The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-04-20 00:00:00

ROMAN CATfIpLIC LOYAL,TY

(From the IYlorning Herald.)
.The old bell-wether of sedition in 'lreland was nevvy incq.o
e. fictively ;employed than at present in impressing upon tlie
'Romanist portion of her majesty's subjects those peculiar
notions of loyalty which popery, under a protestant sceptre,
always either secretly or openly cultivates.
The removal from the Roman catholics of all those politi-
..

Kcal disabilities which were incurred by repeated treasons
4igainst the state and liberties of England, instead of render-
ing them grateful for the liberality which as opened to them
all the privileges, power, and honors of our protestant con-
stitution, has only served to bring forth in bold relief the
inveterate animosity of a race, who are taught by their
-priests to hate and curse the protestant hand by which they
have been loaded with favours. Sentiments are now uttered
by the popish priests and political leaders against protestant
institutions which were kept closely sealed up until the
" healing measure " of 1829 passed.
"Let only that measure become law," said Mr. Brougham,
alluding to the popish relief bill, in the House of Commons,
and I will answer with my head for the tranquillity of Ire-
land." No doubt Mr. Brougham devoutly believed what he
said, for the promises and vows of eternal gratitude made by
O'Connell and the priests, imposed on his easy credulity.
But had he been taken at his word, his head would not have
remained long on his shoulders.
In the first winter after the passing of the Relief Bill,
O'Connell commenced his system of warfare on the protest-

ant church, which has been 'continued with more or less vio-
lent and ferocious hostility ever since. Ten protestant bishop-
pries were extinguished by the act of a protestant parlia-
ment to gratify him. It only made his demands more inso-
lent—his hostility more savage. One fourth of the property
of the protestant clergy of Ireland was sacrificed to appease
him. It only made him, in the arrogance of his vanity, de-
clare that he accepted of the concession only as " an instal-
ment," and that he would never rest until he had obtained a
surrender of the whole.
The Protestant liberality of our legislators was not discou-
raged by those results. It proceeded still further to pamper
the blatant beast of Popish agitation by transferring to
O'Connell's faction the Protestant corporations of Ireland.
When the fatal act which surrendered to the haters of the
" Saxon" race, name and religion, those strongholds of Pro-
testant principle, shall have come into full operation, the
political condition of ireland will be worse than ever. In-
vested with the attributes of lawful authority, the " normal
schools of political agitation" will become formidable auxilia-
ries in the great work of dismembering the empire, under
pretence of securing to Ireland the advantages of a domestic
legislature.
Mr. Moore, the poet, describes a scene which took place
iff the University of Dublin when Lord Chancellor Clare
visited that establishment in the year 1798, in order to inquire
into and extirpate the treason which had found admission
there, and was daily spreading its infectious influence over
the minds of the students. Mr. Moore seems to think it was
a harsh proceeding. It was a merciful one. It saved many
a young man from plunging down the precipice on the brink
of which he stood, and rescued the dupe before he became
the victim. _ _ . .

But times are altered. Treason need no longer hide its
head, and skulk in darkness, muffled in the dark mantle of
secret conspiracy. It can go forth unscathed in the public
ways, and proclaim its designs upon the hill-top. It can
talk of seducing soldiers and sailors from their duty, and
from their allegiance to the British Crown, and exult in the
prospect of a French war, in which Roman Catholic loyalty
is to manifest its true nature by withdrawing from the defence
of the country. This is going beyond even Robert Emmett,
the young republican enthusiast, who headed the Irish in-
surrection in 1803. He called upon his countrymen with his
dying voice to " meet the French invaders of their country
with a sword in one hand and a torch in the other—to grap-
ple with them on the shore—to burn every blade of grass
before them, and never to lay down their arms while a French
enemy polluted the soil of Ireland." The Irish traitors of
the present day are ready to welcome an invasion from
France or any other power that would enable them to show
their love for England by separating from her cause, and
" whistling off" all Roman Catholic soldiers and sailors from
her fleets and armies.
We have been often told that these are not the sentiments
of the great body of respectable Roman Catholics of the
empire. But have those respectable Roman Catholics taken
any steps to denounce and disavow the treasonable sentiments
of persons who put themselves forward as the political leaders
of the whole Romanist community ? Have they separated
themselves from the faction leaders and the rabble at their
heels, whom a vigorous and able and honest Government
would in pure mercy make to feel the authority of the laws,
before Ireland becomes another Canada, and the catastro-
phe of rebellion is written, as it was there, in letters of fire
and blood ?
While Roman Catholics are pampered and preferred at the
Queen's court, and consulted in the Queen's councils, a
bigoted and intolerant faction, whom no Protestant kindness
or concessions can ever conciliate, have got to such a pitch
of audacity as to question indirectly the Queen's title to the
Crown. This is the grateful return which Queen Victoria
receives for lavishing favour and honours upon Roman Ca-
tholics, and in many instances preferring them to her faithful
Protestant subjects.
We were not aware of the existence of, a'Romish journal,
entitled the London and Dublin Orthodox, until it was
brought under the notice of the public by Mr. Lord, at a
meeting of the Marylebone Protestant Association, which was
reported in our columns of yesterday. Mr. Lord quoted a
passage from that publication, which ought to open the eyes
of Protestants, even the most liberal, to the ulterior designs
which are contemplated by the subtle policy of that serpent
of Popery which is cherished in the bosom of Protestantism
only to sting its benefactor. Mr. Lord observed that
" The passage, which was cunningly given in a letter pur-
porting to be from a correspondent, appeared to be put forth
as a sort of feeler respecting the right of her Most Gracious
Majesty to the throne of these realms : and in these days of
menace, when it was exultingly declared that the first can-
non fired by Great Britain in the prosecution of a war, how-
ever just, would be a signal for the emancipation of Ireland,
the meeting would know what weight to attach to such a
passage.''
The passage in question is as follows. The writer is speak-
ing of the king of the French, and goes on to say—
" I often wonder bow affairs would now stand in England
if he were King, for it isno#,perhapc generally known that
he has GREATER. CLAIM to the British throne than Queen
Victoria, being descended from the eldest son of Elizabeth,
Queen of Bohemia (daughter to James I.), while Victoria
is descended from the younger daughter."
The "feeler" here is put forth in pretty plain and unam-
biguous terms. That this is treason, being either advisedly
• spoken or published in writing, we could easily show, did we
not fear that it would attract towards the writer the especial
favour of those who have the political destinies of the country
in their hands. We do not wish to be the means of recom
mending him to preferment in a government office, or to
some other honourable and lucrative post. If Louis Philip
has a greater claim than queen Victoria to the throne of the
British empire, then the act of settlement is so much waste
paper, and does not require a bull from Rome to cancel and
revoke it.