The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-03-09 00:00:00

PILOTS COMMITTEE

The Towx•ct,EßK said the next subject was the appointment
of forty-one of the Council to serve as members of the pilots'"
committee, He had been directed at the last council to men-
tion the names of those who were on the committee already.
Their names were, Messrs. James. ileyworth, Win_ Shand,
John Bibby, Eyre Evans, John Nelson Wood,-Thos. Brockle-
bank, and -Rotten Evans.
Mr. Cunt: tit asked what were the duties of the commissioners
about to be chosen from the council.

The TOWN-CLERK said according, to the act passed in 1824,
the duties were to meet for the purpose of filling up vacancies
caused by deaths in the committee. All other powers were
vested in the generarcommittee, except the powers of fixing
the rates of pilotage, which was retained in the commissioners.
The names of those members of the council already on thecont-
mittee were then read.

Mr. Alderman LEATtiom wished to ask the Town-clerk whe-
ther the elections of last year would be legal. Several vacan-
cies in the pilots' committee we; e filled up during the mayoralty
of Mr. Earle, when the commissioners for choosing them were
not ,chosen from the Council, accorditig to the Municipal Act.
The.ToWN-ccEicx said he thought they had -better look iutu
that afterwards; it would be rather htstv to give au opiniotr.
Mr. Alderman LEATHON—Because the commissioners were
then incompetent to choose the committee ?
The TOWN-CLERK said it was clear they were incompetent,
hut it did not follow therefore that the election was void. Upon
that point he must look into some old acts of parliament.
Mr. LhATHOM hoped this would be an effective committee,
for they had found it exceedingly difficult to get gentlemen to
act, whereby many of the pilots hail escaped punishment. It
is highly desirable that they should 'nave an active and effective
committee for the management of the pilots.
The following gentlemen were then nominated to the corn-
mitee :—Messrs. Itathbone and Leathom, in lieu of the Maydr
and Deputy Mayor; Messrs. Brown, Walmsley, Shell, Hugh
Hornby, Booth, Sands, Charles Lawrence, Higgins, Thomas
Elolt, Robinson, Bolton, Mellor, Blackburn, Hodgson, Duncan,
J‘.lin . Cropper, Bulky, Birch, Curris, Earle, John floinis,
Lassell, Thornhill, fleyworth, Platt, Barclay, Itaodon, Rams-
den, Smith. Woolright, George El. Lawrence, Henry Holmes,
Priestley, Muon, Bright, Morecruit, Segar, Joseph tioroby,
au,' Barton.

I'ne Uooncil adjourned shortly after one to that day fortnight,
unless the overseer of Kirkdale *first attended the committee.

The Bank of Ireland charter is to be renewed, but not exelu-
sively ; other Companies may issue notes in Dublin and within
fifty miles.

DARING FEAT.—On Monday afternoon. the 13th ult:, when
the Walringtou 'nail was on its way from Preston to Chorley,
haying no outside passengers, and only two inside, viz., Mr.
Croft, of the Ited Lion Hotel, and r. Bartholomew Bret herton,
pin., and when near Whittle. the wheel of the coach got into a
deep rut in the road; and, by coining in contact with apiece
of ice, the suddenness of the jerks throb/ the coachman off the
box into the road. The windows were up; but Mr. Croft having
remarked, that he thought the coachman was thrown off, and
as the horses increased iheir speed, Mr. Brethertou opened the
door, and finding this to be the case. got upon the root' of the
coach, thence over the box-seat down upon the pole (the horses
meanwhile going at a tremendous rate.) and with very con-
siderable exertion, and at the most imminent risk of his life,
succeeded in getting huh] of the reins, the ends of which, not
being buckled, were dangling among the horses' feet, and after
a little time succeeded in pulling them up. just soon enough to
prevent the coach running foul of two carts which were in the
road, by which, doubtless, considerable damage would have been
done. The guard had left his seat, and was banging on behind,
expecting that the coach would be upset and had not Mr.
Brethertun been possessed of colisiderabie. nerve, as well as.
daring. and acted as he did e.it Cour hesitation, such no doubt
would have been the case. The gre,,t danger of Mr. Brether-
ton's situation will be manifest, when it is recollected that the
pole on which • he hat; to stand is not more than five inches
across, and that the hoses were galloping at a furious rate.--
I'; eaten Pilot.

rbe iiiiinipool tanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 9, 1838.

Cr The Publication of the STANDARD commenced this morn-
ing at 5 o'clock.

