The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-29 00:00:00

_,~.~

to compete with them ? There is not a cooper who may not
earn 4s. or 6s. a day if he chooses to work hard, or from £2
to £3 a week, but his wages would have to be reduced to
2s. 6d. a day, or we should not be able to compete with the
continental importers. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, I must
say, that I entertain no fear whatever for the result of the
great contest in which we are about to engage. (Cheers.)
Sir, I am persuaded that there is sufficient loyalty throughout
the land, that there is sufficient anxiety to protect the reli-
gion of the land as by law established, that will enable us to
place at the helm of the state a good Protestant conservative
government. (Loud cheers, the audience rising as one man.)
And then, gentlemen, we shall be sure that peace, and pros-
perity, and happiness will once more pervade this empire;
then shall we he satisfied that a new and lively impetus will
be given to the commerce of the country : then shall we
know that this nation will once more take its stand, unrival-
led, among the nations of the world; then shall we know
that her Majesty will be surrounded by wise and faithful
counsellors, and by an administration that will likewise pro-
tect the just and legitimate rights of all her subjects. (Re-
newed cheers,) When we have a Wellington—(cheers),--a
Peel—(cheers),—a Stanley—(cheers),—a Graham—(cheers),
—a Sandon and a Cresswell—(renewed cheers),—and a Glad-
stone—(loud cheers)—in office, then may we congratulate
ourselves that the people of this great country have boldly.
firmly, and nobly done their duty. (Great cheering.)
And I, sir, will become the guarantee that the operative
conservatives of Liverpool will stand by their declara-
tions, to which they have attached their names, which is
their " fixed determination to maintain the tried and ancient
principles on which the constitution of our country is founded,
and resist all measures by which the necessary connexion be-
tween the Established Church and the State may be severed
or relaxed—by which the dignity of the Monarchy may be
impaired, or its existence endangered—by which the privileges
of the House of Lords, as an independent branch of the Le-
gislature, may be virtually annihilated, or the deliberate
powers of the Commons' House of Parliament become fet-
tered or controlled--as they are convinced that on an united
and energetic support of these authorities depend the con-
tinuance of social order. the security ofproperty, and the in-
terests of religion." Mr. Ledson concluded, amidst loud
cheers, by moving the second resolution, which declared the
unqualified approbation of the meeting of the parliamentary
conduct of Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell, and particularly
of their zealous exertions upon all occasions for the interest
of the town ; and that, therefore, the meeting would use all
constitutional means to secure their return at the approaching
election.

