The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-10-29 00:00:00

IMPORTANT TO AGRICULTURISTS.

Several cases have lately been brought before the magistrates
in petty sessions in various parts of the country, and parties
(farmers and others) claiming exemption for toll for thrashing
machines ; the exemption has been allowed in some cases,
and in others refused. The point, whether they are not liable,
will ptrhaps remain unsettled until it has received the decision
of one of the superior courts of law ; but in the mean time
we give an extract from an opinion of the present Attorney-
General on the point. In a late case at cur City petty sessions,
where the magistrates considered a thrashing machine to be
exempted from toll, another point was also raised, viz., sup-
posing that a thrashing machine is exempt from toll, will not
such exemption be interfered with in case any other article
should be placed on the machine or in the carriage in which
such machine is conveyed ? And if so, what quantity of such
article would constitute " a lading," in the terms of the
General Turnpike Act, 3 G. 4, c. 126, s. 32, which states as
follows :

" For any horse, &c., or carriage employed, or having been
employed on the same day, in carrying or conveying any dung,
&c., (except lime) for improving lands, or any ploughs, bar-
rows, or implements in husbandry, (unless laden with some
other thing not thereby exempted from toll,) or any hay,
straw, &c., which has grown on land in the occupation of
the owner of such hay, straw, &c., and which has not been
bought, sold, or disposed of, or for any horses, &c., em-
ployed in husbandry, going to or returning from plough or
harrow, or to or from pasture or watering place, or from
being shoed, such horses not going or returning on those oc-
casions more than two miles on the turnpike road on which
the exemption shall be claimed."

The following is the extract from the opinion of Sir F
Pollock,.above referred to :

" I am of opinion that a thrashing machine is not exempt
from toll to whomsoever the horses may belong that draw it.
In my opinion it is not an " implement of husbandry;" hus-
bandry means " ti//age:" and those tools or implements
alone, are in my opinion, " implements in husbandry"
which are employed in tillage ; such as ploughs, harrows,
spades, &c., (perhaps also sowing machines or instruments
for drilling) ; but a " thrashing machine" is not used in
tilling but in preparing the produce for the market. livery
farming implement is not exempted, such as a chaff-cutting
machine, and many ethers."

In our brief comment on the case lately heard at our City
Petty Sessions, as mentioned above, we remarked on the ab-
surdity of the supposition that the legislature had intended
to ex"npt the farmer's machine from toll, and at the same
ti, eto levy a toll on a straw or other covering necessary to
pr test .uch machine from the weather—in other words, pro-
tectiug the agriculturists in dry but not in wet weather! But
this new proposition put forth by Sir F. Pollock—that a
thrashing machine is not an implement of husbandry—ap-
pears to us to be equally absurd ; and however ingenious such
an argument may seem when used by Mr. Lett, or any other
toll-ga' e keeper, we had not expected to see it advanced by
her M. jesty's Attorney-General. It is evident that the pur-
poses* bn.l objects of " husbandry " are not fulfilled and
complete until the grain is made ready for the market ; and
no legislator could ever hare contemplated affording protec-
tion to the farmer in one stage of his operations and refusing
it in another, in the manner laid down by Sir F. Pollock.
Again, " husbandmen," properly so called, are a class whose
operations are not confined to tillage, but embrace reaping,
mowing, thrashing, &c. ; yet, by the extenson of the princi-
ple laid down by the Attorney-General, such men would
merely be required to prepare the land for sowing, &c. It is
as necessary for the purposes of the farmer that his grain
should be thrashed and husbanded, as that his ground should
undergo tillage. We perfectly agree with the decision given
by our magistrates, one of whom judiciously remarked that
a flail , (which we denominate a ruder kind of thrashing
machine) would have passed, toll free, through auy gate, and
without any demand being made ; and further, we believe
that the Act 3 George IV. contemplates exemption for all
implements used by the farmer in the preparation of his
grain for the market.— Worcester Journal.

A popish paper in Cork " rejoices to announce the con-
version of Lord and Lady Holland to the Roman Catholic
faith, which gratifying event took place at Rome the latter
end of last month.

