The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-11 00:00:00

By Messrs. T. WINSTANLEY and SONS,

On SATURDAY, the 19th inst., at One o'clock in the after-
noon, at the Clarendon-rooms, South John-street, Liver-
pool, subject to conditions of sale to be then produced,—
by order of the Devisees in Trust,

Lot 1. ALL that Piece or Parcel oi LAND or GROUND,
situate on the north-east side of Seel-street, in
Liverpool, bounded on the north-west by Ground now or
late belonging to Messrs. Thomas and William Unsworth,
on the south-east by Premises now or late belonging to Mr.
Chadwick, and on the north-east by Premises fronting Fleet-
street, containing in front to Seel-street and on the north-
east side severally 121 feet 2 inches, and running in depth
on the north-west side 81 feet 9 inches, exclusive of an area
of 3 feet wide, to the front of Seel-street, and on the south-
east side 80 feet, exclusive of the said area, together with the
WAREHOUSES, OFFICES, COOPERAGE, SHEDS,
and other Buildings thereon erected. Part of the Premises
are in the occupation of Messrs. William and Thomas Mad-
dock, Coopers ; and the other part in the occupation of
Messrs. Holmes and Grundy, Paint Manufacturers.
The Tenure of the above .Propert, is Leasehold under the
Corporation of Liverpool for one Life, aged about 55, and
21 years.

The present Rental is £285 per annum; but by a further
outlay the Warehouse in the occupation of Messrs. Holmes
and Grundy, which is now only two stories high, could be
raised upon, as was the original intention of the late propri-
etor.

One-half of the Purchase-money of this Property may re-
main on mortgage thereof.

2. All that Piece or Parcel of LAND, situate in Poulton-
cum-Seacombe, in the county of Chester, and near to the
Seacombe Ferry, containing in front to the River Mersey
and at the back of the said Plot of Land severally 22 yards,
1 foot, and 6 inches, or thereabouts, and in rear or depth
backwards on the east and west sides severally 110 yards,
bounded on the east by the River Mersey, on the west by a
street 6 yards wide, on the north by Land and Premises now
or late belonging to Mr. Bragge, and on the south by Land
and Premises now or late belonging to Messrs. Johnson and
Hitchman ; together with the DWELLING-HOUSE,
STABLE, COACH-HOUSE, and various other Outbuild-
ings thereon erected ; and the GARDEN and PLEASURE
GROUND thereto adjoining and belonging; which said
Premises were formerly in the occupation of the late Mr.
John Beard, deceased, the Owner thereof.
The Tenure of this Lot is Freehold of Inheritance. There
is a well of good Water on the Premises, and the Garden
and Pleasure Grounds are well stocked with Trees. Two-
thirds of the Purchase-money of this Property may remain
on mortgage thereof.

For further particulars apply to Mr. GEo. B. LIGHTFOOT,
India-buildings, Water-street ; or to Mr. E. G. DIANE,
Solicitor, No. 24, North John-street, Liverpool.

WY SPECIAL APPOINTMENT TO HER MAJESTY AND ALL
THE ROYAL FAMILY.
SCHWEPPE'S SODA AND POTASSAVATERS,

AND
.RA.TED LEMONADE
MHE continued preference of the Pu lc for the above
11 celebrated preparations (notwithst ding the low price
at which imitations are rendered), abundantly proves
their superior quality, that it only re wins for the manufac-
turers to express their acknowledgments, and to caution
consumers against an imposition frequently practised by un-
principled persons filling SCHWEPPE'S bottles with a
spurious composition, and passing it off as SCHWEPPE'S
manufacture. None are genuine without a label represent-
ing the name of their firm. •
SCHWEPPE'S LIQUID MAGNESIA.
This elegant solution is produced by the aid of their power-
ful machinery skilfully directed, and consists of the purest
distilled water, and the best carbonate of magnesia. This
invaluable alkali in the fluid form is so rapidly superseding
its use in the solid state for cases of Gout, Gravel, Diseases
of Children, Sea Sickness, &c., avoiding, as it does, the in-
jurious tendency of the latter to lodge and accumulate in the
bowels, that the Public attention cannot be too often directed
to the source where they may obtain the preparation in the
highest state of perfection. Manufactured at 51, Berners'.
street, London ;
and sold, wholesale, at their branch manu-
factories in Liverpool, Bristol, and Derby, and at the Lon-
don Patent Medicine Houses.
Export orders manufactured especially for Warm Climates.
Importers of GERMAN SELTZER WATER, in Quarts
and Pints.
The following are their AGENTS for LIVERPOOL and
Neighbourhood :
CASTLE-STREET.
T. Nixon, jun.,
J. Deane,
R. Lathbury.
LORD-STREET.
J. Priestley,
Evans, Sons, and Co.
CHURCU-STREET.
J. H. and S. Johnson,
Thos. Thompson and Son,
Wm. Rawle.
PARKER-STREET.
Mann and Crosthwaite,
Wm. Lloyd,
J. Hiles.
BOLD-STREET.
J. Woodville,
Henry Swift,
R. Clay.
RANELAGH-STREZT.
Wm. Procter.
BERRY-STREET.
Wm. Jones.
PITT-STREET.
G. Wood.
ST. JAMES'S-STREET-
G. Aspinall,
G. Webster.
GREAT GEORCIII-PLACI•
Wm. Wagstaff,
E. Pearson.
G$ AT GEOREB-STRITT.
M. Redhead.
UPPER PARLIAMENT-STREET
F. B. Sykes.
MILL-STREET
G. Bolderston.
PARK-ROAD.
J. M. Syers.
DALE-STREET
G. 11. Sowell