THE UNITED STATES.—The news from the United
States appears to be of a very gloomy and desponding
character. It is to be feared that another crisis will take
place in the commercial affairs of the Union. The rate
of Exchange upon England, on the 6th ult., was 6.1 and
61 per cent. At this rate it may be expected that consi-
derable exportations of specie will take place from this
country.

CANADA.—By the South America, Captain Barston,
which arrived here on Wednesday, we have received
American papers to the 16th ultimo. These papers in-
form us that Lady Head and family had arrived at New
York, to sail in the packet of the 20th ult. for London.
Sir Francis Head remained at Toronto until the arrival
of his successor, Colonel Sir George Arthur. The Ha-
milton Gazette contains several addresses to Sir F.
Head, in which the utmost satisfaction is expressed at
his conduct. Public meetings were convened in various
parts of Upper Canada for the purpose of presenting
him with farewell tributes. We also learn that the Bri-
tish residents at New York contemplated giving him a
public dinner in that city previously to his embarkation
for England.
The Inconstant, with part of the 59th foot, had arrived
at New Brunswick from Cork, and other troops were
expected daily.
Respecting the movements of the " patriotic forces,"
we find the following notice :
(From the Buffalo Commercial Adv. 10th Feb. 1838.)

MOVEMENTS OF TIIE PATlllOTS.—lnformation from an
authentic source has been received here, that the scattered frag-
ments of the Navy Islanders and Ohio patriots have effected an
union in the neighbourhood of the Black Swamp, With the in-
tention of pushing on through Michigan, and crossing at some
point on the St. Clair river into Canada.
It is understood that they have some arms, which have been
given them by the people of the count-y through which they have
lately passed. They are under the command of Adjutant-Gen.
M`Leod. Van Rensselaer left here for the West night before
last. His intentions can easily be surmised.

The public may be assured that Gen. Brady, who is in cow,
mand at Detroit, will take the most active and efficient measures
to prevent any violation of our ❑eutraiit~, and will disarm any
f*iirce which may attempt to march lb tough Michigan oith hos-
tile intentions toward Canada.

To aid this r.flicer iu tkie performance of his duties GO reguldts
under command of Capt. Johnsun. left this place last evening,
fur Detroit, where it ie expected they will arrive in 06 hours.
• From the Albany Argus qf yesterday.—We learn that Major
General Scutt arrived in this city the day before yesterday,

10th February, having probably been brought hither, from
Buffalo, by the rutuaurs which are kept afloat along our Cana-
dian frontier, one of which represented that a new expedition
against Canada was on foot on the Chateaugay or St. Law-
rence river. Whether there be any thing in this particular
rumour, we know not—but learn that Gen. Scott has made a
farther requisition upon his excellency Governor Macey, for
two battalions for those rivers,and that the governor has promptly
cau:ed orders to be issued to supply the troops from the nearest
brigades, if Brigadier-General Wool, who is in that quarter,
shall, under the instruction of General Scott, deem their services
i:uportant.

BARBADOS.—By the Irlam, which arrived here on
Wednesdays we have received files of Barbadian papers
to the 27th of January. The news brought by these
papers is not of any importance.
The Barbados Mercury, of January 27, quotes the
following remarks from the Demerara Royal Gazette
of the 19th of the same month. We submit them to
the consideration of those well-meaning individuals who
have been led astray by the strong ex parte sta'ements
of the abolitionists:—

In last Saturday evening's Gazette we made some extracts
and observations for the purpose of putting our readers in pos-
session of a knowledge of home proceedings with regard to the
Colonies in the West.

As a fearless hope may be by these movements inspired in
the breast of one party, arid a hopeless fear excited in that of
the other, it may not be amiss for both to moderate their expec_
tations and to prepare themselves for disappointment or success
as the case may turn out.
The apprenticed labourer is by no means to consider that
the British parliament will break that solemn compact and
agreement that it made with the West Indian proprietors at the
time the apprenticeship was established, without the most minute
and impartial investigation.
The legislature will first examine whether all the reports
taken home to England by the friends of the Negroes be true,
and then whether any of the Colonies be an exception to,them.
The solidity and deliberative wisdom of the house of commons
are a strong guarantee against any resolution founded on en-
thusiastic representations. One man, or two, or ten may be
driven to hasty conclusions by such means ; but that collective
and practical prudence which recognized the eXpediency of six
years apprenticeship, will not without due consideration and
sufficient grounds curtail its existence. Notwithstanding all
the reports that have gone to anti-slavery societies, and ail
the inflammatory and exciting speeches that have been
delivered to assembled multitudes, an impartial inspection
of the apprenticeship in the West Indies, would discover many
honourable examples of a strict adherence to the conditions of
the Abolition Act.