DISTRESSING .ACCIDENT.—An accident of a most dis-
tressing nature occurred at Prestonkirk on Monday. Two
young gir:s—Jessie Steel and Mary Reid, belonging to East
Linton, had left their homes on the morning, for the purpose
of gleaning in the fields, and while attempting to cross the
Tyne, at the village of Preston, by means of a plank, they
lost their hold, and were both precipitated into the water.
On the alarm being given, Mr. William Pringle, Preston,
ran to their asssistance, and at the hazard of his own life,
g cne of them
o e rustledssie intoethe
uwta. t eLr
faensde
es umcecde etdoe
bed
ein e
extinct,
n but the means
used by Dr. Hislop, Linton, to whom, along with Mr. Wm.
Pringle, great praise is due, were at last blessed in restoring
her to life. The other girl, we are sorry to add, found a wa-
tery grave—her body was not recovered till the following
day.—Edinburgh Standard.
THE ENGLISH GALLERY AT THE LOUVRE.—Although
the bequest of the fine collection of pictures of the late Mr.
Standish to the King of the French may, in a certain sense,
be considered as a loss to this country, yet the purpose to
which his majesty has applied the legacy amply compensates
for the change of owners. The reputation of this collection
will henceforth be European, as a separate gallery has been
devoted to its exhibition in the palace of the Louvre, which
will very shortly be thrown open to the travelling world, in
the same manner as the celebrated museums, which have for
so great a length of time formed one of the chief attractions
of Paris. His majesty the King of the French has given
Mr. Standish's collection the name of " The English Gal-
lery" under which designation there is little doubt of its
being better known to our countrymen than if it had remained
in that gentleman's family. This gallery will occupy the
Rage above the Musle de la Marine, extending along that
front of the palace which faces the rue St. Honore% The
pictures are already classified and hung up, and will be very
soon thrown open to the public.—Herald.

givE Frimms IN EXCHERUErt BTLLS

Conaideeable sensation has been occasioned in London fox
the last few days. relative to a discovery of fraudulent
of exchequer hills. In many instances triplicates of thc,sp;
documents are found to be in existence, aril bow they 4avg
been created has given rise to a multitude of suspicions. As
may be imagined the business on the Stock Exchange is
much neglected. We take the following on the subject from
the Times of Wednesday*:—

It is understood to-day in the city that suspicion has at
length been directed to a particular individual relative to the
fraudulent issues of exchequer-bills, and that the party con-
nected with it has been taken into custody. He is said to
hold a high station in one of the government offices, but at
the present state of the proceedings it would perhaps be
scarcely right to mention his name, although it is pretty ge-
nerally spoken in the city; moreover, it is scarcely necessary,
as it must of course transpire officially within a very short
period. Besides, it seems that the party apprehended is not
the only offender, as, according to a full confession which he
is said to have made, a great many other persons are impli-
catedlinsthe transaction. The amount of the frudulent issue
is said to be as high as £150,000 or £200,000 according to
the confession of the party. The hills do not appear to have
been strictly speaking a forgery, if we may trust the general
report, according to which the signature of Lord Monteagle
has been obtained in a surreptitious manner. At the same
time the practice which is suffered to have obtained in the
office, of allowing different persons actually to sign the name
of Lord Monteagle, and by his authority, was excessively
loose, and calculated to give great facilities to forgery, while
great difficulties would be thrown in the way of detection.
There is rather a curious anecdote which is told in connexion
with the affair, and one which is singularly illustrative of the
carelessness with which the business of the office has been
conducted. During the present investigation, one of the
bills is said to have been shown to Lord Monteagle, who
observed, that he really could not tell whether the signature
was his signature or not.
The circumstances which have transpired to-day would
seem to show that a great many of the rumours which were
afloat on the first discovery of an irregularity in the Exche-
quer-bill market were totally false, and had their source in
idle conjecture, or, what is more probable, in the endeavours
of the parties really implicated to turn suspicion into wrong
channels. So much, however, of the late rumours still ap-
pears to be true that the surreptitious issues are in some
manner connected with the sales of Spanish stock. Now
the chief anxiety in the city is, admitting the bills to be for-
geries, (for the case will hardly arise if they have actually
been signed by Lord Monteagle,) and also admitting the
forgeries to have had a sort of government currency, to know
what degree of liability will attach to the government itself
to make good any sums that may have been lost by the tran-
saction. Had the parties holding them received them imme-
diately from the Treasury, or with a due degree of caution
as to the parties from whom they took them, it would not be
the same case as if, lured by a high rate of interest, they
took them of parties to whom they were utter strangers, or
whom, if they knew at all, they knew to be in such circum-
stances, that honest possession ofthe bills was almost impos-
sible. If, however, as I before observed, the bills are actually
signed by Lord Monteagle, it is not likely this delicate ques-
tion will ever be practically discussed. At present it is the
opinion of many experienced persons in the city, that the
safe course on the part of the government will be to draw in
the bills of the present issues, and at once issue new ones, to
remove the complication which at present exists, and which,
whoever may be the parties actually implicated, results from
the grossest negligence and mismanagement under the Whig
administration.

