The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-25 00:00:00

years ago Lord Melbourne denounced as a madman the per-
son who would deprive the agriculturists of protection. They
had heard that last year Lord Melbourne said it would shake
society to its foundations to agitate such questions. They
had heard that Lord John Russell sneered at those who would
throw two or three millions into a state of s by
in starvation
abolishing protection. (Hear, hear.) Now, if these mi-
nisters had, on being defeated the House of Commons, re-
signed their office, and, when out of office, they had brought
forward the cry of cheap bread in order to get into office
again ; if, having denounced that question in office, they then
propound it for the acceptance of the public out of office,
would not, he asked, one uniform shout of scorn and derision
salute their ears ? (Hear; hear.) But what was the differ-
ence, if men, being out of office, bring forward a question
they previously denounced in order to get it again, and men
actually on their death-beds—(laughter and cheers)—and
driven from office, bringing forward in order to retain
place? He could not distinguish between them. (Cheers.)
But what was the question ? Was it not one between the
home and the foreign grower
i ? Was it not a question be-
tween supporting the farmer n this country, and the farmer
in a foreign country? (Hear.) Let the electors try the case
by example. He would not talk to them about growing bar-
ley, or oats, or wheat in that district, because it was too near
the town, and little of it was grown there ; but there were
many of them who had gardens, and who grew produce for
the supply of the town. How would they like the foreigner,
by the aid of steam-boats, to bring fruit from foreign coun-
tries in fair competition with theirs ? He suspected that the
grower of fruit in England would be very little benefited in
such a case. (Hear, hear.) All he asked for the farmer was
fair protection from the competition of the foreigner; be-
cause he, as well as the grower of fruit, had to pay a number
of rates, such as the police-rate, the bighway-rate, the church-
rate, and the tithes, from which the foreigner, who ought to
be kept out of the market, was exempt. (Hear, hear.) Again,
how would they like French shoes and boots to be sold in
England in fair competition with the English ? They might
tell him that they were sold here already ; but then it should
be recollected that they paid a duty of 30 per cent. Still,
however, such competition was disliked by the English shoe-
maker. (Hear, hear.) Why, then, should the English
farmer be excluded from protection? (Cheers.) But again ;
no gentleman could go into Switzerland without being as-
tonished to see the numbers of people belonging to that coun-
try who were employed in making watches ; and that exten-
sive manufacture affected the English trade. (Hear, hear.)
A duty of 30 or 40 per cent. was imposed, and those who
wished to buy a showy watch instead of a good one—(hear,
hear)—were enabled so to do ; for he would rather wear, as
he did, one Liverpool watch than twenty Geneva ones.
(Great cheers.) He suspected the English watchmaker
.
would be unwilling to put his good work in competition with
the foreign bad, which might look well, but which would'nt
go. (Great laughter, and renewed cheers.) The learned
gentleman proceeded at some length to address himself to
the topics of cheap sugar, cheap timber, the new poor-law,
religious education, the acts of the present ministry, and
wound up an excellent speech by a general exposition of his
principles, and a solemn assuarance that from the mainte-
nance of those principles he should never, under any circum-
stances, depart. He then resumed his seat amid loud ap-
plause.
Mr.. ADAM HODGSON proposed the first resolution, to the
effect that Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell had eminently
entitled themselves to the support of the electors. If the
constituency wished to maintain the constitution which had
been transmitted to them, if they wished to transmit it to
their children and their children's children, he called upon
them to pause before they gave their votes to any person who
would sustain an administration which had conducted itself
as the present had done, and to show their fidelity to their
country, as they expected their representatives to show their
fidelity to them, by sending men to parliament who would
strenuously uphold the institutions of the country. (Cheers.)
Mr. DOVER seconded the first resolution.

Mr. SHAND proposed the second resolution.
Dr. JOHNSON seconded the resolution. They should re-
collect that they had subtle and cunning enemies to contend
against, who were up early and late, and who were using the
utmost perseverance. He mentioned the fact in order to
the electors that caution wills necessary, that indolence in the
cause might be attended with calamitous effects. (Loud
cheers.)
Lord SANDON then proposed the thanks of the meeting to
the chairman, Mr. Leigh, upon whom he passed a very high
encomium, and concluded by hoping that that gentleman
would shortly enter the Town-hall as the first conservative
mayor. (Cheers.)
Mr. CRESSWELL seconded the motion, and it was carried
by acclamation.

The CHAIRMAN having returned thanks, a general call
was made for Mr. James Aspinall to address the meeting.
Mr. ASPINALL accordingly presented himself and was
loudly cheered. He had not intended, he said, to intrude
himself on their notice, because he felt himself quite unequal
to the task of addressing them ; but, being called upon, he
was glad to have that opportunity of contradicting one of the
most atrocious placards which had ever been placed on the
walls of Liverpool. (Hear, hear.) He was proud to say,
for the honour of the town, that it had not been printed within
the borough, but that it, as well as many of the others on the
walls, had been printed in Manchester and Loudon, and had
been sent down to Liverpool by the Anti-Corn-Law League,
merely to inflame the minds of the people. He wished,
however, to allude particularly to the atrocious placard he
had mentioned before. (Hear, hear.) It asked, Who are
the two men who, by the passing of the new poor-law, sepa-
rate the wife from the husband in the workhouse ?" and the
answer given was, " Sandon and Cresswell." That was the
atrocious falsehood. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The next
question was, " Who introducedC the new' poor-law into
Liverpool ?" to which the answer " James Aspinall" was
given. That was a more atrocious falsehood than the first—
(loud cheers)—but he hoped it would recoil on the head of
the ambitious man who sought for their suffrages on the pre-
sent occasion. It was quite true that he (Mr. A.) was the
chairman of the guardians of the poor. It was quite true that
there were twenty-five guardians over the poor, and he
thanked God that these twenty-five guardians were all con-
servatives. (Continued cheering.) But so long as his hum-
ble voice could be raised against that atrocious measure, the
new poor law, so long should it be raised against it. (Applause)
He sat at the board as the guardian of the poor, and so
long as breath was in him, as long would he be the friend of
the poor. (Renewed applause.) Whenever the poor went
to the radicals to seek support, they were never to be found.
(Hear, and a laugh.) The placard in question, however,
was only another clap-trap among the many put forward by
the opposite party on the present occasion, to secure the
votes of the conservatives in favour of their expiring faction.
But what had this expiring ministry done? Not content
with clap-traps, they had a little to do with money matters
just now. For what had Hannibal, the father of the Plun-
ketts, done? Why, he retired on a pension of £4OOO a-year,
because he found that if he remained in he would shortly be
turned out ;—(a laugh)—accordingly, he had retired to make
room for that wily Scotchman, Sir John Campbell, the attor-
ney-general, who was to be made Lord Chancellor of Ireland,
who would also fall in by and by for £lOOO a-year more.
These were some of the acts of the present ministry. (Hear,
and cheers.) He (Mr. A.) begged of the electors not to
think victory too certain, and to remember the year 1832,
when they thought they had victory in their hands, but in a
moment it was wrested from them. (Hear.) How ? By
the supineness of the electors. (Hear, hear.) They should
be ever on the watch, therefore, against their adversaries, for
he spoke from authority and advisedly when he said that there
was a secret committee, called a " watching committee," on
the other side, ready at any moment to take advantage of the.
conservative electors, and gain, at any cost, conservative
votes. Their object was, not to obtain the victory by a fair
representation of their opinions, but by means of any clap-
trap that might be likely to succeed. He warned the conser-
vative electors against these men ; he warned them to be at
their posts and to do their duty ; he wained them for the
sake of their Protestant queen to be up and stirring. They
heard nothing of the queen at present on the other side—the
• radicals having found out that the conservatives were the
best friends of her majesty. (Hear, and cheers.) As they
loved their queen, their church, and their country, he be-
seeched—he implored of the conservatives to do their duty—
to watch their own interests sedulously, and to be at their
posts at eight o'clock on Tuesday morning, in order to record
their votes in favour of the two excellent men who had so
faithfully represented them in parliament. (Vehement ap-
plause.)
The meeting then separated.

