The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-01-27 00:00:00

went had tendered an explanation. He bad only at pre-
sent, however, to express his cordial approbation of -that
portion of the address which related to the differences
with the United Sta'es upon the subject of Oregon.
Lord BROUGHAM heartily concurred in this opinion,
and then, at considerable length, and with his accustomed
ability, claimed for himself the credit of perfect consist-
ency upon the great question of corn-law repeal. He
strongly condemned, however, the conduct of the league,
especially in the course it had lately adopted, of endea-
vouring to procure an overflowing influence at elections
by the purchase of qualifications, which he denounced as
most dangerous to the constitution ; and concluded by ap-
proving the reference to the state of Ireland in the ad-
dress, and recommending their Lordships to disregard all
considerations of party and strengthen the hands of the
executive government.
Lord M A LMESBURY protested against the opinion that
the great mass of the people were iu favour of a repeal of
the corn-laws. They had not changed their opinions be-
cause Cabinet Ministers had changed theirs, and it was
their constitutional privilege to have a veto upon such a
measure.

Lord RADNOR defended the League from the attacks
of Lord Brougham, and especially denied that their con-
duct had been in any degree unconstitutional. He re-
gretted that it should be necessary to force right measures
upon a government from pressure without, but if even
Lord Brougham's arguments were unsuccessful, the pres-
sure was necessary to reinforce them.
The Marquis of SALISBURY and the Duke of BEAU-
FORT deprecated any diminution in the amount of agri-
cultural protection, and their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TIIURSDAY.
After receiving various notices of motions for future
days, the house commenced the business c f the session at
half-past four o'clock, by listening to a copy of the speech
from the throne, which was read, as usual, by the Speaker.
The address upon the speecii was moved by
Lord F. EGERTON, who, after alluding to the fact that
it was now twenty years since he had stood, under the
auspices of Mr. Canning, in the same position which he
then occupied, congratulated the house on the continu-
ance of amicable relations between England and France,
the two great countries which were at the head of the ci-
vilzation of the world. He should look with deep anxiety
and regret to the possibility that England might be called
on to maintain her rights in any part of the world, how-
ver distant, by any other means save those of patient and
friendly negotiation ; but he should look at that possibi-
lity with still deeper anxiety and regret in case, of a dif-
ference arising between England and the United States, a
country united to our own by a community of laws, and
language, and lineage. After declaring his concurrence
in that part of her Majesty's speech which suggested the
increase of our jiational defences, he passed to other to-
pics, which enasssed at present more of the public atten-
tion. He was ddressing the house at a juncture when
an invitation has been offered by her Majesty's ministers to
reconsider the whole state of the laws which regulated the
importation of foreign commodities into this country. If
he had not concurred in the propriety of that invitation,
he could not have undertaken the office which he was then
discharging. The time was now arrived when the house
aught to avail itself of the earliest opportunity to reconsi-
der the whole state of our laws regarding manufactures,
hr •tih a view of ultimately departing from the principles of
ti
action and prohibition for the sake of protecting the
uctions of our home manufacture. Protection, in his
opinion, should be applied to, or withheld from, all the
prOductions of the country with strict impartiality. In
former years he had opposed the imposition of a fixed
duty as a permanent impost upon foreign corn ; for he
thought that, if a duty were to be imposed, a sliding scale
was better than a fixed duty. He had, however, arrived
at the conclusion that restriction as a permanent system
ought not to be applied to any foreign commodity. It
had been supposed in some quarters that some vast con-
federation of foreign states !night deprive us at some fu-
ture contingency of all foreign supply. He could not
think that such a general raising of bucklers against Eng-
land was very probable. Indeed, the universal voice of
history was against it. In 1810, when there was a fear of
scarcity in England, and all Europe was almost closed
against us by the power of France, we imported 1,200,000
quarters of corn from the ports of Europe, and 500,000
quarters from France itself. That it might be necessary
to make some sacrifice for the legislation to which be in-
vited the house he was not prepared to deny; but some
penalty must always be paid for some time for past er-
rors. He was convinced, however, that ultimately no
class would reap more benefit from there changes than
that higher cl .ss of manufacturers who were called the
landholders of England. Whatever might be their throes
in the interim, he believed that their remuneration
would be ample, in the removal of that general dissatis-
faction which was renewing the war of the Roses in
the reign of Queen Victoria, and which, if it were pro-
longed much further, must, whenever it terminated, leave
the country in a state of exhaustion, which could not fail
to attract the notice of our enemies. The noble lord con-
cluded an eloquent speech, which was loudly cheered
throughout, by moving an address, which, as usual, was a
mere echo of the speech.
Mr. BECKETT DENISON, in seconding the address,
commented with satisfaction on the first heads of her Ma-
jestv's speech, and alluding to the state of Ireland, which
had been threatened in the last few months both by fa-
mine and by murder, expressed a hope that the danger of
the first was exaggerated, though he was compelled to ad-
mit that the latter had been walking unpunished in broad
daylight for some months past. It was very desirable that
ministers should propose measures which would prevent
and arrest the perpetration of such atrocities in future.