Mr. EDWARD HITCHCOCK seconded the resolution
which had been proposed by Mr. Ledson. He had mever,
he said, been more gratified in his life than in being selected
to second the resolution they had heard read, and which had
been so ably seconded by the worthy chairman of the Opera-
tive Conservative Society, Mr. Ledson.
Lord SAN DON then rose to address the meeting, and mat
with a most cordial reception. This, he said, was a most
gratifying sight. It was a gratifying sight to those humble
individuals who had come to render an account of their
stewardship, which they had discharged since last they were
chosen to represent this important community in parliament.
It was gratifying to their personal feelings, but still more
gratifying to those feelings which they entertained in common
with ourselves for the defence and support of the general
interests of the country, to find their constituents not dis-
satisfied with their discharge of the duties they had then
undertaken, but that they were satisfied they had been
faithful to their charge—that they had fulfilled the pledges
they had given, and that their constituents were disposed to
entrust to them for another period of time the great interests
they had so long had under their care ; but it was still more
gratifying to find that they were still as deeply attached as
ever to those great principles which had first recommended
them to their notice—to those principles of constitutional
liberty and attachment to the throne and the Church, which
were the principles which bound and knit together, like one
common thread, every class of society, however various their
interests, their affairs, and their habits of life. (Great
applause.) It was, indeed, a proud thing to see that in this part
of the country, at least, we had no reason to think that
the attempt to set up one class against another, to wage war
in the name of one class of society against another, to sow
the seeds of dissension and disorder, to raise the poor against
the rich, to raise the towns against the cities, to separate, to
disunite, to disorganise society, had in any measure been
successful in this great community. (Cheers.) It was in-
, deed gratifying to find that the cause of the land was under-
taken not by the rich, the great, the noble, nor by the
landed proprietor, but that it was defended with ability,
zeal, and knowledge of the facts by merchants, trades-
men and operatives ; to find that they were fully sensible
how close was the interest which united each—that the land
could not flourish without commerce, and that commerce
could not flourish by the destruction of the landed interest.
(Hear.) It was gratifying to find that there was in this great
town of Liverpool that warm feeling for our fellow-country-
men, which would not induce us, for the sake of some tem-
porary and fictitious advantage, to desire the destruction of
their interests, although her majesty's ministers were de-
sirous of sacrificing them for the encouragement of our
foreign trade. (Hear, and cheers.) We were not disposed
to sacrifice the interests of the landowner, the farmer,
or the labourer, or of all those trades more immediately
connected with the agricultural interests ; neither were
we desirous of sacrificing the interests of our manufac-
turers which were connected with the supply of every
comfort to the internal districts of the country in the
hope of being able to secure, though he believed only for a
short time, the advantage of a trifling degree of cheapness in
the cost of bread, purchased at the price of dependence upon
foreigners, who would be sure, as we knew by experience, to
deprive us of that advantage whenever they wished to dis-
tress us in a time of war, or tax us in time of peace.
(Cheers.) It was, indeed, gratifying to find that this cru-
sade
which her Majesty's ministers had undertaken had been
frustrated, and that it had been as Quixotic as it was mis-
chievous and iniquitous. It would, indeed, be hard to ex-
pect that men so enlightened as those whom he saw around
him, who saw the advantage to be derived from internal in-
tercourse between different parts of England, and between
England, Ireland, and Scotland, between England and her
colonies, and her East India possessions, should be inclined to
embark upon a crusade against all those great interests, in
the hope of securing a very uncertain, and increasingly de-
pendent foreign trade. (Cheers.) We here, who sat at the
door as it were of Ireland, and were interested or profited by
the intircourse with Ireland, felt for the interests of the
sfster country if we had no feelings for England, at least
we should be anxious to do justice to Ireland, and not over-
turn the great staple of her employment. (Hear.) There
was no material manufacture in Ireland but the manufacture
of the productions of the soil. Our reports of corn from Ire-
land had increased from the value of £3,000 a year at the
period of the union to the value of nearly four millions;
there was an immense milling interest there exporting
near!), two millions of hundred weights of flour annually, and
we must not forget that we daily saw parading through our
streets cattle, sheep, and pigs, butter, flax, and tow, whieh
were feeding the populous districts around, and for which
was borne back a source of wealth to that unhappily dis-
turbed, but, he believed, still improving country. We should
not, he was sure, be inclined to disturb the great interests of
that country, which were now drawing about twelve millions
a-year from the advantageous markets which they found in
England and Scotland. (Hear.) When people talked of
" justice to Ireland," they forgot these things. They forgot
that the first want of the people of Ireland was bread and
food ; and if they were deprived of this great market, by
which alone their industry was encouraged, a population pour
already, but still improving in condition, would be reduced
to the most abject beggary. Then what would be the result?
Unsettled she was now, though improving in condition,
but what would be the result then ? Increased disturbance
from disaffection and poverty at home, and a still greater in-
pouring of hordes of wretched and impoverished Irish, to fill
our manufacturing and commercial towns, draining and
swamping the labour of our own people. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore, in justice to ourselves as well as to Ireland, we
were not inclined to embark in this crusade of her Majesty's