ST. ANN'S AND LIME-STREET WARDS.
The electors in these wards assembled on Wednesday
night in the school-room belonging to Christ Church, for the
purpose of meeting Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell, and
taking measures to ensure their return. The place was
crowded to excess by au enthusiastic body of conservatives,
who received the candidates in a manner that must have been
highly gratifying to them.
On the motion of Mr. YATBS, seconded by Mr. STE-
PHENSON, James Parker. Esq., one of the conservative re-
presentatives for St. Ann's Ward in the town council, was
called to the chair.

--The CHAIRMAN, after a few introductory remarks, said,
were he to allude to the able, faithful, and constitutional ser-
vices rendered in the late parliament by Lord Sandon and
Mr. Cresswell, not only to the good old town of Liverpool,
but to the country at large, he might also add on the part of
the conservatives, that they owed those gentlemen a debt of
gratitude which would secure to them future support. (Loud
cheers.) If he wanted evidence to prove the value of their
services, he would take the electors to that wealthy and in-
fluential body of men—the warehouse owners, to the cottage
Owners' Association, to the Licensed Victuallers' Associa-
tion, and to every individual, whatever kis politics, who had
bad occasion to apply to them for advice, and assistance. All
these would bear him out in the assertion that the hon. gen-
tlemen were invaluable to the town of Liverpool. (Cheers.)
He could not sit down without alluding to one part of Lord
Sandon's speech the other day, where he alluded to the sys-
tem of national education supported by her majesty's minis-
ters. If one measure more than another tended to the over-
throw of protestantism in this country it was that system of
education, introduced as it was by the popish faction, and
supported by all the arts of Mr. O'Connell. (Hear.) We
had our own O'Connell, and our own popish faction, in the
town council of this borough ; and that faction—but their
days were numbered—(cheers)—had hitherto been carrying
out that system, thus casting a stain upon the town which
nothing could wipe away but the expulsion from power of
every one who voted for the introduction of the Irish system.
(Cheers.) He did not pretend to be a prophet, or the son of
a prophet, but he thought that within two years these words
would be verified: (Cheers, and cries of " aye in one.") We
had brought against our two distinguished candidates, a
phantom, a whistle, Lord Palmerston, a man who had been
a public character for thirty years, and who, during the
the whole of that time had been in every administration, and
never missed one single quarter day. (Cheers.) He would
in speaking on this subject, draw the particular attention of
the freemen to the fact that Lord Palmerston had always
voted to disfranchise them of their just rights, (Hear.)—and
that if the ministry had carried the measures of which he
had been so strenuous an advocate, the old freemen would
not, this day, have had a vote to record in favour of the con-
servative candidiates. (Hear, hear.) He hoped this would
be recollected against the noble lord at the election next
week. (Cheers.) As to his colleague Sir Joshua Walmsley,
whom he (the chairman) knew personally, and respected in
private life, he regretted he had been so ill-advised as to
come forward as a candidate, and he believed he would have
to regret it himself. (Hear, hear.) The chairman concluded
by introducing Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell.
Lord SANDON then rose to address the meeting, and was
received with most vehement cheering. He accepted, he
said, as the promise of the victory which we were so shortly
to reap upon the hustings—of that great national victory
which we were about to gain—the circumstance that they
had in the worthy chairman a gentleman who so lately had
succeeded in rescuing one of the wards there assembled from
the thraldom in which it had so long been kept by the radical
party. It was impossible that they who had so lately dis-
tinguished themselves and their ward, by purifying them-
selves successfully from the contamination of radical, and
therefore dangerous, principles, should suddenly turn round,
and, after having asserted those high principles which actu-
ated them iu the municipal election, desert them, and not
be successful in the parliamentary election. (Hear, hear.)
He was sure that the same spirit which enabled them suc-
cessfully to turn the current of popular opinion in these two
wards, and place as their representatives in the town-council
men of sound constitutional, religious, and protestant opi-
nions—(cheers)—would likewise enable them to send to the
great council of the nation men who should represent the
same constitutional and protestant feelings in that still greater
and more important sphere. (Cheers, and a cry of" Bravo.")
He was exceedingly obliged to the worthy elector who had
given hini
that token of friendly encouragement, for it re-
quired a little cheering of that kind to enable himself and his
learned colleague to go through the fatigues to which they
were exposed in a canvass of this kind. (Cheers.) They
bad spun a long yarn, and not only one yarn, but many ;

