The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-03 00:00:00

SIR. ROBERT PEEL'S SPEECH AT TAMWORTH. j

The constituency of Tamworth were invited to meet Sir
Robert Peel at a public dinner on Wednesday last, when the

right hon. baronet delivered the following speech. Differing
as it does in toto from the snappishness and deception which

were the prominent characteristics of the written address
lately given to the world by Lord John Russell, it cannot

fail to do good to the conservative cause

After the usual loyal toasts had been proposed, W. S. Dug-
dale, Esq., M.P., for North Warwickshire, rose, and in a
highly complimentary speech gave the health of the right hon.

mronet

Slr R. PEEL then said—Gentlemen, I thank you most cor-
dially for the kind manner in which you have received the

proposal that has just been made to you. Gentlemen, that
proposal could not have come from any quarter more accep-
table to my feelings than from a valued neighbour and friend,

the'representative" of the county in which I believe we are
now situated—a most zealous and faithful comrade in the

great political struggle in which we have been engaged, and
a son of a man for whose character and virtues I entertain
the highest respect. (Loud cheers.) As this is the first oc-
casion on which we have met since the late election, I am

bound to express my acknowledgments to you for that proof
of your renewed confidence, and if in returning those acknow-

ledgments I do not make use of any high-flown and extrava-
gant expressions of gratitude, it is because I do not consider
that confidence to be merely an act of personal favour, or of
honorary distinction. lam deeply sensible of the obligations
which it imposes, and the return I ought to make to you is
not in extravagant expressions of thankfulness, but it is by
the faithful and zealous discharge of public duties, by pro-

rooting to the utmost of my power your local and peculiar in-
terests, where they do not conflict with the general good, and
by upholding those political principles which I expressed to
you when I sought for the honour of your suffrages. Gen-
tlemen, Ido intend to uphold those political principles. I
think it hardly necessary, after the active part which I have
taken in public affairs—after having been called upon not to
vote, but to deliver an opinion on almost every public ques-
tion which has been submitted to parliament for many years
past—it can hardly be necessary for me to state to you what
are my political principles, and what are my views of the
great questions which are likely to occupy public attention.
Gentlemen, when I was called to office by the favour of my
sovereign, I did convey to the inhabitants of Tamworth my
general views with respect to the principles on which public
affairs ought to be conducted. Gentlemen, it is true that at
a more recent period in the last year, when a resolution was

proposed, implying a want of confidence in the present ad-
ministration, I did also state what were my views with re-

spect not only to the general principles on which the admi-
nistration of affairs should be conducted, but with respect to

almost every public measure to which attention was then di-
rected. And, gentlemen, on a review of the declarations

which I made in 1835, and a review of the opinions which

I expressed with regard to particular measures in 1840, I
have nothing now to retract. I entertain the opiniuns which
I then professed, and it is •my intention, whether in a pri-
.

vate or in an official capacity, to act upon those declarations.
(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall not presume, whatever

may be the speculations as to the majority which the conser7

w
waive party may exhibit on the meeting dparliament—l shall
not presume to dictate in what manner her Majesty may think
fit to exercise her prerogative. I retain my opinion that no

government in this country ought to continue ii the adminis-
tration of the public affairs unless it possesses the confidence

parliament. (Great cheering.) But, while I respect that
Istitutional principle, I hold in equal respect the preroga-
! of the crown ; and it is not for
.any individual to pre-

slime in what manner that prerogative may be exercised.
Gentlemen, I am constantly asked what it is I mean to pro-
pose, supposing I am called to the administration of affairs?
Gentlemen, I will answer that question when I am placed in
that position. (Cheers.) My advice for the present is, dis-
miss those who are at present in office. (Shouts of ap-

