The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-12-31 00:00:00

REPRESENTATION OF DUBLIN

(From the Dublin Evening Mail of December 29.)
Some of our liberal contemporaries are talking of starting
Lord Morpeth for the representation vacant by the demise of
the late lamented Mr. West. We consider this as mere va-
pouring. In the first place, Lord Morpeth is in America,
and cannot be consulted upon the subject. In the nest place,
therc is no reason to suppose—certainly there is .no one au-
thorised to state such to be the case—that his Lordship has
changed the determination so solemnly announced by him on
the 10th day of July last, at the close of the election for the.
West Riding of Yorkshire, when he declared " that, for the
present, he could not bring himself to any other determina-
tion, that his feelings would not allow him to accept of any.
other constituency. '
We think this should be a sufficient answer to any officious
person who might put Lord Morpeth in nomination without
his consent; aod would certainly, be an effectual estopel to
any demands' xnade for the expenses attendant upon an un-
successful electioo. ju fact, if the government be disposed
to do its duty to itself and towards the conservative party—.
to exercise with energy and effect the legitimate influence it
possessesto evince by " deeds," not " words," its fixed
determination to protect and sustain its friends, . and not to
promote and advance its enemies.: -iii fine, to re-establish, in
the minds of the middle orders (by the way, the most useful
and honest class of electors) that confidence which—under
malign advice, 'end upon a principle of ruinous expediency—
has been nearly destroyed by bad appointments, and other
acts of the executive, not too nicely to be scanned at present
if, we say, a manifestation of the description be made—but
we are bound in candour to state, not otherwiSe—a Radical,
a Whig, or a Liberal would not have the shadow,of a chance
at the hustings ' • and the city would, in our opinion; be car-
ried triumphantly, and without a contest.
While upon this subject we may as well correct two fla-
grant errors into which Mr. O'Connell, in his capacity of
Lord Mayor, fell in his speeph at the repeal meeting_held
yesterday. He declared "he would not take any part in thp
ensuing election, because he had the honour of being return-
ing officer, the new act having vested the office in the Lord
Mayor, and not in the Sheriff ;" and lie further announced
his readiness " to resign his office of Lord Mayor, if the
citizens should call upon him to do so, and then he could
appear amongst them as a political partisan."
The latter portion of this, as we take it, refers to his ap-
pearing in the capacity of a candidate.
Now, we beg to apprise his lordship—first, that the Copo-
rate Reform Act does not constitute the Loid Mayor of Dub-
lin the returning officer to a writ of election—the High Sheriff
being still the person to whom the writ is directed ; and se-
condly, Mr. O'Connell is in a position that legally incapaci-
tates him from being elected—or, we believe, put in nomi-
nation.

VALVE OF BRITISH TROOPS.—After a cosiderable parley
the Emir thus gave his decision—" If you will get the general
to send me 3,000 Turkish troops in addition to my own, apd
twenty pieces of cannon, 1 will make the attack ; but,"
he continued, "if you can get the commodore with 1,000 of
his ship-soldiers, I would like it better."—Hunter's Expe-
dition to Syria.

DEATH oy MONEY MOSES.—This notorious character.
who, it will be recollected, was concerned, in the gold-dust
robbery, and was sentenced to transportation, died at Hobart
Town, in the month of June last. His family mourned ac-
cording to the most approved form of the Jewish religion.
His wife and two daughters were in the colony at the time
of Money's arrival. He was placed on the public works,
and became a turnkey. His death is attributed to a white
swelling on his knee, which rendered amputation necessary,
under which he sunk.
THE ESCAPE OF RAPALLO.—Ve understand that this
individual was originally under the impression that after his
release from Newgate no other steps could be taken against
him with regard to the forged exchequer-bills. Having,
however, some doubt of his security from the risk of further
molestation, and feeling desirous to be upon the safe side, he
hastened, on the very evening of his discharge, to the private
residence of a certain eminent counsel ; and, after a consulta-
tion, he lost no time in getting on board a Boulogne steam-
boat. Had he been tried and acquitted he could not, of
course, have been again indicted for the same offence ; but
as the proceedings went no further than an examination be-
fore the police magistrates, the opportunity of clearing his
character (if he can) by a trial at the Old Bailey is still open
to him, should he feel disposed to return to take advantage
of it:--7.Evenino paper.

