The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-08-23 00:00:00

ITARTEG IRO
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Emperial Varliamcnt.

HOUSE OF LORDS.--WEDNESDAY,
ROYAL ASSENT.

The Lord Chancellor, The Earl of Shafteihurv, and Vis-
count Duncannon, cave the Royal Assent, as lords commis-
sioners, to 14 bills, the Speaker and the members of the com-
mons having been previously summoned to the bar to hear the
commission read and witness the proceedings.

RAILROADS.

The Marquis of LANSDOWN e having moved the order of the
.clay for taking into consideration certain resolutions regarding
railroads, said that these were the result of the inquiries of
noble lords who had well considered the subject. One of the
objects was, that a committee should be appointed to see, on
any bill being proposed, that the regulations laid down were
complied with ; and another was. that a more perfect form of
,notice should be given on the introduction of a railroad bill, in
order to ascertain how far.the proposed bill was practicable;or
not. He then moved the adoption of these as standing orders.
Agreed to.
The convictions bill was brought up by Mr. Bernal and
others from the Commons, and read a first time.—Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-\VEDNESDAY

The Speaker appeared in the house at a quarter before four
o'clock, and soon afterwards the Usher of the' Black Rod (Sir
A. Clifford) summoned the Commons to attend in the House of
Lords, to hear the royal assent given by commission to sundry
bills—(see Lords).

HOUSE OF LORDS.
Mr. RUTHVEN presented a petition from St. Ann's, Dublin,
stating that the public business would be greatly facilitated in
the House of Lords if the bishops had not seats there, and',
praying the house to take into its consideration some measure
by which the bishops might be expelled from the House of
Lords. He moved that the petition be laid on the table.
Mr. A. TREVOR (haring required the prayer to be distinctly
read) said that he should oppose the petition being laid on the
table. It prayed that the bishops might be expelled from the
House of Lords, and he submitted that that was not language
its which petitions presented to that house ought
.to be couched.
Lord J. RUSSELL wished to hear the opinion of the chair, as
to whether the petition ought to be received or not.
The SPEAKER considered the petition contained language
contrary to the forms and usages of the house, and such as
would-prevent it being received by the house.
Mr. RUTHVEN withdrew the petition, and said that he would
take care that the language was amended. At the same time
he believed that such petitions had been received by the house.
Mr. M. PHILLIPS presented a petition from the cotton and
woollen manufacturerS of Manchester and Salford, praying for
the repeal of the duties on cotton. He gave notice that lie
would; :early in the next session, move for the entire repeal of
the duty on raw cotton.
Mr. Flt ME was- understood to state that the duty might have
been taken off long ago, but was continued yet.
Mr. RuatNsoN made some remark, but we could not collect
its purport.
1 etition ordered to lie on the table. _ _

Lord J. RUSSELL (there being a notice on the subject) said
that perhaps he could render Mr. T. Attwood's motion unne-
cessary, by stating that, agreeably to the Order sent out by him,
in pursuance of his Majesty's commands, all the men trans-
ported to New South Wales in 1831 and 1832, from certain
agricultural counties, for rioting, &e., to the number of 2-16,
had been pardoned; that 15 only were detained, and they were
continued in consequence of offences committed by them in the
colonies.

BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.

On the motion that the bribery at elections bill be read a
third time,
Mr. A. TREVOR opposed the motion, and moved that the bill
be read a third time that day three mouths.
Colonel SIBTHORP seconded the motion.
The house then divided. For the third reading, 50; for the
amendment, 1; majority, 49.
The bill was then read a third time.
On our return to the gallery, we found, Colonel StaTHoat•
moving a clause to prevent bribery on the part of the govern-
ment by giving, as the hon. member stated, some comfortable
situation. _ _ .

The CH A NCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that this clause was
already included in the bill. The introduction of the clause
would only create doubt and uncertainty.
Mr. A. TR F.VO R said that if his hon. friend divided the
house he should support him, as he was used to be in a small
minority.

The house then divided. For the clause, 2; against it 45;
majority, 43.
Mr. TREVOR then moved the omission of the clause which in-
flicted perpetual incapacity to fill any office, benefice, or place,
under government, on any voter found guilty of bribery.
Sir. F. TRENCH seconded the motion.
The house then divided. For the motion, 3; against it, 38;
majority, 35.
The bill was then passed.
Adjourned at seven o'clock, till Friday.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-THURSDAY.
MINISTERIAL MEASCRES OF THE SESSION.

The order of the day- having been read for the following
notice of motion, which runs in these words in the minutes:—
" Lord Lyndhurst—to move for a return of the number of
public bills originated in this house during the present session,
distinguishing how many passed with and how many without
amendments, and -bow many were withdrawn or rejected,
eitherJiere or in the House of Commons, distinguishing the
number in each house. And also a return of the number of
public bills originated during the present session in the House
of Commons, distinguishing how many passed with and how
many without amendment, and how many were withdrawn
either by the House of Commons or this house, distinguishing
the number in each house.
Lord LYNDHURST rose and said :—ln calling your lordships'
attention to the subject of which 1 have given notice, I feel I
shall be called to request your indulgence for a short time in
consequence of the attack which has been made upon me and
other noble lords—an attack made by one of his majesty's mi-
nisters—l allude to the noble baron opposite, (Lord Holland;)
which attack had been repeated. (Hear.) The noble baron
has charged •your lordships, and me in particular, with having
miscouducted myself iu the discharge of my parliamentary
duties. The noble baron has charged me with haying " muti-
fated" the bills—l use the expression of the noble baron—which
his majesty's government had sent up from the other house of
parliament. (Hear.) He stated in distinct terms that the
course which I have pursued is such as will tend to awaken the
public feeling against this house, and, prevent its prOceedings
being received with respect—nay, he went further, and used a
stronger term, and said that this course was calculated to ex-
eitd disgust. Such was the nature of the noble lord's attack.
Now, if that charge had been confined to that house I should
have remained silent, because your lordships have been spectators
of what has transpired, and have heard whatrwas stated; but it
was obvious that the charge was introduced to take a larger and
a wider range, and, therefore, I feel myself called upon to rise
in justification of my conduct, and I am fully impressed
with the belief that I shall be able to completely justify
myself in the course which I have taken. ( Hear.) It does
appear to me, 1 must confess, that noble lords sitting on
this side of the house have been most mild and forbearing to-
wards
his Majesty's ministers, throughout the whole session.
We have made no motion for papers. We have brought for-
ward no resolutions for censure—the usual weapons engaged by
those who are in opposition to the government. The course
which noble lords on this side the house, on which I am now
addressing your lordships, have throughout the session ob-
served, was defensive. When a bill has been laid upon your
lordships' table which either originated in this or in the other
House of Parliament, we have attended to it, applying our
minds to it with vigour, with attention, and with iudustry. If
the bill appeared to us an improper one, and one which ought
not to pass, we have rejected it; but it' the bill was such as, by
alteration, ought to receive the sanction of the house, your
lordships introduced into it provisions you thought it ought to
possess, answering that object. My lo'rds, lam justified there-
fore in saying, that during the whole of the session the course
which my noble friends and myself have adopted has been
purely defensive; and I will maintain that we have exercised
the utmost moderation towards his Majesty's government. It
is impossible to enter into a consideration, however general, of
the measures which have been brought forward, without allud-
ing to his Majesty's speech from the throne at the commence-
ment of the session—without contrasting the brilliant anticipa-
tions contained in that speech with the actual results. It is im-
possible not to contrast the high and lofty situation in which
the government was placed at that period with, what I must be
permitted to term it, the humble condition in which they are
now placed. What was said of an ancient predecessor of the
made viscount (by our immortal poet) when he held the ,office
of a first minister of the crown, in his political career, may be
applied with great propriety to the noble viscount opposite,
when we compare his po.li ion at the opening of the session with
his position now. As was said of the noble viscount's prede-
cessor—
_

George Kenrick, Esq.
Johu Laurence, Esq.
John Mitchell, Jun., Esq.
J. R. Manderson,
Neahans, Esq.