When we consider that Jamaica is almost exclusively the
theme of every exciting oration, that few instances of cruelty
or turpitude have been represented as happening in Any other
of these colonies, and that the representations which have
communicated such excitement to so many British bosoms,
have been those of two or three individuals, and those not to-
tally free from prejudice and partiality, we have reason to hope
and believe that the consequences of an unbiassed and general
inspection would rather be an amendment of affairs in Jamaica
and elsewhere, where abuses may exist, than an entire and im-
mediate annihilation of the Apprenticeship throughout the West

We have not the least doubt that if many of those gentlemen
who have addressed most eloquent speeches to anti-apprentice.
ship meetings, and swelled mole-hills into mountains, had six
month's sojourn in British Guiana, as in some other of the
Western Colonies, they would be astonished that their feelings
had been so worked upon, and their sympathies so aroused in
behalf of a people who had so few seal grievances. They would
wonder that the outgoings of their benevolence had nut more
confined themselves to the substantial woes and wasting dis-
tresses of those around their own doors, instead of straining so
hard in search of imaginary privations, and inflaming the pub-
lic mind by the recital of long lists of direful calamities, which
vanished at the first touch of truth and experience.

The eyes of these immediate abolitionists are so dazzled with
the expected advantages of thhir favourite measure, that they
are totally blind to the probable inconveniences and evils which
will result to many from its adoption. Do they not consider
that the planter or emplo)er will not be able to pay high wages
to the effective workers, and at the seine time to feed and clothe
the children, the aged, and infirm, and keep up houses for their
accommodation. Many apprenticed labourers are at present
married, and have wives and families; many have aged fathers
and mothers who are unable to provide for themselves, and
who, of course, when they are free, must depend upon their
suns and daughters for sun. t —for food, clothing and shelter.
Numbers of apprenticed labourers who are provident and well
conducted, are providing against these circumstances, and sav-
ing some money to furnish them with such things as they may
require when their masters shell cease to be chargeable with
them. Numerous disadvantages which do not now exist, and
for which the remaining two years and a-half of the apprentice;
ship would in some measure prepare them, must be the conse-
quence of immediate abolition, and there is every reason to
believe that all these will be taken up and considered by the
legislature pieviousiy to any decisive measure on the subject.
—The British senate will not proceed with that headlong pre-
cipitancy in a matter of such importance, which seems to have
carried away the leaders of anti-slavery societies in the various
parts of the United Kingdom. They will ❑ot only consider the
reports of those who travelled for the purpose of finding fault,
but with these they will compare the official documents and
despatches of the various governors in the West Indian Colo-
nies. Many of these they will find not to agree with the pub-
lished statements of Sturge, and Palmer, and Lloyd, &c.—They
will find, as far as British Guiana is concerned, by a reference to
Sir James Carmichael Smith's despatch to,Lord Glenelg,dated
9th March, 1836, that the apprenticeship is working well, and
answering the purpose for which it was intended. They will
find that in the opinion of our governor, any change would be
for the worse, and not for the better; and that neith'er the ap-
prentice labourers themselves, nor their employers, are yet
fitted fur such a revolution ; and we should hope that upon a
candid and impartial investigation, British Guiana will not be
the only Colony which will be found to have done as it ought.
It is by such evidences as these that the Legislature will
likely be guided in their inquiries into the wt rking of the ap.
prenticeship, and not solely by the inflammatory and exag.
gerated nar•ations of self-appointed and partial inspectors.
We have thus taken a short view of both sides of this ques-
tion for the purpose of assisting our readers in forming a judg.
ment on this important subject, and now leave them to calcu-
late the probable results from what is before them.

