The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-10-20 00:00:00

EXPORTS.

Extreme apathy has prevailed since the date of our last
review in this branch of our commerce, nor can we confi-
dently anticipate any immediate improvement.
COFFIE.—The continued unfavourable accounts from the
European markets has had less influence upon prices than
would have been produced were not the supply so very
limited. Superior has maintained within a shade of previous
quotations, and sales have been effected of small parcels, at
prices full 450 and 200 rs. above those we quote, but as we
repeatedly observed, these small parcels cannot in any degree
regulate : first good is 400 rs. lower, and in other descrip-
tions we quote a fall of from 50 to 70 rs. The sales since the
4 st. inst. do not exceed 26,000 bags, whilst the stock on
hand is not more than 9,000 bags. The shipments to-day
inclusive amount to

Cleared for export from 4st. to 44th. inclusive „ 31,525
SUGAR.—SaIes limited to 200 brls. at 2 dol., and some
small parcels for consumption at from 2 dol. 200 to 2 dol.
800 rs.
FREIGHTS.-40 S. to 55 s.
MONEY MARKET.

EXCHANGE.-With the exception of some bills received
from the south, negotiated at 301, the extreme rates upon
London have been 30 and 301 ; the amount of business tran-
sacted has been very limited, having in the whole not exceeded
L. 54,000. The first rate was 30, the last 301.
The extreme rates upon Hamburg have been 585 and 590,
the first amount having been negotiated at the former
quotation, and the last transaction to-day having occurred'at
590.

DISCOUNTS.—Are a trifle less easy, but without any sen•
ble alteration in the rates.

------
SPECIE.—The market has been and is very inanimate and
the amount of business very limited. Spanish doubloons fell
to 27 dol., and improved 400 rs. to-day. Patriots have been
sold as low as 27 dol., and closed to-day at 27 dol. 200 rs.
Silver coin is flat at 76. Spanish dollars 4 dol. 725, and pa-
triots have been successively sold at 4 dol. 680, 4 dol. 660,
and 4 dol. 680 rs.

We have received a file of Sydney (N. S. W.) papers
to the 25th of June. We learn from the Sydney Ga-
zette of the above date that the interesting ceremony
of laying the foundation stone of a new church at Syd-
ney was performed by the Lord Bishop of Australia.
Great complaints were made at Sydney respecting
the high price of coals and firewood. Wood was at
the exorbitant charge of 9s. per load, and coals were at
265. per ton.

There is very little commercial news of importance
in the papers before us. We subjoin the following
extracts from the Hobart Town papers of the most

recent dates :

WEATHER.—The late rains, which have proved general
throughout the island, have conferred great benefit upon our
farmers, who are all as busy as bees, preparing a bounteous
supply of corn for the next season. The autumn has been
fine, almost beyond precedent ; and we have every reason to
expect a most propitious return for the labours of the agri-
culturist.—Colonial Times, June 9.
THE MARKETS.—Wheat is looking down ; good samples
are now selling at from 14s. to 15s. per bushel; oats, 7s. to
7s. 6d. ; Cape barley, 7s. to 7s. 6d. ; English ditto, 9s. to
10s. ; hay, loose, from £6 to £6 10s. per ton ; do., pressed,
£7 to £7 10s. ; potatoes, black, £8 to £9 ; ditto, apple&lik
to £9 ; coals, Port Arthur, 18s. per ton, delivered ;
Sydney, £1 ss. ; she oak, 16s. to 18s. ; gum, 13s. to 14s. ;
cabbages and carrots, Is. 6d. per doz. ; butter, fresh, 2s. 6d.
to 3s. per lb. ; turnips, 2s. per doz. ; apples, 14s. per bushel.
—Colonial Times.

PORT ARTRUR.—An attempt to escape from the coal-
mines at this establishment was made a short time since by
four men, who, on the night of their running away, attacked
one of the signal stations in charge of a constable named
Willan, and, after seriously ill-treating the man, robbed him
of his little savings in money, his provisions, &c., and but
for one of the parties he would have been shot. Three of the
men, named Jacks, Britton, and Hall, have been recaptured,
and are fully committed for trial. The fourth, Dawkins, has
not yet been apprehended. It appears that he separated
from the others on the first night.—Courier.

We have received a copy of the British Colonist,
published at Toronto, Upper Canada, of the date of
September 23, which brings the latest intelligence from
the province. A public dinner, on a large scale, had
been given by the inhabitants of Toronto to Dr.
Rolph, who was recently over in this country on a
mission for the promotion of emigration to Upper
Canada.

The British Colonist observes, that his Excellency
the Governor-General, during his recent tour through
the Province, was exceedingly well received, and that
the addresses presented to him were expressive of ge-
neral confidence in his administration, and of a desire
that all parties should unite in support of his govern-
ment. We should say that hese observations should
be received CUM grano salis.

By the British Queen steam-ship, Lieut. Roberts,
R. N., which left New York on the afternoon of the
Ist instant, and which arrived off Southampton on
Saturday morning, at nine o'clock, after a passage of
15 days, we have received a file of the New York
Morning Herald to the Ist instant, inclusive, and con-
taining a few hours' later intelligence than the papers
of the same date brought by the Britannia. We sub-
join the most important extracts :

NEWS FOR ENGLAND.
(From Bennett's Morning Herald)
The excitement on the subject of the approaching Presi
dential election is hourly increasing. The whole country,
from Maine to the confines of Louisiana, is in a state of com-
motion. Never since the great contest between the federal
and democratic parties in 1801, has there been such an in-
tense, all-pervading feeling of interest and anxiety on a poli-
tical question. Four weeks will bring us to the time of com-
mencing the choice of Presidential electors, and the interme-
diate period will be occupied almost exclusively in prepara-
tions for the great struggle.—Several of the states have their
annual elections during these four weeks, and the result will
stimulate the excitement to increased activity, if that be
possible.
The late state election in Maine resulted most disastrously
for the friends of Mr. Van Buren, and the sanguine hopes of
the whigs have now grown into absolute confidence.
Mr. "Webster, who is regarded as the exponent of the views
of the whig party, in his elaborate speech to the merchants of
this city on Monday, avowed in direct and explicit terms his
preference for a national institution, to regulate the currency
of the country, and although he premised that he spoke for
himself alone, and disclaimed any authority to make an ex-
position of the doctrines or intentions of the new administra-
tion, still his declaration is looked upon as a decisive indica-
tion of the policy of the party, and as evidence of the deter-
mination of the whigs to establish a National Bank, in the
event of General Harrison's election.
During the Presidential campaign, the whig orators, and all
the authorized organs of the party, have studiously abstained
from any discuspon of their own principles. The party op-
posed to Mr. lan Buren embraces such a variety of d:s-
cordant materials and is so lieteorogeneous in its composition,
that any distinct avowal of its doctrines would disband and
scatter it to the four winds of heaven, at once. But by sink-
ing all minor differences of opinion, waiving the discussion of
all disturbing topics, and agreeing to coalesce for the expul-
sion of the Administration, they have gone on with great har-
mony. It is not often that the whigs agree, but when they
do, their unanimity is wonderful.
The growing expectation of whig success seems to have
had a beneficial influence on trade and business generally. It
has already created confidence in certain quarters, and Gen.
Harrison's election, with the adoption of any new measures,
will give an additional stimulus that will be temporarily ad-
vantageous to the country.
THE FLORIDA WAR is apparently no nearer its termina-
tion than when General Jessup intrigued General Scott out
of the command of the army. There has been no wholesale
massacre since the destruction of the settlement of Indian
Key. Almost every mail brings an account of a man or
woman murdered, and occasionally we hear of three or
four killed at a time. On the 6th instant, a scout of 30 men,
under Lieut. Hanson, was fired on by an ambuscade, near
Wacahoota. One man killed, and four wounded. On the
7th, the house of Mr. Dorsey, two miles and a half from
Chattahoochie, was plundered and burnt; Mr. Dorsey had
previously removed with his family to Alabama. On the
same day a young man named Geiger was killed by the same
party of Indians. His body was found on the 10th, hor-
ribly mangled, his head cut off and taken away. These ac-
counts are, now and then, interspersed with the history of
the capture of an Indian, the destruction of a cornfield, or
the fight of a squaw.—lf then, there is no additional energy
infused into the war department, this war will, no doubt,
last through the present century.
HEALTH OF THE SOUTHERN CITIES. —New Orleans
Mobile, Charleston, and the other southern cities, that suffer
almost every season with yellow fever, have escaped this
year with very little sickness of any kind; and the season is
now so far advanced that all apprehensions have ceased.
NORTH-EASTERN BOUNDARY.—There is nothing new
officially in regard to this question. Several writers in the
papers, and among the number is the Hon. Mr. Cushing,
member of Congress, frem Massachusets, have exposed,
with great ability, the absurd misstatement in the report of
Messrs. Mudge and Featherstonhaugh. Mr. Cushing has
dissected it with great power of sarcasm. The report is
shown to be the merest stuff imaginable. There is a grow-
ing confidence hi the amicable adjustment of the difficulty,
and a better feeling is prevailing along the frontier.
There is another question of territory that will soon be
surrounded with more difficulties and embarrassments than
that on our north-eastern frontier. We allude to the Oregon
.Territory in the north-west. It is time that the question of
Jurisdiction over the territory, now mooted by the English
and this government, was examined, and the fact clearly
ascertained and settled, whether we are entitled to that coun-
try, as is generally believed, or whether the English can. claim
it by the laws of nations. The longer that the adjustment
of this question is delayed, the more difficult it will be to
come to an amicable settlement. The Hudson Bay Company
already act as if the whole of the country west of the Rocky
Mountains belonged to Great Britain, to the great detriment
of American citizens, who are engaged in similar undertak-
ings, and are struggling with difficulties thus thrown in their
way.
CAN ADA.—The union of the two provinces seems to be
generally acceptable to the people, so far as we can judge from
the tone of the press. Governor Thompson was suffering
under severe indisposition at the last advices. The rumour
of his intended departure is entirely discredited, and he. is
increasing in popularity. There is no great degree of asperity
exhibited now on either side of the line. The Upper Canada
papers have a small ebullition of wrath at Brother Jonathan
occasionally for some folly or other, but the feeling soon sub-
sides, and does net now, as formerly, run into malevolenca.,
The approaching election, in a portion of Lower Canada, is
the topic of much discussion in the papers, and many of the
candidates to the Colonial Assembly are canvassing their