AUDITORS.
John Labouchere, Esq. l Philip Cazenoye, Esq.
Rposetras.—Me4sis. 'Williams. Deacon, Labouchere, and Cu.
SOLICITORS.-•-:%lessrs. J. and S. Pearce, Phillips, and Bolger.
A N opportunity having presented itself of negotiating with
.the Proprietors of the Varteg Iron Works, near Puna-
pool, in 'Monmouthshire, for the
.purchase of those Works on
terms which are calculated to vteld a highly remunerative re-
turn. and a careful and deliberate survey and examination
having been made by persons of the highest competency, an
agreement has been entered into for the purchase, contingent
upon a Joint Stock Company being formed for the purpose of
carrying on the concern.
The terms of the purchase are grounded not upon the existing
high prices of Iron, but upon those which may be expected on
an average of years.
The Works are at the present time in active and profitable
operation, producing at the rate of about KIM tons of Iron
yearly, a large proportion of which is manufactured upon the
premises into wrought Iron Rails and Bars. There are five
Furnaces in blast, and there is engine power capable of work-
ing an'additional nutaber. The Works at present give employ-
ment to about 1,500 persons. The distance from Newport (the
Shipping Port) is under 14 miles by easy railway and water
carriage, and it will appear by the register of the Monmouth-
shire and Glamorganshire Canals, that there are but four Works
in South Vales which equal the Varteg in the amount of
produce.
A part of the Estate is Freehold, and the remainder held, on
Lease at moderate Rents.
For the purpose of 'raising a pital for the payment of the
purchase money and carrying o the Works, it is proposed to
create 6,000 Shares of £5O each, upon which £lO per Share
will he paid as a Deposit; and, as the agreement hinds the
Vendors to accept the consideration money by easy instalments,
the subsequent Calls upon the Shares will be limited to £5 each
Call, and an interval of at least three months will elapse be-
t Ween each. It is not expected that more than £35 per Share
will be ultimately called for.
The Company will take the profits of' the concern from the
30th ultimo, and, as the Dividends will be made half yearly, the
first Dividend will he
.paid the month of January next.
The previous Proprietors of the Estate will hold a large in-
terest in the Company, and will continue to take an active
shale in its management
The Company will be regulated by a Deed of Settlement,
Which will be forthwith prepared by the Directors under legal
advice, and which the Shareholders will be required to execute
upon notice for that purpose under penalty of forfeiture of their
Shares. The Deed will contain such clauses and covenants as
are usually inserted in Deeds of Settlement of this nature, and
Will fix the number and qualifications of the Directors and
Auditors, the periods of holding General Meetings, the right of
voting, and such other points as are nut adverted to in this
Prospectus, all of which are to be in the discretion of the
Directors.
Applications for Shares may be made (post-paid) to the Se-
cretary, at the Office of the Company, No. 29, St. Swithin's-
lane, Loinhard-street ; Mr. 11 Dawson, Exchange-
alley; 11r. THOMAS CoGt.nri, Exchange-street East; and Mr.
Samt LLWorms, Jun., India.b„Rdinr, Liverpool.
London, 25th July, 136. WM. PULFORD, Secretary.
•

•• His promises were, as he then was, mighty:
But his performance, as he is now, nothing."

I have said, my lords, that, reviewing what has passed during
the present session, it will be necessary to recur to the King's
Speech which was pronounced from the throne at the opening
of the session. My lords, one of the subjects to which your at-
tention was called; and with respect to which great expectations
were entertained, on the part of many who belong to the pro-
fession to which I have the honour to belong, was extensive re-
forms in the law, particularly reform in the Courtof Chancery.
No sooner was the announcement made than the most eager ex-
pectation was excited. Yet week alter week, month after month
passed before- a hill-was--brought for tvard';' ar last a bill was
introduced by my noble and learned friend; but I have too
much respect fur his understanding, too high. a sense of his
legal knowledge, to believe that he was the author of that bill.
I believe it must have been forced upon him—l .believe it was'
prepared by some other person ; but the measure was pro-
duced; and there it lies stilt-born upon your lordships' table.
It met with no support from any party, either whig or radical;
neither, on the part of the public press, whether in the pay of
government, or supporting what was called the opposition,
• was a word spoken in its favour. Not a single voice was
raised in its favour; even noble lords on the other side of the
house disregarded it, and for a bill so introduced, a more scanty
attendance was never presented. But, my lords, I piss by
—requiescat in pace. 1 will not disturb its ashes—(a laugh)
1 come now my lords, to to the bill for the Ecclesiastical Courts ;
and I beg to state, as your lordships are aware, that when my
noble friend, the noble duke, took office, a commission was
issued to take that subject into consideration. That commis-
sion made a report, drawn up by Dr Lushington, distinguished fur
its learning. That report was handed to our successors when
they came into office. My noble and learned friend on the
woolsack had his attention Called to the importance of the sub-
ject before the bill was introduced. It was at length brought
up. • ft was referred to a committee up stairs; and, after touch
inquiry, the report, in which we all concurred, was presented
and laid upon your lordships' table; and from that time to the
present it has slumbemed in peace. No attempt has been made
by any minister of the Crown to carry the bill further. It has
been said, or stated to have been said, that your lordships'
house was a dormitory. I have too much respect for the cir-
cumspection and good sense of the right hon. gentleman who is
supposed to have uttered such an expression to believe hint
capable of saying such a thing of your lordships' house. (Il ear.)
I conic now, my lords, to notice the Stannaries bill; hut I will
not repeat the objections which existed to one part of that bill,
they have been so ably, and so forcibly urged by my noble and
learned friend, the Master of the Rolls (Lord Langdale), when
the bill was discussed. Bur there is one point to which I must
beg to refer, that which has relation to the appointment of a
judge under the bill. Against that clause my noble and learned
friend applied all the powers of his argument. ( Hear.) Ilia
opposition was principally directed to that clause. But, my
lords, the opposition was all in vain. Let me here call your
lordship? attention to the rene itutional question involved in it.
By the act of Settlement the in :ependence of the judges was
established; that guherviency t, the ministry, that pliancy to
yield to the wishes of tile curt, which had for a long period
been a disgrace to the bench, and which had so baneful an
effect on the. administration of justice, no longer existed. Since
that period, justice had flowed on in an even and straightfor-
ward course. The judges of the land had been, freed fromany suspicion ; they had acted most independently, to the en-
tire satisfaction of the country. The principle was again re-
cognised at the accession of his Majesty George 111. By en

MANCHESTER
LW AY AND ES HIRE
CHESHIRE JUNCTION
RAIPANY.