-

but he must say that their yarns were always of the same
substance—of the true sort, long and strong, and would nei-
ther yield nor be destroyed: (Hear, and cheers.) The people
of Liverpool would not be seduced by the representations of
their brother spinners in Manchester, who spun long yarns
teo, but whose yarns were not so lasting as the principles
with which the conservatives were enabled to rivet and en-
chain the attention of the country. (Hear, hear.) The
gentlemen of Manchester seemed to think, that as the gen-
tlemen of Birmingham boasted of having carried the reform
bill, they also must enjoy the pre-eminence of carrying a
great change into the whole commercial and manufacturing
industry of the country ; they seemed to think they had a
right to organise a league out of their miserable impover-
ished funds, wretched beggars as they were, and subscribe
their hundreds of pounds each to it, for the purpose of en-
gaging in the extensive and expensive crusade of converting
to their opinions all the rest of the country. (Long and con-
tinued cheering.) They told us at one time that they were
impoverished to the last degree, that they were carrying on a
losing trade, and that our manufactures were leaving the
country, that they were obliged to yield to the competition of
foreign countries, yet in the same breath they told us that the
Chamber of Commerce would buy the whole House of
Peers! (Cheers.) How they were able to reconcile the two
assertions, he knew not ; but this was not the only instance
in which their statements were found to contradict each
other. (Hear.) How did they argue the question of free
trade ? To the farmer they said it would not lower the price
of 'corn ; to the mechanic they said it would ; to the farmer
they said, " If you lower the price of corn, you will lower the
price of labour," but to the mechanic they said that " wages
would not be reduced at all." (Hear, hear.) We should
find, indeed, if we examined their writings, their speeches,
and their addresses made in different parts of the country,
that they literally pursued the apostolic injunction, for they
" became all things to all men;" and that they used differ-
ent arguments, though they contradicted each other, for
every diflerent community according as each suited their in-
terest. (Hear, hear.) But they could not all be true; per-
haps they were all false. (Hear.) He (Lord Sandon) be-
lieved the question to be one of very great difficulty, upon
which the minds of men of the greatest ability, and of the
moat unblemished integrity, had been exceedingly divided.
It was not a question that could be satisfactorily discussed in
the crowd and agitation of a popular election. (Hear,
hear.) He thought the people of Liverpool had reason to
say with regard to this question, that they would put
some confidence in those whom they had hitherto
found their friends—in those who, by a long course of
service, had shown themselves attached to and interested
in the town and trade of Liverpool—in those whom even
their•opponents were obliged to confess had at least shown
some 7-51 and anxiety for the welfare and trade of the port,
and lb—, not, for the sake of self-interest, neglected those in-
terests. He did not think it would be well for this country
to enter into a free competition in corn with foreign coun-
tries, unless we were prepared to make all things equal—to
come to the same amount of taxation, to get rid of the na-
tional debt, which as honest men we were bound to pay to
the national creditor—to lower generally the wages of the
working classes to the level of those in the countries whose
corn we should consume ; unless we were prepared to enable
those who had fixed engagements to lower their engagements
with their creditors, and in the same proportion change the
value of money to that standard of price which a free trade
in corn would bring about, we should inflict extensive ruin
and misery. We were not beaten out of competition in
foreign markets ; we were labouring no doubt under a tem-
porary depression. Those who had had experience in mer-
cantile affairs must confess that this country, and every
other, must be exposed to occasional fluctuations in her
prosperity. They must know that the stimulus of price
would occasionally stimulate a supply beyond the natural
demand of the market ; and when that result had been ob-
tained, and the various markets had been deluged, it was ini
possible there should not be a reaction from the excess.
(Hear, hear.) But we bad seen, from time after time, these
periods of stagnation, painful as they were, by the watchful
care of government, pass away, and periods of prosperity re-
turn ; and he believed if the government of the country had
looked more carefully to her interests, and been less engaged
in party conflicts, less engaged bidding high for the support
of a few votes upon both sides, and sacrificing one interest
after another, just for the purpose of obtaining a little more
support in the divisions of a single night, there would have
been more confidence among mercantile men, more steadi-
ness of employment, and more of that kind of security
,which justified men embarking fearlessly and liberally in
in the undertakings of commerce and manufactures.
(Cheers.) The noble lord then, in allusion to a placard
which had recently been issued, expressed his conviction
that in proportion as we had high prices in corn we had high
wages, and that the comforts of the labouring classes were
better provided for under the existing system than they
would be were it changed. If we looked at the evidence of
these free-trade philosophers themselves, when not thinking
at the effect of their assertions, it would be seen that they
admitted the comforts of the labouring classes of this country
to be superior to those of every other country except the
United States. 'When he said "except the United States,"
was it because corn was cheap there ? No ; it was because
that was a thinly-peopled country, where the demand for
labour was greater than the supply; and in such a case,
whatever the price of corn might be, no doubt the price of
labour was high. (Hear, hear.) Land was there cheap,
labour was dear, and therefore wages were high; but
crowded together as we were it was impossible for us to
enjoy the same advantages. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) No
doubt over-trading was one of the reasons of the present
temporary stagnation of commerce. Every market in the
world had been overstocked, and till that surplus had been
exhausted, we could not expect a returning trade; but at the
same time, upon consulting with some of the most eminent
merchants in this town, he had the strongest conviction that
the tide was already turning, and that very soon the channels
of industry would be filled again. (Cheers.) Another rea-
son of the depression was the state of our greatest custom-
ers, the United States, with their banks breaking one after
another, totally destroying commercial credit ; and another
the state of our relations wtth China, by which a very large
and profitable commerce was entirely stopped. Many of
our markets had thus been disturbed, not by our opponents
being able to beat us out of them by fair competition, but by
political circumstances, which should have been foreseen
and prevented by government. The noble lord then enlarged
on the conservative and protestant spirit always displayed by
this constiteency, and commented in much the, same terms
as those used in other meetings, upon Lord Palmerston being
thrust forward as one of the candidates for this borough.
He also spoke of the good effected by those ministers of the
church who taught their flocks to understand and revere the
good old protestant institutions of the land. Impressed with
these feelings, he begged to solicit for himself, but not for
himself alone, that support which the electors of this town
had hitherto granted to conservative candidates. (Cheers.)
The chairman had already told them that Mr. Cresswell was
a most efficient representative of their interests ; he (Lord
Sandon) could say much on that subject, but he really felt
it out of place to give testimony to the services of a man
whose character and conduct were of themselves testimonies
sufficient. He would only say there was not an interest in
Liverpool to which Mr. Cresswell did now pay the utmost
attention; there was no opinion upon which he (Lord San-
don) could rely with such perfect security ; and there was no
man whose character stood higher, wherever it was known,
than that of their excellent and learned representative, his
good friend Mr. Cresswell. (Cheers.) It would indeed be
a triumph for the radical party in this town, and a humilia-
tion for the conservative party, if they did not succeed in
carrying Mr. Cresswell, and it would be a defection and
falling off from those high grounds which the electors had
hitherto occupied. The noble lord concluded a most elo-
quent address by calling on the electors to continue their
exertions for the few days which remained before the elec-
tion ; and he had no doubt they would be able, by an early
hour on Tuesday or Wednesday next, to shout Sandon
and Cresswell for ever," as their members. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. CRESSWYLLL next addressed the meeting. The cheers
with which he was greeted ;having subsided, the learned
gentleman said the first impression he had respecting this
meeting was one particularly agreeable, arising from the cir-
cumstance of its being held in a school-room—for they were
assembled, to the amount of many hundreds, in a building
which was devoted to the religious education of our children.
(Cheers.) That was one of the great leading topics which
had been urged upon the electors, because they were the ad-
vocates of such education ; and it had continued to keep out
of their favour those who now presided, or who did preside,
over the councils of this borough, because they proved them-
selves to be the foes of religious education. (Hear.) In
dealing with the questions now to be discussed, the first
thing apparent upon the part of their opponents was their ex-
treme desire that the past should be forgotten. (Hear.) They
never liked to appeal to history, because its evidence was
against them ; they did not like to appeal to any living ex-
perience, because that also was against them ; but they in-
dulged in speculations of what was to come hereafter. If
you told them that you could not trust to those speculations,
because the history of the past and their own experience
proved the contrary, these modern philosophers insisted
that they were the only wise people. " Oh !" said they,
" trust to us, that what we say will come to pass ; never
mind experience although such consequences never flowed
from such causes before, depend upon it that what we tell
you will come to pass." (Hear, bear.) He must say that
this was a very convenient doctrine, for many reasons. In
the first place, it was a very convenient doctrine for a new
candidate • because, when old candidates came among them,
particularly his noble and valued friend, Lord Sandon, they
.might say, with perfect truth, " I have now served you in
four parliaments; I have devoted my time, health, and
strength to your service ; I have sacrificed private and do-
mestic comfort ; I have been at your command whenever you
called upon me ; I have studied your affairs, and made my-
self
. acquainted with all your interests ; I have fulfilled, by
my.votes in the House of Commons, all that 1 professed to
you as a candidate." (Hear.) Lord Sandon might say he
had done all this for ten years, and which of his opponents
could deny it? (Cries of " None.") Then, what a conve-
nient doctrine it was for them to give the goe-by to the oast,
and look only to the future ! (Hear' bear, and cheers.) It
had been said of him (Mr. Cresswell.) with truth, that he
was a lawyer. It was very true that he had not abandoned
his profession in order to sit constantly in parliament ; but
he had never promised that he would do so, and he would
ask, not in any vain spirit of boasting, but with the plain
honest view of ascertaining the truth, had any constituent of
his gone to him in London, and asked him to go with him to
the chancellor of the exchequer, to Lord John Russell, or
their would-be representative, Lord Palmerston, to dis-
cuss any matter of business, or to convince them that
the claims of his constituents were just, whether he had
ever failed to do so ? (Hear, hear, hear) At least, there-
fore, lie had held out no delusive promises to his constitu-
ents ; he trusted, however humble his performances had
been, they had been equal to his promises. (Hear.) He
had consequently no reason to desire that the past should be
forgotten ; he claimed no merit for it—they were the best
judges of that—but certainly Lord Sandon at the start got
way ahead—he had three lengths and a distance—and at last
he (Mr. Cresswell) hoped he started fair with his opponents.
(Cheers.) Putting aside these private matters as connected
with Liverpool, he bad some start of his opponents in other
particulars which would interest the meeting. (Cheers.)
Before he had the honour of a seat in parliament, a great
struggle was made to disfranchise the freemen of this town ;
they were not content with introducing new rights and grant-
ing .them to those who were deserving of them, but they
wanted to take away old rights which parties were born to—
(cheers)—which were their inheritance, that they themselves
had honestly worked for. (Cheers.) Lord Sandon resisted,
and with good assistance preserved the franchise—(cheers)—
but they had attempted to nibble at them since. They were
not content with the first great attack, but they attempted to
outflank us, to get at the freemen by a side wind, and take
away that franchise indirectly which they could not take away
directly. (Cheers.) In defeating all these attempts, he was
happy to say that he had borne a share. (Great cheers.)
Since he had been in parliament, they had made no direot
attempt to renew their efforts to take away the property of
the church. That was done in Lord Sandon's time, and the
noble lord joined in resisting it. After he (Mr. Cresswell)
went into parliament, they never directly attempted to do
that, but they attempted to do it by indirect means. (Hear.)
This indirect attempt he assisted in defeating, humbly indeed,
but to the best of his power. (Hear, hear.) With regard to
the question of education, when it was proposed to parliament
that they should grant a sum of money for the purpose of
giving education without religious instruction, a very strong
party in the House of Commons thought the most important
education was that which taught our religious duties, our re-
ligious duties being by far the most important we were placed
here to discharge. (Hear.) Individually be (Mr. Cress-
well) took a small share in resting the measure then proposed
by government. (Loud cheers.) Perhaps the meeting
might chance to know that these questions, relating to the
church,to religion, to education, to our liberties and privi-
legesa freemen, voters and electors, were about as important
as most others that had been discussed. (Loud cries of
" Hear, bear.") But what said the men by whom the pre-

