The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-22 00:00:00

together „,, , „ „ eo 52t 53 56i 53
United States ~
France, Continent, and
United States 76 70 74 781 754
So that you see we more than keep our place when compared
with the nations on the continent, that the United States
only has gained in some degree upon us; but that in the last
nine years they have made no play against us. The whole re-
sult is, that having began with England as 100 is to 76 com-
pared with all the countries which I have mentioned, we, at
the end of this period of fifteen years, are at 100 still, and
they having begun at 76 are now at 75i, so as to the whole
manufacturing power of the world, England occupies the same
place which she did fifteen years ago. (Long and loud cheers.)
But, gentlemen, we cannot promise always to keep this place.
It is impossible to say that the result of continued peace, the
continued accumulation of capital, and all the energies
of foreign countries diverted to their internal improvement,
shall not ultimately in some degree prevent us from keeping
the power of manufacturing for the whole world which we en-
joy. Ido not say we have no right to expect it ; we cer-
tainly do keep our ground in a most wonderful manner, but
if we are not able to do so against all other nations, I do not
see what right we can have to complain. Gentlemen, if we
arc to keep our trade and commerce in a healthy state, I think
we must have a steadier government than we have had for the
last ten years—(ehrers)—a government upon whore pledges
and promises some reliance may be placed, who will not quiet
any one branch of trade one year by giving them reason to
think it will not be touched, and the next upsetting it root
and branch. (Hear, hear.) We must have a government
who know their own thoughts, who will not make pledges
and promises and then break them. (Cheers.) You must
have a government that will watch carefully the proceedings
of foreign countries, that will watch with more activity and
more closely than the present—the late government i was
going to say—(loud laughter)--but it ie all the same—the
proceedings of foreign countries, that will not allow British
navigation to be thrown out of the trade of Spain, Portugal,
or the Havannah, that will not allow a blockade of Mexico
and Buenos Ayres to be established for two long years—
(cheers)—that will not allow the north-eastern boundary of
North America to remain unsettled for years at the imminent
peril of our peace, that will not allow the internal
affairs of the Canadas to be untouched until insurrection
breaks out, and our finances are burdened by the ex-
pense of an ultimately necessary, but in the beginning
perfectly unnecessary war. (Immense cheers.) We must
have a government that will not leave the representative
of the crown in China for two long years without instructions,
although he wrote time after time for instructions on the great
question or the introduction of opium, which he'saw would
come on. (Ilear, hear.) No ; we must have a government
with foresights to see the cloud in the horizon before it bursts
out into a storm. (Loud cheers.) We must have a foreign
secretary who is not engrossed by the political bobby of the
day, but who thinks it worth his while, as well as his duty,
to watch over the interests of British commerce. (Great
cheering.) Gentlemen, I need hardly go much further into
questions of this nature. They are not the questions which
will determine your votes at the election. You will not, if
you should differ from me upon these questions, throw
over your conservative feelings; you will not abandon
every other question of infinitely superior importance, be-
cause upon this one doubtful question of political economy
it is possible you mAy think us wrong. (Hear, hear.) I
have touched, in some degree, upon the corn question, but
in a place like this I must not forget two other question
which have been pressed upon your attentions. With regard
to the question of a reduction of the duty upon foreign
sugar, it is a painful thing for the representative of a mer-
cantile constituency to be compelled, by circumstances, to
place himself at variance with the opinions, interests, and
wishes of any portion of his constituents, to be obliged to
weigh in the balance two interests, both of which he repre-
sents, and to be compelled to give a preponderance to one in
some degree to the detriments of the other. Such cases will
arise, and when they do arise, we are bound to give a fair
and manly opinion on the question—(hear, hear,)—and not
for the sake of getting a few votes, or avoiding a little oppo-
sition, escape, if possible, from the responsibility which a
prominent policy upon great commercial questions involves.
(Hear.) It no doubt was grievous to me to be obliged to
interpose in the way of the interests of the great Brazilian
trade, but at the same time, there were great and paramount
considerations in my mind, which made it impossible for me
to give those interests that predominance which, from their
importance, they naturally might demand. (Hear.) But
I think that we who took this part cannot fairly be blama-
ble for having maintained the ground which we all main-
tained unblamed last year, when there were circumstances
of greater temptations to depart from the principles we
asserted. (Loud cheers.) Last year the government 'Aid
it down that the public feeling would not permit it whilst the
experiment of growing sugar by free hands in our own colo-
nies was going on, to give encouragement to slave-grown
sugar. (Hear, hear.) Are we to blame if we maintain that
opinion which the government maintained last year, but
which from circumstances of known but unexplained neces-
sity, they have departed from in the present session? (Hear.)
With regard to timber, I think a noble friend of mine has
said in an address to the electors of Lancashire, it appeared
to have slipped, by consent of ministers, through a hole in
the bottomless budget. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.)
It has slipped out of sight—it is no longer mentioned :it
was thrown out, and though a very heavy article, it did not
catch popular attention, and consequently it was allowed
quietly to drop. But I think we should not allow it to drop
into obscurity so very quietly. I think ministers should not
be allowed to play with great questions, or disturb great in-
terests, unless they have made up their minds that they will
adhere to the principles they set out with ; and unless they
have some chance of carrying these principles, they should
not propose diem. (Hear, hear, hear.) They should not
rashly unsettle great interests, or disturb the established
channels of industry ; for the first object of a com-
mercial man is to know whether the trade he has to
deal with is secure; and it is of less consequence to
him what the principles of it are, than that those prin-
ciples should be steadily maintained, so that he may
know what to reckon on in all his calculations. (Hear,
hear.) 1 think we should not disturb this timber question.
It is a question which shows more than the others the per-
fect incompetency of her Majesty's ministers to govern the
empire. (Hear, hear.) Whatever the abstract merits of
the question may be, if it is desirable to disturb such a vast
coloeial interest, to ruin so important a branch of British
shipping, if it were desirable to throw out of employment so
many British sailors and so many British shipwrights, if it
were desirable to strip one half of your docks of so large
a portion of their activity, and to deprive the emigrants
from this country who, pressed by necessity, go to seek a
happier fortune in a country where there is more room for
expansion than in this, of that easy, cheap, and frequent
intercourse with our Canadian colonies which the timber
trade affords, yet, still I say the incapacity of these men to
govern the country is proved by their choosing a moment
like this for threatening to withdraw from the Canadas the
essential and great staple of their commerce with us. This,
I say, is the most convincing and damning proof of their
utter unfitness for their office. (Cheers.) Why, gentle-
men, when Lord John Russell mentioned it what did he say
himself? He said he had letters groin Lord Sydenham,
the governor of the Canada., and you know the circum-
stances of the Canadas, that we are trying there a new
constitution, that we have not yet launched the new as-
sembly, and that the united province is still suffering from
the withering effects of rebellion—yet this is the moment
chosen for endangering the safety of their great staple trade.
[Hear, hear, hear.) Lord John Russell, I say, said himself
that he had received letters from the Governor, in which he
stated that the touching of the timber trade would greatly
embarrass the government. (Hear. hear.) We have learned
since that that embarrassment is not a vision ; we now know
the feelings of the Canadas upon this point. Here is a report
from the Chamber of Commerce of Quebec, which thus ex-
presses the feeling of the colony :
" At a moment when the province is slowly recovering
from the withering effects of two attempts at rebellion, when
the experiment of a new form of constitutional government is
about to he tried, it seems most impolitic further to unsettle
men's minds by the agitation of measures which, if adopted,
would infallibly deprive many thousands of their daily bread.
Great and leading interests of those colonies, and of the
mother country, are encouraged and maintained by the tim-
ber trade. It affords extensive employment to British ship-
ping, is a nursery for British seamen, promotes emigration,
settlement, and agriculture, and opens an extensive market
for British manufacture."