ministers against the productions of British and Irish industry.
These were things which apparently the gentleman who pro-
fessed to be the representative of all Ireland never thought
of. (Hear.) He always was talking of " justice to Ireland,"
but he (Lord Sandon) taxed his memory in vain, since he
had had a seat in parliament, for one single practical measure
for the advantage of his fellow-countrymen which he had
even introduced. (Hear, hear, hear.) He had talked much
about their rights and their wrongs, he had endeavoured to
excite the hostile feelings of the peope against those whom
he called " the Saxon," and he had endeavoured to make it
impossible that any English capital should go there, and an
Irish gentleman feared to reside upon his own estate—yet he
talked of " justice to Ireland," although he had done every-
thing in his power to retard and impede the progress of its
power. (Hear.) The noble lord then referred to the state.
ment that, under the existing system of the corn laws, the
trade of the country had dwindled. He denied the asser-
tion, and proved from statistical documents, that from 1833
to 1839, the tonnage of shipping had increased no less
than 14,000,000 tons ; that in 1832 the official value
of our exported manufactures was sixty-five millions,
but that in 1839 the official value had reached ninety-
six millions ; that in 1832 the real value of our ex-
ports was thirty-six millions, whilst the real value in 1839
was fifty-two millions. as this evidence of a declining
trade ? Was this such a destruction of our commercial and
manufacturing interest as to make it necessary to try a most
fearful and ruinous experiment upon our other interests ?
(Cheers.) The noble lord, after observing that he and Mr.
Cresswell had received the utmost courtesy from the electors
who opposed them, referred to the connection of cheap
bread with low wages, and again demonstrated that one ine-
vitably produced the other. After some powerful observations,
for which we regret we have not space, upon the course
taken by the manufacturers in the present agitation, and
a vivid contrast between the condition of their workpeople
and that of the agricultural labourers, with respect to the
care taken of them by their employers, the noble lord de-
scribed the constitutional use which the ministers were
making of the name of the sovereign to further the agitation
now goiag on, and the course which the conservatives had
often been compelled to take during the parliament just
ended, in defending the roini.tei hum their own friends.
(Hear.) He next referred to his own conduct in "the
house, and said, that though more ability might have
shewn in the service of the constituency he could not accuse
himself of any want of a desire to offer them his best exertions.
He hoped, in conclusion, that to-morrow we should form a
magnificent and orderly procession, abstaining from any
outward demonstrations which might irritate those who dif-
fered from us. But beyond the procession to-morrow, he
called upon them to be early at the poll on Wednesday, so
that we might take the lead from the beginning, and keep it.
The noble lord then thanked the meeting for their attendance,
and retired amidst loud cheers.
Mr. CRESSWELL then rose, and the cheering was renewed.
If he had come to the present, their last assembly being
their appearance on the hustings, and had found a diminu-
tion of the numbers or of the warmth of feeling which
had greeted them on the Monday preceding, he might
have considered that their adversaries were boasting
with something like truth upon their side, and that
tkey felt strong and confident in their success. But when
he remembered that, full as their assembly was on Monday
and warm as they had found every room in which the electors
were assembled during the week, he could not but think that
the present meeting was composed of a coneregation of all
whom they had met elsewhere. It seemed as if all Liverpool
had been thrust into one house, and he assured them that he
felt for the position in which many of them were placed,
considering the small space in which they were compelled to
stand. (Hear, and cheers.) He rejoiced to see such an
assembly on the termination of the canvass; for there the
labours of their candidates should close, and the exertions
of the electors commence. [(Hear, hear.) Their enemies
had attempted to mislead they judgments, and to excite their
prejudices against different classes ; and he confessed that
he had come to the meeting on the preceding Monday, im-
pressed with much anxiety on the subject, because he knew
how difficult it was to reason with multitudes of men
labour-
ing under a rooted prejudice. He recollected the madness
that prevailed some nine or ten years since for a reform in
parliament, and he also remembered that whatever might have
been the wisdom or the prudence of such reform,ulterior
t
measures were in the hearts of those who excited the people
to the state of phrenzy which then existed and w.hi
gered the very throne itself. (Hear, hear.) At the at time
they had neither the honesty nor the courage to propound
those measures, but they had kept them
back until they
thought they had a parliament that then it was suitedthat their purpose, and
would carry their objects into effect ; and
Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham awoke from their
trance, saw to what end their colleagues were driving, and
honourably made a sacrifice of their personal feelings upon
others. (Cheers.) Then
discovering, the true principles
it was that a strong co conservative alliance
othe
allianc.e was formed, at the
head of which was an honourab e trio, composed of Sir
Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and Sir James Graham who, he
trusted, would shortly rule the destinies of England.' (Loud
cheers.) When be recollected the delusion which bad ex-