THE DEBATE oN SIR WILLIAM MoLESWORTH'S MO-
TION.--The debate on the motion of the member for
Leeds glow forms the subject of absorbing interest
throughout the country. As we find it impossible, within
our circumscribed limits, to give any thing like a full
report of the several speeches which have been delivered
on this important question, we shall endeavour to supply
as careful an analysis as practicable.
Sir William Molesworth commenced his attack upon
Lord Glenelg on Tuesday night, in a speech which oc-
cupied two hou s in the delivery. He. anxiously dis-
claimed the opinion that our colonies should be emanci-
pated. He did not agree with those --who thought that
colonies were of no use to a country like Great Britain.
He did not think that it would have been better for the
country to be without any colonies. He asked whether
we were to repent of having planted thirteen English
colonies in North America, which had expanded into one
of the greatest nations on the face of the earth ? He
demanded whether it ought to be a matter of regret that
the more northern deserts of America had been reclaimed,
cultivated, and tilled with inhabitants of our race ? The
right honourable baronet then proceeded to enumerate
the advantages which resulted to the commerce of this
country from the several colonial possessions
opinions on siopnisooftleEast
and West Indies, Australasia, .
co-
lonization had been detailed in an addresS published some
time previously, of which he read the following ex.
tracts:—
"At the time when Elizabeth gr,•:nted to the brother-in law
of Raleigh the first charter for British colonization, the wants
of the people, and even of the Sovereign of England, were eon-.
fined to objects such as would now be considered
felting eoronhi
a hall-civilized race. The Queen herself trod upon ottiheir in-
come reeds,
fastened her clothes with wooden skewers,:thu,dchfeci(ltitslitli
consisted but
salt fish, and beer. The richer classes could expel
come from land only in a rude hospitality, which
of quantity without variety, and had no other effect than to
support retainers in a rough plenty. Nothing could well be
coarser than the food and clothing of the great body of the
people. But along with the emigration of Englishmen to dis-
tant lands, new productions were discovered and sent home in
exchange for products of domestic itniustry. It was thenci hat
we began to he a manufacturing and commercial nation. Who
tgl estimate nitat, et
,t )irEurope, licence
theu id
pocutthivatnini of sugar,lustsy;tot only of
tobacco,
and cotton, to America? These are but a few of the many new
productions arising from colonization which have gradually,
through the stimulus of new desires, so improved the useful arts
in England (that of agriculture included), that our population
has continually increased, with a continual decrease—the grand
lest of social id yancenient—in the proportion of hands emploVed
in raising food for the whole society. Bristol with her \Vest
Inuits trade, Liverpool with her trims-Atlantic couirnerce, the
modern towns of Lancashire with their inanufactut es of the raw
produce of America—what are these but manifest results of
iiritisit colonization—‘ ships, colonies, and commerce ?' I 1 is
to these that England is chiefly indebted for the pre-eminent
wealth, aril even fur the greatness of rut domestic numbers.
The old fashiett of coloniziug was, thercl'ore, a very good one for
this country."
In reply to those who thought that this country could
do without colonies, and who denied that it was advan-,

i.WARcn 9, :8:38

tageous to add to or preserve them, the honourable ba-

ronet remarked:—

"That opinion, Sir, with respect to the disadvantage of
having colonies, appears to me to have arisen from the want of
to which I am desirous to draw the attention of
some of my hon. friends, and especially the right hon. baronet
the member fur Dundee. The right hon. baronet, in bis work
on financial reform, has said, 'The possession of colonies affords
no advantage which could nut he obtained by commercial inter-
course with independent states.' In like manner Mr. Bentham
had said, 50 years before, 'There is no necessity for governing
or possessing any island is order that we may sell merchandise
there,' Who cau doubt the truth of these propositions, so far
as they go? But they do not embrace half the subject ; they
suppose, or take for granted, that which never existed. They
suppose the existence, and the continual increase, of a number
of foreign states, whose inhabitants are as skilful in production,
and as desirous to obtain British goods, as if they were of our
own race and had recently emigrated from this country. The
doctrine presumes that we could hate had the same trade as at
present with other lands, even though none of our people bad
gone forth to settle there ; that all the countries which we have
peopled and converted into growing markets for the sale of our
domestic produce would have been just as useful to us, in a
commercial point of view, if they had remained " independent
states." Th e independent state of New Holland before we had
planted colonies there! The independent state or people of
America amongst whom William Penn and his followers settled !
Is not Japan, with which we have no trade, one of the right
hon. baronet's "independent states r' Have we such a trade,
or anything like such a trade, with Java as we should have had
if we had retained colonial possession of that most fertile country?
The doctrine of the right hon. baronet rests on the assumption
that the world abounds in " independent states," able and
willing to purchase British goods, and that whatever may be
the increase of domestic capital and production requiring new
markets, such markets will spring up, just. at the moment we
want them, in the form of "independent states." Has that
assumption any foundation in fact or reason ? I cannot help
thinking that it has none—that at all events it is greatly to the
advantage of a country like this to plant colonies and thereby
create markets where none exists or likely to exist by any other
means; and that this is pre-eminently the policy of such a
country as England, whose power of producing wealth by means
of manufacture has no other limit than the extent or number of
the market in which she can dispose of manufactured goods."
In these opinions we entirely concur; but we cannot
avoid expressing our astonishment that such sentiments
should be expressed by an ultra•radical, and one who has
advocated the cause of Papineau and the Canadian rebels.
The object of these insurgents was undoubtedly the se-
paration of the Canadas from the mother country and
the establishment of a federal republic. Of these ob-
jects Sir William INlolesworth was. perfectly cognizant.
We are therefore puzzled how to reconcile his present
opposition to the emancipation of our colonies with his
former declarations in favour of the revolt in Canada.