One of the latest rumours relative to this affair is the cap- '
ture of a party in the city, who is supposed to have been the
next chief implicated to the one already in custody.
On this subject we have received the following communi-
cation from a source on which we have reason to rely :
"The frauds committed in regard to Exchequer-bills have
been committed through the agency of a person in the Ex-
chequer•bill-office. Whether the duplicate bills in circula-
tion are forgeries, or whether the bills, having been regularly
signed, have been fraudulently obtained, is yet uncertain.
The bills, whether forged or fraudulently obtained, were ap-
plied to speculations in foreign funds, chiefly Spanish stock.
A gentleman, who held a confidential appointment in the
Exchequer-bill-office, has been committed to prison.

The following we take frolii the Times of yesterday :
Though the events disclosed yesterday would seem to have
brought the affair of the fraudulent issue of Exchequer-bills
to something like a denouement, the interest excited by it
has hardly at all subsided. In fact, until some official an-
nouncement is made from the Treasury on the subject, there
is scarcely a holder of Exchequer-bills who feels entirely at
his ease respecting this part of his property. Besides this,
the credit of the government itself is mixed up in the ques•
tion to a degree which becomes more alarming the longer de-
lay takes place, and there can be no doubt that some very de-
cisive measure must soon be adopted at the. Treasury to avert
the consequences of this uneasy feeling. It may be stated,
perhaps, as the more general wish, that an order should be
made, not only for immediately calling in the whole of those
in circulation, but for replacing them by others of a totally
different mark and colour, so as to prevent any possibility of
being confounded with them. With the arrangements that
are at the conimand of the Treasury this ought to be neither
a long nor a difficult affair, and even the fixing of a period
when all uncertainty would be removed would tend to some
extent to relieve the public mind. But, besides this, there is
another feeling on the part of the monied interest, which is
calculated to make a very strong impression at the Treasury,
and which is, that frauds like these, to so large an amount,
and continued for so long a period of time, could not have
happened without a system of management at the Treasury
utterly defective and vicious. fleece the Treasury will be
expected not only to remedy the present evil, but also to es-
tablish such reforms as will make the recurrence of it im-
possible. It is well known that in the offices where the re-
sponsible part of the exchequer-bill business is conducted
the attendance of the persons employed is very short and
very uncertain, and that the facilities, therefore, for fraud,
to any parties who are disposed to practise it, are very great;
and we fear it may be added that many of those servants of
the public are passing much of that time when they ought to
be on duty either on the Stock Exchange, engaged in ha-
zardous speculations, or at the offices of joint-stock compa-
nies, where many of them act as directors. With respect to
the party charged with the lead in this fraud, the name is not
yet publicly announced, though it is as freely mentioned
everywhere as if that had been the case. Much blame is at-
tached to the treasury for having allowed the whole of this
day to pass without making any official communication either
at the Bank or at the Stock Exchange, But, though they
have done nothing, a number of minor incidents have come
to light which may be mentioned, as showing that the affair
has very extensive ramifications, and it is thought verypos-
sible that the party apprehended is but an instrument in the
hands of a confederacy, who have associated for the purpose
of conducting this enormous fraud. It has transpired that
the offices of various persons have to-day been searched,
under a warrant from the Secretary of State, and it is also
said that several individuals connected with the Stock
Exchange have had notice to attend at the Treasury for an
examination, supposed to be going on at the moment when
this paragraph was penned.

. .
Several very important questions, too, have arisen in con-
nexion with this affair, the most material of which is, what
has been going on at the Bank relative to the operation of
funding Exchequer-bills, under the late notice from the Trea-
sury. We believe it may be stated that, until this day, no
precautions have been instituted there to test the genuineness
of the Exchequer-bills brought in to be funded, arid yet such
is the nature of the proceeding that any party delivering Ex-
chequer-bills could obtain stock in exchange for them, and
dispose of that stock in the market, all within the period of
a couple of hours. Thus, if the parties had resorted to this
mode of obtaining a value for their Exchequer-bills, they
would have realized immense sums, and placed themselves
almost beyond the reach of detection.