ii

isted at the time of the reform bill being mooted, he began
to fear lest the delusions which ministers were spreading
before the people would not be discovered. And on what
ground did they rest them ? or why did they attempt them?
Simply because they regained strength and were unable to
carry on the government as it was unless by sacrificing the
great interests of the country. (Hear, and cheering.) At
the solicitations of the mill-owner; they stated that their
manufacturing brethren were starving, ;and that the trade of
the country was paralysed ; but his (Mr. Cresswell's) noble
colleague had placed before the meeting a few figures which
showed how these matters really stood. It appeared per-
fectly manifest that the manufacturers Lad glutted all the
markets of Europe, and that for some years to come they
could not expect the state of things to be changed, and the
cause of all this seemed to be that several entered in to trade
some time since, seeing the profits of the manufacturer
to be so enormous, by which these markets became over-
stocked. And these were the very men who now cried
out for the destruction of the agricultural interest, with
a view to their own benefit. (Hear, hear, hear.) They
called the landowner a " bloodsucker," and a " vampire/'
and they held him up to detestation; and why? simply be-
cause he pointed out their follies when they endeavoured to
procure the destruction of his interest for their own advance-
ment. (Great and protracted cheering.) He (Mr. C.) begged
to ask those who used hard names, whether it was ever ne-
cessary to pass a statute with a view to keep the landowner
in order? (Hear.) He also begged to ask whether it had
ever been necessary to appoint inspectors to look after agri-
cultural labourers, or to prevent children from being marked
by landowners for more than twelve hours a day? (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) No; it never was ; but such had
been the case as it respected the manufacturers. Where, then,
was the boasted humanity of the latter, or where their
regard for the poor, who had to be protected, not by the ma-
nufacturers, but by paid inspectors appointed for the purpose.
But they wanted, forsooth, to introduce foreign corn and
cheap black bread into England, in order to benefit, as they
called it, the community, in which case, foreign governments,
as the Prussian government had done, might impose a tax on
grain ; or the people of foreign countries, as the inhabitants
of Bordeaux had done lately, might rise up and tumultuously
prevent, for fear of causing a famine among themselves, a
shipment of flour to England. And here he begged to draw
the attention of the meeting to a proclamation which had
been issued by the King of Naples, in the December of 1838,
of which the following is a translation : .
" Naples, Ist December, 1838.
"'Having perused with much attention the reports made
to us by the ministers of the borne department, regarding
the short crops of grain and pulse in our kingdom of the
Two Sicilies, and likewise the report respecting the export
that has already taken place and is still in progress, which
may be followed by serious evils to the public subsistence.
" Having further observed the high prices paying for all
sorts of grain, we haie by the advices of our secretary of
state for the home department, and the ordinary council of
state, resolved to issue the following degree, viz.,
" I. The export of all kinds of grain and pulse is hereby
suspended, in consequence of our royal determination from
all our royal dominions, from the date of the present decree.
" 11. Our secretaries of state for the home department and
finance, each according to the virtue of his office, is to see
that this decree is immediately enforced.
(Signed,)
" Palermo, 27th November,lB3B.
Why should not any other foreign king, he should like to
know, issue a decree similar to this, and in times of peace
too? (Hear, hear.) And if such decrees should happen
to be issued, with our lands out of cultivation, and the peo-
ple without food, then would it be for the millowner to
talk of his love for the people, and then would it be
for the inspectors to protect the poor, not merely from being
overworked, but from the famine also. He (Mr. Cresswell)
had lately told the electors, that if the landed interest was
destroyed, the founded interests of the country would not
long survive ; that if the value of the land was lowered, if
the mortgagee could not obtain his interests, and that
the poor-rates, the highway-rates, the church-rates, and
the tithes remained unpaid, that neither could the interest
on the national debt be discharged, and that an attack
would be made on the creditors of the nation. He little
thought at the time that his words would so soon be verified.
The attack kad commenced already ; it might startle, but it
was, nevertheless, a truth, that the cry of " Down with the
national debt," had been raised at the present election. He
had read that very day in the newspapers a copy of a placard
which had appeared at Bath, to excite the people in favour
of certain candidates, in which the following words ap-
peared :—" Cancel the national debt, and free trade, cheap
bread, and plenty will be the result." (Hear, hear.) And
it went on to call upon the people to establish anti-national
debt leagues in every town. What did the meeting think of this
state of things ? The money placed in the savings banks, and
which had been collected from various parties—he hoped
from thousands of those whom he had the honour to ad-
dress—had been placed to the amount of millions in the
funds, and constituted part of that national debt, which
the advocates of cheap corn were desirous of expunging.
(Hear and cheering.) The working classes and the trades-
men were, therefore, to go, and the gentry, who were the
home consumers of our manufactures, were also to be
swept away ! Could the party have devised a more attroci-
ous scheme for reducing the country to an absolute state
of ruin than this of abolishing the national debt. It had
been the first scheme of those who caused the revolution in
France, the effects of which t tat country had never yet
recovered ; and the fact showed that he (Mr. C.) was
fully justified in having predicted such an event as the
consequence of the measures produced, because even already
it had been nropounded as the natural concomitant of
them. (Long continued cheers.) Why, if they were to
abolish the national debt they ought to abolish debts alto-
gether and say that there should be no debts throughout the
land. Why should they not have an universal destruction of
all ledger accounts? (Hear.) Why not have cheap bread
and cheap goods of all kinds, and no payment for them ?
(Applause, and great laughter.) Why not have all their
fountains flowing with wine, and the compass of their streets
running with beer, and no payment? (Hear,:and laughter.)
Who would be so base as to pay ? The nation doesn't ; why
then should the public ? Why talk of a national debt or of a
national church ? Down with the national debt I Down with
the church! Down with the poor rates 1 Down with taxes !
Down with titles I Such should be the cry of the party.
Such might be, and such would be, the effect of the abolition
of the national debt, for then anarchy, misery, and de-
gradation, lower than that which had visited any nation,
would befal the country. (Applause.) After an energetic
Peroration, in the course of which the learned gentleman in-
culcated the necessity of preserving peace and good order
during the election, Mr. Cresswell resumed his seat amidst
thunders of applause.
A vote of thanks was then presented to Mr. Smith, for
his conduct in the chair, and the vast assembly dispersed.

" FERDINAND°.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LONDON TIMES.