After detailing at considerable length the evils which
he alleged to be inseparable from our present system of
colonial government, Sir William Molesworth proceeded
to justify his movement againSt Lord Glenelg. In as-
signing the reasons which induced him to'inake.4liks at-
tack, he explicitly stated that every member of the ca-
binet was responsible for the conduct of the colonial se-
cretary, and that the culpability of Lord Glenelg was
not greater than that of his associates. After such a
declaration, we might have expected that the Cornish
baronet would have included the whole of the cabinet
ministers in his vote of censure. However, he did no
such thing ; but, after a speech of the most vapid cha-
racter, and full of the most astounding inconsistencies,
he concluded by moving the following resolution :

"That a humble address to the Queen, respectfully express-
ing the opinion of this house, that in the present critical state
of many of her Majesty's foreign possessions in various parts
of the world, it is essential to the well-being of her Majesty's
colonial empire, and of the many and important domestic inte-
rests which depend on the prosperity of the-colonies, that the
colonial minister should be a person on whose diligence, fore-
thought, judgment, activity, and firmness, this hoUse and the
public may be able to place reliance; and declaring;with all
deference to the constitutional prerogatives of the crown,lba;
her Majesty's present secretary of state for the colonies doer',
not enjoy the confidence of this house, or of the country."
Mr. Leader, another of the pro-Papineau faction, se-
conded this resolution, but without venturing to speak
on the subject.

Lord Palmerston rose to move a direct negative to Sir
William Molessvorth's motion. He looked upon that,
motion as an attack upon the existence of the cabinet,
and said that, in the event of the resolution, or anything
resembling it, being carried, every member of the,go-
vernment would walk out with Lord Glenelg. Credat
Judceus ! We do not believe that there exists so much
virtue among the members of the Crim•Connell cabinet
as to resist the temptation to -acrifice Lord Glenelg for
the purpose of retaining office. No, indeed; whatever
the lack-a- daisical Palmerston may say, he and his as-
sociates will cling, with the tenacity of leeches, to the
treasury benches. No vote of censure cast upon the ca..
binet, individually or collectively, can possibly affix
any deeper mark of disgrace upon the present superla-
tively shabby government than that with which it has
been already branded by the concurrent Opinion of every
honest Englishman. The abject subjection of Lord
Melbourne and his coadjutors to the " Big Beggarman"
is a far greater disgrace than any vote of censure which
the House of Commons may pass upon their measures.
And yet, under the accumulated load of dishonour beneath
which the ministers groan, they are content to continue
in office! So will they even after Sir William Moles-
worth's motion is carried • nay, they will even vote for
that motion rather than allow Lord Sandon's amendment
to be carried.

Lord Palmerston went o•r to praise the general policy
of ministers, and especially their colonial policy, which
he described in terms of .glowing admiration. He con-
cluded by saying that
Her Majesty's government considered this as a motion for the
removal of the government, and did not accept it as a motion
against Lord Glenelg singly—(cheers). He should not meet
the motion by auy indirect means. He should not move•the
previous question—(cheers from the opposition benches.) He
would leave that to others to do—(immense opposition cheers
repeated). He should meet the motion with a plain and simple
negative; because in effect it called upon the house to declare
that it had no confidence in her Majesty's government. He
begged the house to view the motion in its true and proper
light; however its decision might be, let it be on real grounds,
and not under the false impression with which it was put for-
ward by the hon. baronet--it must be considered as levelled
against a body, and not merely against an individual, which
was unjust; and the consequence must be that it would be
impossible for the body to remain after one of their colleagues
had fallen under the condemnation and censure of the house—
(cheers).