plause.) They have not the confidence—they had not the
confidence of parliament, and they have not the confidence
of the people. Change your physician, the patient has not
confidence in him. They found her in health and they left
her in sickness ; and then they say to me, what do you pre-
scribe ? But I'll wait till I'm regularly called in. (Laughter)
Gentlemen, I see around me some of my attached friends.
of the medical profession, and I appeal to them whether they
do not cordially concur with me that it is not fit that any
man should offer the prescription whilst another administers
the physic. (Laughter.) No, gentlemen, he would be act-
ing the part of an irregular practitioner—the part of a quack
doctor, and not of a professional man, who should profess
that he had some invaluable nostrum which, without being
consulted by the patient, or allowed to feel his pulse, would
prove a perfect remedy for whatever disease he may labour
under. I therefore, gentlemen, must continue steadily to
refuse to offer my advice until I have access to the patient,
and all those advantages of consultation, without which no
proper advice can be given. I really believe Ido more than
any political physician ever did by referring to the prescrip-
tions which I offered in 1835 and in 1810, and by saying that
I see no reason to alter them. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen,
I am almost surprised to find myself here, for if I could
have believed the newspapers—the organs of her Majesty's
government, I should find myself on the continent, having
taken refuge in a foreign country on account of the embar-
rassments in which 1 am involved from the number of applica-
tions which I receive, or perhaps it may be on account of the
desperate condition in which I find public affairs. I need hard-
ly tell you—for you, I believe, give no credit for the assertion
—that I have not the slightest intention of visiting the con-
tinent, but that I do intend, on the 19th of August to be
present in my place in parliament, personally to witness the
result of the appeal which has been made to the people of this
country. Now, gentlemen, this and other paragraphs which
I read in the newspapers, I do assure you I see with
great good humour. I think great allowance must be made
for the rage and mortification which are exhibited by those
organs of the government, considering the constant predic-
tions which we had from them from day to day, and from
week to week, as to the result of the elections. We were
first told of a large majority which would be possessed by her
majesty's government, and I received expressions of sympa-
thy for the melancholy condition to which I should he reduced
in having to look forward with reduced numbers to a long
occupation of the uncomfortable benches of opposition.
(Laughter.) Why, gentlemen, this very day, talking of these
paragraphs, I cannot help alluding to it, but I don't know if
you have seen an article in large letters in the Globe news-
paper. Why, gentlemen, our fat friend, the publican near
us, has produced a Globe newspaper, and in it appears the
old story of Mr. Harrison and his demand for 16s. Gd.
(Laughter.) It is in large letters " from a correspondent."
Whenever there is any particularly shabby paragraph it is
always " from a correspondent." (Cheers and laughter.)
But really this is too bad ; for this publican is converted into
my attached friend Mr. Robinson, who is made to complain
of the non-payment of 16s. Gd., and that, from the magnani-
mous way in which he challenged me on the hustings only,
he secured the payment to him of that sum. All I ask of
you is, that when you see these paragraphs, you will let no
consideration induce you to retaliate. Let no vain desire of
seeing yourselves figure as correspondents of a newspaper—
of seeing paragraphs in print indited by yourselves—induce
you to send to any newspaper the small and petty scandal
you may happen to pick up in your own locality. Pass these
things by with perfect contempt ; for be assured of this, that
if they do injury to any one it will be to those who occupy
themselves with such contemptible matters. (Hear.) Now,
gentlemen, I will read to you another paragraph—it is beaded
" The Queen and Sir Robert Peel." (Laughter.) It comes
from the Globe again, the organ of her majesty's govern-
ment. (Loud laughter.) "On dit, that the Queen has heard
of the vain boastings of Sir Robert Peel, that if he again
catne into power he would make her a tory (or a conservative,
as he said) in six weeks, and that consequently the right hon.
baronet is more disliked than ever at head-quarters." Now,
gentlemen, observe it is not confidently asserted, it is only
" reported," that the queen had heard the vain boast, but
there is no doubt at all about my having used the expression.
The correspondent says " a tory" (or conservative, as he
says). Now, when a person is so particular, who can doubt
his veracity ? Gentlemen, I trust that I need hardly say to
you that the whole of this paragraph is a mere fabrication.
(Loud cheers.) Need I say that I never made this indecent
boast ? (Continued cheering.) I refer to these things with-
out anger or irritation—quite the reverse. I think that such
paragrahs afford the most satisfactory proofs that there is
very little which can be said from that quarter, provided the
truth be adhered to. Gentlemen, if it were possible to sup-