Another most important question is how the Treasury will
deal with those parties who may be said to be innocent hold-
ers of these forged securities, and whether they will be repaid.
This point must, we imagine, remain very much in doubt
until the investigations relative to the fraud are complete ;
for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it is said, conceives a
broad distinction to exist between a fraud originating solely
with one of his own officers, and one concocted out of doors,
of which that officer is made the tool. Something, it is clear,
must be (lone to bring the whole circulation of the Exchequer-
bills under observation, without which it could not be known,
even at the Treasury, what extent of responsibility they
would have to incur by adopting the fraudulent as well as the
genuine issue.

These disclosures have brought to mind many circum-
stances in the money-market for months and even for years
past, which were thought at the time mysterious and unac-
countable, but which, in the hurry of business, passed away
without further observation. As to the speculations in
Spanish stock, for example, it is recollected that the parties
ostensibly engaged in them were persons of inferior note and
standing, who yet carried on their time-bargains to such an
extent that their differences on the settlement ofthe foreign
account, which only lasts for a fortnight, were often from
£20,000 to £30,000. ; and yet it was found that they always
contrived, in some way or other, to make good their engage-
ments. Hence they acquired, of course, the confidence of
the jobbers in the Stock-Exchange, and were believed to act,
not for themselves, but for principals of real wealth, who, for
some cause or other, chose, as is not uncommonly the case,
to keep aloof from observation. It was contrived, also, to
let it be believed that the funds raised by these different ope-
rations had some political object, and even as far back as the
mad expedition of Louis Napoleon, they were connected with
that expedition, as they have been latterly with the insurrec-
tion in Spain. Most of the speculations in Spanish stock, it
should be observed, are usually un-uccessful, political cir-
curnstanceo. and the state of the money-market turning con-
stantly ; gain;t them ; and hence, some people suppose that
the incde of raising money by false Exchequer-bills was an
after-thought, devised to rescue them from a situation other-
wise irretrievable; and it is by no means thought improbable
that a participation in these losses by the official person im-
plicated at the Treasury facilitated their employment of him
as their instrument for getting out of their mutual difficulties.
It may truly be said, we believe, that since the first issue
of the document called an " Exchequer-bill," there never
has existed so much excitement respecting that securiety as
at the present moment.

It is.proper to mention, in order to save many innocent
persons from suspicion, that the person now in custody is
Mr. E. Bowman Smith, of the Exchequer-office.

LONDON MONEY MARKET AND TRADE REPORT

The business in Exchequer-bills continues for the while
suspended. One or two small transactions under guarantee
have been effected at the lower premium of 9s. They are
quoted almost nominally at 9 to 11 premium. This inter.
ruption to the regular mode of dealing increases the business
in the permanent stocks, which are quoted nearly per cent.
better than yesterday. Consols for money were at one period
of the day quoted at 88n, but closed at 884-, and for the ac-
count, 88k to ; three per cents. reduced closed at 86} ;
three and a half per cents, reduced, 96i; new three and a
half per cents., 981 ; long annuities (expiring the sth of Ja-
nuary, 1860), 12 5-16ths to 7-I6ths ; bank stock, 162 to 163 ;
and India Stock, 242 to 243.
As the explosion of the exchequer-bill fraud will implicate
parties who have for a long time past been the supporters of
the Spanish market, the news from Spain, although of a fa-
vourable character, makes but trifling impression. It is not
likely that business in any of the markets will take its wonted
course till the public mind is relieved by a full disclosure.
Spanish actives closed at 20i to ; Portuguese five per cents.,
29 to Dutch two and a half per cents., 51 to -1; Danish,
78 to 79 ; Brazilian, 55 to 57 ; Belgian, 102/ to 103/ ; Co-
lombian, ; and Mexican, 24 to 4.
TEA.—`ery little business done in the market, in conse-
quence of the public sales advertised for Friday. Company's
copgous remain the same—]s. 101 d. per lb. cash.
.SUGAR.—The market was quieter to-day, and the sales of
British plantation limited ; 71 casks of St. Lucia and 65 hhds.
of Trinidad were offered by public sale, and fetched lower
prices. 2700 bags of Bengal were offered ' • white sugars went
about 6d. lower, middling togood white fetching 68s. 6d. to
71s. 6d• ; low to middling ditto, 645. to 675. 6d. ; Khaur, 425.
to 455. 6d.