Extensive indeed, for if we look at the calculations we shall
find that Canada consumes between £4. and XS. worth of
British manufactures Der head yearly, whilst France takes
only from 2s. to 35., and the rest of Europe a smaller por-
tion, not worth notice—(bear, hear,)—certainly, the portion
which the Baltic can take from us is not worth comparison.
(Cheers.) The report goes on :
" Abandon the timber establishments of the British North
American colonies, and England will at once become entirely
dependent on the will and pleasure of the northern powers
of Europe for her supply of timber—a fact which, in the
time of need, might jeopardise the very existence of her
right arm—her navy."
And again they say,
"The board has observed with deep regret and alarm cer-
tain evidence regarding the timber trade of the British North
American colonies given last session before a select com-
mittee of the House of Commons on import duties. Much
of that evidence is characterised by the grossest ignorance, or
what is worse, by the most shameful prejudice and partiality."
This is the feeling which the Canadians have themselves
shown before they knew the government proposed it—when
it was only threatened by the report of the Imports Com-
mittee of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) But at
this moment, in the present state of the colony, to withdraw
from it the great stsple of their commercial existence, seems
to me an act of madness that even exceeds the folly of the
attempts they have made with regard to foreign sugar.
(Loud cheers.) The mention of the Import Duties Com-
mittee calls to my recollection the proceedings upon that
commitiee : it just reminds me of the confidence you ought
to place in the predictions and assertions of these free trade
gentlemen. There were two gentlemen, very well known cer-
tainly, Dr. Bowring and Mr. M'Gregor, who gave evidence
before that committee upon the whole system of our com-
mittee, and I must say evidence more loose, more rambling,
more conversational, more varying within itself, and among
themselves, I never read upon any occasion. (Hear, hear.)
What are their statements ? To recur for a moment to the
corn laws, as incidental to what 1 have been saving. Dr.
Bowring tells us that England is taxed to the amount of
eleven millions by the corn laws ; that sounds pretty well,
and it is a tolerably heavy imputation, but what says Mr.
M'Gregor? Why, he says that England is taxed to the
amount of more than one hundred millions by the corn
laws ! (Hear, hear, hear.) When doctors disagree among
themselves, Doctor Bowring from Mr. M'Gregor, who
ought, if he is not to be a doctor, he is so dogmatical,
who must decide the question. I, for my part, think the
best course is for every p,rudent man to say " I believe
neither one nor the other. (Laughter and cheers.) The
question before you with regard to commerce even, is not
the question of monopoly ; it is not the question of a sliding
scale of corn duties, nor ene of a fixed duty, but the question
really at issue, with regard to commerce, is this,—will you,
or will you not, have any protection for domestic and colonial
industry? (Cheers.) Because, although government pretends
to maintain the practice of protection, the language they
themselves hold, and still more so, the language of their sup-
porters, must infallibly lead to the abolition of every ray of
protection. (Cheers.) They tell you, and you know it is
their language undisguised—" We will not rest till we have
torn every rag of protection both from our colonial and our
domestic industry." (Hear, hear.) You must be prepared,
if you embarlc in this crusade, to abandon your coasting
trade as well as every other branch of industry to the
foreigner, for upon what ground, if you say the protection of
any interest is only robbing one party for the benefit of ano-
ther, upon what principle, I ask, will you reserve your coast-
ing trade to British navigation? (Hear, hear.) Upon what
principle is the consumer in London to have his goods
brought from the north of England in British vessels, when
he can have them an much cheaper by Norwegian vessels,
unless there is some reason in the argument of those who say
we have a right to protect our domestic interests, and that
the principles which concern the prosperity of the nation
arc not those only of buying in the cheapest market and sel-
ling in the dearest ? (Cheers.) 'We insist be prepared to
carry these principles into effect, and ask the silk manufac-
turers of Macclesfield and Manchester whether they are wil-
ling aonttyin dgiahtaym ;--, ( that the silk manufactures of France should
c
hear)—we must then ask the
laceu' e
the hatters o( Newcastle, and
the shoemakers of Stafford, and every other interest except
that of a portion of the cotton trade, are they prepared forthis
come in
n weavers without
of Nottingham,
free trade without protection ? You will find that they have
each some reason to assign for their exception. Now is it
not true, unless you are prepared to go the whole length
either of a reduction of taxation or the abolition of the pay-
ment of the dividends upon the national debt, that if you do
away with protection entirely, you cannot carry out the prin-
ciple, unless, indeed, yeu carry it out with most gross injury