Al' a PUBLIC MEETING, most numerously and respect
ably attended, of the Bankers, Merchants, Manufacturers
and Traders of the Borough of Manchesrer, held at the Manor
Mire Room, Bro'wn:Street; on th-e (7th day of Aiwa, 1836,-tit
11 o'clock in the forenn >n ;
JAMES BU RI% Esq., in the Chair;
The Requisition to the Boroughreeve and Constables, signed
by 376 of th, leading firms in Manchester, the answer of the
Authorities thereto, and the advertisement by which the meet
ing was irony med, having bees severally read:—
The fallowing Resolutions were adopted:—
On the motion of J. C. Harter, Es
Potter, Esq. ;
That Manchester is deeply iuteres d in securing to itself a
the earliest passible.period, and c temporaneously so far- as
may be with other districts, the t refit of widely-diffused rail-
way communication, and that an communication will be en-
hanced in value to the merchants and tradesmen of the district
in proportion to the cheapness with which the various lines may
fie executed and their freedom from engineering difficulties,
.and to the combination iu consequence of economy of transit
with speed and security.
On the motion of Aaron Lees, Esq., seconded by Robert
Christie, Esq.,—
That it appears to this meeting that by the construction of
only thirty miles of railway at an estimated cost of £510,000
(which corn the merchants and manufacturers of the district,
have undertaken to contribute), a railway with peculiar engi-
neering excellencies, capable of very speedy construction and
commencing in a most convenient and central district of the
town, may be made to connect Manchester with Cheshire and
North Wales, with Wolverliempton and thence with the West
of England, with Birmingham as the centre of an extensive
district, and with London.
On the motion of George Hall, Esq., seconded by Henry
• Forth, Esq.,—
t this undertaking is 'of essential importance to the mer-
`,...4r.tilecommiinity of Lancashire, and that this meeting the; e-
e inisls.that the recent failure of the promoters in their ap-
ti: it Atip. " n‘_o.cor an Act will not defer them from again seeking and
•to Pediobtaiiiin • a le HslaFve sanction for their inea-
On the
'Frost7Emotion of John Hunter, Esq., seconded by' J.
That, with a w •
this „meeting, the ye. ex,enoeu publicity to the opinions
.olotions be advertised iu the leading
Londoq•and prtivincial journals.
t. •
• AMRS BURT. Chairman.
left
thehaviagyhair, and Robert Barbour,
pag,sq„..l.aving bingee called thereto,
Sed by the menetine— the following resolution was
Es:tra.:ns,econd seconded S P.
P.
the motion of \Viiliam Hall,
Hitchcock, Esq.,—
lue and are
That the thanks of this meeting are
hereby given to James Burt, Esq., fur his kilau:',..i.,s:ij(ntiitiagkit'lliWe
the chair, and for his courtesy and efficiency itt
.business of this important meeting.
ROBERT BARBOUR.