Sir,—The approaching dissolution of parliament, remind-
ing electors, as it does, of their privilege in possessing the
franchise, calls on them also to exercise it conscientiously.
To those who acknowledge it a duty to do so I address
myself, in the hope of inducing them to agree on some terms
of union among themselves, and on some stipulations with
candidates for their votes which shall regard the good of their
country rather than the support of party.
It is, I assume, a point on which, in the abstract, there
will be no difference of opinion among us, that what the
Holy Spirit spake to David is applicable now as formerly—
namely, that " he who ruled' over men must be just, ruling
in the fear of God ;" and that the rule by which Jethro
advised Moses to be guided in his selection of members of
a legislative body is that by which every sensible man should,
as far as possible, be actuated at the present day—that is to
say, he should " provide out of all the people able men, such
as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness."
Do you think that the members of the present House of
Commons would ever have obtained a seat there if their con-
stituents generally had regarded this rule ? Do you not
think that if you had done so, many worthier men would
have been found in it ? Are you everywhere so few as to
have no influence ? Have you ever really tried to exercise
it ? Is it an obsolete or an unchangeable truth, "Tim that
honour me I will honour? and they that despise me shall be
lightly esteemed?" Or is it inapplicable to politics? What
are politics but the application of moral principles to ques-
tions affecting large sections of mankind? And if so, when
the moral system of legislators is unsound, their measures
must be unwise, and their country, to a great extent, un-
happy. Now, though this unhappiness may be traceable
immediately to their misgovernment, is it not ultimately to
your unfaithfulness in choosing them to govern? God's
glory having been disregarded in your choice of legislators,
God's blessing has been withheld from the policy of the un-
godly objects of your choice. You may say you have peti-
tioned from time to time for what is right, but have seen
your petitions as so much waste paper, and deservedly.
Your representatives may read your wishes in your petitions,
but they learn your resolutions from your votes. Comparing
them together, they justly infer, that measures are less im-
portant to you than men, and act accordingly.
You assume that you cannot find such men as you would
wish to see in parliament ; or that it would be hopeless to
bring them forward as candidates if you could find them.
Without stopping to inquire how far your assumption is
correct, you cannot deny that you may, if you please, annex
conditions to your votes, and agree among yourselves what
those conditions shall be. Let me not hear in reply that the
system of pledges is bad, and that our reprenstatives ought
to be perfectly free to exercise their judgment as they think
fit. I rejoin, that a pledge to follow a certain leader (which
is freely asked, and freely given) or to vote according to
instructions from constituents, from time to time, is bad :
but a pledge that not merely principles, but measures which
you clearly see to be required by the state of society, shall be
advocated by those who are to represent you, is reasonable
and constitutional. To make a man pledge himself to the
maintenance of your unexpressed opinions, or to the advocacy
of undefined measures, is indeed to make him a delegate ;
but to require his support of those which are avowed is in-
volved in the very idea of a representative. And not to do
so, is to violate a trust to please an individual or support a

party.
I ask, then, fora union which " glory to God, and

gc.
will to men," shall be the basis ; and certain measures (to be
agreed on) the immediate object. Neither principles nor
propositions separately will do. Principles alone will be too
abstract, propositions too unconnected, to ensure extensive
co-operation or practical good. We have the former already
in the Christian Influence Society ; the latter in detached
portions in various associations of men. But these, from
their disjunction, are feebly supported; and those, from their
apparent vagueness, unpopular; and so, little is done for
either. Their respective supporters are beaten in detail by
the common antagonists of all. But if they who profess to
be actuated by the principles above mentioned would cordially
support every measure fairly deducible from either, while
some might lead in one thing, others in another, the success
of this unity of purpose and effort might be as striking as
the failure of insulated efforts now is.
Inferring present duty from the application of principles to
circumstances, I should say that religion requires the recog-
nition of God's will by the state, and, therefore requires also
church extension, and church efficiency too.; scriptural edu-
cation, the honour of the Lord's day, and the abandonment
of all legislative connexion with idolatry, both at home and
abroad.
Patriotism requires that men should be ipso facto disqua-
lified for a seat in the legislature, who will not deny the vali-
dity of declarations and decrees which authorise the persecu-
tion of heretics, and mental reservation in taking an oath.
It is not enough that they profess their abjuration of such
doctrines ; they must formally deny the authority of official
documents which propound them. The insufficiency of the
general disclaimer, and the necessity of a formal denial of
authoritative decrees are unanswerably proved by O'Connell's
declaration on Mr. Colquhonn's motion. " I abhor the in-
tolerant and perfidious maxims imputed to us. I believe all
that is taught at Maynooth." Now, it is well known that
the persecution of heretics, and the invalidity of oaths con-
trary to the interest of the Romish church, are taught there.
Humanity requires that, in legislating for the poor, they
should be cherished as brethren, not cast off as an incum-
brance ; and therefore that they should not be allowed to be
immolated to avarice, as they now are under our workhouse
and factory systems ; that oppression should be prevented or
punished in our colonies. and that worst form of it, slavery,
energetically thwarted wherever our influence can be exerted
for its depression.
Though, for distinctness sake,t
I have placed these mea-
sures under different heads,is plain that the "glory of
God and good will to men"l concur in requiring them all.
What, then, can be. more unseemly than the union of com-
passlion for children in factories with oppression of the poor
in workhouses ; or, conversely, ardour in behalf of the poor,
with insensibility to the misery inflicted by the avaricious
head of a factory or tyrannical possessor of slaves? Or
what more offensive to the Most High than countenancing-
idolatry to propitiate isolators, discountenancing religion to