COFFEE.--]4O casks of Jamaica were offered, and nearly
all sold, from 70s. to 116 s. 6d. for ordinary to good middling.
Cocoa-560 bags and barrels of British plantation, partly
sold ' • ordinary to good, 40s: to 455.; and 2500 bags of Guay-
aquil, 335. 6d. to 345.
11.tc E.-660 bags of ordinary broken yellowish Bengal sold
at I Is. to 1 Is. 6d., which is rather dearer.
PEPPER.-960 bags of
3id good brown Eastern, pertly sold at

~...,....._..,,....m......

At the last meeting, at wells,
of the Bath and Wells Dio-
cesan Church Building Society, nearly £7OO was contributed
to its funds.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

J. J., Henrietta-street, Covent-garden, London, is informed
that a parcel, left at Mr. C. Mitchell's, Red Lion-court,
Fleet-street, will safely reach us.
We have no means of ascertaining the information requested
by our Bradford correspondent. The name of the vessel is
not a sufficient guide to enable us to make any inquiries
on the subject.
The two concluding " Sketches'of the Shannon," by W.—
" A Visit to Kilkee," and " Trip from Limerick to Dublin,
by the Upper Shannon"—are postponed until after 'the
Municipal Election.
We presume that " A Poor Wesleyan" intends his letter
merely as an explanatory epistle for ourselves.
" Daffey" very properly utters an indignant remonstrance
against an insinuation of the Mercury about the publicans
of Wigan being unworthy to occupy a seat in the council-
chamber, and asks if there are not men of sufficient intel-
ligence amongst that body to discharge the duties of a
town-councillor. We hope the licensed victuallers will
remember on Monday next the Mercury's slander, as well
as all the other injuries inflicted upon them from time to
time by the radical town-council.

Eibtrporti tanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 29, 1841

The Conservative candidates at the approaching mu-
nicipal struggle have reason to congratulate themselves
upon Mercurial forbearance. By the time that these
remarks will meet their eyes, the entire body were to
hare been exterminated ; flagellated to death, or smo-
thered beneath a column of objurgatory twaddle;
pelted with shocking nicknames or slimed over with
nauseous slanders, by our amiable contemporary. They
were to have been held up, one by one, to public gaze—
a Conservative pigmy in contrast with a " liberal"
giant—a small herring stuck on the same fork with a
salmon, and exposed to the same scorching fire of edi-
torial scrutiny. But

" a change came o'er the spirit of his dream,"

and Conservatism is spared the promised infliction. A
warning spirit stood up before him, and, in a moment,

" changed his hand and checked his pride " !

Our contemporary has imbibed a sudden horror of
personality, (!) or of those longitudinal pieces of sheep-
skin which result therefrom ; and from henceforth, like
the immortal knight—(Sir John, not Sir Joshua)—is
determined to " eschew slander and live cleanly"--a
determination whereat we have no doubt the world at
large, and the Conservative portion of it in particular,
will be, beyond measure, gratified.
We did, ourselves, purpose entering into such an
examination of the comparative fitness for office of the
various candidates, as that from which our contempo-
rary has shrunk; but we are induced to spare ourselves
the task, although not from the same motive which has
influenced our contemporary. We can see no difliculty
in canvassing the merits of any number of individuals
without being personally offensive to those from whom
we differ. We could be condemnatory without being
insulting ; and we think that we could be, even, severe
without being slanderous. Men who are conscious of
being in a bad cause may be afraid of being foul-
mouthed; but we who have no such cause in hand
could enter upon its advocacy in any form, without
mistrusting our temper.