seconded by Thomas

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

act which passed at that period, on the demise of the Crown, he one branch of the parliament is rejected by the other. There
patent for the appointment of the judges was not required to t'de was a time, my losds, when a ministry so circumstanced would
renewed. Ido not believe, front that period till the present, that have felt that it had but one course left to pursue ; but that, my
any attempt was ever made which should have the effect of abro- : lulls, is an antiquated doctrine. and out of repute amongst those
gating that principle. Until the present moment Ido not ,to whom I refer ; for, my lords, the noble viscount has mere than
believe that principle has ever been attempted to be set aside: once declared to us that, in spite of mutiny amongst his crew—
This is the first experiment. From what source did the op- in spite of storms and tempests, defying alike the elements and
position to the principle come ? Who was it that disapproved man, he will stick to his vessel as long as a plank of it re-
of this eonstitutional principle? Ir)uur lordships had not heard mains afloat. I admire, my lords, the courage, I admire the
it with your own ears you would not have credited that it could spirit which animates the noble viscount ; but let me whisper
come from the quarter it did. It will out be credited in the to him one particle of advice, which is, to get: his vessel into still
House of CoMmoits—it will not be credited in the country—it water with as little delay as possible.
will not be credited by the ardent population, that the noble " —Vnrtiter occupa
baton who combated the argument of my noble and teamed I Port um."
frierid—that noble baron to whom we have been iu the habit of i Let the noble lord look around him—
looking tip as the concentration of whig liberality and constitu- 16
tartlet principles—it will not be credited, I say, that the noble Nudum remigio latus,
baron should step forward to vindicate that clause in the bill to Et malus celeriseiueius Africo,
which we all objected., True, it is, that he did it in au wader- Antennmque gement : ac sine funibus
tune of voice, not audible, 1 believe, below the bar—not audi- Vix ourare cerium
ble, I believe, above the bar (in the gallery); but your lord- Possiut iinperiosius
ships heard it. He did it, however, with much skill and ability; lEquor ? non tibi aunt integre linrea :
and had he lived in Greece in the olden time he would have. Non Di, quos iterum pressa votes mato."
ranked high among her sophists. It was for the Chancellor of i I feel, my lords, how impossible it is not to admire and commi-
the Duchy of Cornwa.l to urge the necessity of the adoption of I serate the face of a great man struggling with the storms of fate,
a clause in that hill, upou which the appointment of the judges but that pity, that admiration, do not animate me, whilst I look
rests, having such a principle as t have stated. So much, then, at the spectacle afforded by the noble viscount. No, my lords,
for this part of the speech deli% ered from the throne, as regards i if I have a feeling upon this subject, it is one of consolation and
these bills. There is, as far as the Court of Chancery is con- gratulation in the hope and the belief that the noble viscount,
cerned, a miserable abortion ; and as regards the ecclesiastical whutever may be his disposition, has not acquired the requisite
courts bill, with the amendments made iii the measure, and, as geewth of locks to entitle him to rank as a Nazarite, or to endow
far as ministers were parties to the bill in its original shape, j him with power sufficient to pull down the ancient edifice, to the
there was an abandonment of it. I come now, my lords, to the I pillars of which he has bound himself. The noble baron then
next prominent point in the speech from the throne—l mean concluded (amidst loud cheers) by moving for the returns speci-
that which has reference St the municipal corporations of Ire- died in the early portion of his speech.
land. Upon that subject, however, Ido not mean to detain Lord Hoeee ND said, that as it was some unlucky expression
your lordships many moments. We have heard it over and over of his on the stanuaries bill which had served as the peg on
again stated that our opposition was factious. 1 beg to deny ,which the noble and learned lord who had just sat down hail
that. We said that the corporations were administered by the contrived to hang his elaborate, and sarcastic, and amusing
protestants, and by the protestauts alone. On that ground we speech, he would claim the indulgence of their lordships for a
thought something ought to be done. What was the change short time. The noble and learned lord had, however, bestowed
sought by the bill ? The object of it was to place exclusively a very disproportionate part of his speech on the subject on
lute) the hands of the catholics what bad been exclusively in the which he had professed to make it. He (Lord Holland) would
hands of the protestants. It was merely the exchange of power not dwell on those parts of the remarks which were personal to
from one party to another; and when they heard, what was himself, nor would he offer anything in objection which had
pretty loudly proclaimed, that the measure was iutended to give really little or nothing to do with most of the subjects which
greater strength to the agitators in Ireland, he and his noble the noble and learned had discussed—neither would he trouble
friends at once said, "We are ready to put an end to the evil their lordships with any remarks on the stringency of the noble
originally complained of, but we will not consent to give birth and learned lord's observations as related to the conduct of the
to a still greater evil, by adopting this measure." Acting present government. He was not sophist enough to be able to
on that principle, and on that principle alone, he had take the edge off the speech of the: noble and learned lord.
proposed a motion fur the abolition of those corporations.— lie would not sae that it was illegalehe would not say it was
Now let me come, my lords, to the third act of mutila- factious, he would not say it was full of sophisms, or that it dealt
tion—l allude to the measure with respect to the stamps on largely in personal asperity; but he would say, in honest
newspapers. When it was suggested to your lordships to throw homely English, that it was altogether a very queer proceeding
out one ot' the clauses—a clause most objectionable, most unjust, - —queerly worded—queer in point of taste and in point of logic.
and most inquisitorial—that suggestion was met by taunts and As to any thing that be might have said which called forth some
by sarcasm on the part of the noble viscount. The proposition of the remarks of the noble and learned lord, he would only
was originally met with invective and sarcasm. which the noble- observe, that if any thing which had fallen from him was con-
viscount knew so well bow to use; but when the storm had sub sidered in any degree offensive to any noble lord, he most
sided, and when good humour and reason had assumed their willingly retracted it. He was disposed to give-noble lords op-
sway, the noble viscount himself brought forward a hill, with- posite full credit for conscientious feeling in the opposition
out that inquisitorial clause, and he no longer painted with a which they had given to certain bills.. No doubt, noble lords
broad pencil, and in dark colours, but he was pleased to be face- must have felt the duty a painful one under a sense of which
tious on the occasion, and, in introducing the, bill, he described they were compelled to reject the prayers of the people. which
it as an edilio expurgata of the former bill, waicu was sufficient had come embodied before them in hills from the legal repre-
to prove that the other had been forced upon the administration, sentatives of the people—the House of Commons ; but such a
and which they had been compelled to drag through the mire, duty was not a fit subject of boast on the part of any noble lord.
(Hear, hear.) The next topic in his Majesty's speech which I or matter on which he ought to rest his claim of fame. The
beg leave to notice is, that which has reference to the noble and
certain
dliolrls
a boast,dhad,h and badver, obtainedde his
creditshare forinthe it
re-
question of tithes in Ireland, it being anticipated that it jectiort of bills
would tend "to establish harmony and peace iu that coun- with the country. He would nut enter into the feelings or
try." We acquiesced in the spirit of that advice, and we speculate upon the object of the noble and learned lord's boast
prepared a Bill to extinguish tithes iu Ireland : it went on this ground, but he should have thought that when the prayers
further, fur it went to remove the inequality of some of the of the sister house cane before them and were rejected, the
benefices in Ireland. That measure was, however, rejected by rejection would have been made with a sigh, and not with a
his majesty's government, becauQe it did not recognise an ab- taunt or boast. At the beginning of the session he had ventured,
street principle, to be exercised at some future period, for over- without meaning it offensively, to compare the noble and learn-
throwing the church of Ireland—(hear, hear). It was obvious ed lord to Titnotheus, hut now the noble and learned lord had
that, as regarded the surplus, it would not for years be attended got so vain of his own music, that he must compare him to
with any practical good. My lorde there is one other measure Alexander—
of this description to which I will advert, and this is a bill res-
pecting charitable trusts. That bill we rejected on account of
its vicious character and principles. By that bill the trustees
would be rendered political partisans. That appeared to be its
object. Nothing could be more vicious than that bill on ac-
count of its principle. Nay more, we rejected the bill on ano-
ther ground—it was this :it contained a proposition to alter the
intention of charitable trusts, for nearly all this property was
intended to be dealt with by members of the established church
only. The bill would have handed those funds to be dealt with
by dissenters. (Hear.) I think your lordships will be of opinion
that nothing could :be more unwise than that charity funds of
that description, particularly those relating to school foundations,
should be administered by that class of persons. More than
this, my lords, it has been publicly declared that their object
was to re-model those schools, to form them more conformable
to their own religious views-and notions. Now my lords, I
have run through a few of those measures; I have stated the
grounds and principles which induced us, or at least upon which
I acted in the course taken. And when the noble baron appeals
to the country, I beg to say that I join in the appeal—(Hear.)
We looked, my lords, I say, to the great interests of the nation,
and we have discharged our duty properly. It is our duty to
discharge the trust given us as an indepeudent branch of the
legislature • and we consider ourselves answerable for it. lam
ready, and I believe I may say that your lordships are ready—
, (Hear, hear.) We have not slumbered at our ease; we have
not been led away by the allurements of pleasure; but we have
discharged our duty faithfully and firmly; had we acted othei-
wise, we should have acted inconsistently with our interest, we
being desirous of continuing the institutions of the country.
There is another measure, my lords, to which I beg to call your
lordships' attention by way of retrospect, but with another view,
from those to which I have before adverted. There was a bill
brought into this house by a most rev. prelate (the Archbishop of
Canterbury) upon a subject of great delicacy and of considerable
consequence—tire bill to prevent pluralities in the church.
Many persons have directed their attention to this subject—many
have attempted to deal with it, but have failed in the attempt to
carry it forward. I believe, my lords, it will pe admitted that
the bill in question was the best ever offered for the consideration
of parliament. It was suppertecteas your lordships know, by the
ministers of the crown in this house, as it was their dulyso to do.:
It was supported also in the oilier house of parliament by !he
ministers of the crown; but a party in that house, supporting
the measures of the government, interposed and said, " hat
they could no longer give ministers their support if they con-
sented to puss that bill." Some struggle was made by his
Majesty's ministers who had sanctioned the measure up to that
period—a measure of so much importance in their own estima-
tion—but at length they yielded to the dictation, and it was
abandoned. My lords, there is another measure to which I re-
quest your attention, a measure under the sanction of ministers,
to carry into effect the fourth report of the church commis-
sioners—a commission and report to which the ministers them-
selves had their names attached. The report bore the signa-
tures of the noble Viscount, of the President of the Council,
and of the noble Lord, the leader of the House of Cammons, and
other members of the cabinet. An important measure of church
regulation founded on that report was produced; that bill was
brought into the other house of parliament. It was brought
forward in that house, and there was presently a mutiny in the
camp of the noble lord, and it became necessary to endeavour
to satisfy the mutineers. A conference was held in Dowuing-
street, or somewhere its its neighbourhood, but it had not been
conducted in that low-toned, well-bred whisper, which had so con.
spicuously marked a certain free conference which had been held
with the managers of your lordship's house; for ministers iu the
former named conference were told in a high-toned voice, and in
an authoritative warmer, that they must abandon that measure.
That important measure was abandoned, and his Majesty's
ministers were effectually dictated to by that section of the
house of Commons thiit supported them. (Hear.) Is this
all, my lords? No. A bill had been introduc4, and passed
the other house, relating to the registration ofillrbters. Vt'hat
is the history of that till ? It was urged in committee even
by the members of, his Majesty's government in its original
form, but after a long inquiry, some clauses were drawn up by
Lord John Russell, the Attorney-General, and the Solicitor-
General. The measureeas produced, was an excellent one, with
one or two exceptions, and it ought to have passed into a law.
What was the result? The bill was opposed—it was new
modelled—all the regulations were altered—and, instead, some
clauses affecting the right to voting, as contained in the reform
bill, were introduced. In this mutilated form—fur I must
adopt the phraseology of the noble baron on this occasion—
the bill was brought up to your lordship's house. My noble
friend near ins, with his vigorous mind, altered it, and the result
wets to restore the bill to its original and best shape. For doing
this, 1 beg to ask are we not- entitled to the gratitude of the
noble viscount, instead of being subjected to his sarcasm and
invective, which he knows so well the use of? (Hear, hear.)
The result was that my noble friend did mutilate the bill—to
repeat the phrase of the noble baron—by depriving it of all
those objectionable clauses, and restoring it to its original state.
Can the country be too grateful—can your lordships collec-
tively be too grateful, to these eminent, these self-sacrificing
statesmen, who, under the circumstances" which I have feebly,
pictured forth to your lordships, still condescend to hold the
reins of a government, trampled on as they were 'by} our
preponderance and ascendancy ? (Cheers from Lord Lans-
downe.) And now, my lords, although I admit that lam about
to touch upon a subject not directly relevant to the matters
which we have been discussing, yet under the circumstances in
which we now stand, perhaps you will overlook this irrelevancy,
and permit me to draw your attention to the state of our fbreign
relations, and the policy by which those relations have of late
been governed. Let me, therefore, ask your lordships whether
the decayed and withered side of Downing-street, such as I have
• but-too-faithfully pourtrayed it,: is-sustained -et-revivified by the'
vigorous shootings forth of the other section of it? The•whole
question of our foreign policy is far too wide for immediate dis-
cussion, and for that, as well as for other stringent reasons,
shall confine myself to one or two observations upon that part
of it which is at the present moment so painfully prominent,
herein imitating the prudent reserve, to which a noble duke
(Wellington) near me has had recourse. I shall refrain from
troubling your lordships with any general observations upon the
result of the policy pursued towards the continental states by
the government, further than simply asking those amongst you
who are conversant with the condition of Europe, whether the
acts of the noble viscount who rules the fortuues of the foreign
office are such as to insure to Great Britain what she has hitherto
always enjoyed—the respect and confidence of surrounding na-
tions? Will it for a moment be pretended that the European
States hold.our government and our country in the sense re-
spect as formerly. or that our alliance is courted in the degree it.
formerly was ? No. On the contrary, I fear that we are re-
garded now with aversion and contempt. Moreover, my lords,
those principles of intervention which the government now
seems to have adopted, in direct contradiction to their own out-
setting declarations—(hear)—have already cost the country be-
tween one and two millions of money; and let us look and see
what we have obtained for that outlay. Can I describe the re-
sults as other than disgraceful, or the high hopes which were
so vauntingly held out as having ended in anything but disap-
pointment and defeat? The wahine' honour has been compro-
mised, and her anus have been tarnish -d. (Ilear ) It is im-
possible, my lords, for us not to recollect that the unhappy ems-
try to which I allude was once the scene of one of the most glo-
rious struggles that ever took place. It is equally impossible to
forget that in the fields of Spain was organieed and disciplined
the army which, under the noble duke who sits near me, was so
gloriously conducted from victory to victory—(cheers)—until it
raised the military glory of Great Britain to a pitch of greatness
to which no nation that ever existed can affui d a parallel. Does
it not, my lords, now seem as if some malign demon had con-
spired with those whom I will not specifically name, to throw
contempt upon our military exploits, and to tarnish the memory
of the deeds to which 1 have referred? Has not the miserable
buccaneering expedition which issued from this country, under
the auspices and support of the government, contributed by its
manccuvres and unhappy blunders to render the
name of England hateful to her Spanish allies. and contempti-
ble to her Castilian foes? But, my lords, amidst all these dis-
asters, the noble viscount holds on his course unmoved and un-
dismayed. The noble viscount herein reminds me of the poet's
language, except that he reverses it in every point, inasmuch
as ee is swelling with pride at the very moment when he is
reeling and struggling with defeat. Your lordships have
now for some, considerable period of time had before you the
spectacle of an administration so circumstanced between the
wo houses of legislature, that they are totally unable to carry
their new measures through either of them, for what is passed by