sent appeal was made to the country? We had received her
most gracious majesty's speech, which was delivered upon the
prorogation of parliament; that speech was of course written
by her majesty's ministers and advisers. and in it she said she
was pleased to exercise her prerogative and dissolve parliament
in or der to take the opinions of her people—upon what? (Hear)
Not upon the merits of her Majesty's ministers, not upon the
general questions of their policy, not upon any question re-
lating to the church, although they were known to be as hos-
tile to it as they were before ; not upon the question of reli-
gion ; but simply upon two or three trading questions, which,
although they were of themselves important, were by no
means of so much importance as the others. (Hear, hear,
and cheers.) If there was any roan who thought they were,
he would ask him a question. Perhaps he might say, "If I
send you to parliament, I should like you to vote for abo-
lishing the dnty upon corn, as is proposed by her Majesty's
ministers." Suppose he (Mr. Cresswell) were to say to him,
" Yes ; but if I consent to do that, will you consent to my
voting also for taking away the property of the church, and
destroying the church ?" Whht would be the answer, sup-
posing he (Mr. Cresswell) said, " I must vote for neither or
both ?" Would he say, " Vote for neither ?" He appre-
hended no man would hesitate to say " Neither." There-
fore it was by no means to be considered that these three
questions, which had been now raised, were the material and
principal questions which ought to be considered by wise and
prudent electors at this election. They ought to consider
the general policy of the ministers ;—not that he was afraid,
here or anywhere else, of discussing the policy of each par-
ticular question. (Cheers.) The honourable and learned
gentleman then commented with much severity on several
doctrines propounded by the anti-corn-law people, and hav-
ing exposed the false foundations on which their principal
arguments rested, he resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.
Mr. ROPER then moved a resolution, to the effect that the
meeting highly approved of the efficient services of Lord San-
don and Mr. Cresswell, as the representatives of this bo-
rough in the late parliament, and pledged themselves to take
all legal measures to secure their return.
Mr. HOLDEN seconded the motion, and it was carried by
acclamation.