Tge qßCASSlANS.—lntelligence has been received at
Constantinople, by way of Trebizond, of a victory gained by
the Cireassians over the Russians ; the most signal and deci-
siye, it is said, that has openrred since the beginning of the
war. A large expedition, consisting of thirty thousand men
bad been disembarked on the coast, with a view of destroying
the grain, which had been collected by the Circassians after
the harvest, when a stotm having suddenly arisen drove the
ships from their anchorage; the Circassians availing them-
selves of the opportunity assailed them fiercely on every side,
and the Russians, separated from their stores, which had been
carried out to sea, were compelled to commence a disastrous
retreat through a country consisting entirely of mountain,
forest, and defile. With the exception of two thousand who
escaped to Anapa, the whole of the thirty thousand were killed
or made prisoners ; such are the accounts received from Tre-
bizond. Further details of this tremendous disaster of the
Russians are eagerly expected here.—Mprning Post.
THE LATE EARL OF WESTMORLAND.—A curious in-
stance of Lord Westmorlands presence of mind is on record.
His lordship was twice married, and his first union was a
runaway match. He had paid his addresses to the only
daughter of the rich banker of Temple-bar, Mr. Child. This
gentleman being averse to the marriage, the suitor, possessing
the lady's affections, determined to run away with his bride.
In consequence, a postchaise and four, un beau matin, car-
ried away the confident pair ; but the affair having reached
the papa's ears, another pair of postiliOns and two pair of
fleet horses were soon in request. Stimulated by the lavish
promises of the rich banker, lost time was compensated for
by the postilions, and the gay Lothario soon had the disespoir
of beholding Mr. Child's equipage nepk and neck with his
own, In this crisis of fate, however, his presence of mind
did not forsake him, and, drawing a pistol, he shot dead one
of the leaders of the pursuing postchaise. Before the horse
could be detached from the harness and a substitute pro-
cured, it was too late to pursue the fugitives, who were
quickly married by the grimy high priest of Gretna.—Morn-
iv Herald.

FORCE or IMAGINATION,—A court fool, named Jackel,
is related to have come to a very melancholy end. He
assured the King (Frederick William) that he 'knew a certain
remedy for the gout, if he were only permitted to employ it.
The King, professed his readiness to give it a trial. Accord-
ingly, in one of his walks, the fool, coming unawares upon
his master, pushed him from a very narrow path into a deep
piece of water. The King, who thought that the joke was
carried rather too far, determined to repay it with another.
He ordered the fool to be put under arrest, and a court-
martial to be held upon him. The sentence was that' he
should be beheaded, and that the execution should take place
on the following day. Jackel was conducted, amidst solemn
preparations, to the spot where the offence was committed.
He hoped for pardon, but in vain. The executioner stood
ready. Jackel was required to kneel down ; he was blind-
folded, and his neck bared. At a sign from the King, one
of his retinue drew forth a fresh-made sausage, and struck
the culprit with it on the neck. The fool, not prepared for
any joke, dropped dead upon the ground : all endeavours to
revive him proved unavailing.—Campbell's Frederick the
Great and his Times.

FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 31, 1841

Another year is about to pass from before us, and to be
added, with its varied burthen of joy and sorrow, sunshine
and gloom, to the sum of past centuries. A few brief
hours are all that are left us of 18 ; and before we step
upon the threshold of the year which is approaching, let
us turn back our gaze for awhile, and glance over the
occurrences of that to which we are about to say " Fare-
well ! "

We entered upon the passing year with high anticipations of
the coming prosperity of our country. A contemptible
faction still occupied the seats of government, depressing,
by the leaden weight of its mingled imbecility and disho-
nesty, the wonted energetic industry of the nation,—still
basked in the sunshine of Royal favour, instilling its dark
poison into the ear of our beloved Sovereign, contamina-
ting with the presence of its unprincipled followers the
avenues of her Court, and obscuring her native virtues
and purity from the eyes of her affectionate people. The
hand was still armed which had threatened, with " a heavy
blow and great discouragement," the hallowed fabric of
our National Religion. The restless spirit was still un-
subdued, though stunned, which had striven to undermine
the buttresses of the Constitution and to overwhelm our
established institutions beneath the feet of a fierce Popish
democracy. But a voice had gone abroad, and " sounded
the depths and shoals "of the popular mind. The warn-
ing cry of Conservatism had echoed from city to city,
from hill to valley throughout the land. The Protestant
heart of the people was stirred to watchfulness and ap-
proaching action ; and the feeble and contemptible thing
" Liberalism " lay powerless upon its surface, like a fea-
ther upon a heaving sea—a vapoury cloud above the mouth
of a labouring volcano.
'The hour of struggle came on. " Liberalism," goaded by
the consciousness of its innate weakness—driven reckless
by despair—clutching at every aid, however base and
abandoned, which could contribute to retard its coming
overthrow,—burst wildly through the tics of past pro-
fessions and principles, and committed itself, as a last
hope, to a struggle for the overthrow of the Colonial
greatness and the native Agriculture of the empire.
Foiled in that attempt, by the national and patriotic
spirit of a majority of the House of Commons, it was yet
unwilling to relinquish its hold of official power and pay.
Upon the specious question of " Free Trade," which it
had raised tit this, the last hour of its probation,—under
the cloak of a loudly-professed regard for the suffering
interests of that people whom it had disgusted and insulted
by its manifold delinquencies, it dared—yes, " Liberalism'
dared—to rush upon the certain destruction which awaited
it from the result of an appeal to the constituencies of
Great Britain. To the success of this last movement 01
despair, every energy was bent. -For its promotion, inti-
midation and coaxing, threats and professions, were alter-
nately and unsparingly used. The wealth of the Treasury
was lavished, and the name even of the Sovereign herself
was unblushingly offered up, to bias the constitutionally-
expressed wishes of her people ; but that people stood firm
and unmoved. The nation, by one mighty effort, shook
off from its back the incubus which for years past had
pressed down its energies ; and the lately insolent and
tyrant faction lay prostrate upon kindred earth, with the
advanced foot of an indignant and abused people upon its
abased and writhing body.
A Conservative Ministry, formed under the auspices of
those statesmen to whose wisdom and patriotism alone
we owe the preservation of our established institutions
from the destroying hands of their predecessors, succeeded
to power; and was invested with the unreserved confi•
deuce of the Sovereign herself, and of the vast majority of
her loving subjects. By the accession of that ministry,
the hopes of faction were crushed ; and under the pro-
mise, which the known talent and virtue of its members
affords, of honest, wise, and paternal legislation, the na-
tion, though still pressed down with suffering, though still
vibrating with the expiring throes of the convulsion which
it has recently endured, looks forward with patient and
assured hope for the return of national prosperity and
peace

In her Foreign relations, in the integrity of her dominions—
thanks to PROVIDENCE and the majesty of her name
amongst the nations of the world !—Great Britain has
emerged from the rule of the faction which abused her
resources and degraded her name, with power little, if at
all, diminished. In the temporary embroilments with
foreign states, into which she was hurried by the meddling
incapacity of her rulers, the native vigour of her naval and
military arms has borne her up ; and, although the charac-
ter of her diplomacy has with justice been impugned, the
fame of her prowess has never been tarnished. The plains
of India, the waters of Syria and of China, bear glorious

witguz nf ttal unyiald;na yAlour mut CrOrgy of her fi6n;
and 41.thougli Choy atfora at tha aaina (Imo lamkntaia an