fyk
"1 • -
, • •
• , • ; •.;
.44
" • "
N

please the covetous, or voting the public funds indifferently
for the propagation of truth and error? The result of this
preference of policy to principle is, first, a blight on it from
God, and then disappointment and discredit before men,
disunion in council, and irresolution in action; place eluding
one's grasp, near in prospect, but far front possession.
I would just remark, that if some of us are right in infer-
ring from certain " obscure passages in Revelation" (as they
are called by Mr. Ward, M.P., who deprecates in applica-
tion to " our miserable politics," intimations which he would
indeed prize if they did but originate :n human sagacity in-
stead of Divine foresight), that lawlessness, with all its at-
tendant evils, is lowering over Christendom, it is peculiarly
the duty of a Christian patriot to bring his religion to bear
on his politics ; that, whatever may befall society, he may Jit
least have the consolation of reflecting that he has neither
given just cause of discontent to his fellow-men, nor pro-
voked God to leave him undirected or unsupported in the
time of trial. If, thee, principle be any thing more than a
mere term with you, do refuse your suffrages to the as-
serters of privilege above law, to the advocates of the inter-
ests of the sick before the rights of the poor, and to those
who, excluding religion from politics, are careless whether
they honour God or not, provided they strengthen their
party. And do unite in each constituency, and agree on cer-
tain measures—measures as well as principles—the advocacy
of which shall be indispensable conditions of electoral sup-
port. If you cannot get all you would, you will get a good
deal if you speak clearly and stand firm. Candidates may
affect the magnanimous, and eschew pledges. I suspect,
however, that they will descend from their loftiness, and give
a few, if they can obtain a considerable increase of votes by
doing so. And then we may have the happiness of better
legislation than we have had lately, if not of better legisla-
tors.—l am, sir, your obedient servant,
Portsea, June 3. EDMUND DEWDNEY.

THEATRE-ROYAL.—Last night the performances were
under the patronage of Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell. The
house was brilliantly and fashionably attended—a strong
contrast with the bare benches of Friday night, under the
distinguished countenance of Sir Joshua Walmsley. The
members were loudly cheered on entering and leaving the
house. In "As You Like It," Mr. George Vandenhoff
played Orlando very cleverly ; Mr. Vandenhoff Jacques, and
Miss Vandenhoff Rosalind. The performances went off ex-
tremely well.
NEWS FROM AMERICA.—The packet-ship George Wash-
ington, which left New York on the 7th inst., arrived here
on Sunday evening. A correspondence bad taken place be-
tween the British minister and the secretary of state for the
United States. The former gentleman demands the imme-
diate liberation of 111`Leod, but the secretary proceeds in
reply to state at great length the reasons which bad influ-
enced the President in refusing to comply with it. The news
from England, taken out by the Acadia, which arrived at
Boston on the 3d inst., produced an unfavourable effect on
the New York market.

ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION OF LORD SANDON AND
MR. CRESSWELL ON THE CORN EXCHANGE.-011 Friday
our excellent and distinguished candidates proceeded to the
Corn Exchange, accompanied by Sir Thomas Brancker,
where they were greeted with the enthusiastic applause of the
assembled body of the merchants of the port, in a manner
so hearty as to prove to the most fastidious observer that
their late votes and proceedings in the House of Commons
had met with the warmest approbation of their enlightened
constituency. His lordship and Mr. Cresswell acknowledged
the compliment paid them in the most respectful and heart-
felt manner. The cheering continued during the whole time
that they remained in the Exchange conversing with their
friends and acquaintances, and was redoubled with energy
and animation as they proceeded through the spacious struc-
ture.