He then declared himself friendly, on the experience of
the last four year, to a further relaxation of the protec-
tive duties now imposed on foreign commodities ; and
hoped that Ministers would propose a plan which would
deal justly and liberally with all parties.
Sir R. PEEL hoped that, though his course might be
deemed unusual in rising at so early a period of the de-
bate, he should be considered as acting in conformity with
the ordinary practice of the house in explaining at once
the grounds which had led him, and those with whom he
acted, first to tender their resignation of their offices to
her Majesty and then to re-appear in the house as the mi-
nisters of the crown. The immediate cause of their re-
signation was that great and mysterious calamity which
had befallen Europe—the failure of the potatoe crop. But
it would be untair to the house if he were to spy that he
attached exclusive importance to that particular cause.
It had gained, however, additional weight by its forcing
an immediate decision upon the laws which governed the
importation of grain. He would not deny that his opi-
nions on the subject of protection had undergone great
change. He did not feel himself humiliated by making
that confession; on the contrary, he asserted and claimed
for himself the privilege of yielding to the force of reason
and argument, and of acting upon his enlarged experience
and upon his more matured conviction. He must cmfess
that a change in his opinions had been forced upon him
by the experience of the last three years. During that
period he had watched day by day the effect of the relaxa-
tion of duties on all the social interests of the country ;
and the consequence was that he thought that his former
arguments were no longer tenable. He did not now
think that protection of native industry was in itself right
and advantageous, nor did he believe that it was impossi-
ble for this country to compete with foreigners because
it laboured under a heavy debt and severe taxation. Du-
ring the last three years prices bad been low, and yet at
no time had wages been higher. During the three previ-
ous years prices had been high, and the lowness of wages
had produced universal distress among the labouring po-
pulation. He next proved from statistical returns that the
result upon trade of removing protective duties had been
a great increase in the foreign exports of the country, and
that the result upon the revenue, though in the last four
yearsa reduction had been made in the Customs duties to
the amount of £4,000,000 and upwards, and in the Ex-
cise duties to the amount of £1,000,000., bad been
equally satisfactory. He then adverted to considerations
which he deemed of more importance than those of either
trade or revenue—namely, to considerations of morality ;
and showed that in 1842, when high prices and high duties
were in existence, there had been an alarming increase of
crime, but that in 1843 things had taken a favourable
turn, and that in 1844 and 1845 the decrease of commit-
ments bad been very large ; and he inferred from the re-
turns, which he quoted, that low prices and comparative
abundance contributed greatly to the promotion of mo-
rality. He showed that these advantages had not been
purchased by any detriment to the agricultural interest.
Protection to that interest had been diminished ; and yet
it had not suffered any damage in consequence of that
diminution, He proyed this position by reference to the
diminution which had taken place in the duties paid upon
foreign flax, foreign wool, foreign cattle, pigs, lard, &c.,
and to the prices which every one of those commodities
was now fetching in ihe markets of Great Britain. He
contended that he was justified in proceeding with the
further removal of protecting duties by the gratifying re-
sults which had been produced by the removal of those
which be had already repealed. It was right that he
should state that, notwithstanding the conviction which
was thus forced upon his mind, he bad been of opinion
that the charge of altering the corn laws ought not to
devolve upon him as Minister of the Crown. He felt
that with that conviction, which he could not control, he
could no longer meet the annual motion of- honourable
members opposite with a direct negative, and that there-
fore he could no longer continue the contest on the sub-
ject with any advantage to those who had hitherto ho-
noured him with their confidence. During the course of
last autumn a great calamity had visited the United
Kingdom. There was a great danger of a scarcity of that
article which formed a considerable supply of the food of
the country. It was the .duty of Government to meet
that danger; and the house should now have an oppor-
tunity of judging whether with the information of which
the Government was in possession, it was possible for
them to maintain in their present integrity. the existing
corn laws. His opinion was, that it was quite impossible
for them to do so. He then described the circumstances
which induced him early in November to think that it
was necessary to meet the impending evil by a suspension
of the duties on the importation of foreign produce ; and
read consecutively the information which Government
had received from various parts of the United Kingdom,
and also from abroad, and which he considered as justi-
fying him in the conclusions to which he had come first
early in November and afterwirds early in December.
He next read the information which he had received from
England, Scotland, and Ireland, relative to the failure of
the potatoe crop ; and hoped that those who had so pre-
cipitately condemned the Government would now make
some allowance for its difficult position. ,The right hon.
baronet then entered into a lengthened statement relative
to the resignation of the Ministry and their reinstatement
in office, and proceeded to state that he had given
notice that evening that on an early day next week it
was his intention to submit to the house a measure
of the greatest importance relative to our commer-
cial policy. He would not anticipate the discussion
on it that eveninz, as he was anxious to disconnect
that which was a great national question from any party
or personal considerations. After expressing a hope that
he had satisfied the house that his motives were honest,