The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-11-24 00:00:00

YOUNG MEN'S ESTABLISHED CHURCH SOCIETY

Last evening a meeting was held in the school-room un-
derneath St. Jude's Church for the several purposes of the
enrolment of new members of the Young Men's Established
Church Society, for renewing the subscriptions of old mem-
bers, and for the removal of the doubts and difficulties of
those who, from any cause, hesitate to join the institution.
This latter and most important task was undertaken by the
eloquent, faithful, and indefatigable friend of the establish-
ment, the Rev. Hugh M`Neile, who from his pulpit the
previous day desired the attendance of all who felt interested
in the defence of our holy religion. We arc glad to say that
the room was filled with young men, most attentive listeners
to the reverend gentleman, and that much good may be ex-
pected to proceed from his address—a report of which we
now lay before our readers.

The Rev. GENTLEMAN commenced by reading, and com-
menting upon, a portion of the 4th chapter of Proverbs. It
was there laid down, he observed, that the fear of the Lord
was the beginning of wisdom ; and this principle was the
outset of the argument for religion being the basis of edu-
cation. He next supplicated the divine blessing upon the pro-
ceedings of the evening, and also upon those of the society ;
after which he delivered his address nearly as follows :
The objects of our meeting together at this time were in some
degree conveyed to you by the terms of the notice in which I
requested your attendance. I asked to come—those young
men who are members of the Young Men's Established
Church Society, those who were desirous of becoming mem-
bers, and those who had any difficulties or doubts whether
they should become members or not. With regard to the
first class—those who are members—the object of the meet-
ing is to stir up their minds by way of remembrance. ln
this world, even among good men, every good work requires
to be kept stirring, because the tendency of the world is to
stagnate all good. Evil is busy : the evil one is the ready
one ; as it is said, "The man of God is not the man of sloth."
We have more to fear a great deal from stagnation than from
agitation. This you will all recognise at once by remember-
ing what our Saviour says about the strong man armed ; he
keeps his goods in peace. That is the character of the devil.
When he has all his own way, he can allow things to go on
quietly ; but when a stronger than he comes, then comes
contention, consequently truth is the innocent cause of con-
tention. You have all seen how I for one have been
abused because I have said that ministers of the gospel do
not promote peace in society, but war. You know very well,
my friends, what that means. You remember what our Saviour
said—" I come not to send peace upon earth, but a sword."
Observe, lie says, " upon earth"—that is, among society
generally; but what said he to his own disciples? " Peace
I give to you—my peace I leave with you"—not as the world
gives it give I unto you ; beloved, let not your hearts be
troubled." Where his truth takes effect it does give peace;
he is the Prince of Peace ; but where it does not take effect,
it suffers opposition : therefore, whilst it gives peace in the
christian bosom, it causes contention in a fallen world.
(Hear.) That is the distinction ; and so it must be. The
truth must be a cause—an innocent cause—of contention so
long as the world is fallen ; it can only be at the second coin-
ing of him who is the truth, that it shall have permanent
authority, to put down all error that there can be peace. Then
truth can be externally peaceful ; at present it must needs be
contention. This explanation is very satisfactory to those
who are acquainted with the scriptures, but I do not expect
it will be to our opponents, who choose to put their own in-
terpretation on scripture, without ever taking pains to read
it. They choose to say "christianity, as a religion, is
peace." But what do they mean ? Do they mean that it is
peace to the infidel? Is christianity peace to unbelievers ?
Is the christianity which preaches the godhead of Christ
peace to socinians ? Is the christianity that upholds the one
all-sufficient offering of Christ—of Christ once offered upon
the cross—is that peace to the Roman Catholics, who are
perpetually offering him in the mass ? Is the christianity
which declares that man's works avail not with God, and that
Christ alone taketh away sin, is that peace to the Pharisees,
who are trusting to their own works ? Not at all. It is a
mistake that is wilfully perpetrated. Our opponents write
as if christianity was peaceful to every thing. What should
you think of a house-painter, who was sent into a room
properly to paint and to prepare it for the use of society,
that lie was such a man of peace that he would not
disturb any of the cobwebs and filthiness which had
got upon the walls ? Is it possible that he should not
disturb those creatures that have made the room foul ?
—Why, he was sent there on purpose to disturb, and
Christianity is sent, in like manner. to disturb error. Yet
we must be so peaceful and quiet as not to disturb error!
This much I address to our friends who are already members
of this society, as an encouragement to persevere. You must
not expect to persevere in this, or any good work, without
being accused of mischief-making ; accused, too, of being
contentious persons. Now I feel in some degree privileged
to address you on this subject, and to encourage you to go
on, because I can here plead not only precept but example.
By the blessing of God, under the conscientious conviction
that we have the truth of scripture with us, I have, in your
sight and presence, in this town, persevered in these things,
in spite of all those people who do not attend to the scrip-
tures can say, or write, or print, or publish against me. I
want you to stand the same, and I do not think you will for-
sake or desert me. (Cheers.) The members of the Young
Men's Established Church Society then have, first, their duty
to the society to recollect. They should recollect, that if
the subscriptions to the society are not paid, they ought tc
be, that the efforts which the society is making with regard
to lectures, meetings, and other movements of that kind,
should not incur debt, or call for any advance of money
from the committee, but that the subscriptions should be
paid. There may be some persons here who are anxious to
become members, and in addressing the members, I have
been at once encouraging them. I would now, therefore,
address myself in a few words to any of you who may
have difficulties or objections, and who have not there-
fore joined our society. I am aware of the difficulty any
such one may have in expressing what his objection is in
a meeting like this ; but if there are any of our young friends
who feel any doubt or difficulty about the matter, it would
be exceedingly satisfactory if they would come up here, and
have a little quiet conversation with me,. They need not be
ashamed to say, " I want more information ;" for why should
I not give it, if I am able to give it, to you ? Let any of
you, then, if you have any doubt whatever as to the duty of
joining the society, as to its rules, or as to the nature of the
society itself, or, indeed, difficulties of any kind, come up
here, and sit down by me. We will have a little quiet con-
versation together; for what has occurred to your mind may