---------
-"The King grew vain,
"Fought all his battles o'er again,
•
"And thrice he routed all his foes,
"And thrice he slew the slain."
The noble and learned lord had recalled his achievements in
the rejection of former bills to the recollection of their lord-
ships—he had vaunted, be had boasted of them, and for what
object? Why, merely to take the opportunity of holding up
to the public what he considered the pitiful situation of his (Lord
Holland's) noble friends and colleagues, whose great fault after
all was this—that they were disposedto go with the general feel-
ings and wishes of the people. Was that anew or an antiquated
course on the part of the ministers of the country ? The ques-
tion was, .had his noble friend at the head of the government
the confidence of the. people as expressed through their repre-
sentatives in the House of Commons ? If be had (and he be-
lieved of that there could be no doubt, he would advise him, so
long as he p6ssessed that confidence, to disregard sarcasm and
to despise invective. (" Hear, hear," from the ministerial side.)
Was this a new or was it an antiquated notion, that a minister
possessing the confidence of the House of Commons should
continue in office whilethat confidence lasted? He believed it was
not a new opinion, and, if he remembered right, there was a time
when the noble and learned lord entertained the same opinion.
(Hear, hear.) The noble and learned lord had boasted of the
number of bills which he had contributed to reject. This reminded
him of the boast made by a gentleman who had more wit than judg-
ment—he meant Boswell, the biographer of Johnson. That ge.n-
-; demur was a member of a club of which Johnson and other distm-