Mr. Hall followed in a speech of singular originality.
He rested his defence of Lord Glenelg chiefly upon the
success of Lord Mulgrave's administration of the affairs
of Ireland !
Lord Sandon then rose to move an amendment on Sir
William Molesworth's motion. We give the speech of
noble representative at considerable length :

Lord SANDON then rose, but from the low tone of voice hi•
which he spoke, his observations were nearly inaudible. The
noble lord we understood to say that lie thought the noble
lord (Lord Palmerston) had put the questiou on its proper
basis; and he agreed with the noble lord that a motion of this
description ought not to be brought forward against an indi—
vidual member of the government—(general cheering). l-le•
did not think this was consistent with justice, and in addition,
to which, he had personal reasons which would not allow him
to concur in it. He had had the pleasure of along personal;
acquaintance with the noble lord to whom this motion referred,
and he could not, as a man of honour, concur in any proposi—
tion which went to throw disgrace upon his name—(general
cheering). Acquainted as he was with the high honour and
integrity of the noble lord in private life, it was impossible he
could concur in the motion before the house. Such -a course
could only be justified by mal-administration, and be bail
heard no such charge made against his noble friend —(ironica.k
cheers from the radical section). What, he begged to asice
relhewcihdaerlygeswaughainhsist huiosbnioeblieri4frnieduod.
werelle(Lordhis faults—whatweres and
differedon)
a
colonial policy; but were not the faults of that policy not those.,
individually of his noble friend but of the whole administration?.
Were they not faults in which the whole of the cabinet were -
concerned?—(opposition cheers.) Were not the resolutions of •
a
with respect to Canada, brought forward by the noble.
lord (Lord J. Russell) on the responsibilit,y, tif the government •
generally? Ile could not consent to give a.silent negative to,
the present proposition. He had never been a party to extreme.
propositions; but he felt nu this occasion he must express his,
opinions, from the circumstance el the deep interest his con-.
stituents had in the proper administration of public affairs ia.
the North American colonies. About a third of the whole of.
the trade of Liverpool was carried no with these colonies. That
circumstance called, ;won him to do everything in his power to
preserve British relations with Canada—.(ninisterial cheers.) •
As he had formed a distinct and decided opinion on the subject
of the interest of his constituents in these colonies, he should
not be doing his duty if he refrained from expressing his
opinion. It might be for the convenience of the house if he at
once stated the course which he was about to pursue., He in-
tended to move, as an amendment to the motion of the right
hon. hart., an address to her Majesty to the following effect :
"That an humble address be presented to her Majesty to
express to her Majesty our deep regret that the tranquillity of
her Majesty's provinces of Upper and Lower Canada should
haVe been disturbed by the wicked and treasonable designs of •
a disaffected party in those provinces, by which many of the
inhabitants have been seduced into open revolt against the
authority of her Majesty. To assure her Majesty that we have
observed with the utmost satisfaction the zeal and fidelity which
have animated the loyal inhabitants of her Majesty's North
American provinces, and that we cordially rejoice in the sue-.
cess whieh has attended the exeitions of her Majesty's regular
forces, combined eith the voluntary services of tier Majesty's
faithful subjects. 'l'o assure her Majesty of our continued
determination to aid her Majesty in every effort which she may
he called upon to make for the suppression of revolt and the
complete restoration of tranquillity, professing at the same
time our desire to afford redress for every real grievance, and
maturely to consider such permanent arrangements for the
constitution and government of the province of Lower Canada
as may best secure the ileitis and liberties, and promote the
interests of all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that pro-
vince: humbly to represent to her Majesty, that it appears to
us, upon a consideration of the documents and cotrespondence
relating to the North American provinces which her MajestY
has been graciously pleased to communicate to this house, th,4.