have occurred to others, and in speaking to you I may be
doing good to others. [After a short pause, the rev. gentle-
man continued.] If no one will do so, I will take it for
granted you are agreed that the society has the suffrages of
you all. You know the objects of it. They are sirnpl
stated in the original prospectus, mid are these three :-Ist
The delivery of lectures on national establishments for reli
gion ; 2nd. The printing, for general distribution, of the lee
tures, or other useful articles bearing upon the objects of th,
society ; 3rd. The formation of a library, to consist exclu
sively of works connected with the principles of the assoc:ia
tion. The main point is the vindication of the great princi
ple of a national establishment of religion. That is the poin
of attack that we are associated in defence of. Our enemie;
allege that there ought to be no such thing as a national es
tablishment of religion. They say it should be left entircl]
to the spontaneous movements of the various members o
society. They would act upon their own convictions, bu
what is revealed truth? They say that every man shrink
follow those convictions, and support any minister he pleases
or, if lie think better, support no minister at all. The great
agitator of the opposite question, forgetting the principles o
the church he professes to belong to, and speaking to 'neet
the fancies of the liberal part of society in the present day—
I mean Mr. Daniel O'Connell—says, " Every man should
choose his minister as he chooses his tailor, and there should
be no establishments of the Christian ministry at all." But
suppose a wise government to observe that nothing would
tend so much to the improvement of the society of their
realm—nothing tend so much to the instruction of their
subjects —to their peacefulness —to their prosperity in
every department of life—as a tailoring establishment ;
suppose, I say, that it is made out to the satisfac-
tion of government that a tailoring establishment would
have a beneficial effect upon the whole community, then it
immediately becomes the duty :of such government to have
such an establishment. Take it upon that low ground, and
that every individual in a private station should choose his
own minister—but what is the government to do ? They are
not in a private station. They have responsible duties to
discharge respecting the whole community ; and if they find
an institution of good brought into their realm, whether
they will or not—if they find an institution appointed by the
Lord Jesus Christ himself, and ministered by living men,
has actually found its way into this realm without asking
them—if they find they cannot put that institution out of the
realm—if they find they cannot expect the large majority of
their subjects to abandon it because it is there and fraught
with great advantages to the community, I ask what is the
duty of Government under such circumstances ? Should
they stand aloof from it, or should they haint, as Coleridge
calls it, as " a God—send to the rulers of the nations."—
" Here," he says, "is a society, the Christian Church. It
is a God-send to help you to rule your subjects. You should
avail yourselves of it." This touches one view of this great
question, which we have ever more pressed upon our adver-
saries, but upon which we have not had any satisfactory
answer—l mean the question which we have put again and
again, what is the duty, the whole duty of a Christian mo-
narch, as such ? Dr. Wardlaw has said that the duty of a
Christian ruler, as regards the establishment of religion, is
to have no duty at all—to keep his hands clear of it. Is that
is satisfactory answer to any man with the word of God in his
hand, and who reads there concerning every man, in any
station in which he may be placed, that lie is called upon to
do every thing that he does in the name of the Lord Jesus
Christ and to the glory of God;? How can a man, then,
have any authority to shut him4elf out from the opportunity
of using such an institution as the Church of God, and flatter
himself he is doing it to the glory of God? Can any of you
reject a providential opportunity thrown in your way of
doing good, and flatter yourselves that you are doing
it to the glory of God ? Nay, are not such opportunities
trials of your faithfulness ? God throws opportunities into
your way in society, such as opportunities of speaking to sick
persons, opportunities of giving instruction to children, op-
portunities of ministering to the afflicted consolation in their
troubles. Such opportunities thrown providentially into the
way of the Christian man are tests; and he gives up the
character of a Christian altogether if he refuses to avail him-
self of those opportunities to glorify the grace of God. Now,
I say, a Christian church in a realm is an opportunity thrown
into the way of the ruler. Here is a society of God's up-
liointment. It is valuable for mighty pUrposes. -It is an
engine to be used. Left to itself it may do tiniselfief in the
realm ; left to itself it may become a power to subvert the
state ; left to the hands of men, without controul by the
secular authority or anything, it may acquire such an influ-
ence over the human mind, over the consciences, and over
the purses of the people, as may miake it a formidable power
in the midst of the state—a power) that government itself
cannot controul. It need only tolbe regulated in order to
become a blessing instead of a curse. Let the secular power
then regulate it immediately. Let the secular Power
avail itself of Rills institution and say " you have doc-
trines to preach, and discipline to observe, and they
are calculated to be of the greatest service to my
subjects ; I will give you all facilities for teaching those
doctrines, and for the administration of that discipline;
I will 'give you safe conduct through my realms; nay,
more, I will locate you in every corner of the realm ; I
will place you there to preach those doctrines and to admi-
nister that discipline ; but you must give me security, that
when I have so done, you will not alter those doctrines and
that discipline ; you must give me security, when I have
given you all the advantages of location, of property, and of
safe conduct, for the purpose of teaching, that you will not
alter and teach any thing else. (Hear, hear.) If you have
no defined creed—if you are without articles of what you
teach—then I must stand upon my ground, for I do not
know what you may teach. When I have given you oppor-
tunities to teach all my people, you may, perhaps, teach them
treason ; therefore I must have a defined creed from you. I
do not mean to say I will draw your creed for you. That
you shall do yourselves from the Scriptures : but it must be
done, and submitted to me, before I will give you these ad-
vantages. (Hear, hear.) Dr. Wardlaw misrepresents this,
and says that the established church has the established ruler
to prescribe her creed. He charges us with having govern-
ment to point out what our creed is to be. lam willing,
however, to think that this is a mistake on his part, and no-
thing worse. He mistakes the government requiring the
church shall specify her creed for the government pre-
scribing that creed. The government might very properly
say—" before I give you these advantages in my realm, I
must have a pledge of what you teach. Shrew me what
you teach." (Hear, hear, hear.) Then the representatives
of the Christian Church go to the government and say-