OLDDALL-STREET.
James Gertard.
OLD HAYMARIZT
E. Bradford.
QUEEN-SQUARE.
D. Scholefield.

LONDON-ROAD.
James Owen,
S. Ball,
J. Evans,
E. Tiernan.
PRESCOTT-STRELT.
H. Hulme.
WILLIAM HENRY-STREET,

SOHO-MEE
WWI. W. King. T.
ERSKINE-STREET.
S. Maskery.
BRUN3IVICE-E0
James Fergie. AD

EVERTON.
R. Tiernan.
WEST DERBT-STREE7
Joseph Ball.
RELOWNLOW .111 U.
R. Price,
James Pendlebury.
RUSSELL-ST*IE7.
C. W. Shaw.
OIFORD-1171.11E7.
E. Bradford,
T. Titherington.
SE *COME
G. Dare.

DIRICENBIZAD
John Eastwood,
W. Higgins.

WOODSIDE.
R. Smith.
'w ATIIIRjAO
G. Wainwrisfit.

er,===zzium=lsl=ENEM

Ziberpoot Ciertion.

TO THE ELECTORS OF LIVERPOOL

GENTLEMEN,
rr HE declarations of her Majesty's Ministers have now
.1- placed it beyond a doubt, that a Dissolution of Parlia-
ment is close at hand. On n 3 other ground, indeed, do they
defend their present retention of office, than that the sense
of the people is with them, though that of their Representa-
tives is not, and that to that sense they are entitld-to ap-
peo.. - - - - -

Whether the experience of defeat after defe tin Election
after Election, in County, Town, and B. ongh, warrants
them in pretending to such an expect.tio., seems more than
doubtful ; but there can be no do
.1. , that men, having a
proper sense of their responsibility, as Ministers of the
Crown, for the peace and good government of the country,
would never, in the hope of recovering a popularity which
their general principles and general administration had for-
feited, have left questions so complicated and so exciting as
the Poor Laws and the Corn Laws, to be discussed and de-
cided, as best they might, under the fever of a general elec-
tion.

For my part, I am ready for the appeal, not resting my
claim upon your confidence, like her Majesty's Ministers, on
one point, but on the discharge of my whole stewardship to
my constituents and my country.

With regard to the- new POOR-LAW, IT IS NOT
FITTED for the MANUFACTURING AND COMMER-
CIAL DISTRICTS. HARSH IN ITS TONE AND
ASPECT EVERYWHERE, though, where administered
with consideration and tenderness for the poor, I am not
prepared to deny that it has conferred considerable advan-
tage on those districts in which the character and comforts
of the people were suffering under the growing substitution
of parochial relief for wages, in our northern districts, where
these abuses had not arisen, it is, I believe, an unmitigated
evil. In communities so situated, it is neither right nor
practicable to put in force the main principle of the new law,
and make the workhouse the test of destitution and the
chief instrument, of relief. In communities so fitted for self-
government anti accustomed to it, and so approved in its ex-
ercise, it is not right that the proceedings of the local au-
thorities should be controlled by a distant and arbitrary au-
thority, actuated by a reference rather to some general and
impracticable principle, than to the circumstances and feel-
iags of the population, and to the occasions as they arise.