We shall not then enter into any individual compa-
rison, and for this ample reason : the present struggle
is not one of which individual fitness should be the
leading test. Were it to be fought on that ground
alone--were individual character or business talent the
possessions which, in the eyes of the entire constitu-
encies, are recognised as conveying the title to corpo-
rate office, how ready should we be to array Conserva-
tive against Whig—the individual against his opponent
in every ward But it is not so. The struggle now
is for the supremacy of a principle in the Council. We
have to decide whether we will have that body Conser-
vative or Radical; allied with the supporters of the
constitution in church and state, or leagued with the
admirers of republic institutions ; arrayed on the side
of our established religion, and supporting an honest
syste►. of religious education for the people, or lending
itself to the attacks of dissent and infidelity against the
faith, the order, and the moral wellbeing of the com-
munity. We have opposed to us not individuals
merely, in their own private characters perhaps irre-
proachable, but the banded strength of a faction, in
whose hands the individual candidates which they bring
forward are but unreflecting puppets, galley slaves,
chained to the car of a truculent democracy, which II
seeks to trample beneath its feet the free expression of
the will of the constituencies, and to raise from the
midst of• this loyal community the wild yell of the le—
veller and the destructive.

In their collective character alone the burgesses music

,strogitie, R th

4-el-ova the eaatlates in the
nominees of a Popish and Socinian junto, which has
inundated the regigteries with its; blind tools, to be en-
abled to ride roughshod over the independent consti-
tuency of the town. Individually, what are the Rath-
bones, HoHands, Quayles, and Prestons, that their be-
ing foisted into corporate power should be the object
of such superhuman exertion and lavish expenditure ?
Strip William Rathbone of his hat and his almost col-
larless coat, divest Mr. Charles Holland of his free
trade philosophy, abstract from Mr. George Quayle the
reputation of a mulish obstinacy of resistance to the
claims of law and ddcency, or withdraw Mr. William
Preston from his vat: ani his still, and what is there
remaining to dist:ngt.:sh any of the four worthies from
any similar number of tap-:, oin oracles, inebriated
with the cant of " ber ffism," or obfuscated from the
effects of an overdo: of Mercury ? Assuredly no-
thing, unless it be an extra rampancy, a wilder deliri-
um, a more superlative offensiveness of tone and man-
ner than can be arrived at by ordinary men. Beyond
the everlasting catchwords of their party—the constant
iteration of their nauseous pretensions to superior libe-
rality and wisdom—there is nothing to entitle any one
individual of the set to be regarded with one particle
more respect than should be paid any wooden or leaden
effigy which it might have pleased John Rosson and
his associated protectors to set up.
The question then which the burgesses of Liverpool
have now to decide is not whether they will return by
their votes these particular specimens of Liberalism—
not whether they are in love with the acrid countenance
and phraseology of Mr. William Rathbone, or the
scraps of all the political philosophers muddled toge-
ther, as jerked out in the harangues of Mr. Charles
Holland—not whether they admire this or that system
of commercial legislation, this or that religion, or no
religion'at all ; but, emphatically, are they prepared to
place the government of their town in the hands of its
independent burgesses, or to be handed over, in per-
petuo, to the dictation of the Protector Society and its
Swiss mercenaries ? This question, or these questions,
have now to be decided in every ward. There can be
no midway question—no splitting of hairs—no hang-
ing back. The whole issue is at stake in the success of
every particular contest ; and every individual vote
must be regarded as deciding it !
Need we then impress upon the Conservative portion
of the constituencies the importance of untiring energy
and unceasing exertion ? We feel that we need not.
There is a spirit in this loyal and intelligent community
which will not be put down and trampled upon. In
every ward we trust the battle will be fought as Eng-
lishmen fight their battles—manfully and perseveringly,
and the result will be one of triumphant success.
Above all things, to attain this result we would impress
upon every voter the importance of being early at their
post, in the front of the battle. Be prepared to baffle
every stratagem--to defeat every attempt of the expir-
ing faction; for depend upon it they will die hard, and
cling to their object with a desperate tenacity. Let the
experience of past struggles be borne in mind ; and
remember, above all lessons, that experience teaches us
to POLL EARLY !