Here is what we teach. We have it from the word of God.
It is in the formularies of our church. Here are our articles—
here are our sentiments, taken from the Se(' ptures, with re-
gard to the Trinity, with regard to the way of salvation, to
the sacraments of the church, to the supremacy of the king—
here they all are in her articles." If government do not
ap-
prove of that summary, then they may very fairly say—" We
do not approve of it, and we will not give you the advantage
of safe conduct in our country—nay we will rather oppose the
influence you may ilhave over our people. So you are thrown
into collision with the government ; but if the government
approves of your summary, seeing that its parts ;ire good,
that religion approves of them as good, and if yolk, pledging
yourselves, thus receive a good conduct, shall elect your
ministers—we do not make your ministers or your articles.
Do that according to scripture. But as you have made them
in a way to be used in our realm, we will place you all over
the realm ; we will partition the realm into little bits, and
and put one minister in one place, another in another, and
you shall teach all our people these prescribed articles. If
you at any time change those things which you have promis-
ed to teach, you must give us notice, because if we do not
approve of the chnge, we will not continue the establish-
ment." I say we lave. I consider this, that the state may
fairly and truly say' no more to the Christian church than
this, and that the Christian church can no more fairly and
properly concede. We are in no bondage by this. We are
accused by the same Dr. Wardlaw of being in bonds, so that
we cannot change our creed. The answer is, what Christian
wants to change his creed? We have already submitted our
creed, derived from the word of God, to government; the
word of God changes not, and the church's creed changes
not ; therefore it is in vain to taunt us with the impossibility
of changing the articles in our creed. Nay, more ; we say
that a creed which is liable to change is not worth haVing at
all. If our object were retort, which it is not, but quiet and:
fair argument, I might say to Dr. Wardlaw,—" You writ(
as if you wanted to have the power of changing your creed.
We will make you a present of it. It is not such a creed
that we want. We want no change." (Loud cheers.)
But, my friends, observe, that whilst the Christian church
has pledged herself that she does not seek, and will
not seek any change, and whilst, upon the strength of that
pledge, the government had established her throughout the
realm, the government has given no pledge that they will not
change their laws. We have given a pledge that we will not
change our laws, but they have given no pledge that they
will not change theirs ; and it is quite possible for a govern-
ment to go on and so alter their laws as to bring the Church
into difficulty, and make it a question with the Christian
Church whether she should not avail herself of an establish-
ment that rejoices to act so and so. It is quite possible go-
vernment may avail themselves of such measures as will
make the Christian Church say, " We have entered into a
compact, we have received advantages on one side and given
them upon the other—we have given one creed which is not
to be altered, and the State has legislated in a satisfactory
way upon it, which involves us in no difficulty ; but now they
have begun to legislate in a way that does bring us into diffi-
culty, in a way that gives power to our enemies of nominat-
ing our chief officers; now they are beginning to legislate in
such a way that the opponents to our doctrines—which the
State itself has agreed to, and upon that agreement the origi-
nal compact took place—may now be the selectors of the
bishops from among the clergy. Here is the difficulty. Our
church is at this very moment brought to this difficulty—by
opening the highest places in the realm, even the prime
minister, she permits him to have the patronage of
the church, no matter what his opinions on the sub-
ject of religion may be, however opposed they may be
to the doctrines of the Established. Church. What,
then, becomes the duty of the church? In my judgment it
becomes it to do one of two things—either to take a
high and scriptural tone, and cast off all alliance with
such a state,—(hear, hear,)—or else to take a high national
tone, and constrain the government to alter its measures to-
wards the church. In the former case, the church would
become, as in primitive times, a Christian society, with an
opposing secular power; it would become, in thehands of
men constituted as we are, a dangerous power in any state.
Witness the history of the primitive church. Our opponents
are exceedingly fond of referring to the first three centuries
of the church's history, when she stood aloof from the state,
or, rather, was not protected by the secular power, that is,
when she was in her brightest era, her most successful period.
They forget, however, first of all, the multitude of heresies
that sprung up at that period, and that the Christian church,
spreading herself amongst the subjects of the empire, acquired
snch a power over men's consciences, and, by means of their
fears and snperstitions, over their purses, that she had
amassed such an amount of wealth as made her dangerous to
the state. The Christian church actually became the perma-
nent authority. The ministers of the church, through the acqui-
sition of wealth were able to constrain the Emperor himself.
So it would be again ; and this is the chief reason for choos-
ing what some of our friends would prefer. Such of them as
are very high churchmen indeed, are for standing aloof from
the state ; they are for separating from the state, and for
placing the church in the condition she was in, in the
primitive ages. The consequence would he, that the prin-