pose that her majesty could look at these miserable fabrica-
tions, which are evidently intended to injure me in her ma-
jesty's opinion, I very much doubt, not only whether her
majesty would attach any credit to them, but more than that,
whether there would not be excited feelings of indignation at
the presumptuous familiarity which undertakes to answer for
the private feelings of her majesty. (Immense cheering.)
I must say that it any one thing can be more unwarrantable
than another in the conduct of a portion of the public press,
it is their attempt to represent her majesty, not as what she
is in truth and in fact, the beloved sovereign of a whole peo-
ple, but as the, partisan of a party in the state. (Cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, do not misunderstand me. There is no
man who estimates more highly than I do the importance of
the press of this country. I know its influence on the
conduct of public men. It is impossible that men of such
ability and such acquirements as those who devote themselves
to political discussion in the public press of this country can
do otherwise than exercise a great influence on public affairs,
provided they confine themselves within the legitimate
sphere of action ; but if there be anything which more than
another neutralises the just and legitimate influence of the
press, which must diminish its controul over public men, and
which must also diminish the confidence of the public in its
assertions or its arguments, it is when the press appelds to
reasonable men, through erroneous fabrications like these,
for
the purpose of damaging the character of those to whose
politics it may be opposed. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, Ido not
think I should have been induced to say a word to you on
the subject of party interests—l should have been content to
acquiesce in a suspension of hostilities, considering the near
approach of the period when the combatants must meet face
to face—l say I would have been perfectly content to acqui-
esce in this, if 1 had not recently seen a public manifesto
put forth by Lord John Russell, the leader of the House of
Commons, which, from the tone it assumes towards the op-
ponents of the government, relieves you from any scruples
on that head, and imposes on me the necessity of making a
very few remarks. This manifesto professes to take a review
of the present state of affairs, or rather of past events ; and
it recites, with the utmost satisfaction, the victories that
have been achieved by her majesty's present advisers. Gen-
tlemen, this paper also talks of the dexterity which the oppo-
nents of government have shown in inventing facts, but I
must say that, whatever dexterity we may have shown in in-
venting facts, the dexterity of the noble lord in forgetting
them far surpasses us.—(Cheers and laughter.) If there
were any foundation for this long array of facts, 1 might
perhaps complain of the triumphant tone taken towards
vanquished opponents. But if this were a true and fair re.
presentation of the state of things, then would the result of
government,
the late appeal to the people be more marvellous than it is at
present. It is surprising that her majesty's
having held the reigns of power six years, possessing, as is
their constant boast, the entire confidence of their sovereign,
use,. that has. been. made by
banner. of the Hon.
seeing the use, the improper
s candidate"—l say
some candidates of the name of their sovereign—it was only
yesterday that I saw inscribed on the
Mr. Petre, " Vote for Petre, the Queo'
the big loaf to the
it is surprising that, notwithstanding this, and the ap-
peal to the female portion of the population with reference
to cheap sugar, and the cry of
labouring classes, the constituency and the people have rati-
fied the decision of the late House of Commons, namely, that
her majesty's present advisers did not possess the confidenceof
the House of Commons, and that their retention of office under
such circumstances, was at variance with the spirit of the
constitution. (Cheers.) It has not been the Chandos
clauses that has produced this result. The counties, it is
true, may have declared themselves against the present
government, and it may be said that some of the counties
which are more intimately connected with the agricultural
districts have manifested their zeal against government on
account of the danger with which those interests were
threatened ; but it was not the Chandos clause that returned
two members for the city of London—it was not the Chandos
clause that, for the first time since the reform bill, returned
a member for the city of Westminster—nor was it the
Chandos clause that wrested one seat from the opposite party
-in the great manufacturing community of Leeds. (Cheers,)
It was also something more than the Chandos clause that re-
turned two members for Hull, and two for the city of Dublin,
two for Belfast, and two for Liverpool. (Continued cheer-
ing.) It was not the Chandos clause that returned four
members for the great county of Lancaster, and frightened
any ministerial candidate from opposing Lord Stanley, Lord
F. Egerton, Mr. Wilson Patten, or Mr. Wilbraham. It was
not the Chandos clause that returned two members for that
district of immense importance, as connected with the vital
manufacturing interests of this country, the West Riding of