guished characters of the day were also members. So attached was
Mr. Boswell to this club, that he made it the theme of his praise,
and on one occasion he said that " if the individuals whose
claims for admission had been blackballed were got together,
they would form one of the very best clubs in Europe." In the
same spirit the noble and learned lord took credit for the legisla-
tion of himself and his noble friends. He boasted that even the
hills which they had rejected would have been sufficient to make
a code for any legislative assembly in Europe. He (Lord Hol-
land) must say that some of the rejected bills had been admitted
on all sides to be good, but they were lost in the efforts made to
improve them. Some of them had not been opposed by any
party in the house in which they had originated. He would not
go through the whole detail of all those bills, the names of many
of which he did not well recollect, but he repeated, that ho din
not think it seemly in the noble and learned lord to claim credit
for, or dwell on the merits of that house, in rejecting the voice
of the people and throwing out bills, great. and small, Which had
been sent up to them from the people's representatives. He
(Lord Holland) did remember a time when the House of Com-
mons did not represent the opiniMas of the people of England,
and he also remembered that even at that time their bills were
treated with greater respect by their lordship's. The noble and
learned lord, whose high notions of parliamentary consistency
were so strict that he himself had never changed his opinion on
any great subject, now felt no scruple in rejecting the opinions
of the people. He greatly admired the talents of the noble and
learned lord generally—he admired the exhibition of those ta-
lents which their lordships had that night witnessed, but he must
say in the speech which the noble and learned lord had just
delivered he had not shown judgment equal to his abilities. It
might perhaps be considered impertinent conceit for any man
to tell another what he would do were he placed in his situation,
but he could not avoid telling the noble and learned lord that,
in the present feverish state of the public mind, it was not wise
or prudent to come down with a deliberate attack on the House
of Commons, for, great as the talents of the noble and learned
lord were, they only served to aggravate the offence by such an
ill-judged use of them. It would tend to excite disgust and dis-
satisfaction in the minds of the people. When he used the
word "disgust," he did not mean to excite it. No doubt the
rejection of so many bills might create discontent, but much
more would arise from the manner in which they were rejected,
and he feared that the manner in which the rejection of some of
the bills had been carried would not tend to alleviate the discon-
tent which the rejection itself was calculated to produce. Now,
with respect to the last part of the noble and learned lord's
speech, he owned that he could not see (and the noble and
learned lord had not endeavoured to show) the relevancy of his
remarks to the other subjects which he had noticed. The noble
and learned lord seemed to think that the honour of the country
had been let down by the present administration with respect to
its foreign policy. He could not see in what way that had been
done. If he looked to the east or to the west he saw no proofs
of this letting down of the national character. But then the
case of Spain was alluded to as au illustration, and the achieve-
' ments of the noble duke (Wellington) were dwelt upon. He
was unable to do justice in anything he could say to the tran-
scendent
merits of the noble duke's achievements in that coun-
try, but he yielded to no man in his admiration of them. In
what, however, let him ask, had the present government departed
from the policy of the noble duke with respect to Spain ? Por-
tugal was now settled; to this he could claim the sanction of the
noble duke, who had declared that he considered Portugal had
been too much separated from this country. Portugal, he re-
peated, had been settled; but he took nocredit with the govern-
ment for that beyond the fact of their having adopted the mea-
sures which led to it. A noble lord, a friend of his, had said on
the coining of the whigs into office, that if they kept peace in
Europe for three months they would deserve to be considered
the greatest statesmen in the country. They hail kept that
peace for six years, and though he did not claim for it that credit
which his noble friend to whom he alluded was disposed to give,
yet he must say, in contradiction to the statement of the noble
and learned lord, that there had been nothing in their foreign
policy that had the tendency to let down the character of this
country. He begged pardon for thus trespassing on the indul-
gence of their lordships, which he could assure them was not his
intention when he rose to make a few remarks on some of the
übservaktians whicb_had fallen from the noble. and learned lard,__
After a few words in explanation from Lord Lyndhurst, as to
the opposition to the stannaries bill, and from Lord Holland in
reply, more than the subject of which could not be collected in
the gallery,
Viscount MELBOURNE said, that after what he had heard of
the speech of the noble and learned lord, he was most willing
to say, that if the noble and learned lord could be content with
a compliment as to mere ability, he was most ready to accord it
to him. As to the mere ability he certainly did him only jus•
tice in admitting that on the present as well as on many other
occasions he had displayed talents of no ordivary character ;
but something more than mere talent was necessary to consti-
tute the character of a great statesman. The noble and learn-
ed lord had compared lion (Viscount Melbourne) to a states.
man alluded to by Shakspeare. Without entering into the
aptness of the comparison, lie would be to remind the noble
and learned lord of the description which bad been given of
another statesman by the Earl of Bristol, who was also a right
rev. prelate in that house. That right rev. lord, speaking of
the statesman in question, said " the malignity of his practices
had been greatly aggravated by those rare talents of which
God bad given him the use, but of which the Devil directed the
application." Nothing had struck him more in the speech of
time noble and learned lord, than the extraordinary difference
between the miserable motion with which he had concluded
and the pompous speech with which it had been prefaced. He
should have expected after such a speech a Motion calling upon
their lordships to express their want of confidence in the pre-
sent government, but they heard nothing of the kind. The
noble and learned lord was anxious on this occasion to have
what he refused to the counsel of prisoners—the last word, but
he was so because he felt sore at the effect of the first word
which they, the government, had with the public. Credit was
taken by the noble and learned lord for the forbearance of him-
self and his noble friends during the season. Was it from for.
bearance that they had not proposed a vote of censure on mi-
nisters? Was it from an unwillingness to take office, or from
a distrust. in themselves, as being unable to carry on the go-
vernment of the country, that they abstained from any such
motion? They said they were anxious to appeal to the people.
If so, why not move an address to the crown to get aid of the
present ministry? and the probability was, that such an ad-
dress would be followed by consequences which would render
that appeal necessary. Such a course would have been per-
fectly consistent with the opinions which noble lords opposite
had expressed; but they knew well they hind not the support of
the country—they knew that the country was against them, and
they dared not take those steps which would put them in pos-
session of the means of making an appeal to the opinions of the
people. If they thought they could have ventured it with
safety, that appeal would have been made long ago. It was not
his intention to follow the noble and learned lord into the details
of thOse measures which had been introduced by government,
but they were such as on all occasions he should be prepared to
jusey. The noble and learned lard iu his comparison of him

(Viscount Melbourne) with the statesman alluded to by Shaks-
peare, had said that "my promises were mighty as I was
then, but that my performance was as I am now—nothing."
I Let him tell the uobte and learned lord and his, Menus that the

AUGUST 23, 18:i6.