ciples of the ministers of the church would get such a
power over the minds, and consciences, and property of
the people, that, standing aloof from the state, they would
acquire property and power to controul and coerce the state.
That is the history and origin of Popery. Popery aims at
subverting the civil power. The Holy Scriptures inculcate
submission to the state in both ministers and people : " Let
every one among you be subject to the higher powers," Peter
says, " whether to the king as supreme, or to those in autho-
rity under him." The church would not continue subject
to the secular power—the king would not continue supreme
—but the church would be supreme, if there were no con-
nection between it and the state. It has been supreme.
Popery is the supreme ecclesiastical power, by its domina-
tion over the ministers of the church, acquired by means of
property wrung from the consciences of ignorant people.
My friends, you know little of it, and I hope you never may
know much ; but even Protestant ministers, who are called
to the sick bed, know something of it. -A great temptation
it is, and I am afraid a temptation not always resisted ; a
temptation it is to prevent dying persons, who have consi-
derable property, who have never used any of it to the glory
of God, and who have become concerned for their souls—
alarmed and fearful in their last illness—to leave their
property in order that they may appropriate it to religious
ends. Hundreds and thousands of pounds have been so
bequeathed to ministers of religion. Have you not heard of
wills which are questioned, being made in articulo mortis,
at the time of death ? Have you not heard of pro-
perty bequeathed that should have got into the hands
of ministers of religion, but that the wills have been
questioned by the nearest connections of the deceased ?
This was the origin of the statute of mortmain, as it
is called in EnglanA. Perhaps you are not aware that
there are laws upon the statute-book which render it impos-
sible for dying persons to leave landed property to the church.
It is unlawful now in England for the church to inherit landed
property in England. And it was indispensable to enact
such laws, or, as Blackstone says, every foot of ground in the
kingdom would have become the property of the church.
Here, then, is the danger upon one side—the danger of taking
the rash step, seeing the position the government is in, of
setting up the church as an independent power, as it would
practically assume the unscriptual position—a position of su-
premacy over the civil ruler, instead of the scriptural position,
which is one of submission. Rest assured that the visi-
ble church of Christ, consisting of the bulk of men, such
as men are, is not able to secure converted characters, either
in ministers or people, and that it is a body which requires
restraint—that, in her health and usefulness, she requires
restraint, and that though restraint and regulation by the
civil power is a boon to her, she, at the same time, is bestow-
ing a boon upon the subjects of that state. It is, indeed, a
mutual boon. Therefore, the line we take in the present
question is not to separate the church from the state ; but it
is to see the union of the church and the state, which, God
be thanked, has worked such unspeakable blessings to this
country, what it was when the original compact was made at
the time of the reformation ; we want, and must have,
government keeping its compact. (Cheers.) You see now
the position we occupy. I have endeavoured to place it be-
fore your minds in the simplest language possible, and the
alternatives which we may adopt. I need not tell you that
the persons to whom I particularly alluded, who wish its
separation, and who want to magnify ecclesiastical authority
and ecclesiastical independence, are the preachers of what
are commonly called the Oxford tract doctrines. They are
taking exceedingly high ground with regard to ecclesiastical
independence. They are desirous—too plainly desirous
now—of a separation between the church and the state, not,
.ndeed, upon the ground of the voluntary dissenters, that
:very man should choose his minister as he chooses his
:ailor, but upon the high ecclesiastical gronnd of Christ's
;hurch being the chief society upon the earth. If we could
secure really converted men for the administration of that
:hurch—men who would not abuse their authority over the
consciences of others—if we could secure all the ministers of'
that church to be men who would not enrich themselves and
endanger others by the influence which their office gives them,
it might, indeed, be the best thing to have the church in vo-
luntary poverty and voluntary separation. But we cannot
secure an Utopian scheme like that. Having a mixed so-
ciety—having a visible church with both good and bad in it
—we must use the best means in our power for the regulation
of such a mixed communiy. You cannot secure that all will
be converted ministers in the church. You cannot secure
that even a majority should be so. Therefore, you cannot
agree to this principle of ecclesiastical authority and inde-
pendence. I appeal to history again, and refer such among
you as are disposed to be put in possession of the facts to the
language of the great commentator upon the laws of these
realms, Blackstone. In his discussion of the law of mort-
main you will find it plainly made out that, but for the re-
straint put by those laws upon the church, she would have
acquired all the property in the kingdom. As it is at this
moment we find, instead of going to history for a sample of
the danger of a church, or a body calling itself a Chris-
tian church, standing aloof from all connection with the
state. Look at the Romish church at this moment.
She refuses any compact with the state here. She
refuses to allow the king or queen of these realms to
•