and intuatlee to a lariea and Important part of the population
(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, although in a town like Liver-
pool, and upon an occasion like this, it is necessary to enter
upon these questions and discuss them, yet these are not the
main questions, as I have said before, upon which the elec-
tion will turn. What are you electing your representatives
for ? Are you electing them simply for a single question ?
Will a vote upon one question be the whole amount of duty
which your representatives will have to discharge ? Is it a
single year's service they are to give you? No; you are
electing your representatives for seven years certain, or pos-
sibly for seven years, to vote on all great questions con-
cerning '-our deepest interests, the interests which are
dearest to your hearts, the integrity of the empire, and
the maintenance of your church—(loud and continued cheers)
—concerning the independence and dignity of the throne—
these, 1 say, are the questions for which you are electing
representatives, these are questions which must survive any
temporary agitation upon one or two commercial topics.
(Hear.) It is for these questions you are electing us, not
for those which are put in the foreground with the object,
if possible, of making the constituency forget themselves.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, you must recollect that you have con-
demned governments for the way in which they have meddled
with the education of the people; you have considered their
scheme for this purpose unwise and uncalled for. They
retain the same feelings, the same wishes; the snake is only
scotched, not killed ; and if you choose to elect represents-
tires everywhere, merely because you want free trade in
corn, you will have these attempts upon your religion
and your establishment, renewed, and renewed too with
double force, if the constituency of the empire, in their search
after free trade forget higher and more enduring considera-
tions. (Cheers.)
A VOICE.—Why did not the government pass these free
trade measures, when they had a working majority ? (Loud
cheers.)
Lord SANDON.—The observation of the honourable elector
is perfectly correct. If ministers really thought these mea-
sums so necessary to the interests of the country, how is it
that this new light has broken in upon them only at this mo-
ment? (Hear, hear.) If they really thought these questions
of the importance which they now pretend, why did they
not bring them forward when they had some hope of power
to carry them ? (Hear, and cheers.) Why did they only
bring them forward when, according to their own confession,
with regard to the roost important of them, they had not the
slightest expectation of earrying them ? (Hear.) Gentlemen,
I am really afraid of wearying you by dwelling so long upon
this subject—(cries of " go on,")—but I think I may be al-
lowed for a moment to advert to the candidates who are now
opposed to us. Of course I mean to say nothing against the
individual private character of either. With regard to the
gentleman who belongs to this town, I am sure I have not
one word to say against him : the representation of his native
town is an honour of which he is naturally ambitious, and if he
succeeds it will be rather owing to his private character than
to your approbation. With regard to the other candidate—
is he a candidate? (Laughter.) There seems to be some-
thing peculiar in the soil of Liverpool • no other soil that I
know throws up phantom candidates ;—(hear and eheers,)—
they seem to be indigenous to the soil. I wonder how it fruc-
tifies so as to produce them ! (Hear, hear.) I once had
some friends at Tiverton, and I believe I have some still. I
happen to hold in my hands an address "To the independent
electors of the borough of Tiverton," signed " Palmerston."
Is it the same candidate ? Surely the same gentleman is not
soliciting the suffrages of my old friends at Tiverton, and of
my present friends at Liverpool? (Hear, hear, and laugh-
ter.) But I suppose it is. Perhaps he thinks he has
not a very good chance here, and it is well to secure a retreat
elsewhere, in case he should be beaten. (Hear, hear.) But
I do not think that a gentleman who treats you in this very
cavalier manner, who does not think it worth his while to
solicit your suffrages, and who has so little hope of securing
them, that he seeks a retreat in the bosom of a small con-
stituency, is very likely to obtain your suffrages. (Hear,
hear.) Perhaps it may be as well just to see what he says
for himself. " My public principles are known to you." I
do not know how. (Cheers.) He used to oppose reform
when he served in the administration of Mr. Canning ; and
he has supported it subsequently under the auspices of very
different administrations; yet he says, " my public opinions
are known to you S" He has been thirty years in public life,
and always, by some good fortune, found his principles in
accordance with those of every administration he has served!
—(hear)—a happy coincidence, but I hope the coincidence
will soon cease. (Cheers.) He says, " My public conduct
is before your eyes." Perfectly true ' • I do not think the
better of it for that. What are the farther grounds upon
which he lays claim to the confidence of the people of
Tiverton? Perhaps they may be the same grounds as the
grounds upon which he seeks to have confidence re-
posed in him here. "The government," he says, " has
been obliged to appeal from a decision of the House
of Commons to that of the country." They have, at
last, and a heavy up hill game it was, but at length they
have. (Hear, hear,) " And I ask you to give your judg-
ment. We have discharged our duty faithfully towards the
crown, and to the advantage of the country. At any rate we
have a right to say so. We have maintained tranquility at
home"—that, I suppose, means by exciting the chartists to
insurrection "and peace abroad." That, I suppose, means
our warlike armaments in China, upon the coast of Spain,
and that little force which we have in the waters of the
Levant ; and now the government tell us they have no alter-
native but to ruin the great interests of the country, or impose
fresh taxes. The noble lord then read another passage from
Lord Palmerston's address, to tine effect that Ireland was for
the first time for centuries quiet and contented, and that our
colonial possessions are peaceable and secure. Now these,
Iris lordship proceeded, are remarkable assertions. I believe
that Mr. O'Connell is contented, not that Ireland is; but as
he is the representative of all Ireland it is at least something
that half the assertions should be true. But, gentlemen,
when the quietness and contentment of Ireland is boasted
of, let us see what it amounts to. Does the murder of land-
lords in open day imply quiet? (Cheers.) Do the returns
we have lately had from Tipperary speak of quiet and con-
tentment ? If so, it is that peculiar mode of expressing their
opinion which we sometimes find among our friends of
the sister country—(hear, hear)—and we are to infer
from what they say, that they mean directly the reverse.
(Hear, hear.) " Ireland is quiet and contented." If
Ireland is quiet how is it? is it the sort of quiet that any
government has a right to boast of ? Is it not a quiet which
proceeds from buying the chief agitator? (Cheers.) is it
not obtained by the policy which was once so notorious in
the dominions of the Pope? I will tell you what it was.
The Pope always had a weak government—as have we had
lately. (Hear, hear.) The country was infested by high-
waymen who disturbed the public peace, and endangered pri-
vate property. How did the Pope deal with them ? Did he
put them down by asserting the majesty ofthe law ? Did he se-
cure property andlife by the authority of the laws ? No ; but he
took the chief robbers into his pay and soquieted the country
for a time. (Hear, and cheers.) Ourgovernment seems to have
taken a leaf out of the Pope's book in the management of
Ireland, and to think that the most prudent measure to
secure quiet and contentment is by paying the chief dis-
turber! (Hear, and cheers.) That may be good policy for
a time, hut it is bad in the long run ; it degrades and dis-
graces public authority, and the majesty of the law ; it can-
not be relied upon; and it only feeds and fosters the agita-
tion for the future, which at the moment it professes to
suppress. (Loud cheers.) Therefore, as to Ireland,
the government has no right to boast of its peace and con-
tentment. If it is quiet, it is because it is slumbering,
it is because the great master of the passions of that
people thinks it his interest to he quiet, but it is not quiet
because the law is supreme,—(hear, hear,)—it is not quiet
because the law is respected. (Cheers.) is it not enough
to condemn the policy of arty government that they should
have offered the highest seat upon the judicial bench to that
man who has so often urged tine people of that country to the
very brink of rebellion, who has taught them not how to break,
but how to evade every law? (Cheers.) Just of the same
character was their placing Frost upon the bench of New-
port ; but Frost not being so calculating a man ins O'Con-
nell, went a little further, and lie has now found his
appropriate place on the other side of the water. (Cheers.)
The other boast which my noble friend Lord Palmerston
made is that our colonial possessions are peaceable and se-
cure. If, in our colonial possessions, our large possessions
in the East Indies be included, I am not quite so satisfied
upon their security. I am not quite satisfied that we have
done wisely in extending our frontier so far as to bring us
into contact with fresh enemies—that we have not engaged
eoluldrsoefloweshiicnh awseys
cteamnnootf
faogrgersaeleid. iselmaemntnoatncdeictoaiiinquwehsteththeer
we can consider it wise policy to bring ouselves to the neces-
sity of an immediate increase in our Indian army, and of ex-
tending the arm of our strength beyond its natural power.
(Hear, hear.) But if we look also to Canada, our colonial
possessions there are secure at present; but it is too soon,
before the experiment of the new constitution has been tried,
for any administration to declare, and at once predict, that
security and peace can properly be predicated of that impor-
tant part of our colonial possessions. (Hear.) I will not
trouble you further upon the occasion. Indeed, I ought to
apologise for detaining you so long; but the subjects are so
very various, the extent of delinquency we have to go through
is so very wide, that it is not easy to exhaust it in one single
address. (Cheers.)
A VOlCE.—Never mind, my lord, we are all ready. (Loud
cheers.)
Lord SANDON.—I believe you are all ready. (Cheers.) I
believe the electors of Liverpool are always ready. I do not
know whether they sleep with guns under their pillows, but
they are always ready to stand to arms at a moment's notice.
(Cheers.) And whenever the battle of the constitution is
to be fought the electors of Liverpool are up and stirring at
a moment's notice. (Long and continued cheers.) Before
I retire I must say one word upon a subject which most
deeply interests me. I am told here, " Oh you need not
fear for your own election, but you have a lawyer for your
colleague," and there are many who seem to doubt whether a
lawyer can do all you require. (Hear, hear.) Do riot be
deluded ; do not let this lead you astray, or induce you to
lose from your service, and give up the advantage of baying
attached to your interest one whose public or private character,
I for one, would most gladly have. (Cheers.) It is not
solely,—though that in my mind is the first consideration,
upon account of his upright and independent character; it
is not solely upon account of his ability; it is not solely upon
account of his straight forward downright conservative
opinions, but it is the real and substantial advantage
which the interests of Liverpool, in her peculiar character,
derive from having such a man as my able and estimable
colleague. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, you cannot have from
him, I admit it, the kind of sacrifice which, being an idle
man, I am able to bestow. His is a different kind of ser-
vice to mine, but it is equally efficient and equally important
in its nature ; he is not always able to be at your beck and
turn as I am, and as it is my pleasure to be, but have you
not the advantage, if any gentlemen come to London and
wish to examine any question in which the interests of
the town are concerned, of the opinion of a man who
comprises as much in five words as I can in twenty ?
(Hear.) Have you not the advantage of having the best ad-
vice upon all those numerous questions which touch the pe-
culiar interests of Liverpoel, for now, let us recollect, there
is going abroad a principle of general and wide spreading
legislation, irrespective of the peculiar wants of particular
communities, which compels Liverpool to be continually on
the watch, which compels its representatives to look with an
eye of legal jealousy at every act of parliament, lest under
cover of sonic general provisions, some stroke should he
aimed at the comfort, the interest, or the independence of this
great town. Is it nothing, upon occasions like these to have the
opinion, the advice, and the services of my hon. and learned
colleague? (Cheers.) I have heard people complain that as
a lawyer he cannot sacrifice his time. Can that be said of
that man who sacrificed time so valuable as his last year in
the service of this town—who, thirteen weeks of the most
valuable portion of his time, sat upon your dock bill ?
(Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, Inc is prepared, and he does,
make large sacrifices ; and if he is not able to be himself
continually at your beck, I am happy to give my time to you
for him, for if you have his opinion you have that which is
worth much more. I really ought to apologise to you—(no)—
and to my hon. and learned friend, for speaking of him in
his presence, but upon this occasion I thought it necessary
to throw Over all delicacy, and give this public testimony of
his distinguished merit. (Loud cheers.) Having said this
much, I will not trouble you further. I do not profess to
be able to enchain
,your attention in the manner that other
speakers are able to do, but at the same time I do profess
that I have a hearty and a deep interest in the welfare of
every thing connected with this town. (Cheers.) I am
prepared to devote my best energies to your service; I am
prepared to watch over your local interests, but I am
not prepared to sacrifice them to the objects of a
party ; • and I am prepared to watch with jealousy the
application of great principles to this community, and, above
all, that spirit of centralisation which is passing its iron roller
over all the different portions of this country, with the view
of pressing into uniformity every part of its varied surface.
(Cheers.) I do hope that by this hour this day week we
shall not be talking, but be doing (cheers) ; and by this hoar
that we shall hardly be doing, for I hope the work will be

done, and that we way congratulate ourselves upon haring
gained the most important ♦ictory which the walls of Liver•.
pool ever saw. (Loud cheers, duriug which the noble lord
retired.