respective districts with much assiduity. The crops are
represented to be unusually fine all over the provinces.
TEXAS.--Many of the difficulties incidental to a new go-
vernment are gradually disappearing before the judicious ma-
nagement, of the administration of President Lamar. The
financial affairs of the young republic, however, are still in a
sad condition ; but the great resources of the country will
eventually carry them through. The Comanche Indians
made an irruption on the frontier, and destroyed some pro-
perty, but were soon repelled. The efforts of certain indivi-
dmds to enlist the sympathies of the Texians in behalf of the
federalists of Mexico, and to engage their assistance against
the centralists, were wisely discountenanced by the govern-
ment, and have now mainly ceased. The commerce of Texas
is gradually and steadily increasing, and a variety of new
agricultural articles have been introduced, which promise to
be of great profit to the growers. Among the rest is tobacco.
Some experiments have shown that a very superior quality
of tobacco can be raised there. The soil of Texas is ex-
tremely fertile, and this will no doubt become an important
product.
Mexico.—Our advices from Vera Cruz are up to the 28th
of August, and from the capital to the 17th. The civil war
in the capital was at an end, at least for the time being. It
is difficult to get at the precise results of the struggle in
Mexico. Our accounts have principally come through the
organs of the central party, and they, of course, depreciate
the advantages gained by their opponents ; but it is not to be
concealed that the federalists have acquired a position that
renders them extremely formidable. It is generally believed
that Urrea will retire to the province of Tamaulipas ; and it
is easy to foresee that the strife is merely put off, provided
the federalists find some sympathy among the people. In
fact, according to the terms of the convention, the insurgent
forces are not to be dispersed, but are to march to a place to
be appointed by the commander-in-chief of the centralists.

The foreign intelligence contained in the morning
papers of yesterday, is of a more peaceful character
than that which reached us during the past week. It
is stated that orders had been sent out to Lord Pon-
sonby, and the other ambassadors of the powers who
are parties to the treaty of the 15th of July, directing
them to inform the Porte that their respective govern-
ments acknowledge the right of the Sultan to proclaim
the deposition of Mehemet Ali; but, at the same time,
to express the hope of the four powers that the Sultan
will not refuse to return Egypt and the government of
Syria to the Viceroy, provided he makes an early sub-
mission to the terms of the treaty, by causing his army
to evacuate Syria, and by delivering up the Turkish fleet.
It is also added that, as the consuls of the four powers
have left Egypt, it would be advisable for the Sultan to
give as early an intimation as possible of his pacific
intentions towards Mehemet Ali.

From the French papers of Saturday, we learn that
on the 25th ultimo, the Libanus was tranquil, and that
Mehemet Ali was perfectly restored to health, and was
calm and resolute. It is stated positively that Mehe-
met Ali was not only preparing to send a great part
of his fleet out of harbour, but that he had ordered
Ibrahim Paella to march at once on Constantinople.
The Paris papers are chiefly occupied with comments
on the recent attempt to assassinate the King of the
French, the particulars of which we have inserted in
another column. This is the sixth time that Louis
Philippe has been providentially screened from the
murderous designs of his enemies. There is something
almost verging on the miraculous in these singular
instances of preservation. It is impossible to contem-
plate them without being convinced of the merciful
interposition of the hand of Divine Providence. These
repeated attempts upon the life of the French King,
there is every reason to believe, owe their origin to that
revolutionary frenzy which is the bane of France.

This is the last opportunity that we shall have of di-
recting the attention of our readers to the approaching
ceremonies connected with the laying of the foundation
stone of the Liverpool Collegiate Institution—an insti-
tution destined, we have no doubt, to exercise a very
powerful influenee over the interests of this great com-
mercial community, and which will prove at once an
honour and ornament to the "good old town." Having
taken a very prominent part in urging upon our fellow-
townsmen the necessity of raising such an institution,
as well as in defending the plans and principles laid
down by the committee of management, we feel anxious
that Thursday next should not pass over without wit-
nessing such a demonstration, on the part of the popu-
lation of Liverpool, as shall clearly prove the popularity
of the scheme. We therefore trust that all parties will
unite in giving due echlt to the proceedings, and espe-
cially that as many of the inhabitants as can make it
convenient will join in the procession which is to take

place.
We understand that the Bishop, clergy, nobility, and
gentry, will meet the governor and directors of the in-
stitution at the Town-hall, at half past ten, and thence
proceed with the mayor to St. Peter's Church, where
the sermon will be delivered by the Bishop. Upon the
conclusion of the service the procession will he formed
in the court of the Blue Coat Hospital. The route
which has been fixed upon is, through School-lane,
Hanover-street, Ranelagh-street, Lime-street, Commu-
tation-row, and Islington, to the ground in Shaw-street.
The dinner in the evening will probably prove the
most attractive of the general proceedings in connection
with the interesting ceremony of the day. Its chief
attraction will, no doubt, consist in the circumstance of
so many distinguished individuals having promised to
attend on the occasion. Among the nobility and gen-
' try who have promised to attend are, the Right Hon.
Lord Francis Egerton, M.P., Lord Stanley, M.P., Lord
Sandon, M.P., the Right Hon. the Earl of Sefton,
Cresswell Cresswell, Esq., M.P., the Hon. R. B. Wil-
braham, M.P., Sir R. H. Cunliffe, Bart., J. Ireland
Blackburne, Esq., M.P., P. Ainsworth, Esq., my.,
John Davenport, Esq., M.P., J. C. Colquhoun, Esq.,
M.P., T. Bright Crosse, Esq., J. Hodson Kearsley,
Esq., George Cornwall Legh, Esq., and G. R. War-
burton, Esq. Our excellent diocesan, the Lord Bishop
of Chester, the Rev. Chancellor Raikes, the Hon. and
Rev. Horace Powys, the Rev. Rector Brooks, the Rev.
Hugh Wlsieile, and many other distinguished divines
have also promised to be present. From such a host
of talent many splendid addresses may be anticipated,
which will prove a treat such as is rarely to be met
with.