have even a veto upon the api)ointment of her bishops.
She maintains her ecclesiastical independence. She shews
allegiance to the head of the ecclesiastical authority, which
is a foreign power: She is a dangerous power in any state.
The rightful authority in England has no,controul over her.
She has now free course. There is no constraint upon her
by law, either by compact or by veto. The restraints that
were put upon her in the deprivation of political privileges
are withdrawn ; there is no counterbalancing restraint put
upon her either by compactor veto ; and therefore she is
dangerous. She has an authority, and there is no controul
over it. She has full power to work upon the minds of the
people as best she can ; upon the property of the people as
she can touch their conscience, fears, and superstitions.
There is no restraint, I say, and therefore a dangerous
power is at work. In Ireland it has already overawed the
government, and practically the government of that country
is in the hands of the hierarchy of the Romish Church. In
England it cannot do so yet. The people are not subject to
it. A Romish priest could not suddenly acquire wealth; in
the due course of things they must be many years ; but let
them have free course for applying the doctrines and the
principles of purgatory and masses upon the Superstitious
and ignorant, and you will find no law of mortmain for them.
Tkey can have property left them when we cannot. They are
dangerous, therefore, upon that ground. So I should be sorry
to join those who want to throw the Church into this predi-
cament, and to cause her to become separate from the state.
I would rather join those who, approving of the union, and
not desiring any change in the church's compact, wish to undo
the fatal change which has taken place in the government
part of the compact. If you approve of this, then, I think it
is a duty we owe to the church to vindicate the principles
of this society. We want to enlighten the minds of young
Englishmen on the subject of the national establishment of
religion; to show them the grounds upon which it rests;
the nature and necessity of the compact; the integrity with
which the church had adhered to her part of the compact;
and to call attention to the dangers arising from the change
in the government part. It is quite clear, unless we succeed
in replacing government in the position towards the church
which it held at the time the compact was made, we must
be driven into the false position of standing aloof from the
state—of becoming a power in the middle of a power—which
is a dangerous thing in any state. Having further shown
the evils of ecclesiastical independence, and defended the
establishment of tithes and church-rates, the rev. gentleman
concluded his admirable address by congratulating the meet-
ing upon the successes which had recently graced their cause.
I was rather amused the other day, he proceeded, by an ac-
count of the proceedings that immediately succeeded the last
election we had here. There was a moment of happy decep-
tion, during which he that was defeated, like a man in a dream,
imagined himself the conqueror ; and one in attendance upon
him, under the same happy delusion, opened a congratulatory
address with asking, in strains of triumph, (I suppose it
was after me he asked), " Where now is the lion of
St. Jude's ?" I was not there ; but I am very glad they had
occasion to observe some of the results of St. Jude's, for I
cannot be blind to the fact that the question on which it has

