The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1853-04-05 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD, TUESDAY,

but deliberately to substitute it for the former, is in
fact to perpetrate the crime of the socialists in
France, and virtually to confiscate property for the
benefit of industry. There is no mistaking the
object of the Radicals, both in and out of Parlia-
ment, in their speeches and writings; but it is to be
hoped, notwithstanding the doubtful aspect of the
present Administration, that there is sufficient good
sense, public spirit, and, above all, common honesty,
in the majority of the House of Commons, to pre-
vent such an iniquitous scheme being carried into
effect. It behoves, however, the Conservative
electors throughout the country, who have anything
to lose, to be on their guard, to attend as they
ought to do to the registration, to struggle manfully
at every election for the return of Conservative
candidates, and not to believe that the battle is won
so long as they have such an unscrupulous foe to
deal with. It is a favourite plan of the Radicals to
foster the belief that there is no longer any distinc-
tion of parties, and the treachery of the PEELITE
faction has done somewhat to encourage the sup-
position. But it is pregnant with danger, and the
first fruits will be found in the gradual adoption of
that fatal system by which the ten-pound voters
seek to relieve themselves at the expense of the
class above them.

MORE PEACE HUMBUG.-THE COCKNEYS

AND LOUIS NAPOLEON.

ONE of the most recent manifestations of a desire
for peace took place a few days since, when several
of the London papers published columns of names
appended to a declaration of merchants, traders and
others of London, avowing that no feelings of an
unfriendly character towards the French people
exist on the part of the English people; deploring
'the evils of war; and proclaiming their earnest
desire for a continuance of peace. We are further
informed that a copy of this declaration was pre-
sented on Easter Monday, by a deputation, to
Louis NAPOLEON, -who received it very gra.
ciously. There is -something so apparently amiable
in any aspirations for amity, that to find fault
appears a most ungracious task. We shall, how-
ever, not refrain from exposing the absurdity of
the proceeding we have alluded to, as one un-
worthy of the genius of Great 'Britain. In thus
voluntarily -seeking to fraternlse with the French
nation, the -subscribers to the declaration are ob-
livious of -the fact, that the -people for whom they
profess such friendly feelings are the least to be
trusted of any with whom we have to deal. Their
history daring the last -sixty years has been a
record of revolutions of the most revolting Charac-
ter ; at one time heaven-defying infidels, and at
another superstitious bigots; now the most brutal
tyrants, and then crouching slaves; twice over-
throwing a Bouandez dynasty, and once an
OuttaNs monarch of their own choosing; and
their last move the -acceptance of an adventurer,
under whose sway no one is allowed to say-that his
soul is his own. In commercial 'transactions the
advantage has always been on their side, and to the
detriment of England, as far as they dared. Their
'first BUONAPARTE laboured to -shut out 'English
Commerce from the Continent of Europe; and
Tinder every form of Government they have ex
'elided British products by prohibitory tariffs, as
far as possible. In political -transactions, their
' friendship was never to be relied on, as wary shown
in the affair at Tahiti, which was gratuitously pro-
voking a quarrel ; in their conduct on the Syrian
dispute, which threatened to lead to a broil; in the
treachery about the Spanish 'Marriages; and so
very recently, in the absurd claim to the Protec-
torate of the Holy Places, whch is not yet finally
settled. It may be remarked that, although no
allusion is made to LOUIS:NAPOLEON in the de-
al...eta:3a, ;4 prnconfArl 1-Al-.;,,, by w depu+afion_
a proceeding the propriety of which it would be
difficult to define. If it were intended for the
EMPEROR, why did it not profess confidence in
his Government, though such an assertion would
have proved the extent of English credulity ; for
Louis NAPOLEON, in his utter disregard of all
obligations that stood in the way of his own ag-
grandisement, has shown himself unworthy of any
confidence. On the other hand, if it be intended
-for the French people, of what value is it, 'when it
is well known that they have no will of their own,
up
either for peace or war. But, even if we s pose
the latter case, that public opinion in France were
as free as it as in England, what have we to hope
from the good feelings of a people who view us as
Jealous rivals in trade; who ,feel- still the mortifica-
tion of our having defeated them in war ; and who
'have no sense of Christianity or morality to which
we can appeal. We have no desire to undervalue
the blessings of peace, or to weaken that proper
'dread of the horrors of war which all should enter-
tain. We can-readily coincide with the opinions of
those who signed the declaration, as to the• advan-
tage of cultivating the arts of peace, but we may
depend upon, this, that we have nothing to expect
from any reciprocity of good feeling on the part of
therFrench people. Under present circumstances,
the decision rests with the self-elected EMPEROR,
and-he will be solely influenced by its effect upon
his own interest; -but, should the question rest
upon ,the popular suffrage, the same result would
be arrived at, for it would depend upon opinions of
national advantage or,rnartial glory, and not in the
slightest -degree upon any regard for the English
nation, or any desire to preserve that pretended
good understanding, which has never been main-
tained upon other than a hollow foundation.

