The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-02-05 00:00:00

THE WAREHOUSE QUESTION

The MAYOR said the next communication he had to read
was the following letter from Mr. North, secretary to the
Association of Warehouse Owners :
" Office of the Association of Land and
Warehouse Owners, 2nd Feb. 1841.
" TO THE WORSHIPFUL THE MAYOR, IN COUNCIL.
" SIR,—On behalf of this association we beg to acknow-
ledge the receipt from the town-clerk of the resolution of the
council of the 27th ult., adopting the report of the spetial
committee on the dock bill, which report has been submitted
to special meetings of the association yesterday and to-day.
" And our reply shall be very brief. With a firm and un-
alterable conviction in our minds of the impolicy, as well as
the injustice of the dock warehouse scheme; feeling as we
feel, that what is unsound in
principle, and unfair in opera-
tion, can never be made acceptable by any modification of its
injurious character ; we will not affect to conceal the ex-
treme reluctance with which we entertain the idea of com-
promising this great question. Nor would we now do so on
any other consideration than that of the miserable inequality
of a continued struggle in parliament between a class of in-
dividuals paying their own expenses, and a public body in
command of a public purse ; and on this, probably our last
appeal to you, we request that it may be distinctly under-
stood that what we partially yield we yield only to a power
which in pecuniary means alone we cannot cope with.
Strong, with this exception, in everything that should ensure
and deserve success, we concede only to the force of circum-
stances what We deny to be either rightful or expedient.
" With such preface in justice to ourselves, we now revert
to the report, by which are proposed certain alterations in
the bill, important, no doubt, as far as they go, and facilities
not less important for the better working of the docks; and
for the reason already given, we reply, that if that report be
fairly, fully, and faithfully carried out, according to its spirit,
in settling the clauses of the bill, and in its progress through
parliament, all parliamentary opposition to the bill by this
association shall cease. But to ensure this, and for our se-
curity so far only, and not with any hostile intent, it may be
necessary for us to present a petition, and appear by counsel
against the bill, which we therefore reserve power to do if
needful.
" We observe with satisfaction that, under the 13th clause

of the report, the necessary alterations in the bill, and the
adjustment, in the spirit of the resolution, of all matters of
detail, are referred to the Finance Committee ; and in order
to the settlement, so far as may be, of all differences, and the
prevention of unnecessary trouble and expense, we request
to be favoured at their early convenience (and a sufficient
time before the bill goes before the parliamentary committee)
with the substance of their recommendations, and a copy of
the amended bill. . . _

" We refer once more to the subject of costs, but not as
supplicants ; we appeal only to the justice of the council.
More than once during the last session of parliament the
costs of this association were offered to be paid, as the price
of concessions by us, then asked foi. That our opposition
was reasonable the concessions now made to us at least
prove : and we conceive, therefore, that we have a moral right
to indemnity against the expense of defensive proceedings
thus justified by their result.
" For the Committee of the Association of Land
and Warehouse Owners,
" JNO. NORTH, Secretary."

The MAYOR suggested that this document should he Ke-
ferred to the Finance Committee. The suggestion was adopted
without eliciting any remark.

THE HEAD CONSTABLE.
The MAYOR said that, upon leaving the council-room yes-
terday, the head constable had placed in his hands reports
concerning the meeting at the Queen's Theatre, and he called
upon the Town-clerk to read them.—The substance of the
reports will be found in the subjoined letter of Mr. Whitty,
which was written at the request of the Mayor :
TO HIS WORSHIP THE MAYOR.
Stu,—l have heard with regret that complaint has been
made in council of my not having reported for your worship's
information, that some kind of meeting had taken place on
Sunday week, in the Queen's Theatre. Of such meeting I
bad no official information whatever ; and, although the cir-
cumstance, some time afterwards, was mentioned to me by a
gentleman in the course of casual conversation, I considered
that as the proceeding had passed over without having excited
the observations of the police-officers on duty, it was—how-
ever reprehensible—unworthy of further notice. From that
moment the subject never again recurred to my memory.
The instructions given to me are to afford protection to all,
but to interfere as little as possible with the proceedings of
any political party. To these instructions I have scrupulous-
ly attended ; and your Worship is aware that I have never
made reports of public meetings, or public proceedings of
any kind, unless when a breach of the peace had taken place,
or had been apprehended. The proceeding in question, as
mentioned to me, was unattended by any manifestation of
of disorder, was unpremeditated, and never likely to be re-
peated. Had I been present, I would not have felt myself
authorised to interfere, and, consequently, not called upon
to take any subsequent proceeding. Your Worship, I am
sure, will acquit me of all improper motive, in omitting to
report on the circumstance, for it would be absurd to at-
tempt to conceal a circumstance published in all the news-