been my privilege to take a leading part—l mean the school
question--was one, at least, of the turning points which led
to the brevity of the said delusion, and showed, upon a very
transient scrutiny, that the congratulators upon the occasion
to retire to t'—'

were .fiat privacy which so becomes gentlemen
who have lost public confidence. (Cheew) But they are
not disposed to leave us to an uninterru ed discussion of
this subject. They are not disposed to be quiet, and I can-
not blame them ; for, to say the truth, I am not disposed
to be quiet. (Cheers and laughter.) A friend has just
put this paper into my hands (the Liverpool Journal),
and without having read or knowing what is in it, I am going
to adventure upon it. There is a speech here delivered at a
meeting of the Protector Society. The speaker (Mr. Rosson)
concluded by warmly remarking upon " the villainous conduct
of certain members of the Establishment." I would offer a
comment on that before Igo any further. The speaker is not
so careful in selecting his language in speaking of us, as I
desire to be in speaking of that gentleman. I feel it of the
utmost consequence that, in speaking of him, most gentle-
manlike language should be used. Now, I think it was
rather straightforward to say, " the villainous conduct of the
clergy of the Establishment." There are such things as libels
these days, and I do not know whether an action would not
hold for the speaker charging the clergy with " villainous
conduct in distorting historical facts, through their infa-
mous publication, the Protestant Almanac." Here is a
most extraordinary mixture. " Villainous conduct of cer-
tain ministers of the Establishment, in distorting historical
facts, both through their infamous publication the Protes-
tant Almanac—(what put it into their heads that Mr. Crisp
was a minister of the Establishment?) and at their theatrical
and other meetings, in order to serve political and party pur-
poses." I do not wonder at our theatrical meetings being a
sore place. Then he says " there should be some legal and
constitutional means taken to check the proceedings of
men who, under the guise of religion, were doing their
utmost to set fire to the four corners of the empire." Talk
of persecution ! Is not this proverbially the day of free
speech:? But legal means must be taken to prevent our
Amphitheatrical meetings ! And this from a liberal! But
what followed ? "if some such means," the speaker said,
" were not speedily taken, consequences the most disastrous
must speedily follow." Such as the establishment of a Pro-
testant government—(hear, hear)—a most disastrous conse-
quence, which is very likely to happen from our setting
fire to the four corners of the empire. (Loud cheers.)
The speaker next said "he knew the subject would be so-
lemnly taken up in parliament in the next session"—(what!
a bill to be brought in against our Amphitheatrical meetings
in Liverpool—that is good)—" and some plan devised
to put down a set of frantic bigots. (Loud Laughter.) I
declare this is no laughing sport. It is no joke for
a iman to say he knows the subject will be taken up
in parliament in the next session, and plans devised
to keep down these frantic bigots. It is high time to consi-
der what must be done, as he knows it will be especially
taken up in Parliament. So, then this liberal par excellence,
will obtain allaw next session, if he can, against freedom of
speech in England. We always told you that liberalism had
tyranny at its heart. But this was not all. " Some plan
devised to put down a set of frantic bigots—not six in num-
ber if counted on the fingers." Before I attempt to count
for him, let us see what he says next. " Who had deserted
their own country in order to procure rich wives or good
livings in this ?" I had the vanity to suppose till now that
he meant to include me. But I protest be has entirely
abandoned me, for I have neither a rich wife nor
a rich living. Enough for the liberal. But we must
watch this act of pariiament. We must watch the notice
when it is given. Some one ought to ask this gentleman
what reason he has for saying it, and how he knows it.—
The rev. gentleman, after a few more comments, concluded
by again inviting any one who refrained from joining the
society, owing to doubts or difficulties, to come to him and
he would endeavour to remove them. The address occupied
about an hour and three quarters in the delivery.
Some conversation of a desultory character ensued between
Measrs. Griffiths, Crisp, Gladstone, Whatham, and others,
relating chiefly to the mode of conducting the operations of
the society ; at the close of which the meeting separated.