ner in which the bills referred to had been disposed of. The
noble baron said that the Stannaiies hilt was a most unconsti-
tutional measure, and expressed his tistonistimtit that whi;4
should support a measure which inane
jai.;:t! !Tram-able with-
out an address to the crown from halo houses of parliament.
Why did not his noble and learned friend caution the house
when the bill was under discussion ? The noble lord, in al-
luding to another bill for the better administration of justice in
the Court of Chancery, complained of the late period of the ses;
sion at which it was brought forward. That was not the objec-
tion urged when the bill was before the house. His noble and
learned friend found ample time to get rid of the bill, and he
had ample time to make what improvements in it he thought fit.
T hers was, undoubtedly-, a great evil in the denial of justice to
those of his Majesty's subjects who had occasion to resort to the
Court of Chancery for redress; and it was admitted on all hands
that at present there was not sufficient provision for the admi-
nistration of justice in that court. He should have expected the
co-operation of his noble and learned friend in devising some
means of remedy, instead of his Opposition to it as a measure of
great and acknowledged evil. There was another bill which
formed a part of that measure, though it had nut been alluded to
by his noble and learned friend—namely, the measure for im-
proving the adniinistration of justice in that house. He had
never heard an opinion expressed by any one that the course of
administering justice in that house was such as the public or
their lordships could wish it to be. The plan which he had
proposed was a safe plan, and one calculated to produce a very
great benefit, though it might not have hem perfect plan. Yet
that bill had been rejected, if not at the direct instance of his
noble and learned friend, certainly with his co-operation. There
was anather bill which had been made the subject of a charge
against his Majesty's miiii,sters—a bill ou a subject of very'
great importance, and one also of very great difficulty—namely,
the bill for consolidating the Ecclesiastical Courts. Bit it was
an absolutely essential preliminary to the passing of that mea-
sure that two other bills should be passed—namoly, the church
discipline bill, and the bill relating to the execution of wills.
He had been informed that it was quite impossible, unless the
execution of wills irill were passed, that the Ecclesiastical Courts

promises he had made were in his own power—the performance,
or rather the hiwirance of the performance of these premises
was theirs. Mau), of the bills which they had opposed had not
been opposed by those who might be said to represent theta in
the other house—(" No, no," from the opposition benches.)
He (Viscount Melbourne) said yes. There were some of them
the principle of which had been admitted, and there was little
or no opposition to the details. There were the registration
bill, the post-office bill, and the Roman Catholic marriages bill
(which measure went to remedy a great grievance.) These, he
contended, met no opposition in the other house from the friends
of noble lords opposite. Then he must say, that either their
representatives in the commons did not bring forward an oppo-
sition to those measures on the ground of the unpopularity of
such opposition, (IT in the confidence that the measures would
be rejected by their lordships (a ground of proceeding which,
let him tell them, would produce consequences the most dan-
gerous) or their friends in the Commons differed from them as
to those ntaasures. Ile would say, then, that they stood alone
in their opposition to the wishes of the people, as expressed by
their representatives in the other House of Parliament. In
saying this, he had no wish to lessen the weight and importance
of any branch of the legislature. God knows that, in times
like these, they stood in need of all the influence they could get
ou the side of government. But let him predict to their lord-
ships, that they would not add to their respectability or their
influence in the country. by the course they had pursued in the
rejection of those measures. As to the other bills he would say
that the Post-office was a good measure; so was that relating
to newspaper stamps, and that part of it which related to the
registration of proprietors. He owned that he was surprised at
the rejection of that clause, considering the opinions which
some individuals had held with respect to it on fortner occa-
sions. He would contend that that clause by which all pro-
prietors were to be registered could have tended to make the
press much more respectable, though he meant to make me com-
plaint against it as it was. What was to be deduced from the
conduct of the Commons, except that they were not so blind,
so rash, so reckless, as their lordships? (Murmurs.) What
inference was to be drawn from the conduct of the Commons,
but that they had more regard for the public good, and were
ready, for that purpose, to snake sacrifices which their lordships
refused to make ? The noble baron had adverted to the bills
for the reformation of the church, which, frosts the lateness of
the session, and, as he would distinctly admit, from the unex-
pected opposition which sprung up to them, the government was
not able to carry into effect during the present session. He
regretted that circumstance—he thought the hills would have
settled many questions of a troublesome character, and effected
many useful reforms. But was there anything particular—was
there anything that ought to degrade a minister in the fact of
his being obliged to give up or to defer to another session mea-
sures which he was anxious to carry ? Such an event had hap-
pened to the proudest and most powerful minister who had ever
existed in this country. It would be easy to produce from the
records of history an example of a minister, perhaps the most.
powerful who ever existed in England, being obliged to deter
measures inure important than those which had been referred
to—for instance, the act of union. The noble baron had ad-
verted in general terms to the foreign policy of the government.
Seeing that the noble baron did not intend to bring any specific
charge against the government under that head, or to-invite a
public discussion on the subject, he would have better consulted
the dignity of the country, which he was so anxious to promote,
by abstaining from general condemnation, and from stating
that ministers had degraded the national character throughout
Europe. Those were words often used in debate, and had very
little signification ; but the high station and character of the
noble baron ought to have prevented him front employing
them so lightly, unsupported by anything like argument.—
He could only say that if tha noble baron entertained
the opinion which he had expressed, it appeared to hint
that the noble baron had deserted his duty by not adopting
more decisive measures than those he had taken on the present
occasion. " I," continued the noble viscount, " have no am-
bition nor love of office; but I say I think it is for the well-
being of the country that I should bold office at present, and
hold it I will till I am removed." (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON.—The noble viscount opposite
has lately been in the habit of employing harsh language and
sarcasms towards your lordships, and yet he affects the greatest
surprise that my noble and learned friend, having a motion to
make upon a subject respecting which he required information,
should have taken the opportunity of making some observations
iu reply to those sarcasms, and should endeavour to defend his
own conduct and that of other noble lords with whom he acts.
(Hear, hear.) The noble viscount and the noble baron oppo-
site appear to have totally forgotten the harsh terms which they
have used towards my noble and learned friend. (Hear, hear.)
What is the object of my noble and learned friend's motion, as
connected with his speech ? The object of the motion is to
show the state of legislation as it stands between the houses of
parliament; and in the course of his speech my noble friend
very properly defended himself and his own conduct with re-
spect. to various measures which have been brought under the
consideration of this house during the present session. My
noble friend also referred to the announcement contained in
the King's speech at the commencement of the session' and
coutrasted it with the result, as exemplified in the severalmea-
sures brought forward in this and the other house of parliament.
My noble and .learned friend has with great ability (cheers)
shown the measures which have been brought forward in pur-
suance of the announcement in the King's speech—he has shown
what measures have never been brought forward, although pro-
mised; what subjects have never been adverted to at all by the
government; and finally, he has shown what has been the fate
of those measures which have been introduced by govern-
ment, not only in this house, but in the other house of parlia-
ment, in which we are given to understand that the influeni% of
government is paramount. (Cheers.) That was the purpose
and object of my noble and learned friend, and for that lie has
been used in the manner he has been just now by the noble
viscount, and some time since by the noble baron. (Hear,
hear.) I must say, in support of my noble and learned friend,
that the conduct of those noble lords who have acted on this
side of the house throughout the present session of parliament,
has been marked with the utmost moderation and forbearance.
For my own part, I believe that I was not inure than twice in
the house till after the Easter holydays, After the day when
the address to his majesty was voted, I was never in the house,
nor said a word In opposition to the government, 6111 endea-
voured to prevail upon the noble viscount to postpone the con-
sideration of the corporations act amendment bill until after
Easter. Until then I never spoke a word in this house. Since
that period, it is true, I have taken part in the discussions on
various measures brought under the consideration of the house,
and I have certainly given my vote in opposition to those mea-
sures brought forward by his majesty's government; but I must
at the Caine time say that I have always given my reasons for
my vote upon those occasions in moderate terms; and, though
those reasons may not have appeared very good to noble lords
opposite, I have acted according to the best of my opinion, and
in a way which 1 thought most beneficial to the public interests.
(Loud cheering.) The noble viscount has been pleased to
taunt us with not having come forward with addresses to the
King, calling upon his Majesty to remove the noble viscount
and his present colleagues from office. Why, if we look at the
manner in which the present government was appointed—
(cheers)—if we look at the history of that transaction, of little
more than twelve months' standing, I believe we shall find suf-
ficient reason for not taking that step, (Hear, hear.) The
noble viscount knows well on what ground he stands in his
Majesty's service—(continued cheering), and he might as well
have avoided taunting us with not having come forward with
addresses, beseeching his Majesty to remove him and his col-
leagues from office. (Cheers.) What I would recommend
to the noble viscount is, that he should consider himself, not as
a minister of a democratic body in another place, but as the
minister of a king in a limited monarchy of great extent, hav-
ing a great population, with various interests, and that he
should concoct the measures which he thinks proper to bring
forward for the consideration of parliament, and, above all,
those which he announces in the speech to be delivered from
'the throne by the crown, in such a manner as would suit the
interests of all—(cheers)—in such a manner as would meet
with the good will of all, and not of one particular party in one
particular place. ( Loud and almost general cheering.) If the
noble viscount will follow that course for seine time, lie will ex-
perience no difficulty in this house ; but, on the contrary, will
find that this house will afford him every facility in forwarding
his measures. (Hear, hear.) 1 wish the noble viscount to
recollect one cacumstance in reference to the measures which
he recommends with regard to one particular subject-1 mean
the Church of England, whether established in England or
Ireland. Let the noble viscount recollect that the avowed
policy of this country—a policy followed for 300 years—has
been to maintain inviolate, if possible, the Church of England.
(Cheers.) Let him recollect that we are called here to consult
particularly for the good of the Church, and when he brings
forward measures relating to that subject—particularly these
which he and the noble baron have been pleased to discuss just
now—let the noble viscount, I say, recollect that those mea-
sures are. to he considered in this assembly with a view to the
maintenance of the Church according to the old policy of the
country. The maintenance of the Church of England was not
only the old policy of this country—it is not only the policy of
three hundred years' standing, but it is the policy upon which
this and the other house of parliament acted no longer than
eight or nine years ago, when they revised the safeguards by
which the Church up to that time had been defended. (Cheers.)
If the noble viscount will bear these great land-marks in view—
if lie will pay attention to the points which I have suggested in
the measures which lie concocts and brings forward, he will
find that this house will support him probably with more real
even than that house on which lie so much relies. (Cheers.)
There is oise topic which I have purposely avoided throughout
this session—one which 1 have purposely stayed away from this
house to avoid the discussion of-1 mean the foreign policy of
the Government; and I will not be induced, by any thing that
has passed in this debate, to enter much at large into that sub.
ject now. The noble baron opposite has /Stated, that when 1
was in office I followed the course of policy which may pre-
decessor had pursued. I beg to state that I found a treaty
existing. (Cheers.) I know that it has not always been
the practice for a British minister to execute the articles of a
treaty which has descended to him; but I considered it to be
my duty to carry the treaty which I found existing into execu-
tion. (Cheers ) I went further; I took the opportunity, with
the consent of the party with whom we were in alliance-1 took
the first step towards, at least, humanizing the war in Spain, if
not of ultimately bringing the parties to something like re-
conciliation. (Hear, hear.) I lament exceedingly, not only
for the sake of humanity, but on account of the interest which I
really and sincerely feel for the country.in which I served so
long, (great cheering,) that the noble viscount's government
should have departed from the principle of the arrangement
which was entered into under my direction. (Hear, hear.) I
lament that the noble viscount's government has encencouraged--
I do not mean to say that they have beets
patties
to it—any ac-
tive interference in the hostilities now being carried on in
Spain. (Hear, hear.) 1 have said this. before in this house.
I will not say' any thing further now; I will not advert to other
measures which the noble viscount's government has adopted,
because it is my sincere wish not to involve the house in a dis-
cussion on this subject, which can answer no purpose,. and,
answering no purpose, can produce nothing but mischief. I
rose to support my noble and learned friend in the course which
he found it necessary to take in his own justification, and with
a view to the very motion he has brought forward; and, haying
done so, I will now sit down, thanking your lordships. for the
patience with which you have heard me. (Much cheering.)
The Louis CHANCELLOR said that the speech of the noble
duke differed tote ccelo from that of his noble and learned friend.
He was not surprised at the noble duke's tone, because it was
in
accordance with the temperance which always characterizedi
him in discussing questions in that house ( Hear, hear.) I be
noble duke said that lie rose to support his noble and learned
friend in the course which lie had pursued, but he must say that
this was one of the few occasions in his life in which success had
not attended his efforts. His noble and learned friend said that
the present ministry was disgraced, an I that it was not entitled
to respect either at home or abroad. The noble duke, on the
other hand, said that he did not wish to see the noble viscount
removed from the had of the government, which he could not
have said if he thought the governmentwas deserving of the
reprobaticn whish his noble and learned friend had cast upon
it. If his noble and learned friend wished to raise a discussion
with respect to the i arhamentary conduct of members of that
house, he thought it would have been more convenient to wait
unto the is farinst ion for which be snored wll9 iu the hands of
then lottdships, in order that they isoglit /et vs known the man-