papers
Od 'Saturdaylikst I was ordered, by the Watch Committee,
to make inquiry and report. The result of my inquiry, in
the form of reports from the superintendent and inspector on
duty, was early yesterday morning deposited in the hands of
the secretary, and these, :by permission of the chairman, Sir
Joshua Wahnsley, were shewn to you yesterday, immediately
after the Council had broken up. Enclosed your Worship
has copies.
From personal inquiry I find, that on the occasion in ques-
tion Mr. John O'Connell had privately met, in consequence
of agreement at the dinner in the same place on Saturday
evening, a few friends previous to his departure for London.
The circumstance having got abroad, several persons as-,
sembled in Christian-street about half-past four o'clock.
Their numbers have been differently estimated ; but all
agree that they occupied only a portion of the opposite foot-
walk. The landlord of the public-house states that, not
wishing to have a crowd opposite his house, he proposed to
admit them quietly into the boxes and gallery of the theatre,
the body of the theatre being then occupied by workmen,
getting ready for theatrical representation the following
night. The persons so admitted were addressed briefly by
Mr. O'Connell, and then withdrew, the whole time of ad-
mission, address, and departure, not occupying ten minutes.
There were no preparations ; no lighting up for the occasion ;
no banners, except those belonging to the scenery. There
was no charge.for admission, no collection made, no discus-
sion.—l have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant,
M. J. WHITTY, Head-constable.
Watch-office, Feb. 4, 1841.
The MAYOR said the town-clerk was prepared to give his
opinion upon the legal part of the case.
The TOWN-CLERK then said, that in looking into the act
of parliament, his opinion was, that neither the head consta-
ble nor any of the constables present could have legally put
down that meeting. The only act of parliament that applied
to the subject was one which entirely depended upon money
being taken, or tickets being issued for admission, or any
contrivances to effect the attainment of either of those ob-
jects. If the meeting was either for public amusement or
public debating upon any subject whatever, it was illegal,
and, being a disorderly house, might be summarily punished.
There was no doubt the parties might be subject to ecclesi
astical censures, but beyond that the present seemed to be
that description of case referred to in the Queen's proclama-
tion, which was read every session at the opening of the
court, as to which " the visible displeasure of good men
must supply what the laws cannot altogether prevent." He
must say, however, that with regard to the persons working
there in thOr ordinary calling, and who perhaps were guilty
of a less moral and religious offence than those who had
called forth the present inquiry, they would have been, and
still were, liable to information for penalties.
Mr. HoncsoN considered the letter of the head constable
a very flimsy attempt at 'an excuse, as he bad told him him-
self that he did not thinehimself called upon to make a re-
port on any such matter.
Mr. ISAAC HOLMES said he had been informed by a per-
son who was willing to coma forward, that at least 1200 per-
sons went into the theatre, and that there were from 400 to
500 in the street.
After a:few words from Mr. GLADSTONE, Mr. BRIGHT,
and the MAYOR, the conversation dropped.
INLAND BONDING.
The MAYOR said the next business on the paper was Mr.
Birkett's motion on this question. He did not know, how-
ever, whether Mr. Birkett was aware that all bills affecting
the interests of the town were under the special care of the
Finance Committee.
Mr. BIRKETT said he rose for the purpose of moving the
appointment of a special committee, with full powers for
opposing any bill which might be brought into parliament
during the present session for inland bonding. He thought it
better and more respectful to the council to state in the first
instance that .he had a precedent ,for this motion, and next
to state the reasons why he had taken up the subject at the
present time. In the year 1833 or 1834 a measure for inland
bonding was first introduced, by the then Chancellor of the
Exchquer Lord Althorp. A meeting of merchants was called
to oppose it, and the council of that day appointed a deputa-
tion to join the opposition out of doors, and the council paid
the whole of the expenses. Mr. Sandbach, the father of the
member for Vauxhall Ward; was the chairman of that depu-
tation, but owing to some circumstances the ministry went
out, and the bill went out along with them. The question
was not renewed till the session of 1839, when Mr. Poulett
Thomson, president of the board of trade, brought it for-
ward. A meeting was called of the parties interested in this
town, and a memorial was sent to the council asking'them to
oppose it, but they refused. Nothing was then left to them
but to appoint a deputation, and send them to London.
That deputation met others from the outports, and they
memorialised the Chancellor of the Exchequer, then Mr.
Spring Rice. They had an interview with him which lasted
for some considerable time, and the only reason which the
Chancellor of the Exchequer adduced difficult for the depu-
tation to answer was the fact that that council had not spoken
against but resolved not to oppose it. The measure was car-
ried through the House of Commons, but it was opposed in
the Lords by the united deputations of which he was one,—
and it was thrown out in consequence of the Duke of Wel-
lington considering it to he little better than a job. Last
session it was again renewed at a more early period : it was
opposed by Mr. Goulbourn in the commons. Unless
ministers would consent that a special committee should
be appointed to inquire into 'the whole question. A
committee was appointed which sat for four months ;
they took a vast deal of evidence, and when those
who ought to have had an opportunity of answering
the case for the measure were called upon, they wer-
restricted to four or five witnesses, all the time having been
consumed by the other parties. On thatoccasion the Town-
council was again asked to interfere, by. the bye, a bare ma-
jority of one refused. The select vestry then took the matter
up ; and it was only due to them to say that they did it un-
influenced by him, although ha had the credit of it, for he
was out of town at the time. They made a special report to
the inhabitants in vestry ; and among other matters they
charged the Town-council with having abandoned their duty :
one of the largest and most respectable vestries that ever as-
sembled in th town was called, and resolutions were passed
unanimously, at least only from four to seven persons dis-
sented, that the select vestry should oppose the bill. The
select vestry, therefore, immediately appointed a deputation
to proceed to London, and of that deputation he was ap-
pointed chairman. He watched the measure as well as he
could: he got as many witnesses summoned at the expense
A government, on behalf of the town, as he could ; and, in
consequence of the opposition which they raised in the upper
house being made known, the government abandoned the
bill. (Hear, hear.) It was for these reasons he had in-
truded himself upon the notice of the council, and he thought
it was only due to himself to say, that he was practically ac-
quainted with the whole subject, and the manner of opposing
any intended bill. He might be met with the statement
that no bill was yet before parliament. That might be very
true, but it should be recollected, that within the last fort-
night a large meeting had been held in Manchester, at which
strong resolutions were passed in favour of an inland bonding
bill. He had no doubt, therefo.e, that government would
introduce one, and he thought it the duty of the council to
be early, earnest, and sincere in watching over the interests
of the town. Those parties who were desirous of extending
the inland bonding system did not disguise the fact that it
would be an injury to Liverpool. Was it not therefore their
bounden duty, as public trustees, to stand up for the welfare
of the town. With regard to the general subject then was no
question that it would cause a very large addition to the ex-
penditure of the 'country in the provision and ,maintenance
of a large extra number of officers. Besides the security of
the revenue must be very materially weakened, as the system
was now confined to the outports, government held posses-
sion of the property imported until the duties had been paid;
but, in transitu they must piert with that possession. In inland
transit the government could not refuse the bond of any man
who said that he was the representative of property, though be
was not worth sixpence ; and it was in evidence that oue suc-
cessful fraud, either in brandy or tobacco, would make the
fortune of any man; therefore, upon the ground of extra ex-
penditure, of the want of security, and of unfair competition
with the fair trader, it behoved that council to oppose the
bill. If the council agreed with the principle of appointing
a special committee, it was, on the one hand, due to them to
say, that care should be taken that no wasteful expenditure
of funds should take place, and, on the other, they should
be satisfied it would be a bona fide opposition. To accom-
plish this, he should suggest that a committee of 9 or 11
should be appointed, of whom the members of the finance
committee should form one-half. He begged to move the