Mr. CRRSSWELL then rose, and the cheering was renewed.
The learned gentleman repeatedly endeavoured to proceed,
but was so often interrupted by the vehement and enthusi.
astic applause of the meeting. At length, silence being in
sonic degree resiored, he spoke, evidently under feelings of
heartfelt excitement, to the following effect :—My fellow-
countrymen ! Electors of Liverpool! deeply, I may say,
most solemnly, impressed with the importance of this meet-
ing—for I verily believe that on the result of the election
about to take place the fate of my country depends—l freely
confess to you that I came to this meeting labouring under
the deepest and almost unsupportable anxiety. (Hear, hear.)
But words are wanting to me to express the joy and exulta-
tion I feel at what I have witnessed this day : joy, that I find
those principles, by professing which I gained your favour
and your votes, still prevailing strong as ever among you ;
exultation, that you still appear to think me worthy of your
votes. (Cheers.) Gentlemen; 1 have often said that I can-
not feel any personal pride in the position in which you have
placid me, apart from that which relates to my .country.
This is my principal feeling, although I am proud to an ex-
cess I cannot mention, at perceiving thht you still think my
principles are worthy of your applause. (Hear, hear, and
renewed cheers.) But how can I thank you personally or
individually ? How can I thank my noble and generous col-
league for the manner in which he spoke of me? Believe
me, and I know he believes me, because he has spoken of me
in his own plain, straightforward manner, when I say, that I
trust he will ever find me such as he has represented me to
be—(hear, hear, and continued cheers)—and, gentleman,
do you also believe me when I say, that I am most deeply
grateful for the reception you have given me, and that it can-
not ever be effaced from my recollection. tHear, hear, and
applause.) lint enough. Let me not forfeit my character
for plain speaking, and let me come to facts. (Hear,
hear.) Now, what is the question to be decided on at this
election? It is not this or that isolated question. What you
have to determine, and what all England has to determine, is
this .—Shall the counsels of our Queen be guided hereafter
by Sir Robert Peel or by my Lord John Russell ? (Tremen-
dous cheering for several minutes, and cries of " By Sir Ro-
bert Peel," at the close of which there was one solitary cry
from the boxes of " By Lord John Russell," which created
some disapprobation.) Mr. Cresswell continued—l am not
ashamed of anything I shall say—(cheers) ;—let him hear it.
But I see you bear in mind Sir Robert's principles. (Re-
newed cheers.) I need not call your attention to what they
are ; but permit rue for a moment to draw a contrast between
him and his rival, Lord John Russell. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Sir Robert Peel professes a loyalty to the throne—
(cheers).—not conditional—(hear, hear),--not dependent on
personal favours shown—(hear, hear),—not dependent upon
whether he was retained in, or rejected from, office—(hear,
hear, hear),—but a deep and sterling feeling of loyalty to the
Queen, and not to the Queen only, but to any other monarchs
whom he has served, or whom he may have the honour to
serve. (Great applause.) He feels, and he has shown that
feeling by his conduct, a deep veneration for our institutions
of all kinds in church and state. (Cheers.) He has shown
a desire to improve, where he found them capable of im-
provement ; but he has resisted their overthrow for any side
purpose whatever. (Hear, hear, and renewed cheers.) What
have been the principles of his noble rival since he held the.
reins of government ? Steering without chart or compass—
(hear),—guided by no certain principles—(hear, hear)—blown
about by the popular gale in whatever direction it might blow
—(hear, hear, hear),—and making concessions, not be-
cause he thought they were proper, but because he thought
they would be profitable. (Great cheers and laughter.)
Thst is the contrast, shortly, between the two governments of
Sir R. Peel and Lord J. Russell. Have we not recently had
confirmation of it? Why, the very measures put forward by
the present dying government—(cheers and laughter)—the
very measures by which they hoped to delude and to deceive
you, are, according to my notions, the strongest possible con-
firmation
that I have not taken an incorrect view. (Hear,
hear.) -Under what circumstances, at what period of their
existence were those measures of cheap corn, cheap sugar,
and I will not say, cheap timber, but Baltic instead of co-
lonial timber, brought forward? (Cheers, followed by ano-
ther solitary cry frosts the boxes of -' The operatives are out
of employment ! Very well, Listen to me for a moment.
(Hear, hear.) Bear in mind, that when two years ago the
people were out of employ, Lord Melbourne said that such a
measure would be madness. (Hear, hear.) He didn't want
votes then to be obtained. (Laughter and cheers.) Last
year, he said, that to agitate the question would stir society
to its foundations. (Hear, hear.) And last year, sugar
being dear. and scarce, Lord John Russell was against the
question far the reduction of the duties ; but this year, sugar
being abundant in supply and cheap in price, but votes being
scarce—(roars of laughter)—he introduces it. Now, let us
inquire a little into what is the true question as to British
agriculture. I take it to be this : shall there be protection
or an abolition of all protection. It is very true that, in an-
swer to the question in the House of Lords, Lord Melbourne
said he intended to protect agriculture, and I think Lord
John Russell said the same; but the noble lord—the phan-
tom candidate in Liverpool—(hear, hear, and great laughter)
denounced the corn grower as a monopolist. Why, if the
corn grower is to be denounced as a monopolist, because
he happens to be protected, what becomes of the professions
of Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell? (Hear, hear.)
And what did the Anti corn-law League, who brought their
philosophy and wisdom along with them to enlighten the
dunces of Liverpool—great laughter and cheers)—what was
their view ? Which was it, protection or the total abolition
of it? Why no doubt the total abolition of it. (Hear,
hear.) They called the corn grower a " vampire," a blood-
sucker," an " assassin," " a creator of typhus fever," and
I do n't know what. They might as well have added that he
was a maker of Morison's pills. (Roars of laughter.) But
is this measure of total abolition consistent with justice ?
(Hear, hear.) See what burdens the corn-grower bears in
this country ? In the first place it is the property of the
country that supports the poor, by poor rates—that's charge
the first. (Hear.) Charge the second is the highway rate;
charge the third is the malt tax ; charge the fourth is the
church-rate ; and charge the fifth, and the most important
of all, is the maintenance of the clergy by the payment of
tithes. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It will appear plain to
you, therefore, that you cannot reduce below it, proper level
the agricultural interest of this eoitutry without destroying
the church of your forefathers. (Hear, hear, and renewed
cheers.) Which of those gentlemen will come, let use ask,
and, upon the voluntary system, pay the &moult of the
tithes? (Hear, and laughter.) And what, let ins ask, is it
that they want to put on a footing with the English corn-
grower? Why, the foreign corn-grower. But does he
pay your poor-rate, your highway-rate, your malt-tax,
your church-rate, or does he maintain your clergy? Not a
penny. (Cheers.) Does the manufacturer pay those seve-
ral taxes out of his stock? Nut a bit. (Renewed cheers.)
Remember this again ; if by the decreased prices of agri-
cultural produce the corn lands of this country are thrown
out of cultivation what is to become of the labourers ? (Hear,
hear.) Why, they must either be maintained out of the
poor-rates, or carry their physical power into the manufac-
turing towns and districts, there to bring it into competition
with others. (Hear, hear.) If they retnain on the land can
the landowner withdraw his capital so as to maintain the
poor dismissed from his service? Certainly not. (Cheers.)
Not so the millowner. He may employ hundreds ; he may
get a large per centage for his goods; and he may turn off
hundreds ; shut up his mill, and leave somebody else to pay
the poor-rates for him. (Laughter and cheera.) I am not
entering fully into this question, for really argument after
argument crowd so fast upon one's miud against it, that to
give them utterance would occupy too mach time, and there-
fore it is that I am only urging two or three of the main
points. But, waiving the justice, let us look at the policy of
the question. And here I shall go to the fountain head of
the political economists, and give you a passage out of Adam
Smith on the " wealth of nations." He concludes his re-
marks in the following manner. He says :—The capital
employment in agriculture not only puts into motion a
greater quantity of productive labour than any capital em-
ployed in manufactures, but in proportion, too, to the quan-
tity of productive labour which it employs, it adds a much
greater value to the annual produce of the land and the
labour of the country to the real wealth and revenue of its
inhabitants. Of all the ways in which a capital can be em-
ployed it is by far the most advantageous to society."
What have the repealers of the corn-laws to urge against
that? (Hear, and renewed cheers.) We have the father of
their system assuring that " of all the ways in which capital
can be employed, agriculture is by far the most advantageous
to society ;" and the reason is obvious : it is because nature
works along with the capital, and makes it more productive
than capital employment in any other mode. (Hear and
cheers.) There is this advantage also, that the manufacturer
who exchanges with the home-grower pays his fellow-coun-
tryman for his corn, but if he exchanges with a foreigner,
he pays a foreigner; therefore, in every way the application
of capital to agriculture is most beneficial. (Hear and
cheers.) What are the anticipated advantages of the aboli-
tion of the corn-law and all protection on agriculture ? I
shall state to you, in a few words, that the advantage, if any,
would accrue entirely to the mill-owner—the master manu-
facturer—(hear)—and that it would afford none to the opera-
tives, or to any other class of society. (Hear and cheers.) In
the first place, the manufacturer argues in two ways. First,
he says he will be able to manufacture cheaper, and, there-
fore, hat he will be able to compete better with foreigners ;
but I beg to know how he can manufacture cheaper unless
labour is cheaper—(hear, hear)—and how eau labour be
cheaper unless wages be lower? (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
There is, however, another point of view iu which he puts
the question. He says lie can dispose of more manufactured
articles to foreigners, because, he alleges, he can get corn
in exchange. These are the two modes in which he thinks
of the corn laws would be beneficial. As to the
a repeal
cheapness, I say we cannot manufacture cheaper unless wages
be lower; and so my noble lord read you a passage from Mr.
Huskisson, to show that this was his doctrine also, namely,
that farming servants would be thrown out of work, and that
the consequence would be that wages would fall more rapidly
than the price of corn. (Hear, hear.) But your Anti-corn-
law League men deny that, and that's the way they treat all
authorities. They go with them so far as it suits their pur-
pose, and then they discard them. (Hear.) Now I cannot
imagine why Mr. Huskisson should be thus treated. (Hear,
hear.) Why should I go 100 yards with him and then stop
short, or why should those gentlemen go with him a part of
the way and not go all?
(Hear,. and cheers.) His testimony,
however, in this respect, quite right and capable of
demonstration. (Renewed c 'ecru.) But I proceed now
to their second allegation. (Hear, hear.) It is clear in
this country, and happily it is so—it is so in all old
counties, I believe that the supply of labour greatly
exceeds the demaud, the more especially where the labour is
not of a severe kind, and where a little physical strength only
because when is required
a number of persona are out of
•
employ, if there is a species of labour to which they can de-
vote themselves without much physical power being neces-
sary, a great portion of them will go to that. (Hear.) When
the supply exceeds the demand, wages are reduced to the
lowest point at which a labourer, can subsist. (Hear, hear.)
If you offer less than be can suosist upon, he will go to the
workhouse, but so long as
lie can maintain himself, he will
work. Repeal the corn-laws,.
however, and then every ma-
nufacturer will be fond of having labour cheap, and therefore
the wages of labour will be depressed to the lowest point of
subsietance. (Hear.) So
much for the notion of the ope-
ratives being benefitted
by the manufacturernufacturer being able to
manufacture his goods cheaper. (Cheering.) I say, accord-
ing to Mr. Huskisson, that wages in such a case would fall
inintheaxtcwhtuagigees
wont rise when the demand
more rapidly than the price of corn. (Great cheering.)
eeanufac,t,ucraenmyooruemgaoiondtas
But they say we can
for corn, and then they ask,
increases . No, they won't,
if the supply be faster thal, the demand. (Hear, )tear, and
cheers.) And how would this bear on it, and what would be
the result, if all protection on agriculture be abolished ? I
shall tell von. The labourers in agriculture exceed by far
six
minions in
number. Destroy agriculture in England,
and two or three millions out of those six will be thrown out
of employ. (Hear, hear.) Do the manufacturers say that
into England they if they hcomingad foreign corn
employment to two or three millions more than they do at
present ? No such thing. Well, the fact of those two or
three million labourers going to the manufacturing districts
to look for work would increase the supply of labour, and all
the labour in the factories being capable of being accomplished
by women or children, not one of them would have more
than women or children's wages, which wages would still
continue to fall if the supply exceeded the demand. (Hear.)
I like to have an authority on this point. (Hear, and a laugh.)
You know it is the way of our profession, and if we cannot
find a parallel case in our law books we are generally apt to
find the opinion of a great lawyer on it. (Hear, hear, and
great laughter.) The opinion 1 am about to read is riot,
however, that of a great lawyer, but that of a great states-
man. Speaking of the political economist's school, the ma-
nufacturers, and the enemies of humanity, with a kind of
sarcastic sneer, he says—" They care not for the difference be-
tween an agricultural and a manufacturing populabiss is all