We understand that the applications for ladies'
tickets are extremely numerous, and as a very large
proportion of the dinner tickets have already been taken
up, those who wish to secure admission for their female
friends must make an early application, as only a limited
number can possibly be accommodated. Gentlemen
neglecting this hint will only have themselves to blame
in case of any disappointment that may arise.
The private worth, splendid abilities, and inflexible
integrity of Lord Stanley require no encomium at our
hands. We feel assured that the assemblage of Thurs-
day evening next will afford an ample testimony tQ the
feelings of admiration so generally entertained towards
so munificent a patron of learning, and so ardent a
friend of the Established Church.

The strenuous efforts of the Whig-radical faction of
Liverpool, to ensure the success of their candidates at
the approaching municipal election, would lead us
naturally to the supposition that upon the issue of this
particular contest depends some contingency of more
than ordinary importance to the interests of that party.
For the whole of the last twelve months their agents
have been at work. The Reform Association and the
Protector Society—par nobile fratrum,—have plotted
together ; the aristocratic Whig of the former has rubbed
elbows with the hereditary hodman of the latter ; some
thousands of pounds have been expended in a clumsy
attempt to debauch and swamp the constituency of
the various wards ; and all for what ? To decide
merely whether some merchant of high standing and
long family connexion with the town, or some radical
shopkeeper of yesterday, is to sit in the council as the
representative of its interests ? Not at all. The coming
contest, we may rely upon it, is not one of individual
against individual. The question of personal fitness
or respectability will not on this occasion be allowed
to weigh with the propapist faction. The contest now
is for the preponderance of party in the council—to
decide whether that body is in future to be an anti-
constitutional body, composed of Socinians, Papists,
and Deists, as at present, or an assembly of conserva-
tive and loyal men; whether shallow and conceited
coxcombs are to squander the funds of the town, upon
useless or worse than useless objects, or sane and sensi-
ble men, representing the opinions and wishes of the
better portion of the community, are to carry on the
business and protect the party of the public. Our past
contests have been indecisive skirmishes ; the present
is to be a pitched battle, which will decide the fate of
the campaign and the possession of the field.
With a view of forming a more accurate judgment
of the enemy's manTuvres, let us briefly glance at our
own position and his. The Whig-radicals up to this
time have preserved their first hold in the corporation,
land possess an overwhelming majority upon every
party question. The number of consavative coup
cillors is at present 19, whilst that of their opponents
is 29, the whole number elected by the burgess con-

stituency being 48, The body of aldermen is entire'
‘vhig, having been elected by the Whig majority in the

...
council. Of the 16 vacancies to be filled up at the en-

suing election 4 are conservative and 12 liberal, leaving

i❑ the council 15 conservatives and 17 Whigs, whose
seats are safe for the present year. Of the latter num-
ber one seat, however,—that of Mr. Quayle for Everton
\Vard—is contested in a court of law, whose decision
may probably reduce the number by one, and by seat-
ing a conservative in the place of the present member,

thus equalize the parties.
Here, then, we have a tolerable fair basis to begin
upon; and the next question is to decide how the 16
vacant seats are to be appropriated. One half given to.'
each party would make the conservatives as strong as
their opponents in the council, were it not for the 16
Whig aldermen, who turn the scale. A conservative
majority in the present contest would give to that party
preponderance as councilmen, still leaving them, how-
ever, under the control of the whig-elected aldermen.
But, we may be asked, of what great importance
can this be? So long as we are in a minority in the
whole body of the council, of what use is it that we
have a majority amongst the councillors ? Simply,
this, reader. That next year it will fall upon the coun-
cil to elect no less than eight aldermen ; and provided
the conservatives succeed in maintaining their superi-
ority—the forces of their opponents being for the time
reduced by eight votes—we need scarcely doubt that
such eight aldermen will be of the true loyal conserva-
tive stamp.

Here then we have the secret of whig-radical anxiety.
Here we can see some little reason for this unusual
activity in the enemy's camp, and above all, for the un-
usual liberality manifested in the payment of taxes for
the poorer portion of their party. We know that their
fears are roused. Office and patronage, they feel, is
slipping from their grasp ; and if the conservatives of
Liverpool do their duty at the election which is at hand,
we shall be able to play at the game of " change seats
—the king 's coming."

And we do trust that the conservative electors will
be active and persevering at this crisis. We need
scarcely doubt that during the ensuing year, which
may be the last of Whig supremacy in the council, no
means will be left untried to appease or to purchase the
wavering friends of the faction. The funds of the
town will be freely lavished, and jobs and the other
dirty expedients by which whiggery thrives, will be
eagerly resorted to by the occupants of place with a view
to gaining popularity. But if the conservatives work
hard, we have no fear of the ultimate result. Whig-
radical supremacy in Liverpool is at the last gasp ; and
one bold and sustained attack from its loyal conserva-
tive opponents will prostrate and trample in the dust
its blatant and unsightly form.

We offered a few remarks in our last on the policy
of assimilating the duties on Honduras mahogany and
African teak. The subject is one of the greatest im-
portance in a commercial point of view, and we are
glad to find that most of our contemporaries agree in
recommending the alteration for which Mr. Chaloner
has memorialised the government.

One of the strongest arguments in support of the
proposed alteration is, that both Honduras and Sierra
Leone stand in the same relation in reference to this
country. The arguments in favour of protection to our
colonial products do not, therefore, apply in the pre-
sent case. There is no solid reason for imposing a dis-
criminating scale of duties on the woods of the two
provinces which we have named. They ought to be
placed on the same footing.
There is another reason, not yet glanced at, which
renders it advisable to reduce the duties on Honduras
mahogany. We mean the advantage which this line •
of policy would give to the cabinet-maker of this coun-
try in competing with the continental exporters. Owing
to the present high scale of duties, the cabinet-makers
of Hamburg, and of other towns on the continent, have
obtained a complete monopoly of the foreign market'
Nay, even in this country, the foreign cabinet-maker
is enabled, owing to the low duty which he has to pay
on mahogany, to undersell the English tradesman.
Tho principle of protection to our native manufactures,
which is perfectly identical with the principle of the
corn laws, demands that the British artisans should L'e
placed on an equality with the same class of tradesit
abroad. At all events, we should do away With the
strange anomaly of permitting the introduction of fo-
reign furniture at a smaller rate of duty, in proportion,
than that which is imposed on the log or curl in Its.
uncut form.

The decision of the revising barristers yesterday has
dealt a sad blow at the pretensions of Sir Joshua
Walmsley and the power of his friends of the Protector
Society. The flimsy and absurd pretence that the
money advanced to some twelve hundred Papists, for
the purpose of paying the rates upon their various cel-
lars, cottages, or piggeries, is to be viewed as an or-
dinary loan or even as a gift, or the supposition that
a payment of rates with money so advanced is a par
mant by the claimant himself, the revising barristers
have very properly scouted as opposed to the plain
letter and spirit of the reform act. The rate-paying
clauses of that act are obviously intended to impose a
test of respectability upon the voters : and by the paY'
ment of rates is meant a payment with money bona fitl
the property of the occupier—for to view it in anY
other light would be to suppose that the legislature
had instituted the test of rate-paying in order that
wholesale and indiscriminate bribery might be parctisca
with impunity in every large borough throughout the
kingdom. Could such a doctrine be for a moment
seriously held by any legal tribunal, we must at once'
in effect, return to the old rotten system; every borougb,
in Great Britain would have its price, and the virtual
rate-payers of every place returning members to pat'
liament would be the candidates themselves.
So far, however, as our parliamentary borough ie
concerned, we venture to predict that the practice °'
paying rates—a practice in itself so fraudulent, so de'
basing to the constituency, and, withal, so costly to
the party using it—will not again be ventured upon'
at the instance of the very indifferent lawyers who see°
to be the advisers of the whig radical party in Liver'
pool. But, with respect to our municipal elections,
it unfortunately happens that the tribunal appointed t°
revise the register is not a legal tribunal of the sauce
description as the revising court under the reform hill;
and we cordially agree with his worship the Mayor, in
his observations of Thursday last, that " a legislativ,e,
measure must be applied to remedy the grievance
which the municipal constituency of Liverpool have
sustained from the inconclusive proceedings of the last
i
fifteen days' sitting of his worship and his two learned
colleagues. It is now quite apparent that the decision
of that court, upon this same question of paying rates'
was in the teeth both of law and precedent; and the
strong probability is, that, even had it succeeded in
completing the revision and making a new register'
that register must have been set aside by the courts
above as illegal and utterly worthless.