ility of the cot,

tri4imt Instances of the liobet,,..
leaders by whom the results of her noble efforts
frittered away—bartered for paltry sums, or v
thrown aside when won—she has,even in these mis,
and ill.sustained achievements, laid, we trust, a foe
of respect for her power, and her forbearance toc
minds of her enemies, upon which a wise and firm

ment may be able to erect a superstructure of permanen
external tranquillity and greatness.
To our commercial and industrial interests the past year ha
been one of almost uninterrupted disaster and gloom ; •an•
yet, although bankruptcy and ruin have spread thernselve
throughout the land, the steadfast trust of the great mas
of the community, even in the depth of their sufferings, ii
the ability and wish of a conservative government to buil(
up again, upon a stronger and surer basis, the prosperity
which its predecessors had erected of merely visionar;
materials, and which the first burst of the tempest pros.
trated, has remained and remains unimpaired amidst al
the efforts of factious agitation to effect its destruction
The sound-thinking and reasoning people of England hay(
refused. to be hurried into the sanction of rash and un•
principled measures of. legislation, even to release then
from their existing distress; and prefer to wait the re-pro•
duction of a healthy commercial and financial state b)
those natural and honest means which alone can be resorted
to by a Conservative Government.
In our Local affairs, the year which is passing has been pro.
ductive of a similar gratifying change to that which we
have witnessed in the affairs of the nation. The faction
which for the past six years has usurped the administration
of our Municipal Government, has been overthrown, we
trust, for ever by the strongly-expressed will of the con-
stituency. We have now a Conservative Mayor and a
Conservative majority in the Council; and by the honest
exercise of their authority for the advancement of the
interests, temporal as well as moral, of the inhabitants of
the "good old town," we look forward, in the year which
is •to come, to a return of that local prosperity and good
order which the pernicious " Liberalism" of the faction,
over whose fall all loyal men rejoice, has alone contributed
to retard.

As a whole, we look back with satisfaction upon the events
which have marked the progress of 1841. Remembered
as that year must be by too many of our fellow-country-
men, as oue of disaster and privation, it is destined, we
trust and believe, to be regarded in future time as the dark
spot from which to date the commencement of a period of
national and internal prosperity. As such WE regard it
now. We have seen in its progress the gradual breaking
of the cloud which has for years impended over the che-
rished institutions, and depressed the industrial and moral
energies of this great community ; and we see now at its
close the returning sunshine which, before the passing of
many months, will beam down in uninterrupted effulgence
upon a happy, a contented, a .flourishing, and a religious
people.

We may be permitted, in conclusion, a few words upon our
OWII position at the termination of the present and the

commencement of another year. We have no cause to be
dissatisfied with the progress which the LIVERPOOL
STANDARD has made in the estimation of the public
during 1841. On the contrary this Journal has been
placed, by its unceasing efforts to. advance the cause of the
Constitution, and the interests of the community in which

we live, in a leading rank amongst the Conservative press
of our own town and of the kingdom itself; and from
being a struggling property (when it came into our hands
three years ago), sustained at considerable personal sacri-
fice, has become a powerful and. efficient public organ.
For this gratifying result of our labours, we gladly seize
the present opportunity of returning thanks to those
friends who have kindly 'afforded us their approval and
support. Without arrogating to ourselves any undue
share in the promotion of those national and local changes,
in the contemplation of which every loyal Conservative
feels deep and heartfelt joy—without diminishing, either,
our feelings of gratitude to these, our friends—we have,
nevertheless, the satisfaction of knowing—and no false

modesty shall prevent us from now openly declaring—that
we have deserved the support, not only of a portion, bu
of the entire body of our Conservative fellow-townsmen
And at this season, we are confident that we are not trans•
pressing the bounds of propriety in calling the attention o
those of our brother Conservatives, our brother burgesses
our brother freemen even--for such there are—who, whilst
partaking in the results of our labours, have looked coldly