bill could he carried into operation with a beneficial effect; yet
that bill, which was not under his charge, their lordships had
not thought fit to pass, nor the other bill relating to the disci-
pline of the church. Under these circumstances he trusted that

he should stand exonerated from all the responsibility of not
having brought to a conclusion the ecclesiastical courts bill.
He had now gone through all the charges which had been urged
by his noble and learned friend—all the counts of the indictment
which his noble and learned friend had thought fit to lay against
himself personally, and against his Majesty's govetninent; and
he trusted he had satisfactorily explained to their lordships why
the several measures in question had not been carried into effect.
As for the motion of his noble and learned friend, be felt not
the slightest objection to it; he thought it proper that the coun-
try should know, and In the most authentic manner, what bills
had been proposed, and how they had been disposed of. What
inference his noble and learned friend meant to draw flora[ the
return, it was impossible for him to say; but he was certainly
willing and desirous that the country should know what was the
history of the bills which had been introduced, and why they had
not become the law of the land.

Lord LytinuutisT made a remark, the purport of which we
understood to be that the bills alluded to by his noble and learned
friend, as measures the passing of which was an essential pre-
liminary to the passing of the Ecclesiastical Courts bill, had
been already twice passed by their lordships.
The Marquis of NVE;TMEATH rejoiced that the task of bring-
ing this subject before the house had fallen to the noble and
learned lord, and said that no reproach could be urged against
him by noble lords opposite for so doing, unless indeed on the
score of the ability which he had displayed in the exercise of his
great talents upon this occasion.
The motion was then agreed to.
The remaining bills on the orders were then forwarded a stage.
The municipal elections hill—a measure deferred from a for-
mer evening—was resisted by Lord LYNDHURST, who moved.
as an amendment, that it be further sionsidered that day three
months. The amendment was carried by 30 to 14; the bill is
now consequently lost by a majority of 16 against it.—Adjourned.