resolution.
Mr. COOPER seconded the resolution, because on former
occasions the council had not done its duty to the town, in
defending its interests ; also because he believed that the best
interests of the town had been absolutely sold for the object
of getting the warehouse bill. He also supported the motion
because the sense of the parish was decidedly in favour of
and he thought if the committee were appointed according
to Mr. Birkett's suggestions, it would be most likely to carry
its opposition forward with vigour.
Mr. EVANS opposed the motion in a speech of consider-
able length. He said that the question upon a former occa-
sion had every justice done to it, when the council decided
upon the principle of non-interference. In doing so, he
considered that they had consulted the ends of justice, which
ought certainly to prevail over those of private and national
interests. The vague apprehensions which were entertained
by the warehouse-owners concerning that measure, he was
quite convinced were entirely nugatory. Every bill which
had been introduced had contained clauses carrying with
them regulations which were completely subversive of any
chance that they could have, in the inland towns, of
carrying their projects into effect. When the question was
brought before the council on a former occasion, it was found
that Manchester and the inland towns entertained most hostile
feelings against the corporation, and even against the people
of Liverpool, in consequence. Was it right now to renew
all their jealousies and dislikes which had been overcome, in
a great degree, by refraining from acts of injustice against
their rights. He hoped the council would not avail itself of
the public fnnds, and lend itself to a party interest, which
wished to have their interests preferred to the general rights
of the country, at the expense of the public. The council