THE ELECTIONS FOR LANCASHIRE.—The writ arrived in
this town on Friday night, and was immediately read, and
the nomination fixed for this morning, and the polling for
to-morrow. The elections for the various boroughs in this
county would, in all probability, have taken place a day ear-
lier, but Sir George Grey having, early last week, been ap-
pointed to the Chancellorship of the Duchy, in the place of
the Earl of Clarendon, appointed Lord Privy Seal, the seal
of the office, which is deposited with the clerks of the crown,
in Preston, had to be sent to London, for the formal confer-
ment of the office on the new Chancellor. When, therefore,
the writs reached Preston, on Thursday morning, the seal
was not at hand ; and it was only returned on Friday morn-
ing, about eleven o(clock. No time was, of course, lost in
affixing the seal, and issuing the writs immediately.
TESTIMONIAL OF ESTEEM.—On Tuesday last, about 30
gentlemen sat down to a sumptuous and elegant dinner,
given by Mr. Singleton Cooper, on his taking leave of his
friends previously to his retirement from business, on which
occasion a handsome service of plate, consisting of tea-pot,
sugar-basin, and cream-jug, was presented'to him, as a tes-
timonial of respect and esteem for the manner in which he
has conducted himself as a gentleman and as an honest and
straightforward man of business ; also, a handsome bible
and prayer-book, as a further testimony of his painstaking
advocacy for the spread of sound and genuine Protestant
principles. Many neat and appropriate speeches were de-
livered in the course of the evening; and se earnest and co-
gent was the reasoning of most of them, that one gentleman,
who had hitherto been in the ranks of the radical party,
manfully avowed the recantation of his principles, and stated
that he would henceforward become a conservative of a de-
cided character.
LAST GLIMPSE OF TIII PRESIDENT.—The packet-ship
Orpheus, Captain Cole, which sailed hence on the 11th of
March, in company with the ill-fated President, arrived yes-
terday from Liverpool. Captain Cole had the last glimpse of
the steamer on the morning of the 12th of March, the day
before the most terrific gale that ever blew on our coast.
Nothing has been heard or seen of her since that morning,
unless the wreck seen by Captain Bowman was her. Many
and many a person will remember that dreadful gale which
raged, for two days, the 13th and I4th of March, strewing the
broad Atlantic for miles with spars, masts, hulls, and wrecks,
of all kinds. Captain Cole said he never experienced such
another. So strong did the wind blow that it took the sails
furled tightly on the yards of the Oxford completely off, and
tore them into rags. And Captain Comstock, of the steamer
Massachusetts, who was in Long Island Sound on the first
night, reports that he never passed through such a night.
That he and all his passengers were saved was a miracle.
Several of the passengers say that they are indebted to the
skill and coolness of the captain for their lives. We give
these facts to show the severity of the gale the President, with
her heavy, bulky machinery, had to encounter when only two
days out.—New York Paper, June 1.

The population of Preston is now 51,000.
FATALITY OF THEATRES.—Drury-lane was built in 1662,
destroyed by fire in 1672, rebuilt in 1674. and burned down
three years after. It was again burned down in 1809. Co-
vent-Garden Theatre was built in 1783, and destroyed by
fire in 1808. 11er Majesty's Theatre opened in 1704, and
was burned down in 1789. Pantheon, Oxford-street, built
in 1772, burned down in 1784, and eight years afterwards
was again destroyed by fire. Surrey Theatre destroyed in
1805. Royalty Theatre burned down in 1819. English
Opera-house destroyed by fire in 1830.
NEWSPAPER ADVERTISING.—The power of the journalist
is immense. Experience enables us to assert confidently,
that twenty thousand addresses, printed separately, and cir-
culated with the utmost energetic diligence, would not pro-
duce the effect of one advertisement.—New Monthly Ma-
gazine.
- -

A magnificent building has recently been erected at South
Shields, which is to be consecrated for the performance of
religious service, according to the rites of the Roman Catho-
lic church. Three hundred years have elapsed since the abo-
minable delusions of Popery were advocated in this town ;
and the attempt to erect a Catholic church would have sig-
nally failed in this instance, had not the subscriptions been
vastly increased by the misplaced liberality of several wealthy
Protestant gentlemen.
-