that concerns morals, order, national strength, and national
tranquillity. Wealth is the only object of their speculations, nor
de they much consider the two or three millions of people who
may he reduced to utter beggary in the course of their oper-
ations. This they call diverting capital into another chan-
nel." (Cheers, followed by some one asking " Is that
Harry Brougham ?") No ; it is Lord John Russell—
(hear, hear, hear, and great cheering)—who said, only two
or three years ago, that " wealth was the only object of
their speculations ; that they cared not about the two or
three millions they might reduce to beggary ; and that they
called this directing capital into another channel." (Ve-
hement applause.) Anti such would be the results, assu-
ming that the manufacturers are right in stating that they
could manufacture cheaper and sell more. (Hear.) But
not only do they say that they could manufacture cheaper
and sell more, but that they could also procure foreign corn
in exchange for their manufactures—that, in short, they
could get it at fair prices and in exchange. I apprehend
that they could do neither. ( Hear, hear.) For what would
be the course of events ? If a man goes to:buy an article of
luxury, he may either take it or nor. Then, indeed, the ne-
cessity of the seller may comply with the wishes of the buyer.
If a lady, for instance, wanted a diamond necklace, she ap-
plies to a jeweller, and says, " I should like to have it on
credit until such a time." The jeweller might say to her,
" You must pay down ; but if he was in distress, he would
have to part with the article on her own terms. (Hear, hear.)
But, suppose our corn lands were thrown out of cultivation,
that our people were starving, and that a ship went to some
Baltic port, or Odessa, perchance, and carried out a quantity
of goods to exchange for corn. We shall take Odessa, where
the people wear sheepskins, and feed upon black bread.
(Hear, hear.) The captain says to them, " We have come
for a cargo of wheat, and we have brought a magnificent lot
of Manchester manufactured goods, such as cloths and cot-
tons, to exchange for it," " Oh, but," say the people of
Odessa, "we don't wear such things here.' "Oh, but,"
rejoins the captain, "my countrymen are starving." " We
don't want you your manufactures" they tell him again. He
then asks "What would you let me have the corn for?"
" Why, at such a price," they reply, " and pay in specie."
Whe do you think would win? Would the corn grower or
the famishing man who had to pay cash down? (Cries of
" the corn grower.") To be sure the corn grower: so that
you would neither get the corn cheap nor would you obtain
it ia exchange for Manchester manufactures, but you should
pay a foreigner instead of a fellow-countryman. (Most rap-
turous applause.) Let us illustrate this by an occurrence
that 1 dare say is familiar in Liverpool. A tradesman has a
bill falling due which he cannot well meet, and he goes to a
monied man—l won't call him an usurer—and he says,
" Can't you let me have £l,OOO to meet that bill ?" " Oh,
yes," is the answer. " Well, what must I let you have for
the loan of it ?" " Money is scarce in general-15 or 20 per
cent.. however would be reasonable." " Oh, good God,"
the man says, " that would ruin rne." " Yes, but won't the
bill ruin you if it is not taken up," is the ready answer.
" That it would," he then bethinks himself ; and accordingly
he agrees to give the 15 or 20 per cent. And that would be
just the case with the starving people of England, if they
were obliged to draw their supplies of food from foreign coun-
tries. I believe that the bondage of the Israelites in Egypt arose
out of the famine which prevailed, and which compelled them
to go to Egypt for food; and from that day to the present I
believe no country ever remained long in a state of inde-
pendence which depended upon foreigners for a supply of
food. (Hear, hear, and protracted cheers.) lagt me pass for
a short time to another point ; and I ought to apologise to
you for troubling you at all on these questions, for my noble
colleague discussed the whole of them—(hear, hear)—but
let me say a word on the subject of sugar; and here I hope
that those, interested in the matter of the introduction of
Brazilian sugar will cheerfully submit for the present to the
position in which they arc placed. (Hear.) No additional
tax is imposed on them ; "and the way in which their matter
stands is, that the duty was not taken off. (Hear.) What, let
me ask, was the condition of our West India colonies some
centuries ago ? Unhappily our government, so far back as the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, thought that the slave trade was ad-
vantageous to the country, and many acts of parliament were
passed to promote it. At length we became enlightened on this
point ; we felt it to be a reproach to the nation ; we felt that
the retaining of our fellow-beings in chains was a national
crime ; and therefore we thought fit that the nation should
pay for their freedom. It is a mistake to suppose that the
West Indian proprietors of slaves had twenty millions paid
to them to purchase the freedom of those for whom they were
responsible. No ; the nation was responsible, and therefore
they obtained nothing more than what justice demanded they
should receive. (Great cheering.) For, as they were obliged
to purchase the slaves, they paid for them; but leaving them
to employ their emancipated men as free labourers, and
hoping that they will endeavour to promote their welfare,
as they are bound to do, and hold out to other nations
the example of colonies flourishing after the emancipation
of negroes converted into free men, would it not be most
impolitic, unwise, and injurious, if, after having made that
great experiment, you propounded to the whole world
that it was a failure, and that sugar could not be grown
successfully by the leaven of free men. (Hear, hear.)
That was the principle upon which we acted ; and it was for
fear that such a proclamation should be made, after such a
change having been effected, that the sugar duties were re-
tained in their present position. (Cheers.) But I trust that
ere long the emancipated negro will learn his true position,
and labour as a man that has enjoyed his freedom ; that the
prosperity of our colonies will be revived, and that the expe-
riment will be successful; and then will be the time to con-
sider—not under present excitement, created for a purpose—
(hear, hear)—of those various matters affecting so much our
colonial merchants. (Loud cheers.) The other topic—
although, as my noble friend said, it had slipped through a
hole in the budget—(hear and a laugh)—the other topic is
timber. In this great seaport, in this town, enjoying so
many ship-building yards and graving-docks, employing so
many carpenters, and sailmakers, and sailors, ill would it be-
come me to neglect saying a few words upon this interesting
subject. (Hear, hear.) On this question of timber, colo-
nists, shipowners, timber dealers, and sailors, are all, by the
phantom candidate, denounced as monopolists. (Hear.)
Strange monopoly ! when all men are at liberty to embark in
the trade if they like, and wherein people are to gain unjust
profits, whilst any man who chooses may slander them.
But, never mind that. Lord Palmerston has denounced
them as monopolists, and you to be called on to abolish them.
(Hear, and a laugh.) Now, what is the history of this North
American trade, so much envied and so much abused ? (H ear,
hear.) It was, I believe, in the year 1810, that our supplies
of timber, being drawn from the Baltic alone, the article rose
to an inordinate price. In order to relieve the public from