As to what is called FREE TRADE in general, no man
can doubt that it is the duty of every government to encou-
rage among nations THE FREEST L'OSSIBLE INTER-
CHANGE OF COMMODITIES, fettered with the light-
est duties that are consistent with raising the revenue requi-
site for the service of the state, and only limited by consi-
derations of high political importance. OUR IMPORT
DUTIES REQUIRE REVISION : 1 believe much good
may be effected by it ; with the changing condition and alter-
ation of our markets of supply and consumption, our Tariff
should be from time to time revised, and the requisite altera-
tions proposed ; but they should be proposed at the proper
season ; political considerations, the bearing of these altera-
tions on our domestic interests and our distant possessions,
on our Shipping and our Colonies, should not be neglected;
they should not be proposed and withdrawn ; they should
not be opposed on principle one year and proposed the next ;
they should not be proposed on principles which they do not
carry out, and which therefore bear with them the seeds of
further disturbance ; above all, if they affect great interests, if
they affect large classes, and the distribution of wealth and the
value of property, and the channels of industry throughout
the country, they should not be proposed till there is some
chance of a practical result, beyond that of moving the pas-
sions of class against class, and of man against man, by fal-
lacious statements and revolutionary declamation, and thus
unsettling the foundations of society.
With regard to the CORN-LAWS specifically, I have
only to repeat what I have said before in Parliament in
former years, that if the object were simply to promote a
regular trade in foreign corn, and to derive a certain revenue
from it, a fixed duty was indubitably the best method of
proceeding ; but that, as I believe that not to be the object, I
PREFER THE PRINCIPLE OF A GRADUATED
DUTY, WHICH MAKES THE TAX LIGHTER TO
THE CONSUMER, as the burden of price increases, until
with high prices the tax virtually disappears. I believe such
a system best secures the grower of corn in a country in
which the general standard of prices, of comforts, and of
wages is comparatively high, against constant and unequal
competition with countries in which prices, comforts, and
wages are at the lowest level; where it best protects the
consumer against inordinate profits; and, as far as the na-
ture of the case and the uncertainty of the seasons will per-
mit, against great elevation or fluctuation of price in the first
necessary of life. But while I thus adhere to the principle
of the existing law, I say again, as I have said in former
years in Parliament, that I believe the pivot-point to be
placed too high, the present system of the averages to be ob-
jectionable, and the scale of duties to be too sudden in its
transitions.

If in my preference of a graduated to a fixed duty I am mis-
taken, I have at least the satisfaction of erring with my great
predecessor, MR. HUSKISSON, whose name is more often
quoted than his doctrines are understood, and who claimed
the principle of the sliding scale for his own ; and, if in de-
siring that the agriculture of my own country should be in
some shape protected, I am mistaken, I have at least the
consolation that I err not only in the company of that great
man, but in that of many of the most eminent merchants of
our time, and in company with all the civilised countries of
the world, including Holland and the United States, with
the exception, I believe, of Tuscany alone.
But if in this point I am mistaken, or if in this point, as is
very possible, my opinion should not coincide with yours, if
I have been placed by my own conscientious conviction, in
points like these, in apparent opposition to important inte-
rests, the value of which I fully recognise, at least of this I
am confident, that no such difference of opinion will shake
that warm attachment to the Protestant altar and the Pro-
testant throne, to the principles of well-ordered liberty, and
earnest, though tolerant, religion, which has so long and so
peculiarly distinguished the English character and the En-
glish constitution in Church and State, and the maintenance
of which has so long and so often recommended me to your
support. -

To the lure of (to say the most of it) doubtful advanta.ge,
in a much controverted point of public economy, you will not
sacrifice your abhorrence of unprincipled agitation, whether
set on foot for personal or party objects, whether on the
English or Irish soil, you will not sacrifice your rooted mis-
trust of a government, weak, wavering, and unprincipled,
occupying no fixed position, holding up no settled standard,
in politics, in religion, or in commerce, inviting the unsettle-
ment of every question, and the disturbance of every interest,
by the example of concession after concession—of declared
opinions made for the sake of personal objects, or the pro-
longation of party influence.
You will look for the advancement of commerce, and the
restoration of interrupted prosperity, less to the effects of
sudden and contested changes, than to those of wise and
steady government, of an administration just and impartial
to all parties, not tampering with, or bargaining with, or
truckling to, any ; not exciting hopes only to disappoint them,
and to exasperate those whom they have misled and disap-
pointed ; at home, promoting order and security by encou-
raging the spread of religion and education on definite but
tolerant principles ; in finance, not allowing embarrassment
and deficiency to accumulate from year to year without a
remedy, nor leaving unsettled questions affecting, through
the state of the circulation, the whole industry of the coun-
try ; abroad, watchful over the interests of trade and naviga-
tion, whether affected ley the tariffs or dissentions of foreign
countries, and preserving peace, and confidence in peace, by
the timely settlement of disputed questions, and by a sagacious
provision for coming dangers. Such a Government you have
not now ; but such a Government I believe is now within
the power of the people of this country, if they do their duty
to themselves and to their children, to secure. Their Con-
servative representatives have done their duty ; the people
must do the rest. The electors of Liverpool, I know it from
experience, will not be wanting in the struggle.
With these feelings, this hope, this confidence, I offer my-
self, in conjunction with my able and valued fellow-labourer,
Mr. Creswell, for your support at the coming election.
I am, Gentlemen,
Your obedient and faithful Servant,
SANDON.
Grosvenor-street, June 8, 1841.

