgust of the
people towards the government which was once most popular,
but which has now entirely lost the confidence of the people,
by so grossly outraging the constitutional feelings of the
working classes. That hatred and disgust has also exhibited
itself on the poll, in language which must be understood as
well by her majesty as by her wing ministers ; which
ipro-
claims
n a voice of thunder, that if there be no sympathy be-
tween. the working classes and the leaders of the whigs and
tones in parliament, there is sympathy between them arid the
electors of England ! Yes, sir, there is, after all, a very
large and influential portion of our merchants, manufacturers
and shopkeepers, who feel their interest is bound up with
that of the working classes, and they have now proved that
they are prepared to stand by the rights of their poorer
neighbours.
" It is a pleasing fact, and one which must have great
weight with all right-minded Conservatives in the two Houses
of Parliament, that those merchants, manufacturers, and
shopkeepers, who have thus evinced their attachment to the
rights of the working people, are that respectable and influ-
ential portion of our trading community, who have set their
faces against the destruction of the agricultural interest—
they are those who pay the best wages, and wino protest
against the monopoly of the free-traders. These good men
do not make so much noise as the leaguers, but their influ-
ence is much greater. Let the aristocracy join these power-
ful and excellent men in ameliorating the condition of the
working-classes, and the din, and fume, and fury of O'Con-
nell and his Manchester tyrant-league will be powerless in
England. The anti-corn-law-leaguers are notoriously the
hardest task-masters ; they are always foremost in lowering
wages, and in making and selling deceptive goods. If, after
the national feeling which has just been exhibited, Sir Robert
Peel should determine to continue the New Poor Law, and
the Police Laws, he will give the lie to the hustings profes-
sions of the majority of his friends, he will disappoint the
hopes of their most influential supporters, and he will, in the
end, find that the constitutional prejudices of the people are
too strong for him.
" Our forefathers were tenacious of the rights of the
labourers ; but oar modern philosophers ' (oh, how that
word is now prostituted) are everlastingly brawling about
the landed interest—the monied interest—the commercial in-
terest—the manufacturing interest, and the shipping interest;
but not one word is ever uttered in parliament about the
the labouring interest.
" The safety of the Church, the Throne, the Lords, and
of private property, rests, not in swords and bayonets, in
spies and police, but in the hearts of the people ! A con-
stitutional government may lead the people with a silken
thread, whilst a government bent upon upholding the un-
christian and unconstitutional measures of a liberal and
enlightened philosophy,' will not be able to keeps it place ;
no, sir, not even if it could make and maintain every other
man as a police-officer ! What England requires is a paternal
government, which sympathises with tine people, and is re-
solved to govern free men by free men's laws ! I heartily
pray to Almighty God that He would now give this nation
rest, by granting us such a government.
" Oh how I shall rejoice if this letter is received by the
conservative leaders in the spirit in which it is written. How
thankful shall I be, if its perusal should lead Sir Robert Peel
to appreciate the character of the working men of England !
If it should constrain him to seek for guidance from the
Spirit of the Living God.
" It England is to be saved ; if her institutions are to be
preserved, that happy consumation of my hopes, will, under
the blessing of God, be brought about by a hearty union for
mutual protection between the aristocracy and the working
people. The olive branch has now been offered by the latter,
may it be accepted in right good will by the nobles of our
land, and may they adopt such measures as will establish
their own rights and privileges by ensuring competence and
comfort to skill and industry, and thus destroy the power of
the tyrants' factory-league, and of that Irish traitor, who
may still, for what I know or care, style himself the
member for all Ireland '—except Dublin ! ! Then, sir, I
shall be happy, although, for life, I am, your prisoner,
" RICHARD OASTLE R."

VACCINATION FOIL TIIE COW-PDX.--Some doubts hav-
ing arisen whether persons availing themselves of the provi-
sions of the Vaccination Extension Act, either for them.
selves or families, became thereby liable to the disabilities
attached to a person in the receipt of parochial relief, and
disqualified from voting at parliamentary or municipal elec-
tions, an act was passed in the last session of parliament
which removes such doubts by enacting, " That the vaccina-
tion, or surgical or medical assistance incident to the vaccin-
ation of any person resident in any union or parish, or of
any of his family under the said act, shall not be considered
to be parochial relief, alms, or charitable allowance to such
person, and that no such person shall, by reason of such.
.
vaccination or assistance, be deprived
of any right or Przl
lege, or be subject to any disability or dinudificatim
what-
softer."