paying that price, those discriminating duties were imposed
which it is now sought to alter. The North American trade
was encouraged ; and the fact is, that immense capitals were
invested in Canada in saw-mills, for the purpose of carrying
on this trade—that some 500.00 ii settlers have since then re-
lieved our shores of their presence, in order to find employ-
ment in a foreign land—that 1200 ships have been employed
in that trade, which have been repaired and victualled in Great
Britain ; and that 16,000 of our sailors have been kept in
constant employ for that time. (Loud cheers.) But this is
not all the " iniquity" of it. (Hear, and a laugh.) For our
manufactures, to the extent of eight millions annually, have
been disposed of, we taking timber in return. (Hear, hear.)
What a hateful and detestable monopoly ! (Loud laughter.)
Down with it ! (Renewed cheers and laughter.) Let us de-
stroy it ! (Continued cheers and roars of laughter.) The
ships must be broken up !—our 500,000 fellow-countrymen
may be starved in the colonies !—our shipbuilders may. be
ruined!—our artisans and ouriship-carpenters may be turned
adrift!—our 16,000 sailors may be left without employ ! But
what signifies that? (Vehement applause.) " Divest the
capital into another channel !" But how would that benefit
the timber consumer ? You are to have the timber dearer
according to the proposed plan, for its to pay an additional
tax of 10s. from North America! You will have to pay a
good deal more for any coming from that quarter then.
(Hear.) But you will have Baltic cheaper, for ss. is to be
taken off that. But then, if the North American timber
cannot come in unless at 10s. more than you pay at pre.sent,
I have a strong impression that the Baltic will rise in price,
and come in at about a shilling under the other, in which
case you would be the loser by about is. or Bs. (Hear, hear.)
That many, to be sure, bring in more timber paying more
duty, and so put something into the coffers of the empty ex-
chequer. (Great laughter and cheers.) But how that would
benefit the consumer, I am at a loss to understand. (Hear.)
However, remember this ;—at present the British sailor has
the monopoly of manning British ships. Will the phantom
destroy that monopoly also ? Or will he allow British ships
to be manned by foreign sailors? (Hear, hear.) If so, who
will take advantage by the change ? Certainly none of you.
(Cheers.) And remember that if by this blow our mercantile
marine is destroyed our military marine cannot long exist,
and then would come the destruction of monopoly indeed !
the monopoly which is the envy and admiration of the
world !—the monopoly which has kept war far from us when
it raged across the Atlantic, and in other countries !—the
monopoly of naval glory and of power in the sea! (Most
enthusiastic cheering for several minutes.) Long may a
gracious providence preserve to us this monopoly; but for
what object is it to be destroyed ? Why, to stop a hole in a
budget. (Great laughter and cheers.) For, they plainly tell
us that those are only financial measures which have in view
the improvement of the revenue and nothing more. (Hear.)
Will you then, to fill an empty chest, or to stop a hole in this
rotten budget—(roars of laughter and cheers)—destroy the
interests I attempted to describe ? (Cries of " Never.")
But as they have put the question on financial grounds let
us see how they are entitled to our trust and confidence.
You are aware that " reform" and " retrenchment" are their
watchwords when they come into power. Let me, therefore,
give you one or two of their performances, for things are
tested by comparison. (Hear, hear.) Between the years
1821 and 1830, taxes were taken off under the conservative
administrations to the amount of £15,883,000. (Cheers.)
But, perhaps Lord Palmerston will take some of the merit of
that reduction to himself. (Laughter.) Well, per contra.
The whits between 1831 and 1839 took off £6,373,000.; ,but
that doesn't all go to their credit, for they put on £3,249,000.
—therefore, the balance is £3,124,000., leaving a balance in
favour of the conservatives of £12,759,000. (Loud cheers.)
So much for their promises and performances ! So much
have they done to win your confidence! (Hear, hear, hear.)
Now, your present representatives, together with all the other
representatives have shown by their votes that they have not
their confidence • I hope you will show the same next week.
(Tremendous cheering, and cries of " we will.") But it
may be said that I am dealing unfairly by them, that they
may have something else to offer you, and accordingly you
have a dark and ambiguous note in the address of one of our
rivals about " extended suffrage," which means, I suppose,
that you will have universal suffrage given to you. Much
good may it do the present voters, say I, and much your
interest will be increased by having so many added to the
number of the constituency. (Hear, and laughter.) What
is this universal suffrage but an attempt to array the num-
bers against the intelligence of the people? (Cheers.) And
then you are to have the dastardly, the contemptible scheme
—the vote by ballot! Of all the un-English modes of voting
I ever heard of that is the one. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
What ! shall Englishmen who have never been afraid to look
a foe in the face!—Englishmen who have always been ready
to shed their blood in defence of their county ! Englishmen
who would walk to the cannon's mouth in search of glory or "
safety for their country ! Shall they cry for the " ballot ?
Shall they claim the privclege of halooing for one candidate
and voting for another? Shall they sneak to the discharge
of a duty under cover of a lie ? (Vehement cries of no, no,
and cheers.) God forbid ! But there is another topic in the
address, and that is—education for your children ! (Hear,
hear, hear.) Education ! Aye ! but your proper feelings
would say, will they give us religious education for them_:
" Yes," says this tempter. " we will give them religious cd„
ucation, but it shall be without reference to sect or creed.
What ! religion without a creed (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
And thus to be taught to worship Christ or Mahmnet,
Vishnu or Jos. (Roars of laughter and cheers.) Yet, I state
from the published address of a member of the government to
his constituents that they are to give " religious educationbidn
without reference to sect or creed." And at whose
bidding
does he do that I (Hear, hear.) At whose bidding were the
government, who before now were'excited to attempt _thank
God not to perpetrate the spoliation of the church —t(ucchtejeors)
—called on to give education without religious in! n ;
and at whose bidding do they attempt to giveeducatmnwitthto-
out reference to sect or creed ? But I shall notatt attempt
describe the answer in my own language. I shall read it to
you in the prophetic language of one of the wisest and sober-
est men that ever adorned the church-0f h
by his writings etas accorded the title of the J ucliim who
by i ouS2l
I shall read you a passage from will sacrifice
" Judicious " Hooker :—" Tell us not that ye
sacrifice to Ashtoreth ; that
to the Lord our God, ye a sermon preached by the
ye will read our scripitfureswilfil
by permission, we shall
we will listen to your tradi-
tions ; that if ye may have a
liking,rd o
e f.
t h a St. os lhoemdoi nd
tookhav e ai
t communion
(as well he e with
might)th g e foodrm al aensasev evident i aean-
not bear a motherly affection toHheereacheinledt wlhoirceh ythieeldLedertdo
have it cut In divers parts.
Jesus with his heart which lendeth one ear to his apostles