On the motion of Lord SANDON, seconded by Mr. CRESS-
WELL, the meeting thanked Mr. Parker for his-services in
the chair, and having given nine hearty cheers for the success
of the conservative cause, they dispersed.

SCOTLAND, VAUXHALL, AND ST. PAUL'S
WARDS.

At half-past eight o'clock on Wednesday evening, a meet-
ing of these several wards was held at the Carpenters'-room,
Bond-street, for the purpose of adopting measures to secure
the re-election of our distinguished candidates. The room
was thronged by a dense and enthusiastic assemblage of the
electors, amounting to upwards of a thousand in number,
and the street in front of the building was literally blockaded
with the dense masses of human beings who were unable to
obtain admission. The chair was taken on the occasion by
Councillor THOMAS CASE.

Mr. ISAAC HOLMES proposed the first resolution. It will
be found in our advertising columns.
Mr. GEORGE WRIGHT seconded it.
Mr. HENRY COPELAND proposed the second resolution.
Mr. SANDISACH seconded it.

Lord SANDON then presented himself to the meeting, and
was received with vehement cheering. He said he had been
given to understand that before he arrived from the meeting
of St. Ann's and Lime-street Wards, a resolution had been
unanimously passed approving of the arduous and faithful
services of himself and his respected colleague in the late
parliament, and especially of their votes of " no confidence"
in her Majesty's ministers—the ministers who had abused
the patronage of the crown, and infringed on the rights of
the people. (Cheers.) He was exceedingly obliged to them
for having passed such a resolution on the grounds on which
they had put it, because those were the grounds on which
he had voted a want of confidence in the governing party.
But if the electors had no confidence in the ministry, why
was it? Simply because they could not trust them from day
to day, and because what they promised to do one year they
refused to do the next, and what they refused at one period
they granted at another. (Hear, hear.) A course such as
this was unlikely to secure confidence from any body of men.
He hoped he might point to his past conduct with a full as-
surance that he was entitled to their verdict. (Cheers.) He
was not one of those candidates who had come to make
magnificent promises, and to tell the electors that he would
give peace and plenty if they elected him. (Hear, bear.)
He had never attempted to delude them by saying that they
should have cheap bread and plenty of labour at all times,
simply because he knew that if he made such promises he
could not perform them ; and he never would make promises
which he could not perform. (Cheers.) He had always felt
it his duty to support the rights and interests of those by
whom he had been sent to parliament ; and he might appeal
to all the different trades in the town, and ask whether he
had not upon every occasion endeavoured to devote his ut-
most attention to promote the interests of the various classes.
(Hear and cheers.) The government had infringed on the
rights of the people in one material respect, namely, in having
attempted to deprive the freemen of Liverpool of their rights.
(Hear, hear.) They had pretended to be the friends of the
people, and the way in which they had shown their friendship
was by depriving a portion of the people of their rights. They
now cried " Cheap bread ;" but the electors would easily dis-
cover that bread was cheap when they received wages suf-
ficiently high to buy it, and that when it cost little, and no-
body had money to pay for it, it was excessively dear.
(Hear, and cheers.) If all the ministerial plans were carried
into effect ; if foreign ships were put in the place of colonial ;
if they were manned by foreign sailors, and rigged by foreign
ropers ; and if, in short, all branches of industry were depen-
dent on foreign labour, how, he asked, would that promote
the welfare of England and give good wages ? (Hear, hear.)
For his part he thought it would be unwise ; he agreed with
Lord Melbourne, when the noble premier said last 3 ear that
it would be madness, and that it would uesettle all the insti-
tutions of the country, to abandon the old channels of indus-
try. (Cheers.) It required very little argument to prove
that her majesty's ministers deserved no confidence. Indeed,
he knew not who had ever said they were entitled to confi-
dence. He knew not whether Sir Joshua Walmsley—(groans)
—had ever said so. He knew not whether Lord Palmerston
—(renewed groans)—had ever said so. It was a hard thing
to suppose a man could have any confidence in himself, if he
was mistrusting his own opinions also • but if Lord Palmers-
ton should happen to say that he had confidence in himself,
it might well be asked, In -what self, my lord ? the self of
the present administration or the last? Whether the
Lord Palmerston who supported Mr. Canning, who op-
posed reform, or the Lord Palmerston who supports Lord
Melbourne, who is in favour of it? The Lord Palmerston
who supported the whigs for four years, or the Lord
Palmerston who supported the tories for teu ?" (Laughter,
and cheers, followed by a cry- of " He's a dirty man.")
The fact was, no one possessed confidence in their conduct.
Some, to be sure, seemed to admire the measures they had
recently introduced, and were inclined to give them a trial ;
but how long was that trial to last ? (Hear, hear.) The
electors on the present occasion were about to elect mem-
bers for a certain number of years. (A voice—" Yourself
and Mr. Cresswell for ever.") If they were going to give
himself and his colleague a lease of the interests of Liverpool
he hoped that when the lease ran out they would find their
interests improved. (Cheers.) But the electors had a seri-
ous duty to perform at present. They were not going to
elect members for one question or one year, but in order to
decide the character of the government for a long series of
years to come ; and therefore they had to direct the govern-
ment in a manner consistent with their ganeral principles.—
His lordship, after thanking them for their attendance, and
exhorting them to unity and perseverence, sat down amidst
tremendous applause.
Mr. CRESSWELL next presented himself, and the cheer-
ing was renewed and continued for a considerable length of
time. He said if he had known nothing of the three wards
which had that night assembled, he would have been sur-
prised that they should have put themselves to inconveni-
ence from the manner in which they were at that moment
crowded together, and standing for so long a time to do
honour to their representatives. But having been informed
that mit of their nine members in the town council, eight
professing conservative principles had been • returned, it
proved to him.that they were strongly impressed with the
value of those principles, and that they desired to have them
maintained in parliament. He doubted not that their re-
presentatives in the council would maintain their principles
there, and if himself and his noble colleague should again
happen to be the objects of their choice, they would strenu-
ously maintain the same principles in the house of Com-
mons which they had ever done before. They had this ad-
vantage over their adversaries, they had pot promised much.
They had, however, stated their principles openly, and he
defied their worst enemies to charge them with deserting
them, or with having failed to perform whatever promises
they had made. (Hear, hear.) Could her majesty's minis-
sters say the same ? (Laughter and cheers.) Perhaps they
might say, and with truth, that they had not deserted their
principles, because if they never had any, it was impossible
they could ever desert them. (Great laughter and cheers.)
He had always, from the first moment of his going into par-
liament, a shrewd suspicion that this was the case, for soon
after he had got there a certain gentleman connected with
the radical party handed to Lord John Russell three mea-
sures which he wished him to give to the people, namely—
, universal suffrage, annual parliaments, and vote by ballot.
It was a medical gentleman who handed them, and shortly
after Lord John said that he had inspected the three powders
—(a laugh)—that they were very nasty—and that be thought
the physic would do the country no good. (Great laughter.)
But was that any principle? It it was, Lord John had de-
serted it since ; if it was no principle, then he had not de-
serted it, having had no such thing in him at the time.
(Cheers.) The sort of refusal then given by Lord John led
him (Mr. C.) to suspect that it was not very sincere. He
meant not to say that Lord John had supported those mea-
sures since, but he had taken into his cabinet men whom he
knew to be supporters of them ; and instead of governing
England as she was wont to be governed, he had adopted the
sneaking plan of open questions. (Hear and cheers.) Again,
two years ago Lord Melbourne had said that that man would
be downright staring mad who would attempt to deprive the
agriculturist of protection. People then thought him sincere,
and that his professions could not bedoubted. If, in so say-
ing, there was any principle, he was guilty of violating it ; if
not, he was guiltless, having had no principle at the time.
(Cheers and laughter.) Accordingly, in the present year he
had dissolved the parliament and appealed to the people.
But what reason had he for supposing that the people were
of a contrary opinion to the majority of their representatives ?
(Hear.) His (Mr. C.'s) principle had been, and would be, to
advocate the interests of Liverpool, so far as they were con-
sistent with the interests of the country at large : and one of
those interests was the shipping interest. Would the cry of
" cheap corn," and the promotion of a foreign trade, serve that
interest? Oh, no ! Where did Mr. Brocklebank, for instance,
the worthy representative of the phantom candidate—(hear)—
build his ships ? (Several voices— "At Whitehaven.")
Where did he rig them ? (" At Whitehaven.") Where did
he repair them ? (" At Whitehaven," followed by cheers.)
It appeared, then, that Mr. Brocklebank was very willing to
give the people cheap corn, but equally willing, at the same
time, to give them no work. (Great cheers.) After some
further remarks on the subject of religious education, and the
necessity of preserving old England as she at present existed,
the learned gentleman concluded amid loud cheers.