REFORM OF THE GOVERNMENT
OF INDIA.

THE demand for a thorough reform of the Govern-
ment of India is daily exciting more interest, and
it is reported that the ABERDEEN Cabinet, in fear
Gf a defeat, have resolved to forego their intention
of maintaining the Board in Leadenhall-street,
except for one year, during which an investigation
may be entered into. It is clear that the more
inquiry takes place, the more glaring appear the
evils of the present system ; and now that the
apathy towards all affairs connected with India is
being shaken off, and the public attention is aroused
to the subject, the more urgent will be the demand
for improvement. One of the most important
portions of the British empire, a dominion exceed-
ing in extent, population, and resources, any other
of its possessions, is now solely maintained, in order
that twenty-four individuals—who have by some
means, which we will not stop to particularise,
obtained the position of directors—may enjoy the
patronage of lucrative appointments. It were far
better that the whole of this patronage should be
vested in a Minister of the Crown—though that is
not the inevitable alternative—if only the result
were reached of rendering the resources of India
available for national advantage ; but it is difficult
to conceive a system more repugnant to any hope
of improvement than that which now prevails. It
was remarked by Lord WILLIAM BENTINCK, a
Governor-General of India, so far back as 1537,
when speaking of the patronage enjoyed by the
Court of Directors, and the mode in which it is
exercised, that "there exists, in consequence, on
the part of the home authorites, an interest in the
administration precisely similar to what formerly
prevailed as to commerce—that is, directly opposed
to the welfare of India." Lord ELLENBOROUGII,
also a Governor-General of India, has strongly
condemned the exercise of patronage by the Court
of Directors, and recommended its removal to
other hands ; and other high authorities have agreed
in denouncing the system as the deadly Upas tree,

which stagnates industry, perpetuates abuses, and
renders our valuable acquisitions in the East a
burden, instead of a blessing, both to the governed
and the governors. Would time and space allow,
instances might be multiplied of the evils which
imperatively require redress, but we may content
ourselves with referring to one of the most recent,
which has led to a remonstrance from the India
and China Association of Liverpool. It appears
that about eighteen years since gold was put out of
circulation in India as a legal tender, but in 1841
the Government, finding apparently that it was
increasing in value, authorised their officers to
receive it freely. Now, however, that the Austra-
lian supplies seem likely to reduce the value of gold,
as compared with silver, they have refused to receive
gold on account of public payments. This has created
a kind of panic among those engaged in trade,
because it operates as a serious obstacle to com-
mercial operations. Remonstrance has hitherto
proved ineffectual, the only answer being a promise
from the directors that the subject shall receive
their attention. Such a circumstance as silver
being made the sole legal tender, to the exclusion
of gold, would not have been for one instant per-
mitted, were India under imperial rule ; but it serves
to strengthen the case for the speedy removal of
the Leadenhall-street Directory.