TOWN- COUNCIL MEETING EXTRAORDINARY

(NOT BY OUR OWN REPORTER.)
On entering the Council-room we could not avoid being
struck by its extreme silence—a feature very unusual in that
assemblage ; and, upon looking round, it was not difficult to
perceive that something of a very extraordinary nature was
about to occupy the attention of the members.
On enquiring the cause of this perplexing state of things,
we were informed that the Council were then summoned
to witness the re-entry into its body of that pure, patriotic,
and honest man, " William Rathbone, Esq., who had just
been returned to the Council, by a majority of one vote, for
North Toxteth Ward, and who was this day about to " read
the bigots and intolerants of that chamber such a lesson as
they would not soon forget"—to " tell every tory bigot that
the people were not to be imposed upon ;" and we were,
therefore, at once able to account for the unusual gloom
which pervaded the faces of the conservatives, and the smirk
of self-satisfaction which sate upon those of the opposite
party.

The door at length opened, and slowly entered—not
William Rathbone, surely ! we exclaimed ; not the lofty
champion of liberalism, who was on that day to exterminate
utterly the tories of the conncil, to swallow up all the bigots,
to make mincemeat of Gladstone and Bushell, and to bolt
Isaac Holmes whole. It was not surely that William
Rathbone whose direful feats were foretold on Thursday last,
by his whipper-in and man of all work, Mr. Tindal Atkinson ;
yet it was William Rathbone after all. But how changed !
" Quantum mutatus ab ilia Hectare!" It was William
Rathbone's hat—it was William Rathbone's coat—it was the
face and the form of the rejected of Pitt-street ; but the
spirit which erstwhile animated that form—the glory which
sate upon his forehead—the " vis Divide anima" which
shone in every glance of his keen gray eye—alas ! we looked
for them in vain. The form before us was but William
Rathbone in eclipse !

There was a silence deep and profound for a space. A
chilling feeling came over the assembly. Men looked in each
others faces—clung together—shrunk as under an unearthly
influence. The Town-clerk tried to mend his pen, but was
observed to use only the back of his knife; and the Mayor,
with a look of deep emotion, held out his hands towards the
figure of the new member, and seemed to say, " What ails
thee, my brother ?" It was truly an affecting scene !
It was not, however, to last-for ever, The ~o-uce was at
length broken, and the unfortunate rejected of Pitt-street,
in a feeble and melancholy voice, spoke as follows :

Pity the sorrows of a poor old rad,
Whose trembling limbs have borne him to your door,
Whose cruel friends have used him very bad;
Oh ! take me in, and I will sin no more.

" Time was when, seated at your council board,
With Blackburn, Duncan, Preston—banished all !
Of that august assembly I was lord,
The great magnifico, the king of all!
" Time was o'er Pitt-street Ward I reigned supreme,
And thought, alas ! my reign would never end :
A change came o'er the spirit of my dream,
And Toulmin drove me forth, my ways to mend.