Thanks having been voted to the chairman, on the propo-
sition of Lord SANDON, seconded by Mr. CRESSWELL, the
meeting separated.
When our distinguished candidates arrived outside the
building, they found that the horses had been taken from
their carriage, and that they must. nolens volens, be drawn
through the several streets by the thousands who surrounded
and greeted them with the most enthusiastic cheers we ever
heard. Accordingly they had to enter the carriage, accom-
panied by their several friends, when they were borne along
through several of the streets, amid the loud applause of the
multitude.

ST. PETER'S. PITT-STRET, AND GREAT

GEORGE'S WARDS.

Last evening, at seven o'clock, Lord Sandon and Mr.
Cresswell met the electors of St. Peter's, Pitt-street, and
Great George's Wards, in the Music-hall, Bold-street, which
was completely crowded by an enthusiastic body of conserva-
tives. Among those present we observed Sir Thos. Brancker,
G. H. Lawrence, Esq., James Aspinall, Esq., J. Lawrence,
Esq., &c. &c. &c.
Mr, J. Ferguson was called to the chair, on be mo ton of
Mr. Toulmin, seconded by Mr. Rimmer.
The CLIAIIIIIAN, in opening the proceed Dis, said, that
yesterday parliament was dissolved, for the ouject of ascer-
taining whether her majesty's ministers deserved the confi-
dence of the country. The question for the consideration
of the constituency was, whether they would vote for minis-
terialists or anti-nainisterialists—whether they would vote
for Lord Palmerston, a member of a condemned cabinet,
and Sir Joshua Walmsley, an active partisan of that
cabinet ; or for the true friends of the people, Lord
Sandon and Mr. Cresswell. (Loud cheers.) 'The Chairman
of the acts of th
then proceeded to comment upon many