TO THE ELECTORS OF LIVERPOOL.
GENTLEMEN,
THE debate, which terminated this morning, and the di-
vision by which it was followed, have rendered it im-
perative in her Majesty's Ministers either to resign the Offices
which they have continued to hold, in violation of the Spirit
of the Constitution, or to dissolve the Parliament without
delay. Judging them by their past conduct, I conclude that
dissolution, and not resignation, will be their choice, and
lose no time in again soliciting your Suffrages. It seems
probable that her Majesty's Ministers, finding t at their de-
feats in the House of Commons were becoming ore frequent
and by increasing majorities, resolved, som time since, to
dissolve the Parliament; but knowing also th they enjoyed in
no higher degree the confidence of the Pe‘ple than of their
Representatives, the dissolution was post ned until, by the
proposal of certain measures which theyall a Budget, but
never expected to carry, a feverish excite ent could be raised
in the country, under the operation of Which their past mis-
government might be forgotten, and their lost influence re-
gained. If this was not their motive for proposing these
measures, why has the consideration of the Poor Law been
postponed, and the motion respecting the Corn Law perse-
vered in ? I admit, that the former might have created an
inconvenient degree of excitement at the Elections. But are
not both these questions equally exciting and equally im-
portant? Is it not essential that both should be discussed
calmly ? Can any satisfactory adjustment of either be pro-
duced by the violent and unreasoning hostility which it is
sought to raise in one class of the community against ano-
ther

For this purpose, the cry of class interests has been raised.
Some persons may suppose, that the protection given to
Agriculture is for the benefit of Landowners alone ; but no-
thing can be more erroneous. How many interests are
bound up and inseparably united with those of the Land-
owner, the Farmer, and the Agricultural Labourer? How
many heavy burdens are at present borne by the Landowners,
which are essential to the welfare of our complicated state of
society, and which cannot be removed from him and imposed
upon the owners of any other description of property ? I can
hardly imagine anything more important to the well being of
the nation, than that it should be independent of all foreign-
ers for the necessaries of life ; and if that be so, is not the
encouragement of Agriculture by an adequate Protection,
equally a benefit to all classes of the community ? IF PRO-
TECTION IS TO BE GIVEN, surely PROTECTION
BY A GRADUATED SCALE (whether the one now in
existence or any other which the wisdom of Parliament may
determine upon) IS THE MOST RATIONAL AND THE
MOST BENEFICIAL : cn the one hand, it affords the
greatest protection when prices are low, and it is most
needed ; and, on the other hand, it imposes the lightest bur-
den when the people arc least able to bear it.
Our colonists and our shipowners have also been assailed
as classes enjoying an undue decree of favour. I cannot but
think that the welfare of OUR COLONIES AND OF
OUR MERCANTILE MARINE is of the HIGHEST
IMPORTANCE TO THE NATION, and that while the
protection of those who, on the faith of our existing laws,
have embarked large capitals in the Colonial Trade and in
Shipping is but an act of common justice, the encouragement
of others to extend that trade, to build ships, and to main-
tain a large body of British seamen, is an act of political
wisdom calculated to promote the interests, not of a class
only, but of the whole British empire.
Subject to these limitations, where
protection is either a
simple act of national justice, or where it operates the
for
•
benefit of the whole nation, I subscribe entirely to the
principle of Free Trade. But our national interests and the.
state of society in this country are far too complex to admit
of the simple unregulated application of abstract principles.
On the subject of the POOR LAW I frankly admit,

.It!igst;me

s
that it may have had a tendency to correct some of the evil-
arising from the law as before administered. THE PRE-
SENT SYSTEM, however, MAY BE MUCH IM-
PROVED—THE POWERS GIVEN (sometimes to un-
feeling men), ARE TOO LARGE—THE COMMIS-
SIONERS ARE TOO ABSOLUTE. HAVING AN
UNLIMITED POWER OF LEGISLATION BY
THEIR RULES—and above all, THE SYSTEM IS IN-
APPLICABLE TO LARGE AND DENSELY PEO-
PLED TOWNS, w/lere it is impossible to resort to the
workhouse as the test of destitution without producing the
most cruel and disastrous results.