A FINE NEW VESSEL.—There is now in the building
yard of Messrs. Hazelden, Pearson, and Troughton, 1100.4`
side the Queen's Dock Basin, a beautiful new ship, of ie"
She
superior construction, intended for the China trade. , int
admeasures 396 tons, new measurement, and was built '`.6
Captain Arthur James Cookson, formerly captain of tlf.
Jutnna, of this port, and who will command her hitzise, $
She is to be called the " Meg o' Meldon,"—the name o'd
celebrated witch or sorceress, in, we believe, the reign 0-f
the second Charles. Her materials are,: in every respect,
the very best quality, and they are put together in a malai"sg
combining modern scientific improvement, with the utolta
fidelity of workmanship! Her frame is of well-seasoll:,
English oak, and her planks of English and African Oh'
and the lower streaks of elm. Her beams (also of choice PI,
lish oak) are secured by Dixon's patent fastenings, an adnire
rable invention, in which great strength and neatness eu,
united. Her ceiling under the main deck is of English OE
equal to her sides : that between decks is of Honduras litts
hogany between the clamps fore and aft, and is left of
natural colour, to be varnished or oiled according to vo,
The clamps being painted relieve the mahogany, which he:re
very rich appearance. The general fastenings of the shlt ere
as strong as wood, iron, and copper can make them. if„t,
are hanging and diagonal iron knees fore and aft ; iron Pt
ers across the bow, and also abaft, besides a crutch and ',„'"‘
transome knees, to secure the canting timber; iron lodg+f,
knees under the upper deck, &c. The bolts in her botit!,Pis,'
and those in her sides, (the former of copper), are unustleis
nurnerouq, and secured through ; and through the timber*.4
the butts are thorough bolted. There are air chambers 81,,
the ceiling below the main deck, as well as in the ceiling `1"0
tween decks. The combings of the hatches, and also thor
of the companion-way and cabin deck-lights, are of fey
hogany. In point of model, the " Meg o' Meldon
clean abaft, has a fine bow, a straight floor of nearly tt5,.,4
feet in length, and abundance of beam,—so that she will,(
a large cargo, and will, no doubt, " sail like a wilds, 0,
which she bears a handsome figure-head. No pains or t,
pense, pense, indeed, have been spared to render this ship Perla by
as a specimen of naval architecture, and she is admitted ft.
all to be one of the handsomest vessels ever built at thiorot
She is ready for launching, but, as the next springs Vi
first
be be high, it is probably she will not be launched until the '
high tides of next month.
The Queen Dowager has sent a liberal donation togais
building a church at Matlock, there being no place of Ow
worship at that delightful watering place.

ex;
the
fal
lec

Chi
Br
loi
by

ro
na

THE DIRTY TRICKS OF THE SOCIALISTS

EXPOSED.

A meeting was held in the Amphitheatre on the evening of
Friday last, for the purpose of affording an opportunity to
Mr. Brindley, the indefatigable opponent of Socialism, to
expose the falsehoods and calumnies which the members of
that system in this town had circulated concerning him. The
falsehoods, in substance, were that Mr. Brindley, after his
lectures, had ingloriously retreated from the field, alarmed at
some pretended array of talent to be brought against him.
The following report, which is longer than we originally in-
tended, will amuse those who feel interested in the contro-
versy between Christians and Socialists, but it will fail in
giving an adequate idea, of the pretensions and the cowardice
of the Liverpool disciples of Robert Owen.