upon us, and in too many instances been found conferring
their favours and patronage upon the press of the oppo-
sing faction,—to the just claims which the LIVERPOOL
STANDARD possesses upon their confidence, and which,
as yet, have not been adequately satisfied. This is
not as it ought to he ; and on reflection our friends
—the friends of the Conservative cause—will, we are con-
fident, admit that there is room for amendment in the year
which is to come. If we are to be of permanent service
to that cause, we must have that measure of support
which its friends are so well able to afford, and which we
are equally well able to receive, to make use of and to thank
them for; and, although for our present position even we
have abundant cause for gratification, and are happy to ex-
press our cordial thanks to the party whose interests are the
objects of our care, and to the public at large, we trust at
the close of the year which is about to break in upon us,
to occupy a still prouder position, and to be able with sin-
cerity to express a still greater amount of gratitude. In
this hope for the future, and with our best and most hearty
thanks for the past, we wish to each and all our readers
and friends '

A HAPPY NEW YEAR!

A brace of royal speeches this week claim priority
of notice at our hands. It is the characteristic of such
addresses, in general, that they are hard to be under-
stood—either from the real meaning being purposely
obscured, or from there being no distinct impression
which it was intended they should convey. In the
present instance, however, we cannot say that this
fault is very striking either in the Message of Mr.
President Tyler, or that of Louis Philippe, Roi des
Francais. Of the two, the speech of the Gallic
Monarch is both the shorter and the plainer. His
Majesty speaks—and we believe it really is his Ma-
jesty, personally, who does speak—as if lie felt con-
scious of having obtained a grip of the country, and
of being in a position to defy the factious who would
disturb his government and dynasty, simply because
they have no love of order, and would do the same by
any government strong enough to suppress sedition,
and extinguish the hopes of anarchy. His language
is peaceful towards all, but these perpetual revolution-
ists ; he acknowledges that France has no longer oc-
casion to consider herself slighted by any of the great
powers, and may reduce her military force, so far as
any external necessity is concerned ; but lie does not
say that the fortifications around the capital are to be
discontinued—he does not intimate by the most re-
mote insinuation, that he is disposed to make any
compromise with those within the borders, towards
whom he has any reason to entertain the strongest
feelings of jealousy. The position which enables his
Majesty to utter such a speech, is eminently owing to
his own superior talents ; and when one considers all

SA"
the tremendous antagonism with which he has had to
contend, and this cool, but significant instance of
triumph over difficulty, it is impossible not to award
to him a genius for government of the very first
order.

The severe measures which have been unceasingly
put in force against the press, are not in accordance
with our English notions of liberty, and the recent
condemnation of the journalist, M. Dupoty, as an ac-
cessory before the fact to the murderous conspiracy of
Quenisset and others, solely on the ground of his
writing a journal read by the conspirators, is revolting'

to our feelings; which have happily had no domestic
experience of such doings, or of a necessity for them.
But French administration should not be judged by
what we in this country might deem tyrannical or in-
tolerable, and without too minutely scrutinising the
means, we ought rather turn to admire the effects
which the new dynasty of France has, on the whole,
been able to produce.

His Majesty speaks of Algeria being now and for
ever attached to the territory of the kingdom ; and
Whatever we may say of the breach of faith which
that annexation certainly involves, we can afford to
pass over the enunciation—as one not likely to cause
any disarrangement of the existing state of general
concord. Hitherto France has gained nothing by the
possession that we can envy her for. Her military
glory, bought so dearly on that field, we willingly spare
her; in other respects, the acquisition has added
little to her interests, nor have any fair buds of promise
presented themselves up to the present moment.
Algeria has been little better than the grave of French-

men.
All the other topics of the speech are redolent alone
of peace, and her delightful train of humanising arts.
An extensive plan of railway communication has been
recognised by the government; and is to be submitted
to the Chambers. France will be intersected by this
new and extraordinary mode of shortening distances,
or we might say, of almost annihilating both time and
space ; and the revolution caused by steam will pro-
gress throughout the whole of Europe ; but why do
we say Europe ?—it will pervade the globe.
France, as well as Manchester, Stockport, Leeds,
and other celebrated places, stands in need of markets