and another to false apostles; which cannot brook to
see a mingle mangle of religion and superstition, ministers
and massing priests, light and darkness, truth and error,
tradition and scripture." And will that sort of education
for your children tempt you? No, no, no. Will those
innovations as to universal suffrage and vote by ballot
tempt you? No. (Loud cheers.) Will this destruction
of your ships and eoloniea and navy tempt you ? No.
(Cheers.) Will this deluded cry of " cheap bread" tempt
you ? No, oh ! ro. (Cheers.) Let us stick to England as
she is, and pray that she may remain so ! (Great cheering.)
Let us have commercial England, nautical England, colonis-
ing England, protestant England. (Most enthusiastic cheer-
ing.) Let us support the church, such as she was delivered
to us by our ancestors, moral and religious, without being
superstitious. (Vehement applause.) As such, we may
endeavour to preserve her, and as such we may bind
ourselves solemnly to hand her down to future genera-
tions. (Protracted cheering.) I sec that your spirit is awa-
kened—l see that you are ready to do your duty ; set an
example to all England, and God grant that all Engiand may
do its duty to you! The learned gentleman here resumed
his seat amidst thunders of applause from all sides, after
having delivered one of the most able and eloquent speeches
we have had the pleasure of hearing fora considerable length
of time.

Mr. NICZOLAS ROBINSON moved a vote of thanks to Sir
Thos. Brancker, for his conduct in the chair.
Mr. BUSHELL seconded the motion.

The CH AIRMAN returned thanks, and the meeting sepa-
rated.

THE PRINCESS ROYAL, IRON STEAM-SHIP.
TO THE OWNERS OF THE PRINCESS ROYAL, STEAM-SHIP.
We, the undersigned passengers on board the Princess
Royal, on her first voyage from Glasgow, have great pleasure
in expressing our admiration of her extraordinary speed, un-
accompanied by the usual tremulous motion; the distance
from Greenock to Liverpool having been completed in the
unprecedented period of fifteen hours and twenty-five
minutes.

We have further to express our high satisfaction with the
very commodious and elegant manner in which the vessel is
fitted up, embracing every thing calculated to promote the
comfort of her passengers ; and we feel especially called upon
to acknowledge the usual polite attention of Captain
APArthur.

(Signed by)
Robt. Dalglish, jun., Glasgow Neil Campbell, do.
Archd. Galbraith, do. P. 111' Laurin, Glasgow
Thomas Stewart, Honduras Geo. G. Hornby, Liverpool
Wm. M`Cann, Drogheda Jahn M. Cowgill, do.
Robert Brand, Glasgow F. B. Wade, do.
George Ord, do. Wm. Boyd, _ do.
James Scott, _ do. Ebenr. Duncan, Manchester
J. G. Campbell, do. P. Cruickshank, Liverpool
Dr. 111`Farlane, do. G. 0. Greenwood, Bradford
Geo. E. M'Farlane, do. E. L. Averack, Keswick
W. EL Black, Portrush William Spence, Glasgow
David Heron, Glasgow Robert Dick, do.
Jno. Whitfield, Birmingham W. Miller, Madras
J. M`Murtin, Port-Glasgow L. Miller, Glasgow
Alex. Mg Kinlay, Glasgow W. Merrylee, Lerwick
James Campbell, do. Thomas Thomson, Liverpool
D. Nl' Phail, do. J. D. Beckett, Huddersfield
Charles M`Kinlay, Rothsay James Paterson, Glasgow
W. K. Jackson, Sheffield James Gray, Tobermory
Robert White, Glasgow J. M. Cowgill, jun., Liverpool
Owen Baillie, do.
Liverpool, 19th June, 18-11.
The passengers agreed to pro
token of respect, to mark the
an excellent sailor and a wortl

.sent Captain M'Arthur with a
esteem in which he is held as
ly man.

FREE TRADE.-SHIPS, COLONIES, AND
COMMERCE.

At a meeting, on Friday last, of the Shipowners' Society,
in London, at the London Tavern, Mr, Alderman Thomp-
son observed, in the course of an able address, that—
" On a late occasion, matters had been brought forward
by her Majesty's ministers, for the purpose of deluding the
public. Let him inquire what the meaning of free trade
was, because if they were to have a free trade at all, they
must allow a free trade to all the world with their colonies ;
they must permit the ships of other countries to visit the
ports of their colonies to traffic and to carry away, and to
bring away their produce ; and all this too with the certainty
of inflicting a proportionate extent of injury upon British
shipping. Indeed if they were to have a free trade, it might
even extend to the participation of other countries in the
coasting trade of England. if this were done, what would
become of Britain's fleet of merchantmen ? Where would
be its value? Why, at a depreciation of 75 per cent."
What say the Chester and Liverpool shipowners to this
undeniable truth ? We shall be obliged by our respected
contemporaries, the LIVERPOOL STANDARD, Courier, Mail.
&c., to note the subject in their usual talented manner, and
see how the reduction of any thing like 75 percent. on ship-
ping property would be borne in that vast emporium—Li-
verpool. . _

[The above will appear in the Chester Courant of to-day,
and we were favoured with a slip of it by a gentleman who
arrived from Chester last night, Our contemporary will
find the subject noticed at length elsewhere, in an article
which was partly in type before his communication reached
us.—En. L. S. j

THE DISSOLUTION.—This day her Majesty dissolves the
present House of Commons. We believe the writs are all
ready to be sent down to this town, and will, in all proba-
bility, be in the hands of the Mayer to-morrow. Three
clear days must elapse prior to the day of nomination, which
canuot therefore take place until Monday next, which will
most likely be the day, and the following oae the period of
election.