The Rev. FIELDING OULD was called to the chair. In
addressing the meeting the rev. gentleman said, that the
majority of them might perhaps be aware that an alleged
correspondence between Mr. Brindley and the Socialist
community of this town had been in circulation for a few
days past, in which an attempt was evidently made to
insinuate that the Socialists had called Mr. Brindley
out into a discussion upon the principles of Socialism,
but that be had shrunk from the discussion. Mr. Brind-
ley, however, was present to-night, having come from
London for the purpose, to demonstrate that whether the
Socialists could or could not help such conduct, they were
in this instance entirely in error, to use the mildest expression
that occurred to him. Mr. Brindley would submit the
whole correspondence. He would state the dates of his
own letters, and the date of the letters he bad received from
the Socialist body, which would shew that from the first he
bad been anxious to bring them to discussion—that he had
made every reasonable concession to their claims in order to
accomplish this object—and he was upon the platform this
night once more to repeat the challenge, and prepared to
concede to almost any terms the Socialists might name, in
order that they might not have it in their power to say to the
public that he had shewn any unwillingness to meet them.
(Great applause.) He (the chairman) had, therefore, to re-
quest from the individuals present a patient hearing for Mr.
Brindley whilst he made these statements ; and if there were
any member of the Socialist body present, he invited that
man to come on the platform, and deny, if he could, any of
Mr. Brindley's allegations, whether in reference to this cor-
respondence or to the Socialist controversy generally.
(Cheers.) He (the chairman) would himself guaranteedthat
any individual so coming forward should have a full and a
fair hearing ; and so far as he could protect him, he should
not be interrupted whilst making his statements. (Loud
cheers.) The rev. gentleman concluded by calling upon Mr.
Brindley.
Mr. BRINDLEY then came forward, and was received with
loud cheering from all parts of the house; He commenced
by saying, that he had felt it necessary to call the meeting
at very short notice for the purpose of exposing to the public
of Liverpool the lying practises of the Socialists. He had
not expected that such notice would have been required from
him, for when he arrived here yesterday afternoon [Thursday]
from London, he fully anticipated work for him as last night.
He had come, as he then understood, for the purpose of meet-
ing Mr. Hollick in discussion upon the evenings of Thursday
and Friday ; but, on his arrival, he found that the Socialists
avoided meeting him, for they raised two objections which
seemed insuperable, unless he (Mr. Brindley) sacrificed the
cause of public truth and justice. But he should take the
opinion of the meeting, and if they decided he should accept
the challenge in the form put by the Socialists, then, at once,
as the humble servant of the meeting, he could make the best
of a bad job, and make the most of the advocacy of truth even
with the two paltry modes of evidence the Socialists placed
within his reach. (Cheers.) He thought this the most clear,.
straightforward, and manly course. The Socialists having
put forward a pretended correspondence between the two com-
mittees as soon as they knew he had left Liverpool—which
correspondence he should to-night prove to be a scandalously
fraudulent fabrication—he thought it only just to himself and
to the meeting, that they and he should be set right upon
this matter; and that if the Socialists and himself did appear
before the public as disputants, he .(Mr. Brindley) should
not come before them with the prejudice against him that he
had shrunk from discussion, or that the Socialists had been
unable to obtain any reply to their letters " calling him out,"
as they said. (Cheers.) He bad, first of all, to make good
the placard which be had issued to-day headed—" More Ly-
ing and Fraud." (Hear.) Here was the " Correspondence
between the Universal Community Society of Rational Re-
ligionists and the Reverend John Brindley." He supposed
they meant himself, although he was not " the Reverend John
Brindley ;" that was a title they had gratuitously given him
as a reward, he supposed, after all the blackguardism he had
received from them. (Hear, hear.) At the end of this cor-
respondence came these words—
" And to this letter we have had no reply."
This referred to a letter written by Mr. Westwick, dated
Oct. 7th. This correspondence was issued on Saturday last,
the 10th instant. Now he should prove that not only bad
the Socialists a reply to that letter but that, moreover, he
had himself received from them a long letter in reply to that
reply upon the 9th instant, the day previously to the publi-
cation of this alleged correspondence. If that were the case
the meeting would see that he had at once proved the So-
cialists guilty of a most shameless lie. Here was his reply,
dated the 7th, to theirs of the 7th, to which, on the 10th,
they said they had had NO REPLY.
38, Church-street, ,Oct. 7, 1840.
Sir,—My committee will be prepared to enter upon the
necessary arrangements with the Socialist committee for a
public discussion, &c., tee., as soon as the protestant meet-
ing, which now occupies the attention of many of them has
been held. To avoid any unpleasant personal collision, it is
deemed advisable that the arrangements should be entered
into by written communications. My committee will sit for
that purpose at noon on Friday next. The challenge given
bY me runs thus :-
1. That I prove Socialism to be an absurd, an immoral, an
atheistical, and a swindling system-.
2. That I refer to no books as authorities but those of the
:ffis,,_cers of the Socialist body; and appeal to no persons as
evidence but those who have been sufferers by the commu-
nity frau_,
3. in, u•
half hsn's,,at each disputant shall have equal time of alternate
4• ih"art,--usay, for four hours, on two successive evenings.
discussion.
Hollick have the choice of commencing the
5. That each disputant choose his own chairman—the
Moderator, whose decision shall be final, to be chosen by the
meeting.
6. That the surplus receipts, after paying the necessary
expenses, not including the personal expenses of the disput-
ants, be paid over to the charities of the town, as the meeting
may decide.
7. Admission as at Mr. Brindley's lectures—the moderator
to be treasurer, and one from each party at the doors.
I remain, sir, yours obediently,
JOHN BRINDLEY.
So that the meeting would perceive he did not abate one jot
of the original charge against the Social system. (Hear.)
Here, in. the next place, was John Finch's answer to that let-
ter, dated the Bth inst., and received on the 9th, the day before
their publication of the correspondence. On this letter he
charged them to-night with being palpable, cool falsifiers, and
he called upon them in the face of British justice, to acquit
themselves of the charge. (Cheers.) If lie had gentlemen
to deal with, men of common courtesy or common decency,
he should wish to conduct himself towards them as a gen-
tleman and as a man ; but if he had, as on this occasion,
other characters to deal with, he must use equally plain terms
towards them—he must be equally plain and equally straight-
forward. (Cheers.) Here then was John Finch's letter.
" Liverpool, Bth October, 1840.
" Mr. Brindley,—Sir,—We have received your letter of
the 7th, with your propositions for a discussion at four o'clock
this afternoon, and they are of so vague and indefinite a cha-
racter that we cannot accede to them altogether as they are,
for the following reasons :
" Your first proposition is—' That you prove Socialism to
be an absurd, an immoral, an atheistical, and a swindling
system.' We are quite willing that you should try to prove
ad this, and ten times more, if you are able."
why, that was all he (Mr. Brindley) had undertaken to do.
But mark here was a piece of great cleverness and of exceed-
ing sophistry—
" 2nd proposition.—' That you refer to no books as autho-
rities but those of the OFFICERS of the Socialist body. To
this we cannot agree, because if you were to undertake a con-
troversy with Roman Catholics, you would not allow them to
refer to all the writings of every person who has held any
Office in any Protestant society as an authority for the prin-
ciples of Protestantism' you would not allow them even to
take your litur and homilies for infallible authority, but
haply would say that the Bible only is your standard,' or
they might refer to the writings of the founders of your
religion--Luther, who advocated polygamy and other vices ;
or to Henry the Eighth, who first wrote a book in proof of
the truth of popery, and then changed his religion because
the Pope would not allow him to depose and murder his
wives. For the same reason we cannot allow you to use as
authorities in this discussion every book that may happen to
have been written by any officer of any of our societies."
Certainly not, and he never wanted them to submit to the
writings of any person who had ever held office in any Social-
ist society, but he wanted to hold them to Me officers of the
society. But see the art and subtlety used in creeping out of
the thing. Then John Finch went on to say—
" We shall discuss the subject from the book of Dutura-
tion of Principles, published by order of our Coneress, and
from the book of the Constitution and Laws of the Universal
Community Society of Rational Religionists, published by
the same authority, and from them only."
Here John Finch declared that the Socialists would discuss
the whole question with him (Mr. Brindley), with no other
than two tracts, both of which tracts, as the meeting should
see, had only been brought into existence, the one last year
and the other this year. (Hear, bear.) The Socialists had
been regularly organised as a society for many years ; they
had held five annual parliaments, yet now they wanted to
bind him to two apologies for the it principles, and to drive
him off from the principles by which they had been held
together as a society for five successive annual congress meet-
ings. (Hear, hear.) This was a pretty way of getting out
of the scrape. (Cheers.) Then John Finch went on—
" If you sincerely wish to discuss the real principles of the
Socialists, you will be satisfied with this."
He (Mr. Brindley) should not be satisfied with this, nor
would the meeting. He should think that if they wanted to
know what the Socialist principles were, they would require
the Socialists to accept as fair evidence all documents that,
as officers of the society, they had put out ; but of all other
books, surely they should accept as evidence the books of
Robert Owen, their founder, particularly The New Moral
World, and their weekly newspaper. (Hear, hear.) If
they would have nothing more to do with The New Moral
World, or any of the books of Robert Owen whatever, then
he (Mr. Brindley) stood in the enviable position of having
entirely driven them from all the standards they had pub-
lished by authority during the last six or eight years. (Hear,
hear.) By these letters, then, was proved the lying of the
Socialists, who stated they had received no such letters.
Now for their fraud. This was a very ticklish point. They
did not like the mention of it, it was so very vulgar. As to
this part of the proposition, John Finch said—
" Then as to the other part of your second proposition, you
▪ You shall appeal to no person in evidence but those
Who have been sufferers by the community fraud.' In reply,
that persons who have gone to community, may, at present,
have been losers by it, is very possible"—
He did not deny the fact, but extenuated it. He said—
" It has cost me a considerable sum, but that is nothing
to the purpose."
He (Mr. Brindley) ought to have ad John Finch in the evi-
;lence box, to prove the fraud, because he had been a loser
by it.
" It has cost me a considerable sum, [` The more fool you,'
(laughter,)] but that is nothing to the purpose."
de
(Mr. Brindley) thought it was to the purpose. If he had
sd his all, and dragged his wife and five little ones into
eninenunity, and there been robbed, he should have thought
that something to the purpose. But although John Finch
Was not fool enough to take all he had with him to commu-
itY, still " it had cost him a considerable sum,"
I according
tl
.0 his own testimony. But the majority of those who went
`() community sacrificed all they had ; they were defrauded
,
of it, and had then no such home to return to, when
they
found it out, as John Finch. And now, since numbers
had. confirmed his (Mr. Brindley's) statements, the New
Moral World refused to publish the letters of those who
had been defrauded by the community system. This proved
'nem to be a set of knaves. (Hear.) Now, said John Finch—
" You have to prove that the association is formed for
fraudulent purposes, and is fraudulently using its funds,
v, whichll we defy you or any other man to prove."
did they not come forward and let him prove it? He
i;_at, now prepared, and had long been, to prove that they
~,s1 and did, fraudulently use the funds they obtained, and
'at they obtained those funds by fraudulent pretences.

(Hear.) It was no use sending him these flimsy things, tell-
ing him to do it : he was here to-night to prove it. (Loud
cheers.) John Finch then went on to repeat the whole
of the propositions agreed to. Did not the meeting think
that he (Mr. Brindley) had now proved the lie against
the Socialists? (Cheers.) Here was his letter replying to
theirs of the 7th, and here was John Finch's reply to that,
dated the Bth, but not received till the 9th ; yet in the corre-
spondence published on the 10th they said they had no answer
to theirs of the 7th ! Here however was the reply sent two
days before the publication of the lie ! (Cheers.) Had they
not then in this tract published a wilful and premeditated
falsehood, and circulated it about the town ? (Hear, hear,
and loud cheers.) Now came the question, why bad they done
this ? He would tell the meeting their motives. Said Mr.
John Finch—

" The public will thus see we have done all we could to
bring Mr. Brindley fairly out, and that he has declined to
come forward."
To be sure : that was the reason he was there to-night.
(Cheers.)
" We again repeat that the statements he has made, are
most gross, and WILFUL FALSEHOODS, and that the man is
only a HIRED CALUMNIATOR of those whom he dare not
meet on fair and equal terms."
They forgot to name the gentlemen who bad hired him to
calumniate them : they forgot to name in what he had calum-
niated them—two little items of no great consequence cer-
tainly—but proof did not belong to their " organisations."
(Loud cheers.) But here was the whole secret in two lines—
" On next Sunday evening, at half past six, at the Hall of
Science, Lord Nelson-street, an exposure will take place of
the lying calumnies which this man has heaped upon the So-
cialists. The public are invited to attend, and to come early,
as many were obliged to go away last Sunday for want of
room.—By order of the council board,
" WM. WESTWICR, Secretary."
Mark, the whole of the society were implicated in this.
(Hear, hear.) The secret was this—" if we cannot meet
Mr. Brindley we can make something out of him by lying,
because we know he is lecturing in Chester on Saturday
night, and at Sheffield on Monday, so he is out of the way,
and we shall get plenty of twopences by him which is all we
want." (Loud cheers.) The plain fact was that these So-
cialist gentry published this fraudulent correspondence in
order to get a crowded meeting, and the pence of the people
by fraudulent pretences. They got the meeting together
under the fraudulent pretence of exposing his (Mr. Brindley's)
cowardice, knowing well at the same time, they had in the
building his reply to theirs of the 7th, undertaking to ;meet
them in public discussion. (Hear, hear.) Their statement
therefore was not only wilfully false but it was fraudulent, in-
asmuch as they had omitted to publish two portions of the
correspondence which were essential parts of it—because
whilst they pretended to publish the whole, they absolutely
omitted the two most important communications—(Hear)—
and one other which was a reply to his letter to Mr. West.
wick, dated October 1. As soon as he reached town, he had
the first letter placed in his hands, containing a resolution
passed by the Socialists, that it was their intention to enter
into a discussion with him, but before he received that, his
own challenge was upon the walls, calling upon them to meet
him. (Hear, hear.) They did not accept his challenge,
saying Mr. Hollick or Mr. anybody else should meet him
upon such and such principles, but they merely gave notice
that they would discuss. He sent them in three propositions
—one that they should meet him each night, having an hour
for discussion after his lecture, then that they 'should have
equal time for discussion, and the third that he should
finish his lectures and afterwards go into discussion. What
was the reply of Mr. Westwick—