From all that we can collect of the spirit which per-
vades the great mass of the Conservative inhabitants
and electors, we now feel confident that no legitimate
exertions will be wanting to "secure, on Monday next,
an object of the utmost importance to this town.
Municipal electors of Conservative principles will re-
collect that any neglect on their part to attend and vote
is absolute treason to their cause and party. Their
votes are of the utmost consequence, and for this rea-
son—because our battle is, in a great degree, "strict
principle against mere numbers," and success depends
on universality of action. A Protector Society is a
sort of coiners conspiracy, and they can forge their
counters for this or any other given occasion almost
-without stint; to oppose them successfully, the Con-
servatives must rely on their unbroken numbers, and
their entire strength being brought into action without
the exception of a single man. Any sanction which
may have been given to the Protector Society by an
opinion as to the technical legality of its proceedings,
can make no alteration in their real character; their
proceedings demonstrate clearly what we say, that the
contest is one of principle against mere numbers.
They are a violation of the spirit of a law which de-
clares that a man shall be the possessor of a certain
description of amount of property before he be deemed
qualified to exercise the privilege of an elector. Pro-
tectorisin sets the laws at defiance; enfranchises a
pauper with one hand, and fastens upon him the chains
of a new slavery with the other—goes out into the
highways and byways to call in voters to the registry,
and then with this motley group proceeds to the polling
booth to fight the battle of what ?—of principle ? It
would be a profanation of the term to name it in con-
nection with such doings. Truth to say Liberalism
has no principles ; its very title is a negation of them.
The question of Monday then is, shall Liberalism be
permitted any longer to domineer in the municipal go-
vernment of this town ; or is it to have a renewal of
its lease ?

" We have not seen any attempt," say a liberal con•
temporary, (the Liverpool Times,) "to show that a
Tory majority could improve the management of the
police, the dock estate, or the finances of the town.
What, then, could they do, unless they were to take
upon them to defeat or retard the construction of the
new warehouses around the docks, planned by the pre-
sent Dock Committee and Council, or to separate or
expel from the public schools the children whose pa-
rents do not choose to have them educated in their re-
ligious dogmas ?"
Our contemporary, in short, sees in Liberalism, and
the Liberals, nothing but perfection—is a blind wor-
shipper of the sect, and being sunk so profoundly in
delusion himself, very naturally supposes that any de-
parture from the system must be error, and wishes to
impress its value upon others. "It has not been shown
to him how the Tories could improve upon the manage-
ment of the Radicals ;" but surely there is nothing
surprising in that circumstance. The Tories have had
no opportunity to shew it to him ; they have been out-
numbered in the council—and the best intentions and
designs would necessarily be abortive, if brought mit
in. an assembly whose preponderating portion was
mdical and destructive. Our contemporary would not
e: rpect that the Tories would enter into a detail of all
their plans and meditated improvements while the
13 adicals held the seals of office—and indeed, that mode
of demonstration which consists in mere talk is not a
favourite with the Conservatives. We repeat, then,
that they could not shew him, specifically or satisfac-
torily, how they would improve on Radical manage-
ment ; and we shall only remark in a general way, that
as we can conceive of no management which would be
worse, (than the Radical, of course we mean,) the diffi-
culty of improving it would not be so great.

But while the Liberals thus ask what the Tories
would do, is it not fair, in return, to ask of those who
have been so long in the plenitude of power, what,
during their term of office, TIIEY have DONE ? Will
our contemporary have the kindness to point out to
-us any one memorial of their achievements ? They
promised a vast deal, but what have the performed,
either in the management of the police, the dock estate,
or the finances of the town ? Where are the monu-
ments of their improvements ? We cannot find one.
The warehouses do not yet exist; the police and the
scho.als may stand surety for each other; and as to
the (lock estate and the finances, both say—look else-
whei e ; it is not in us.
Such are the claims of Radicalism to a renewal of
the 'trust which it has so long abused—and mark, it
does: not now dare even to talk of any thing better for
the future ! It has learned so much wisdom ; it has
become conscious of its own dulness, deficiency, and
ent ire inaptitude to rule ; nay, it candidly allows that
it (:an do no better than it has hitherto done, and that
even a thought of improvement is quite beyond the
range of its opaque and limited capacity ! Men of
Liverpool, up, and cast this dull goddess—

Daughter of Chaos, and eternal Night—
this leaden idol—out of your temple ! Shake off this
tyranny, and let not your noble, splendid town sink
for ever under her malignant influence !

Our contemporary is evidently driven to his last
shift when he calls upon his friends to support the
Radicalsis not for any good that Radicals can do, but
that they may act as stop-gaps, and keep out the Tories.
For, says he, if the Tories come in, they will obstruct
the new warehouses, probably defeat their construction
altogether, or separate, or " expel from the public
schools the children whose parents .do not choose to have

"distal