These are my opinions on these interesting questions,
which I have thought it my duty to declare, while I renew
my former assurances of inviolable attachment to those in-
stitutions in Church and State; which I know you hold most
dear. Believe me, your exertions in their defence are still
needed : the attempt at the spoliation of the church has
been postponed, not abandoned—the attempt to establish a
scheme of secular without religious education was foiled by
the Conservative party, and can only be averted for the
future by the strenuous efforts of the constituent body at the
approaching election ; and, in addition to giving these proofs
of hostility to the Church, her Majesty's ministers, by un-
constitutionally retaining office under existing circumstances,
have done much to place in peril the just prerogatives of the
Crown, and the liberties of the People.
If you apin confer upon me the high honour of a seat in
the House of Commons, as your representative, the mainte-
nance of those prerogatives and liberties will ever be the
main object of the exertions of
Your very obedient
And faithful Servant,
CRESSWELL CRESS WELL.
London, sth June, 1841.

TO THE ELECTORS OF THE BOROUGH OF

LIVE R POOL.

GENTLEMEN, -
TII E number and respectability of the signatures attached
to the Requisition which has this day been presented to
me, secure me from the charge of presumption, when, in
obedience to the desire therein expressed, I declare myself a
Candidate to represent this Borough in Parliament.
Having availed myself of the frequent opportunities
afforded me for the expression of my opinions open the lead-
ing subjects of political controversy, it is,unnecessary that I
should, at this moment, do more than allude, as briefly as
possible, to the principles by which, in the event of my be-
coming the object of your choice, my parliamentary conduct
would he regulated.

Prohibitory and protective duties for the benefit of parti-
cular classes of a community, I believe to be as inexpedient as
they are unjust. This belief, founded on reflection. has
gained strength from upwards of twenty years' experience in
commercial life. Mere party distinctions seem to me of
little moment when compared with the great objects of ex-
tendirlg the field for human employment ; opening to the
capitalist, for the exercise of his skill and enterprise, the
markets of the world, and securing to the industrious masses
the means of improving their physical and social condition.
I am convinced that FREE TRADE is an essential element of
progressive national prosperity, and I would support every
measure calculated to give that spirit to our commercial
policy.
The diffusion of knowledge, through the means of a com-
prehensive and impartial system of NATIONAL EDUCATION,
by causing submission to the laws to spring from intelligence
and reflection, would give safety to our institutions, and im-
part a higher tone to the moral and religious character of the
people; I would, therefore, strenuously advocate the adop-
tion of the best means of placing instruction within the reach
of all.

I hold that enfranchisement should steadily keep pace with
increasing intelligence, and that the independence of the
voter should be, as far as possible, secured. The Legislature
which thus on the one hand fosters the desire for civil rights,
and on the other affords protcc.ion to their conscientious ex-
ercise, adopts the only policy that will give stability to the
Government and satisfaction to the people.
Firmly attached to the Church of England, I am not in-
sensible to the fact, that, as an Establishment, it owes its
origin to the successful vindication of the rights of conscience ;
and I am convinced, that the best service which can be ren-
dered to the cause of true religion and to the Church itself,
is the removal of all grounds of just complaint on the part of
the Dissenter.

My earnest efforts would be directed to the great objects
of lightening the burden of taxation by a more equitable
adjustment of its pressure; of rendering justice accessible
to all hr taking from the law its expensive character; and of
enforcing a rigid system of retrenchment and economy in
every department of the Government.
To those of my fellow-townsmen who, by signing the
Requisition, have given me so unequivocal a proof of their
confidence, I beg to offer my warmest thanks, and to the
constituency at large, the fullest assurances, that whatever
position I may hold in public life, no consideration shall
divert me from steadily pursuing that course of conduct
which, I believe, will best promote the welfare of the town
and of our common country.

I have the honour to he,
Gentlemen,
Your faithful and ebliged Servant,
JOSHUA WALMSLEY
Wavertree Hall, June 10th, 1841.