any of the French Savans, that it is only necessary, ill
order to effect this important object, to import largely
from the great corn-growing countries, and to render
food cheap. They seem to us to need a deputation
from our great Anti-Corn-Law League to enlighten
them on this subject. The difference of language is
certainly a trifling difficulty in the way ; but as the
schoolmaster has been so long abroad, perhaps
a brace
of patriots among them could be ftxmd with a little
smattering of French. As yet the French philosophers
—(and the league may take onr word for it, that there
are some. smart chaps among them)—have failed to
perceive that intimate connection, which the
league'
people speak of, between cheap imported provisions,
and new, or greatly improved markets for manufactu-
red goods—whether English or French ; nor have the
itinerant lecturers been able to prove its existence t°
our satisfaction. On the contrary, we are convinced
that the proposition broadly stated as they give it,
with all their boring upon the subject, a gross delu-
sion.

But to pass from the King of the French to the
President of the Republicans, we might, were we dis-
posed to be captious, find several points to except to
in this manifesto; but, taking it as a whole, we hold it
to be a production which is rather creditable to Mr.
John Tyler. Peace, peace, is a great blessing, and
worth having at a great sacrifice ; but Mr. Tyler lays
❑othing upon our shoulders, which amounts to a 83'

crifice at all, for this object. We like the expression
of humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being'
and of national dependence upon his providence, with
which he opens his message. He says well,—" If we
find ourselves increasing, beyond example, in num-
bers, in strength, in wealth, in knowledge, in evert
thing which promotes human and social happiness'ilet
the
us ever remember our dependence, for all these, on '—
protection and merciful dispensations of Divine Pr°
vidence."

He speaks as the organ of the government, or rather
of the constitution, and these terms are of importance
as connecting the country with the light of divine rev'
lotion, and an ascription of praise to the God whom
Christians worship.
On the subject of the abominable slave traffic, the

language which he uses is abundantly strong, and over
and over again are the ears of the slave-holders made
to tingle—(if they have any feeling)—with his down'
ciations. This, also, is extremely well on the part °I
Mr. Tyler, and we might add to it several other iIPI9
entitled to be included under our laudatory notice;

ut we do not mean to travel over a subject to
Which

Eye attention of our readers has been already, and per-
saps sufficiently, directed. The doctrine which he ad-

vances upon international law in such a case as that

which gave rise to the seizure of the Caroline, lan our
part, whilst she lay within the American territory, i°

manifestly unsound; I,tut of what importance to us is
it that Mr. John Tyler, or the whole Republic, think°
so and so upon the point ? We shall make them no
atonement for what we have done; nor will they ingiS
upon it; and, therefore, whatever their inoperative
theory of international justice may be, they are wel-
come to the enjoyment of it ; it can give us no con-
cern. Should a new case arise hereafter, we shall
know how to deal with it, and
.it will then be time
enough to discuss the question at length.
With reference to the right of search, the President

talks in quite a lofty strain; but if he be really go
great an enemy to the abominable slave traffic as his
words in another place would lead us to suppose, we
cannot understand why America should not willingly
join the European compact of mutual searchright ? If
her government be honest and sincere, as we really
_ _

think it is,
why does not the Republic immediately ac-
cede to the holy alliance of Europe ? There is cer-
tainly something
mysterious on this head; but the
obvious ground of suspicion is, that the Atnericans do
trade largely in slaves, and that the slaveholders are a
party too powerful for the government to overcome,

however well it may be disposed to put an effectual
stop to their nefarious proceedings. On the whole,

ie two important addresses adverted to augur well for
Le permanence of peace, and, in this point of view,

are extremely satisfactory

We called the attention of our readers on TacedaY
to a splendid sophism put forward by one of oar file'
ral contemporaries on the subject of the schools; and,
to show our willingness to keep up the controversy,
even while we know to a certainty that the award Will
be on our side, we would now pay our respects, short-
ly, to a "point of law" happily discovered by ano-
ther, and calculated, according to the inventor's arith-