TDP: TENDER MERCIES OF THE NEW WHIG POOR-
LAW.—This new and accursed law is now like a reckless
monster beginning—and only beginning—to fasten its fangs
upon the suffering and heterogenious population of our town ;
and if such be the commencement, what may we contemplate
as the end? On Saturdal last, one of the relieving days for
the outdoor' poor, we happened to be passing the Parish
Offices in renwick-street, when we observed an unusual
crowd round one of the doors, consisting chiefly of poor, and
for the most part emaciated females, with a considerable
number of children. This was at two o'clock. We want
into the back yard and looked down into the large cellar be-
low, and found them also crowded with unfortunate appli-
cants, to the number in all of 600 to 700, all in want of the
common necessaries of life,—and the greater part had re-
mained there from seven o'clock in the morning without
relief, suffering that "hope deferred which maketh the heart
sick !" Several of them were on the point of fainting. The
cellar in particular was so densely crowded as to approach to
a suffocating closeness and warmth, and the exclamation was
frequent " For God'e sake let me go !" No blame was,
however, to be attached to the relieving or other officers,
who are anxious to administer the law with as lenient a hand
as possible. But the nuniner of applicants, and the new Sys-
tem imperatively introduced, had deranged all previous ar-
rangements, and rendered delay and confusion inevitable.
Some relaxation of this grinding system they will probably be
enabled to introduce in a week or two ; but the new law, ini-
quitous every where, is least of all applicable to such a town
as this. Indeed, we ventare to say, that it will be found to
be almost impracticable, from the nature of our home popu-
lation, and still more from the influx of Irish paupers. We
trust that no intelligent or humane elector will„vote for those
candidates who belong to the party that originated and still
favour this abominable enactment—but will support the old
representatives, who will exert themselves to obtain its
abrogation.

ASSAULT.— Several cases of violent assault, some of them
arising from party feeling, were yesterday brought before
Mr. Rushton. Thomas Simkins, a very stout man, for vio-
lently striking an old man, an Irishman, was fined 50s. and
costs, or to be imprisoned one month.—James Balmer and
William Atherton were each fined £5, or to be imprisoned
two months, for an unprovoked and violent assault on two
men, on Sunday, while they were walking in Breck-lane.—
John Evans, a very athletic man, was fined £5, or to be im-
prisoned two months, fora violent assault on his ownrnother,
whom he was in the habit of abusing. He was also required
to find bail to keep the peace, himself in £2O and two sureties
in £lO each.

EMBEZZLEMENT.—At the Police-court, yesterday, Thos.
Turtle. a young man, who it was stated is possessed. of some
property, was placed at the bar on a charge of having em-
bezzled a sum of money belonging to his employer. Mr.
Mayor, clerk to Mr. Threlfall, brewer, said he had paid the
prisoner £lO for rent of Mr. Threlfall's house in Vernon-
street. Mr. Grace and his clerk, Mr. Jones, said the pri-
soner was authorized to receive the money, and had not ac-
counted for it, or entered it in the books, which it was his
duty to do. The prisoner said he did not intend to keep it,
and would refund it ; but as he had absented himself from
the office, he was committed for trial at the sessions.—
Thomas Houghton, who hd been employed by Mr. Grace
as his bailiff, was then brought up, charged with having em-
bezzled £l7, his property. The payment of the money was
proved. The prisoner said that after he had received the
money he went into a small public-house, where a person
treated him with a glass of ruin, which he believed was
drugged as it stupified hint. lie was afterwards strack by
one man, pinioned by two others, and robbed of the money,
after he had become insensible from a blow on his head.—
Mr. Rushton said that being employed as bailiff, the offence
was not a felony ; but the prisoner ought to have gone to Mr.
Grace and have informed him of the circumstances. The
case was dismissed.

TRIBUTE OF Risprm—On Sunday the 6th of June, im-
mediately after divine service in the afternoon, the inhabitants
of the chapelry of Carrington, in the parish of Bowden, as-
sembled in their school-room for the purpose of presenting
to their minister, the Rev. George Heron, M.A., a polyglott
Bible, handsomely bound, with a beautiful cover to match,
as a token of their esteem and regard. To this appropriate
testimonial of respect, the poorest families in the township of
Carrington and Partington were found most willing to con-
tribute, and the whole number of subscribers amounted to
195. The sum collected being more than was required for
the purchase of the Bible, it was agreed that the remainder
should he expended in coal for the benefit of the poor during
the ensuing winter. The following is a copy of the inscrip-
tion :—This Bible is most respectfully presented to the Rev.
George Heron, incumbent of St. George'e Chapel, Carring-
ton, by the inhabitants of the township of Partington and
Carrington, as a small token of their regard and esteem, for
his kind attention and faithful services as a minister of the
gospel, the 6th June, 1811 ; to which the reverend gentlemen
made a suitable reply expressive of his deep sense of their
kindness and good will.

MODE OF CONDUCTING ELECTIONS.—IDCitie3 and towns-
county, having their own sheriff, the writ under the great seal
is sent direct to such sheriff; who, immediately on receipt
thereof; must make proclamation, appointing the day of elec-
tion, not sooner than four days nor later than eight days from
such day of receiving the writ. For boroughs not having a
sheriff the writ is directed to the high-sheriff of the county,
to hold an election for knights of his shire, and for burgesses
of the boroughs within the county; and within three days
the high-sheriff addresses a precept to the mayor or other
returning-officer of each borough ; who, like the sheriff of
a city or town-county, must make proclamation of proceed-
ing to election, not sooner than four days nor later than eight
days from such day of proclamation. In the counties, the
high-sheriff must, within two days after the receipt of the
writ, in like manner, make proclamation of his county-court,
to he held not sooner than ten days nor later than sixteen
days from that date. The earliest elections for boroughs
take place on the fifth day after the prorogation, and they
may be as late as the twelfth day after the prorogation.
The county elections may begin as soon as the twelfth or as
late as the 19th day after the prorogation.

DEATH OF THE EARL. OF FORTESCUE.—The venerable
Earl of Fortescue expired at Castle Ilill, South Molton,
Devon, on Wednesday morning, after an illness of three
weeks, which from the first left but faint, if any, hopes of his
eventual recovery. However, changes of a favourable nature
were apparent in the earlier stages of the noble earl's illness,
and it was apprehended his dissolution was not so near at
hand until Monday and Tuesday, when those alarmin.r symptoms with which his lordship was first attacked returned. The noble earl, whose many amiable qualities endeared him
to a numerous circle of friends, completed his 88th year in
March last, having been born the 12th of that month, in 1753.
The deceased peer, Hugh Foytesque, Earl ue,
Fortes s Vis-
count Ebrington, county Gloucester, and Baron Fortesque,
Castle Hill, county Devon, in the Peerage of Great Britain,
succeeded his father, the second lord, as baron only, (the
viscount and earldom not being conferred until 1789) on the
10th July, 1785. The noble earl was for many years lord-
lieutenant, custos rotulorum of the county, and vice-admiral
of the coast of Devon, which appointment he resigned to his
son, Viscount Ebrington, (the present earl) in October, 15:39•
He was high steward of Barnstaple end South Holton,
D. C. L. and F. S. A. A great many families d rank
placed in mourning by this event. re
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