" Oct. Ist, 1840.
" Stn,—l greatly regret that I cannot answer yours defi-
nitely, but our council board will meet to-night, and I will
forward their decision to you early in the morning. I think
it more than probable we shall accept the 3rd.
" Yours obediently, " WM. WESTWICK.."
He (Mr. Brindley) wrote another letter. Instead of sending
an answer on the Saturday morning, which Mr. Westwick
was pledged to do, from the council board, they posted bills
on the walls, saying that all the terms of discussion were in
the hands of Mr. Brindley ! (Hear.) Now here was a de-
liberate lie. He had received no terms, but he had himself
sent them terms which they had not replied to. He sent
them a second letter, to know the meaning of the placard
upon the walls ; and what was the answer ? Mr. Westwick
" had not time to attend to it "—and that a mere verbal
message. Why had not Mr. Westwick inserted the above
letter, in the correspondence published by the Socialists ?
Why bad they not dared to publish his (Mr. Brindley s) se-
cond letter, and Mr. Westwick's important reply, that they
had not time to attend to it? (Hear, hear.) This being
the case, he called upon the Socialists this night to clear
themselves in the eyes of the public of these charges ; if they
did not, they stood convicted of wilful falsehood by the very
publications issued by authority of the central board, and
signed by their own secretary. (Cheers.) Here, then, was
tithe first part of the charge he brought against them, and
which he brought upon the authority of their own printed
documents and their own letters.
A PERSON on the platform asked whether it would not be
right to send a deputation to the " Hall of Science," in
Lord Nelson-street, informing the Socialists that Mr. Brind-
ley was waiting to meet them ?
Mr. BRINDLEY was afraid, if a deputation was sent, the
Socialists would find themselves too busy to come. He had
no objection, however, to a deputation being sent.
The same PERSON observed that the notice of the present
meeting._had been very short.
Mr. BRINDLEY.—Oh, but he had a letter to read from
John Finch, which shewed that he knew all about it. He
should himself have proposed that a deputation be sent, but
the fact was that the Socialists dared not, and they did
not mean, to conic. If any of them were present, let them
come upon the platform like men ; he (Mr. Brindley) would
not run away (loud cheers), and the meeting would notice
throughout the whole of the correspondence the fairness of
his offers. (Hear, hear.) He had now to read a letter that
he had sent to the Socialists, in reply to John Finch's reply,
which he had just read. He sent this letter from Birming-
ham, and it was sent to Mr. John Finch on Monday. It
began—

" Liverpool, 38, Church-street, 12th Oct.
" At a meeting of Mr. Brindley's Committee, held at 38,
Church-street, this morning—present, Mr. J. Rigby (in the
chair), Rev. F. Ould, Rev. P. Brown, Rev. G. Mansfield,
Rev. B. A. Marshall, Rev. J. R. Connor, Capt. Creighton—
" It was resolved, That the propositions of the Socialist
body, in answer to Mr. Brindley's challenge, be answered
thus :

" lst proposition, agreed to as it stands.
" 2nd do. agreed to as it stands.
" 2rd do. agreed to as it stands.
" 4th do. agreed to as it stands.
" sth do. to stand thus :—Each disputant to choose
his own chairman, the moderator to be chosen by the two
chairmen, and in case of their not agreeing as to the choice,
the meeting to decide. _ _

" 6th proposition to stand thus :—Surplus receipts, after
paying the necessary expenses, not including the personal
expenses of the disputants, be paid over to the Infirmary and
the Northern Hospital.

" ith proposition to stand thus :—Admission as at Mr.
Brindley's lecture, Mayor of Liverpool to be treasurer, if he
will comply.
" And, as an Bth proposition, it is proposed, That there
be no tickets, but that the money be taken at the doors by
two money-takers, one to be appointed by each party.
" It is also proposed, That the discussion take place in
the Amphitheatre, on Thursday and Friday evenings next.
There, the meeting would observe he agreed to the proposi-
tions they offered him. (Hear.) There was the whole, and
a plain copy of his answer sent to Mr. John Finch, through
his committee, in which he agreed to all their propositions
rather than let them escape. Although it was absurd to
confine himself to the two little pamphlets which they had
sent him, yet rather than let them escape he had accepted
their own terms. (Hear.) He wanted their "organizations
upon the platform. (Cheers and laughter.)
A PERSON observed that Mr. Brindley had mentioned,
upon a previous occasion, several towns in which Socialism
had declined. Was that the case at Norwich ?
_ Mr. BRINDLEY could name plenty of towns in which
Socialism had become extinct, but he was only concerned now
to see the Socialists shut out of Liverpool. (Hear.) Here,
now, was Mr. Finch's reply, dated the 13th inst., so that the
public would see an incessant correspondence had been kept
up in order to get them out. It was a very lengthy letter
indeed, but here it was—
" We cannot agree for the discussion to take place Wore
next Tuesday evening,
as we shall not have time before then
to make the necessary arrangements. Nor can we agree,
under any consideration, for the choice of moderator, who,
in fact is the only real chairman, to be left to the meeting.'
This man declared here, that the Socialists could not upon
any consideration allow the meeting to choose their own
chairman. What reply could his (Mr. Brindley's) committee
give to that ? His committee had no right to—they dared
not—usurp the authority and power of choosing a chairman ;
and surely if his committee had no right to appoint the
meeting's chairman, the Socialists had no right to do so
either. John Finch here said he would, on no consideration,
allow the meeting to appoint the umpire. Now he (Mr.
Brindley) declared, that this was contrary to all the usage
and rules of public meetings in this country, and it would be
for the meeting to say whether they would give up their
right. If they said they had no objection, and would allow
the Socialists to choose a chairman for them, with all his
heart—he would meet them—(cheers ;)—but until the meet-
ing had acceded to that, neither his nor any other committee
had any right to thrust upon them a chairman chosen with-
out their knowledge or consent. (Cheers.) Here the thing
stood. Upon his arrival in town he found they bad put on this
objection another—as to the proof of the fraudulent inten-
tions and fraudulent practices of the Socialists. How was he
to prove them ? They.would not allow him to go to their
practices, but they insisted upon his establishing the proof
by reading their principles ! (Hear.) How was he to do
that ? How was it possible for any man to prove fraudulent
practices from the reading of principles I He defied any
man to do it. For instance, here was a trades' club. There
was a committee of ten ; and the members charge the com-
mittee with fraudulent practices concerning the funds of the
society. But how can they prove it, for, says the committee,
we will make you prove our fraudulent practises by merely
reading over the rules and regulations of the society !
(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Yet rather than not meet the
Socialists at all, he would at once agree to meet them upon
the two books which they had sent him ; but if they wanted
him to prove their fraudulent practises from reading those
books, and if they insisted on it, the meeting would see the
reason. (Hear, hear.)
A Voicx (in the circle.)—Will Mr. Brindley read the
whole letter ?
Mr. BRlNDLEY.—Certainly. But come upon the plat-
form. (Loud cheers.)
The MAN came on the platform, and in answer to general
cries of " Name, name !" he said, my name is Dodbleday,
and all that I am here to-night for is, to say that, whoever
the Socialists are I care not, and whoever Mr. Brindley is I
care not. All I want to see is, justice done to both parties.
(Hear.)
Mr. BRINDLEY.—That is what we have come here for.
(Cheers.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—If this is the same letter that I have
read before, there is falsehood upon one side or the other.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. BRINDLEY.--Read it all over yourself. (Cheers.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY commenced reading, but having thickly
interspersed it with comments,
Mr. BRINDLEY called upon him to read the whole of the
document before he commented, as he (Mr. Brindley) had
been charged with not wishing to read the whole of it.
The CHAIRMAN called upon Mr. Doubleday to read the
whole.