-

present administration after which he introduced Lord San-
don and Mr. Cresswell, whom he publicly thanked for their
votes during the last session, in support of conservatism, and
especially for their support of Sir Robert Peel's want of
confidence motion. At the close of the chairman's address,
nine hearty cheers were given for the candidates.
Lord SANDON then.addressed the meeting, and said, the
manner in which he had been received was a strong testimony
and assurance of the fact, of which, indeed, he was conscious
himself, that he had not made professiops which he had not
performed, or held out expectations which he had not realized.
He was not sensible of having departed in any essential point
from the principles he had professed. He had always held
out to them principles of warm attachment to the throne,
and the altar, and to our Protestant religion, whilst at the
same time he was willing to leave to others the most
free and unfettered exercise of their opinions and that tole-
ration which had been his creed through life,which he hoped
to maintain to the end of his days. (Cheers.) Those
opinions himself and his colleagues had maintained from the
beginning, and he hoped that the testimonies which they had
received of election after election in every part of England,
were a just reason to expect that their opinions were gaining-
ground day after day ; and that having been for some time
struggling through a feeble though resolute minority—the
conservatives had at last properly assumed the position of a
triumphant majority. (Hear.) The noble lord then referred
to the corn-laws, and showed that thedistress existing in the
manufacturing districts was caused not by the operation
of those laws, as contended by the Manchester gentlemen ; but
by the markets of several of our best customers being stopped
by various causes, which should have been foreseen by a wise
and prudent government, and by the stimulus given to pro-
duction by the facility of obtaining fictitious capital. The
conservatives, his lordship then observed, had been taunted
in the House of Commons, when they complained of the
state of our finances, caused by the extravagant expenditure
of the present administration, with being the cause thereof,
because they bad supported the government. What were
the facts ? With regard to Canada the conservatives sup-
ported the government when insurrection broke out, and
when it was necessary to put it down, because they preferred
the honour and safety of the country to gaining any advan-
tage over the administration which they opposed. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) But did they approve of the policy of
the government which led to that outbreak ? Did they sup-
port that neglect which had led to the fatal confusion of
affairs in Lower Canada, and which ultimately broke out in
insurrection ? He was a living witness to the Contrary ; for
he himself moved a resolution in the House of Commons,
condemnatory of the neglect and want of foresight which
distinguished the colonial administration of the country, upon
that very question of Canada. (Cheers.) Therefore, al-
though the conservatives were responsible to this extent, that
they encouraged ministers to put down the insurrection, and
agreed to support the expense which was naturally incurred
by it, they were not responsible for the events which led to
that insurrection, for they repudiated and opposed the policy,
of ministers. (Loud cheers.) Another cause of expendi-
ture had been the unfortunate state of our relations with
China. The conservatives did not approve of the war with
China—(hear, hear, and cheers) ; but when affairs had come
to that point when it was necessary to take strong measures
for the protection of British interests and the protection of
British character, then the conservatives did not think it
their duty to oppose the passing of those estimates which
were necessary to be incurred, in that necessary but unfor-
tunate undertaking. But did they concur in the policy
which led to that expense' No. Upon the contrary, .they
condemned the policy, and Sir James Graham brought for-
ward a motion condemning it. Therefore, although the con-
servatives were responsible for the expense, which was one
cause of our present embarrassment, they were responsible
only so far as her Majesty's ministers had made it necessary to
to be incurred. We must remember, in this melancholy
picture of the condition of the country and the state of our
finances, which we were told made it necessary to abandon
all her ancient policy. creating confusion in all the settled
channels of industry, that Frederick the Great had said, that
if we wished to ruin a country, we had only to give it up to
the philosophers. We were told that the country was in
such a state as to make the changes proposed necessary.
Now, he denied that the country was in that state. The re-
venue was not falling off; but the expenses were increasing.
There was nothing to lead us to the conclusion that the re-
sources of the state were impaired, and it was his conviction
that the deficiencies in the revenue were caused by the lavish
expenditure of her Majesty's present ministers, and by their
unwise management of colonial affairs. The noble lord re-
ferred to their conduct towards Canada in support of his
views, and concluded by expressing his conviction that the
verdict of Liverpool, in their election, would give great en-
couragement to conservatives all over the country.
Mr. CRESSWELL next addressed the assembly, and after
some remarks upon the principal topics suggested by 'the
election, he observed that the country had now before it her
majesty's account of the reasons which had induced her to
dissolve the late parliament. The meeting must bear in mind
that the statement made by her majesty was not her own, but
the statement of her minister. The minister, then, stated,
that he had dissolved the late parliament, and appealed to
to the people because the late parliament would
not pass certain measures which he bad proposed.
But, then, he could not get rid of another appeal which was
this—an appeal to the people to know whether her majesty's
ministers had their confidence or not? Now Lord Mel-
bourne had dissolved parliament because parliament would
not pass certain of his measures, but he forgot to advise her
majesty to state in her speech that parliament had voted
that they had no confidence in her majesty's ministers.
That was not stated to the people as the ground of appeal.
The parliament also stated that her majest'ys ministers had
violated the spirit of the constitution, but they had not put a
word of that in the queen's speech. (Hear, hear, hear.)
They had not reminded the people of that, but it was just as
if they had—(hear, hear, and long continued cheers)—
because at the last election for this place and throughout the
empire, certain parties were returned who showed by their
votes that they were not minded ,to adopt the measures of
government, both this year, last year, and the year before,
yet the ministry held office. Why did they not appeal:to the
people then—(hear, hear)—if they thought that the ground
upon which they were justified in advising their government
to appeal to the people, was this, that their representatives
had not acted according to the wishes of their constituents,
or upon the principles on which they were returned ? But
what reason had they to suppose that ? (Hear.) If they sup-
posed, because they were defeated in parliament, the wishes of
the constituency was not represented, two years ago, why
did they not appear to the people then? (Cheers.) Why
did they not appel last year, when they were defeated ? Why
did they reserve it for this hour, and not upon their Ist, 2d,
3d, and 4th defeat? (Cheers.) Why, because they thought
they could delude the people by the cry of cheap bread.
(Hear.) They did not appeal at once, but stayed till
measures had been put forward, which shewed their policy,
and when they thought the peope ripe for agitation and ex-
citement, then they sent the parliament before them. The
learned gentleman then proceeded to oppose the hollowness
of the cry of cheap bread, one of the subjects on which
ministers had dissolved the parliament, and the miserable
fallacies put forth by the anti-corn law leaguers to establish,
that the abolition of the corn laws would not lower wages.
He concluded a most eloquent address by observing, that it
was because he loved his country and all her institutions,
that lie wished to see conservatism triumphant.
The meeting was next addressed by Mr. G. H. Lawrence,
Mr. Mackford, Mr. Arthur Henderson, and others, and the
usual resolutions were unanimously passed, pledging the
electors present to support Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell.
The meeting then separated. On the candidates arriving
in the streets, the people took the horses from their carriage,
and dragged it amidst the most enthusiastic cheers, through
Concert-street, Bold-street, Ranelagh-street, into the spa-
cious yard of the Adelphi Hotel, where the electors of
ABERCROMBY AND RODNEY-STREET WARDS were assem-
bled in immense numbers, to welcome their appearance.
Mr. ROBERTSON GLADSTONE occupied the chair.
Mr. HENRY LAWRENCE moved the first resolution, which
is as follows :

" That the conservative electors of Abercromby and Rod-
ney street wards do most cordially resolve to join heart and
hand with their brother conservatives in the approaching
contest, and, by the union of zeal, firmness, and exertion,
to maintain in this borough' the ascendancy of those legal
and constitutional principles, for which it is so proudly
distinguished."

MI: PROCTOR seconded the resolution, and it was carried
unanimously.
Mr. Busx ELL proposed the second resolution, as follows—
That Lord Viscount Sandon and Cresswell Cresswell,
Esq., by their undeviating support in parliament of conserva-
tive principles, by their untiring resistance to the dangerous
and destructive measures of her Majesty's ministers, by their
faithful discharge in all respects of the trust reposed in them,
and particularly by their anxious attention to the local inter-
ests of this borough, have entitled themselves to the renewed
confidence of all their constituents, and that the conservative
electors of Abercromby and Rodney-street wards will most
strenuously exert themselves to secure their re-election."
Mr. Brimarr seconded the resolution, and it was carried.
Lord SANDON and Mr. CRESSWELL then delivered each
an able speech, and both were loudly applauded.
At the conclusion the populace again dragged their car-
riage through the streets until they arrived at the Queen's
Arms Hotel. Nothing in fact can exceed the estimation in
which
s they are held, and the enthusiasm which their presence
create.

MONOPOLY. WHAT IS IT?