Paris, it is hinted in high quarters, is soon again to become
the scene of festivity, in consequence of the marriage of a
member of the royal family. The exalted personage alluded
to is not the Prince de Joinville with a Princess of Holland,
but the Princess Clementine with the brother of Prince
Albert, consort of the Queen of England. The King and
Queen of the Belgians are to grace the nuptials with their
presence. Their Majesties are expected in Paris in about a
month hence, and preparations are already commenced for
their reception at the Tuileries.
Mr. George Stone, of Taunton, solicitor, retired to rest a
few nights ago, but could not sleep, through indisposition.
He therefore occupied himself in reading a newspaper until
two in the morning. when he extinguished his light, and
soon heard a cough in his room. This alarmed him, and he
continued to lie awake for some time. At length, however,
he fell asleep, but was roused in about ten minutes after, by
hearing the newspaper rustle. He sprang up, and perceived
a man creeping from under the bed, who eluded his grasp,
and succeeded in getting clear off. It would seem that the
fellow had secreted himself for some villanous purpose, and
when he found the day breaking, thought it necessary to
make a bold escape.
EXTRAORDINARY INGENLITY.—We noticed in a para-
graph under this bead, a short time since, a very clever little
piece of mechanism—a model steam-engine, then to be seeu
in a shopwindow opposite the Eastern Institution, Commer-
cial-road East. Stimulated by the approbation bestowed on
him by several eminent practical engineers, who examined
his first model, the inventor (a watch-maker) has attempted,
and indeed succeeded in producing an engine of much smaller
dimensions than the one previously noticed : and is the same
window may now be seen one of the most extraordinary pro-
ductions of modern times, vix., • working model steam-
engine, the weight of which, including engine, boiler, safety-
valves, fly-wheel, stop-cocks, feed-pipes, and all the other
et cetera:, does not exceed three pennyweights. The cylinder
is less than the 16th of an inch in diameter, and it has been
calculated that the fly wheel makes upwards of 500 revolutions
in a minute.

MURDER AND RETRIBUTION.—A soldier of the army in.
Algiers, named Jugla, having in one of last year's expedi-
tions received a wound which rendered amputation of his left
arm unavoidable, was when recovered discharged from ser-
vice with a pension of 360 francs. He returned to Paris, his
native city, and was received by a maiden aunt, named Guery,
living on the Quai de Bethune, who, though her earnings
were not more than enough for her subsistence, gave him
board and lodging. Jugla, instead of endeavouring to con-
tribute towards their joint support, became dissolute, and
gave his hostess repeated cause of complaint by coming home
intoxicated. On Monday night he was in a worse state than
ever, and used coarse language towards his benefactress, who,
though late, was still working for his maintenance. She re-
commended him to go to bed, but as he persevered in his un-
grateful conduct she was provoked to say she would no longer
converse with a drunkard. This reproach so exasperated
Jugla that he drew a knife, stabbed her in the side, and was
preparing to repeat the stroke, when she escaped, ran down
into the porter's lodge,.and there fainted. A surgeon was
called, who dressed her wound, and she is likely to recover.
The nephew, brought partially to his senses by the struggle-
and the outcry raised against him, and struck with remorse.
threw himself from the window in the fourth story, and would
have come headlong to the pavement, had not his fall been
shortened by a balcony on the first floor, the rails of which
he broke, but as he rolled inwards he lay between them and
the window. The inhabitants of the apartment were out of
town, and had not left the key. Jugla, therefore, remained
on the balcony till a ladder was brought, when he was taken
down and carried to the Hotel Dieu, where he expired in a
few minutes.—Galignani'r Messenger.

BIRKENHEAD AND CHESTER RAILWAY.

(FROM GRANGE-LANE STATION, BIRKENHEAD•)

MORNING.
10 minutes before 8-20 minutes past 9-20 minutes past 10,
in time for the Crew Train.

AFTERNOON.
10 minutes before 1-10 minutes before 3-20 minutes past 4
20 minutes past 6-13 minutes past 7, (Mail Train, first-class only,
and will not stop on the road)-20 minutes past 8,
(FROM BROOK-STREET STATION, CHESTER.)

•
MORNING.
Half-past 5 Mail Train, and will not stop on the Road—Half-past
7, half-past 9, and half-past 10.
AFTSRNOON.
Half-past 12 o'clock—half-Past 2—half-past 4—half-past 6--half.
past 8.
The Steam-packet will leave the George's Pier, Liverpool, at half.
past 7,9, and 10 o'clock in the mornin
clg ;
ock i and
the half-past 12 and
half-past 2,4, 6, 20 minutes to 7, and 8 o'n Evening.
rt—
IRbsesfs sox l
, will n
CHESTER 2 :0 asmitnoi
p,n uot n
First st
hpeas
Class, and will not
oasd.-13 minutes
t
SUNDAY TRAINS.—FROM BIRKENHEAD.
Morning, 20 minutes past 8-10 minutes to 10.
past 7. snail train'.
'
Aftern°°n. 1° IniPiursttepslCa. a
Morning, 30 minutes
stop on the road-9 o'clock.
Afternoon, Half-past 1,5, and H.
George's Pier, Liverpool, at eight
weTlohcckS.taeanmd
hPaifac.kpaetswt
o'e
,elock
in the morning, and halftime
one, and five o'clock in the afternoon.