Mr. POUBLEDAY read as far as the fourth propositiov.,
concerning the appointment of chairmen and umpire, when
he went, on to say, that he should like to have the Rev. Hugh
M'Netle as the umpire at a discussion. He repeated, that
all he wished to see was justice to both parties, as a lie had
been told either by one or the other. Now, Mr. Brindley
had posted the walls of the town, saying that the Socialists
did not dare to meet him, but what did Mr. Finch's letter
say? (Great uproar,)
The CHAIRMAN requested a patient hearing for the
speaker. He had pledged himself to procure a fair hearing
for both sides, and unless he could secure that, he should be
under the necessity of vacating the chair. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I now call upon Mr. Brindley, before
this meeting, to appoint a time, place, and a chairman, and
the Socialists will meet him in discussion. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. BRINDLEY.—That is what I want to bring them to,
but they dare not come. (Cheers.)
Mr. DouBLEDAY.7Do not let Mr. Brindley insult the
two committees by saying it is not their business to appoint
their chairmen. It is their business ; and it is for the chairmen
to appoint an umpire. But I ask Mr. Brindley this—why
has he brought forward a small placard which shows the
genuine honour of some gentlemen ? I will read it. " What
think you of the Socialists now :"

Mr. BRINDLEY.—Begin with the beginning, and read the
whole of it. (Cheers.) . . _

Mr. DOUBLEDAY then read the following—
" MORE LYING AND FRAUD OF THE SOCIALISTS.

" What think you now of the Socialists? They have pre-
tended to publish the correspondence on the subject of a
public discussion, &c., and have actually omitted some of
the most important communications that have passed be-
tween us ; whence their FRAUD. They also declare, in their
publication of the 10th, that no answer was given to theirs of
the 7th ; instead of which my reply, dated the 7th, was sent
in on the morning of the Bth, and a long letter received from
John Finch, in reply, on the 9th, dated the Bth ; yet on the
10th they say there was no answer to theirs of the 7th !!!
Here, then, is their WILFUL LYING. What can we do with
these creatures of circumstances? Dare they meet me on
any terms? " JOHN BRINDLEY."

" Birmingham, October 12, 1840."
What publication on the 10th he begged to ask Mr. Brindley
was here referred to ?

Mr. BRINDLEY.—Why, your publication of the corre-
spondence, to be sure.
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I have seen no publication by us on
the 10th of the correspondence, and I will prove it could not
be so. Now, gentlemen and ladies—l mean ladies and gen-
tlemen,—(great laughter)—on the 7th of October the follow-
ing letter was sent by the Socialists to Mr. Brindley—holding
up the correspondence.
Mr. BRINDLEY.—He said just now that he had not seen
the correspondence. (Cheers.)
'Mr. DOUBLEDAY.---1 said I had not seen any publication
of it by us on the 10th. (Oh, oh.) But here is Mr. West-
wick's letter of the 7th, and see the shuffling of Mr. Brind-
ley. (Hear.) The speaker then read the letter, which stated
that unless an answer was received by " the council" by
nine o'clock, the correspondence would be immediately pub-
lished. Did, he continued, the Socialists receive an answer
that evening ? Where was Mr. Crisp ?

Mr. CRISP.—I am here.
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—Did you hand that letter to;Mr. Brind-
Icy at four o'clock when it was brought to you ?
Mr. CRISP.—No letter was brought to me at four o'clock.
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—Did not Mr. Finch bring to you a
letter at four o'clock on that day ?
Mr. CRISP.—On what day ?_ _ _

Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—On the Sth of October.
Mr. CRISP.--I received no letter from Mr. Finch on that
day, and Mr. Finch did no such thing as send me one. But
I will tell you that he did previously send me a letter so per-
sonally gross and insulting, that I paid no attention to it. I
would pay attention to a letter even from a Socialist, but
such a letter as that which I received, I should put into the
right place—the fire. (Cheers.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—Honesty would make no objections to
answer the question.
Mr. BRINDLEY.—We. will have the letter read now—
(Hear.)
Mr. DOIIBLEDA Y.-I ask you the question when was this
letter delivered ? _

Mr. BRINDLEY.—By what authority do you ask me that?
What letter do you mean?
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—That which will prove you guilty of
falsehood—(uproar)—the letter saying, that unless an answer
was received by nine o'clock the correspondence would be
published. Was an answer sent by nine o'clock ?
Mr. BRINDLEY.—Do you think I must go all over the
country to answer your letters at the exact moment you
please to fix ?
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—Oh, Mr. Brindley, you are catched,
are you ? (Uproar.)
Mr. BRINDLEY.—If you will be decent I will reply to you.
We have here an exceedingly flippant little gentleman, who
says he has catched something ; what has he catched?

Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—A falsehood. (Uproar.)
Mr. BRINDLEY.—Where is it ?

Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—Here I will read the bill again. (The
speaker then read the bill.) When, he asked, was the eon-es-
pondence published ?
Mr. BRINDLEY.—On the 10th—last Saturday.
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I deny it. I had the bill in my own
hands on the night of the Bth October?
Mr. BRINDLEY.—Do you mean to prove that? Where is
the printer?
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I cannot carry the printer upon my
back. (Uproar.)
Mr. BRINDLEY.—No, but we do not choose to take your
impertinent assertions as proved. You are exceedingly
flippant, but you are not to have your " catch" as you call
it, till you have proved it. (Cheers.)
Mr. DOUDLEDAY.—I ask Mr. Brindley did the Socialists
receive an answer to that letter on the 7th of October?