" I went to Toxteth, there my fate to try,
Those loyal shipwrights hoping to beguile
Alas ! they told me soon 'twas all my eye—
They didn't like the fashion of my tile.

Yet Hope's deluding voice still cheered me on,
And told me that the victory was mine :
Oh ! cruel monster, Tin-pot Atkinson !
The sin of that last mockery was thine.

a I'd rather be a cat without its fur,
Or goose that cloth her feathers stript bewail,
Than sneak as thence I sneaked—a baffled cur,
Thy empty tin-pot clattering at my tail.

011 ! pity me—a fallen, beatenracl ;
The loss of place to me is hard to
bear:
To shut me from your conclave is too bad ;
I cannot vent my spleen so well elsewhere

I'll be an alderman, or anything,
To sit within, your council-room once more;

I'll De—since i-m no longer now its king—
The humble cat that purl upon its floor."
He ceased. His pocket handkerchief—it was a green one—
was raised to his eyes ; and we thought we noticed a tear
glistening upon his cheek. The council were overwhelmed
with emotion. What followed, the state of mind which we
were in prevented us unfortunately from recording. When
we returned to a state of consciousness, we found ourselves
at home ; and, from the circumstance of the Liverpool Mer-
cury being laid upon our table, we imagine that we must
have fallen asleep after completing our notes, as it is invari-
ably our practice to resort to the columns of that paper as a
soporific, when oppressed with any painful emotion. Poor
William Rathbone !

THE LIVERPOOL TRADESMEN'S LITERARY
INSTITUTION.

Last night, a meeting of the institution took place at the Claren

,on Rooms, " for the purpose of adopting measures for its con-
inuance." It appears that owing to want of sufficient support on
he part of those for whose benefit it was instituted, the directors
ad determined to call a special meeting of the members for the

purpose of dissolving the institution,—in consequence of which a
handbill was circulated calling upon the Young Men and Trades_
men's Association to come forward, and by their efforts and support

to supersede the necessity for its dissolution

Mr. TYRER was called to the chair. The institution, he said

had long been in a precarious condition, and the directors had
determined to call a meeting to dissolve it; the present meeting
was called to counteract, if possible, that object. The assistants
had before been martyrs to long confinement, and if they would
not support the institution, they would fall back into their former

thraldom. It was a matter of bargain between them and their em

ployers,—the latter having allowed them to go earlier from their
places of business, on the understanding that they would attend the
institution, and give it their support. It was remarkable that, as a
body, the shop assistants were more numerous, and had a greater
amount of property entrusted to them than any other class in the

town ; yet that they were longer confined than workmen generally,

lie represented in strong terms the great advantages of the in

stitution, and considered that it presented strong claims on all

classes for support. (Cheers.)

Mr. SCHOLEFIELD moved the first resolution. He moved the

resolution with some apprehension, with, Indeed, feelings almost of

despondency, when he remembered the cold indifference, and even
apathy, that had characterised some former meetings, and the ob-

jealous, frivolous as most of them were, that had been urged to the
institution. Some parties had complained of dictation, of which he

was not aware. Others said they would join it when it became
. . .

prosperous. These did not expect that it would succeed, and threw
in all their influence against it. Others were literary gluttons, and
complained that there was nothing in the institution to attract
them. If this institution died, they must go back to their former

........
hopeless condition ; if, however, they would support it, he and
others would exert themselves to obtain even a reduction of the
present hours of business. (Cheers.) There were, on a moderate

calculation, 2000 assistants in this town, yet not above 156 of these

had yet joined them. If they would but raise lOU additionalMem.
berg, all would yet go on well. (Cheers.)

Mr. WILLMER, in seconding the resolution, said, that if a fa.
vourable disposition were evinced by those present towards the
institution, the directors would abandon their intention of dissolv-

ing it. Its advantages were great. They had a newsroom, supplied
with papers and periodicals ; lectures, such as their means would

enable them to support; a discussion, which opened a field for

young aspirants to deliver their sentiments amongst their equals,
. .

before they adventured to appear amongst maturer speakers; they

- , -
had also classes well adapted to convey and receive instruction
- -

The institution was yet in its infancy; but if nurtured and supported
it would become an honour and a benefit not only to this, but, by

its example to other towns, in which similar institutions would

spring up in connexion and correspondence with it,

(Cheers.)