MAnen Iv. 8

the open defiance of her Majesty's lawful authority in
provi!ices or Upper and Lower Canada, and the necessity '.l
suppressing rebellion by force of arms, and of sus"ing the
constitutional government of Lower Canada, are in a great
degree attributable to the'w ant. of foresight and energy on the
part of her Nlajesty's confidential servants,and to the ambiguous,
dilatory, and irresolute course which they have pursued in respect
to the affairs of Canada since their appointment to office"—(this
resolution was received with great cheering from the opposi-
tion benches) He trusted this address conveyed a full, lair,
nod candid explanation of the course that had been pursued—
(Great cheep ing front the ministerial benches, reiterated from
the opposite side of the house). He would contend that this
roldress was in Perfect concordance with the arguments held by
honorable gentlemen opposite, when the noble lord brought for-
ward his resolution of last year ; and, if he recollected right,
the only objection taken to the resolutions on that (the oppo-
sition) side of the house was, that taey did not go far enough.
Ile tiMuLzht the case he hail to meet did not lead hint so 'far
back as the hon. baronet had gone into anterior events. (minis-
terial cheers.) He ,;.new the meaning of those cheeps, they
went to insinuate that the disorders which had prevailed in
Canada had not been of recent growth. lie at once agreed in
that proposition. that the seeds of these difficulties had been
sown at an earlier period, but they bad been fostered by the
"mind pursued by the present goveinment. The noble lord
then ptnceded to take a review of the progressive state of
affairs in the Canadas front the printed documents, and con-
tended that the course pursued had been such as to warrant the
terms he had inserted in his resolution. With regard to the
absence of troops to quell the rebellion, he knew it had been
Stated by the great captain of the age that he cast no blame on
Ministers on that account. But that was a military opinion
relating to the fact that the troops in these colonies were suffi-
cient to retain them, and the result hail proved such to be the
case.. But the question was, whether there were troops enough
to keep down rebellion, and that was sitisfactorily proved not
to be the case. Lord Glenelg himself becaMe, in March, of
opinion that more troops were necessary in Canada. Yet no
troops were sent out, although Lord Gasford repeatedly ex•
press,ed his opinion that more troops were necessary to awe the
disaffeeted, and ive confidence to the loyal. Title. the govern-
ment had succeeded in suppressing the rebellion; hut how?
Why, by calling the volunteers into action, from whose inter-
ference; Manned as thev-Were by long party animosity, all the
horrors and evils of the Canadian struggle had sprung. It had
imparted to the contest all the characteristics of a civil war.
Would this have been the case if the civil arm had been suffi-
ciently fortified with troops? The same opinion of the culpable
neglect of government in not sending out sufficient troops, ap-
peared to. have existed in Upper as well as in Lower. Canada.
On the 21st of April, 1836, Sir F. Head wro'e home that he
was confident he would have no difficulty in crushing the repub-
lican party were it not for the general fear in the country that
the efforts of the governor would not be supported by the home
government. 'The noble lord read several- other extracts from
the parliamentary papers, for the purpose of proving -th-at the
same feeling pervaded the population of both provinces.. The
government had, he contended, by their niliance with those in
that house who had abetted the desigLs of the revolutionists in
theiCanadits, plainly evinced-their indisposition to take anticipa-
tory measures of reression. They would still expect the sup-
port of the extremes party in that house, and the members of that
party would doubtless again expect the support of ministers at
the elections—(hear, hear). The hon. member for Westmin-
ster (Mr. Leader) would again hope to have the hon. comptrol-
ler of the household for chairman of his Committee, and to
have the cokes of members of the cabinet recorded in his favour
(hear). On the other .hand, no doubt, there would he many
Members of that party who. notwithstanding the oppositiorrthey
had given to ministers on the Canada question, would vote fur
them on the present occasion-, (hear).. They (the conserva-
tives) were compelled to take their. present course on this ques-
tion. The-question was so put that they most either consent to
condemn Lord Glenelg, solely and singly, for a line of policy
in which the whole government participated, and for'which they
were responsible, or they -must join- with the noble Loid, the
foreign secretary, in sanctioning .hat.which they could not con-
6elentiouslv approve. Ile repeated that they were coutpelled to
adopt this course—(" no no" from the minislerialists). No ar-
rangement existed between them, and the hon. bart. whose call
of the house compelled them as honest and. honourable men,
fairly and freely, without fear or favour, to express their sincere
opinion. Had-not they been so placed he could answer fur him-
self and those who agreed with him, that they certainly would
not have been the first to come forward with such a motion
as he had to submit to the house. here was no intention on
the part of the party to which he belonged to originate such a
motion—(ironical ministerial cheers). The noble lord (Pal-
merston) had jocularly remarked upon the probability of a coal-
(Ion ministry, of which the right hon. bart. and the hon. member
for -Leeds should be members, and upon the sacrifice of opinion
there must be if such a fusion occurred. The noble lord, how-
I've'', would have but little cause to complain of such ajunction,
for ,surely there were differences. quitq as great between the
radicals and. the government, as there were between them and
the conservatives. The noble lord (J. Russell) was understood
(0 support the principle of an established church—a great pro-
Portion of his supporters wet e opposed to it. On the subject of
the Himse of Lords, too, there was an equal difference of opi-
nion, to say nothing of' the. difference existing on great ques-
tions among the members of the government itself. He (Lord
oandon) confessed that he very much deprecated all such forced
unions, and he should always regret any circumstances which
compelled him to embark in the same boat with gentlemen of
opposite opinions-to his 'own—(cheers). - The noble lord con-
cluded by moving the amendment which he already read.