metic at least, to influence the waverers, if any such
there still be in the Council. The statement of this
valuable " point " we shall give in the words of the
. _

journal which suggests it :
" By the ninety-second section of the Municipal Act, an
surplus fund can only be applied for the public benefit of the
inhabitants and improvement of the borough. Under the pres-
ent system the corporation schools are open to all classes of the
inhabitants, and consequently, the appropriation of a portion
of the surplus fund is in strict conformity with the act of
parliament; but if another system,.excluding any consider-
able portion of the inhabitants from the schools be introduced,
an application to the Court of Queen's Bench to ascertain
how far the maintenance of such a system is in accordance
with the ninety-second section, will be both reosonable and
proper, and we hope that it will be made."
It is evident that the propounder of this important
suggestion designed to hang it up in terrorem, and to
arrest the movement about to be carried into execution

by an anticipation of certain legal consequences 10
which it might give rise. But such a suggestion, go
far from operating as a drag upon the movement,
ought, in our humble opinion, to accelerate it very
much. Gentlemen who have hitherto assisted it with
.some degree of hesitation, under the supposition that
once their judgment was pronounced there was no ap-
peal against it, may now dismiss their doubts and
fears ; they have laboured under a mistake; their sen-
tence is not final; there is a 'higher court to which an
application may be made ; and if they should have
committed any error, no permanent harm will be
done : the Court of Queen's Bench will set all to
rights.

If there be any substantiality then in this ob-
ection, we claim the benefit of it for the Conservative
side, and beg of our Conservative friends in the Coun-
cil to bear in mind, that if they commit an injustice or
wrong of any sort against the community, it is not a
wrong without a remedy, and the Liberals may, if
they please, and as they allege they have the power,

e upon it in her Majesty's superior court of coin-

mon Jaw,

For our part, so soon as the old Christian sYstent is
•estored to the schools, (which will now shortly be the

case,) we do most earnestly hope that such a motion
as that advised may really be made. It would be a sa-
tisfaction to have such a question mooted by gentlemen,
learned in the law, pondered upon by the gravity and wis-
dom which adorns the judicial bench, and sent back con-
firMed to us one way or the other upon strictly legal
grounds. Such a confirmation as we should confi-
dently look for, would be a great boon conferred upon
the public at large in these liberal times, in which it
happens that what is strictly clever and ecclesiastical
no longer bears the mark of intolerance, but struggles
for bare toleration itself.

The whole question would be fairly open to bench
and bar, and would be, simply, whether the establish-
ment of the schools upon the new footing was or was
not in accordance with the, ninety-second section of
the Municipal Act ? The argument of the Mercury
on the negative side is as follows :
" It is undeniable, says the Editor, " that the existing
schools were built out of the public funds of the corporation.
They are consequently part and parcel of that property which,
according to the Municipal Act, is to be appropriated for the
mutual bnefit of all the inhabitants, so long as the corporation
possesses a surplus revenue. Should the corporation be
necessitated to levy a borough rate, then the schools,—their
maintenance not being an obligatory charge on the corporate
funds,—must be given up ; but whilst there is a surplus with-
out a rate, the public generally have a right to participate in
the advantages arising from the sum expended for educational
purposes ; and any system which shall practically exclude any
,ortion of the public, much more the children of a class
lumbering at least a fourth, and probably a third of the
ropulati.rn, will be in direct opposition both to the letter and
ipirit of the act of parliament.
It will be perceived that the full amount of this ar-

ument is, that the new system of education not being
cited to the dogmas of the Church of Rome and the
ctatorial authority of Romish Priests, is, therefore,
)t conducive to the benefit of the inhabitants of Li-

erpool at large, nor in harmony with the spirit of the
linety-second section of the Municipal Act. Now if
his argument be possessed of any force, it would
;eem that the Church of Rome must be the arbitress
If the whole question, and public utility will depend
Rogether on what she may be pleased to decide con-
erning it. It is not what equity or truth should de-

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