Mr. BRINDLEY.—He has to prove to this meeting that I
have been guilty of falsehood in the printed bill of mine to
day. The proof rests with him. Now, sir, prove (Cheers-
Mr.
Mr. DOUBLEDA Y.—l have proved it. (Cries of no, no.)
Mr. Brindley says this publication of the
thecorrerispnotndence
Brindley sear
wanasswneortaiisastu. edlttiwilatshneultOetnh.theAsltrh.. Lloyd,mr. ,scan
have omitted the letter that came from him ; but how yeotrld
we insert it when lie sent no answer in time to our letter of
the 7th ? (Uproar.)
The CHAIRMAN.—You have given no proof of the publi
cation of the correspondence on the Bth. (Hear and cheers.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I have proved it.
Mr. BRINDLEY.—HOW ?
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—Why I tell you so and that is suffi-
cient. (Great uproar followed this sentence, in the midst of
which the representative of the Socialists retired to the back
of the platform.)
Mr. BRINDLEY then resumed his address amidst loud
cheers. He thought that the Socialists themselves would
acknowledge that the chairman had acted towards them with
more than fairness, because they had no right to expect to be
allowed to interrupt him in the middle of the correspondence.
(Hear, hear.) Yet this person had done so, and why ? Be-
cause, he said, there was a lie on one side or the other, and
he came forward to prove him (Mr. Brindley) the liar. Had
he proved it ? (No, no.) That was the point. He (Mr.
Brindley) had replied to the Socialists' letter of the 7th : he
wrote the letter in Mr. Crisp's presence. He received the
Socialists' letter in the evening of the 7th, and he sent his
reply the next day. John Finch did the same thing. He
wrote his answer on the Bth which he (Mr. Brindley)
did not get till the 9th. What more could be done ? Now
he defied the Socialists to prove that the correspondence was
in circulation before Saturday the 10th. Their agent said
Lloyd, the printer, could prove it, but the fact was there
was not the name of any printer upon it! (Cheers.) They
had, therefore, a little overstepped themselves. This gen-
tleman (Mr. Doubleday) was in the secret; he saw the paper
when it was first concocted, two or three days before it was
issued—which shewed the premeditated character of the
thing, and stamped it ten times worse than it appeared at
first to be. Now, here was what Mr. Doubleday had to do.
He had to prove first, that the paper he had read was not
a fair copy of his reply dated the 7th—and secondly, that the
answer he had read was not the real identical letter of
the Bth, from John Finch, in answer to that reply.—
Till he had done that he had done nothing. He had
made much noise certainly, but he came forward by no
enntemy)ittreeepetaeteedemtheatfnirtwawrads
andt
business authority.
of
d •
a Mr. Anybody to come and dance an pipe before the
prove, if they could, that he had told a falsehood, and not for
theHe Socialist lißstri
swer to the Socialists when he was interrupted by. a drunken
meeting. Mr. Brindley was proceeding to read his final an-
man belonging to that body, who was eventually ejected from
the house by the police. He then alluded to a placard signed
by Finch and posted on the walls, in which he said that not
having received any reply to his letter of Wednesday, he
branded Mr. Brindley as a " lying impostor." Now here,
proceeded Mr. Brindley amidst loud cheers, was this "
impostor,"lying
ready to have a trial, before a very large jury,
upon the question of who the liar was. One of them, either
the Socialists, or himself, bad evidently told a most atrocious
falsehood. The meeting would have to decide which. Now
he proposed that Mr. Doubleday should himself accompany
a deputation once more to Lord Nelson-street—(cheers)—
inviting them to a discussion this very night. Let them
come, said Mr. Brindley, and I will give them £5 for a cha-
rity if they will hold discussion this night. (Immense cheers.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I will go with pleasure. I now want
to ask Mr. Brindley one question. Is he willing to meet the
Socialists upon fair and equal terms in discussion ? If he is,
will he state before this meeting the time and place where he
will meet them. (Oh ! oh !)
Mr. BRINDLEY.—I will meet them to-night ; now ;
(loud cheers)—and if they like, I will meet them again to-
morrow night. (Renewed cheers.) My little friend wanted
to put one question to me, and I allowed him : lie will, in
turn, allow me to put one question to him. It is this :
since you know all the secrets of the Socialists—
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—No, I do not.
Mr. BRINDLEY.—You pretend to do;—will you have the
goodness to go and " catch" John Finch for me to-night.?
(Cheers.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I will catch John Finch for you at the
proper time and place.
Mr. DOUBLYDAY.—If any party, who has the charge of
this theatre, will name the rate at which it is to be let for
two, three, or four nights' discussion—
Mr, BRINDLEY.—Are you in authority to make any pro-
position ?
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—I say I will carry this question to
them, and I will be hound they will answer it.
Mr. CRISP.—I have taken this theatre, and they shall
have it to-morrow night for nothing. (Immense applause.)
Mr. BRINDLEY.—A gentleman has just come forward
most handsomely, and offered the theatre free of charge, if
the Socialists will meet me here to-morrow night. (Cheers.)
Mr. DoUBLEDAY.—Can you say for two nights?
Mr. CRISP.—You may have it to-morrow night butlwe
do not hold discussions upon the Sunday. (Cheers.
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—WiII the proceeds go to the Liverpool
charities?
Mr. BRINDLBY.—Yes. Now go and get your men.
(Cheers.)
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—AII I want to see is a fair and upright
thing.
Mr. BRINDLEY.—WE want it too. Now go and bring
your men. (Cheers.)
Mr Doubleday, onthe part of the Socialists, and Mr Taylor
and other gentlemen, on the part of Mr. Brindley, then left
the theatre as a deputation to the Community Hotel, to re-
quest the leaders of the Socialists to appear and defend them-
selves.

Mr. BRINDLEY then addressed the meeting upon the
scene that had taken place, and upon the general question of
Socialism, clearly demonstrating all that he had described it
to be as absurd, atheistical, immoral, and swindling.
The deputation returned in about half an hour minus
Mr. Doubleday. The following scene then took place, the
effect of which no report can convey an adequate idea.
Mr. CRISP announced that when the deputation arrived
at the Community Hotel, the police were called in and or-
dered to turn them out. (Uproar.)
Mr. TAYLOR then came forward and said—When we
went in neither Mr. Hollick nor Mr. Finch were there. I
then spoke to Mr. Westwick, telling him that Mr. Double-
day had guaranteed to this meeting that either Mr. Finch or
Mr. Hollick or both of them should come down here this
evening or to-morrow night, or both, and meet Mr. Brind-
ley in discussion. He said they were not there ; and as we
were coming out of the door they brought in some policemen
to turn us out. I saw Mr. Finch come in, and I said to him,
" Do you intend coming down to meet Mr. Brindley to-
night or to-morrow night, or both ?" He said, " No I will
not go down among such a set of blackguards." I then
wished him good evening.
Mr. BRINDLEY then addressed the meeting upon this state
of things, when Mr. Doubleday suddenly made his appear-
ancce on the platform between some of the gentlemen of
the deputation. Now, Doubleday, said Mr. Brindley, I
will repeat in your presence the message handed in to us by
the deputation.
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—Who are they ?
Mr. BRINDLEY.—Mr Crisp, Mr Taylor, and others. They
state that when they entered this coffee house in Lord Nelson-
street, Mr. Westwick denied that Mr. Finch or Mr. Hollick
were there, and that the police were sent for to turn them
out—
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.—There was such a crowd about that
the police came in—
Mr. BRINDLEY.—Do you mean to say that the Socialists
dfd not send for them ?
Mr. DOUBLEDAY.---1 cannot say.
Mr. TAyLon.—Westwick himself gave the police orders to
take us into custody. (Hear, hear.) When we got there
Finch and Hollick were out. We met Finch just coming out
of the hall into the house. We told him the meeting was
waiting for him. He said, " We will not come ; no one here
(pointing to a round table where some of the community sat)
shall meet such blackguards." This gentleman (Doubleday)
was present, and he wanted to get away, saying he himself
knew they never meant to come. (Laughter.)
The CHAIRMAN then interposed, observing that Doubleday
was only trifling with the meeting and with Mr. Brindley,
and that he advised him quietly to retire. Doubleday took
the hint, and made his exit in the manner that beaten dogs
perform such an operation.
Mr. BRINDLEY then resumed his address, in the course

of which he observed, that it was now dearly placed upon
record, that Mr. Finch and the Socialist body generally
would not meet him, because they considered the people of
Liverpool a set of blackguards. He (Mr. Brindley) now
left this final challenge to the Socialists of Liverpool—upon
one week's clear notice, he would, within the next three
months, come from any part of the kingdom, to meet in
public discussion, any accredited agent of Socialism in the
town of Liverpool upon their own recognised books, and that
he would leave in the hands of his committee a guarantee of
£2O for his presence at the appointed time and place, and
that they should also give a similar guarantee in £2O, the
proceeds to be given to the public charities of the town.
(Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then took the sense of the meeting upon
the question, whether Mr. Brindley had not clearly and dis-
tinctly proved Socialism to be an absurd, immoral, atheisti-
cal, and swindling system. All hands were held up in favour
of this. Next, whether Mr. Brindley had not shewn every
possible disposition, and made every possible effort during the
last fortnight to bring the Socialists to an open, fair, and free
discussion with him. This was also carried unanimously.
Next; whether the meeting was not of opinion that, notwith-
standing the correspondence which had taken place, the So-
cialists had really never from the commencement had the
slightest intention of meeting Mr. Brindley in discussion.
This was likewise unanimously adopted. The last proposi-
tion was whether the meeting should separate without shew-
ing its sense of disgust at the insolent and disrespectful mes-
sage sent to them through the deputation by Mr. John Finch.
This was also adopted, the meeting exhibiting obvious signs
of their execration of the Socialist creature. The Rev. Chair-
man then said that the controversy now stood in this position
—that either the Socialists were afraid, or did not think it ex-
pedient to meet Mr. Brindley. (Hear.) The meeting, he was
sure, did not wish to separate without passing by acclama-
tion a vote of thanks to Mr. Brindley, for his able, eloquent,
and satisfactory exposures of this fearful system, not only in
this, but in 300 towns in England. (Loud cheers, in the
midst of which the thanks of the meeting were tendered to
Mr. Brindley.
Mr. BRINDLEY.-I cannot do more than tell you that I
indeed feel exceedingly delighted with the kindness and sym-
pathy you have expressed towards me; and depend upon it,
so long as God blesses me with health and strength, and
with the humble talents which he has given me, to defend
the cause of truth against errors and abominations of every
kind, you shall never call upon John Brindley in vain to
stand up in this good—this righteous cause. (Loud cheers.)
The meeting then separated.