We rejoice that die task of moving the amendment
devolved nPrin Lord Sandon, who, representing as he
dOes the first mercantile town in the United Kingdom,
(London excepted) was Well qualified to give expression
to the opinions generally entertained in reference to the
c_.°lonial policy. of the preient ministers. In the execu-
tion of this task our noble representative has displayed
considerable tact and ability, and contributed to strength-
en the feelings of respect and attachment with which he
is regarded by his constituents.
Lord Sandon was followed by Mr. Labouchere, who
entered boldly upon the defence of ministers. He con-
gl'atulated the House that " the veil of mystery, which
had so long enshrouded the designs of the conservative
party, was at length torn asunder." He expressed him-
self as perfectly satisfied with the colonial policy of the
present cabinet. He said that the real question at issue
was " whether or not the government here to be de-
-Oared unworthy to occupy their present places, and ho-
nourable gentlemen opposite walk, over and take their
seats." "As a member of the government he felt it
Would be the more graceful course in him to abstain from
-411 Y expression 'of opinion on this subject. It was a
question for the House to decide ; and he heartily hoped
that the division would be. Cane to in the manner that
Would best promote the'interests of this`great empire"
Mr. Labonchere was sncceded by Lord Stanley, who
inflicted upon ministers one of the most terrible castig,a-
tions that they haveiover writhed under. For the fol-
lowing analysis of Ms truly elbquent speech we are in-
debted to the Times :
"Lord Stanley was of opinion, that the mystery hung
rather on the side of government. No one knew what
Course they meant to pursue. They might have moved
(and, considering their lofty tone, he thought they would
have been more consistent if they had moved) a bold
series of counter-resolutions. Surely they would never
'deign, for the purpose of preventing the amendment
from arriving at a distinct vote, to affirm that such words
of censure as those of the mover ought to stand part of
the question. The only direct course would join
it,
in voting that those words should not stand 0,l the
question ; and then, when the words of Lord andon's
amendment should be put as the question in their stead,
meet that aniendni'ent with their full front. He was of
:opinion that no blame could be imputed to his friends for
shaving abstained from moving censure while the out-
break in Canada was fresh. That early time (while it
was still doubtful .whether, from the conduct of govern-
.ment, it might not be difficult even for the most perfect
unitiM of all parties to preserve the Canadas) was not a
,season for stirring party questions and endeavouring to
..embarrasa the government. But if, as ministers declare,
~everything has become smooth and tranquil, the house
is now free to censure the misconduct which rouserVall:
this mischief- The-noble lord then proceeded to present
,in an historical 'series the proofs of the ambiguity and
v,acillation•which this amendment charges on the cabinet,
ibeginning from the period of his own secession in 1834.
:',Mr. Spring Rice, his successor, had misled Mr. Roebuck
iby tis ambiguity on the subject of the Legislative Corm-
vil i and when the truth came out indignation was the
natural result. He had himself, on leaving office, be-
queathed to Mr. Spring Rice his papers and his private
secretary. Mr. Rice remained colonial minister till No=
Member, when it unluckily happened that the govern-
Ment were dismissed on the very day on which Mr. Rice
declared that he completed his plan. He did not, how-
ever, leave that plan behind him--no, not a scrap of pa-
per to show what sort of thing it was. Lord Aberdeen
succeeded, and remained iu Once till the spring, when
)re also left his papers respecting Canada for the use of
his successor. Threecommissioners were then sent out,
fremarkable for their unanimimity in discrepancy; and
on their information the government at last, in 1837,
screwed up their courage to submit a string of resolu-
tions to Parliament. Meanwhile their ambiguities had
raised doubts of their sincerity among the Canadians,
who saw that while they were nominally asserting one
course, they were bestovving their utmost aid and favour
on the champion's of the course directly opposite—the
Mr. Humes, and the Mr. O'Connells, and the Mr.
Leaders. In one particular indeed they had not been
ambiguous, but too
.clear; fer Lord John Russell had
declared, that if popular concessions were made and
found unsatisfactory, more must be conceded till satisfac-
tion were attained. This was clear indeed—it was tell-
ing the Canadians that they had only to persevere in
mutiny to get all they Wanted. And thus the govern-
ment,: while it was affecting to repreSs disaffection with
one hand, was actually encouraging it with the other.
The vacillation and delay impotent by the amendment
, ..
114 d-been evidenced thrcu Pahout the matter of Lord Gos-
. • .