(For the Liverpool Standard.)
A word more frequently used than rig htlyunderstood.
A term of reproach ever in the
mouths of those who are
stirring heaven and earth to accomplish measures for their
own aggrandisement, under the specious plea of , th
for the distresses of their poorer countryme. 33
mpa
A cry which has been caught up and re-echoed by the mi-
nistry of this country when, in articulo mortis, with the
same desperate eagerness with which dying men clutch at
straws ; not improbably too, with the same result.
An expression which, however successfully it may have
been used by the designing to tickle the ears of the unskilful,
has ever been estimated by the judicious at its true value
of but " sounding brass and tinkling cymbal."
A very brief consideration of the real meaning of the word,
and of the signification to which it has lately become the
fashion to twist it, will, we think, serve to abuse the minds
of the unprejudiced of what we conceive to be a very gross
misconception of the idea represented by this term.
The derivation of the word from two Greek words, signi-
fying sole (right of) selling, indicates its meaning to be an
exclusive privilege of buying or selling, possessed either by
an individual, or, in its widest sense, by a small body of in.
dividuals, and entirely loses its force when attempted to be
applied to great and influential classes of the community—
how utterly meaningless, when the rights of the greatest, the
most numerous, and the most influential class of all, those
interested directly or indirectly in the
prosperity of agricul-
ture, are summarily narrowed down to the comprehension of
an epithet of so essentially limited an application.
Monopoly may be defined to be a privilege granted to the
few, sometimes, no doubt, to the prejudice of the many, but
cannot, without doing violence to its real meaning, be wrested
so as to indicate that salutary protection considered essential
to the prosperity,
nay to the very existence, of the most im-
portant of all our national interests. Monopolies have, from
time to time, been granted by all nations to individuals, or
to incorporated bodies, either to remunerate them for useful
discoveries, or eminent past services, or to stimulate them,
by the hope of ultimate profits, to embark their skill
and property on the uncertain ocean of human events.
Of :this description,
are the patents granted to discoverers or
inventors in the paths of science and art, the privileges
granted to the East India and other. Companies, to the Bank
of England, W railway companies, and a host of others ; and
though some of these have doubtless outlived the period
originally intended for their existence, and have consequently
been annulled, and thrown open to public competition, this
is no reason why all others should be sacrificed at one fell
sweep, or why
even newcharters, under peculiar circum-
stances, should not be granted. We all thought that when
the trade to the East Indies and China was thrown open,
and the exclusive privileges of the East India Company
withdrawn, that there wus an end to the cry of monopoly
in that quarter at least; and so there was for a time, when
the temporary purpose which gave it birth, or rather breath,
was served ; but, strange to say, this word, camelion-like,
has changed its hue, and when another purpose was to be
served, such as on the late occasion of the agitation of
the sugar duties question, it was still the same cuckoo-
note in the mouths of the same ever-restless faction.
Verily this monopolyis a word of of wondrous powers of ex-
pansion and contraction : it quite rivals the stretch of the
very elastic fancy of Polonius. Now it is almost in shape
like a camel, anon it is dwindled down to the pigmy propor-
tions of a weasel, and then again it has expanded to the di-
mensions of a whale—aye, indeed, very like a whale. A
word endowed with such slippery powers, is, however, quite
as likely to elude the grasp as bend to the wishes of those

who endeavour to twist it into all imaginary shapes, to suit
their own purposes.
If by the term-monopoly, those who use it mean (as seems
very probable) every description of trade which enjoys the
benefit of protection, who shall we say are not monopolists ?
Is the wealthy manufacturer, with his protective duty of
from 20 to 50 par cgpt., to keep out the competition of
foreigners, less a monopolist than the landowner or farmer
who enjoys a protection nominally of 20 per cent. for the
same purpose ? The proposition to break down the agricul-
turtsts' bulwark, of protection, comes then with a good
grace truly, from those whose interests require a yet higher
line of circumvallation to ensure their security from the
same common danger—foreign competition.
The true object of attack, then, seems to be the principle of
protection under the specious guise of an assault on mono-
poly, and if this wild crusade should prove successful in the
present instance, there is not a single protected interest in
this great nation—and what interest is not more or less so—
which must not bow its bead to the same influence, which,
like the devastating blast of the desert, will leave the coun-
try over which it is permitted to sweep, a naked, leafless plain,
one wide waste of desolation. M.
[Another correspondent suggests a mode of exposing the
absurdity of the monopolists' cry, by calling attention to the
fact of the corporation having purchased the only two situ-
ations suitable for docks on the other side of the river, to se-
cure the revenues of the town against rival docks in the hands
of other parties.]

EMIGRATION TO NEW SOUTH WALES.

The following extract from a letter written on board the
Frankfield, and dated the 26th of March last, from a passen-
ger to a friend in Liverpool, contains information which may
probably be interesting to some of our readers. The Frank-
field was chartered by Messrs. Smith and Sons, of this
town.

" It was with much regret that I was obliged to steal from
Liverpool without taking (perhaps) a last farewell; probably,
you are already aware, that myself and family left under dis-
couraging circumstances, having all the horrors of a steerage
passage in an emigrant vessel before us ; but Providence has
been most kind to us. You know, that lam no friend to
puffing, and, therefore, you will give me the more credit for
what I assert. The Frankfield, under the command of Cap-
tain Mitchel, left Liverpool on the 7th of February, for
Port Phillip, New South Wales, and with the exception of
the first ten days, we have had a pleasant passage, being now
close to Rio Janeiro, and all passengers on board healthy.
We buried seven sickly infants. The vessel is a good sea-
boat, (900 tons burthen,) and, under her present commander,
we cannot fail of making a speedy and prosperous voyage.
The general conduct of Captain Mitchell to the passngers on
board is that of a kind and generous benefactor; and, in-
deed, he has very rough materials to deal with, having above
340 passengers on board, of a poor and disorderly description,
of Englisk and Irish. But by a persevering system of regu-
larity, he has brought them from being drunken and turbulent
to sobriety and good conduct. We have divine service twice
on Sunday, with so much devotion and piety, that it would
be a good example for many of your churches at home. For
myself and family, I am poor in language to say what we owe
Captain Mitchell for his kindness. He has risen us from an
anticipated voyage of misery to that of pleasure. I will, at a
future period, give you a more detailed account of our voyage.
Doctor Wilson, of Raphoe, near Londonderry, is profes-
sionally engaged on board of this vessel. His reputation
about Londonderry is well known ; but I cannot avoid say-
ing, that he adds to his professional abilities that of the kind-
est and most benevolent disposition to the poorest person on
board ; in a word, few emigrant vessels can boast of such a
commander, or a more skilful physician, and every passenger
on board seems to feel it."

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