had been neutral, and it ought to be neutral. It had never,
and unquestionably it ought not to interfere to do that• which
private interests alone were able to do. They could make a
perfectly legitimate opposition; and they ought to make the
legislature acquainted with their case, without the aid of that
council. Mr. Evans then proceeded to argue that building
warehouses in the interior could not injure Liverpool, and he
ridiculed the idea of the vestry representing the wishes of
the inhabitants on this subject, and that it was very impro-
bable warehouses would be built in Manchester. He further
contended, generally, that the justice, as well as the policy,
of the case required that Se bonding system should not be
confined to the outposts.
Mr. ROBINSON, in support of the motion, contended, that
owing to the increased facilities of communication, and to
principal articles of • import being sold by sample, there
would be no great public convenience, whilst there would be
a decided loss by giving the bonding system to inland towns.
M. liusweLL said one thing was quite clear. Every
member of the Council must have gathered from the speech
of Mr. Evans, that he did not deal in wine. Mr. Evans
dealt irs tobacco ; but,he (Mr. Bushell) trusted if the inland
bonding measure should be carried, seeing he should be a
sufferer by it, that Mr. Evans would give him a quid pro quo,
and make him some compensation. He was often much
enlightened, (he supposed he must say), by the speeches of
Mr. Evans, but on this occasion, he had totally failed in en-
lightening him on this occasion. That circumstance, per-
haps, arose, not from any want of ability on his part to
grapple with the question, but from his having become an
advocate in a bad cause, and, therefore, he conceived he had
entirely failed. First, Mr. Evans had told the Council that
non-interference was the course they should pursue. Now,
he (Mr. Bushell) declared, that non-interference in a matter
of this sort, was, in effect, positive interference, because
Manchester would go to Parliament and say, " Liverpool
cares nothing about it—her Town Council has refused to
interfere—the guardians of her local interests say they will
offer us no opposition." (Hear, hear.) Was this " non-
interference ?" Was it not the very best argument with
which their adversaries could be furnished? He repeated
that by non-interference the Council armed the advocates of
the measure with one of the best weapons against the in-
terests of this town. (Applause.) In speaking of this
scheme, which was first brought under notice of Parliament
by Mr. Poulett Thomson, Mr. Evans called it "visionary."
He (Mr. Bushell) presumed that Mr. Evans was a particular
friend of Mr. Poulett Thomson. Mr. Evans had expressed
a firm belief, that only one or two warehouses would
rise up in Manchester, if this privilege were 'conceded.
What, then, must be thought of Mr. Evans as a political
economist if such should be the fact ? What ! would he en-
tail upon the country the burden of £200,000 per annum in
rearing up in Manchester a Customs' establishment, whilst
the same amount of business might be done here without one
farthing increased expense, for the sake of giving permission
to visionaries to pursue a visionary scheme ! (Hear, hear.)
But while on this part of the subjsct he might be permitted
to say, " Is it to be supposed that, if this privilege is to be
conceded to Manchester, it can stop there ? Will not Leeds
ask for it, and if Leeds obtains it why not Birmingham ? If
Birmingham succeeds why should not Sheffield, and if Shef-
field why should Wolverhampton be refused? (Hear, hear.)
And looking at the question in a national point of view, would
any man venture to tell him seriously that one additional
pound of cotton, sugar, tea, coffee, or any other description
of produce now imported, would be introduced or consumed
by reason of the proposed change? In the management of
their own private establishments—at least he found it so in
his—they found it advisable to keep no more cats than could
catch mice ; in like manner why should government raise up
additional establishments, at an immense annual charge upon
our already exhausted exchequer, to do the same duty, or
rather to receive the same amount of• duty? (Hear, hear.)
Although it had been argued by Mr. Evans that it was not
the duty of the council to interfere in national matters, he
believed he had been among the foremost in the town-council
debates upon the corn-law question. (Hear.) How men
could differ when it suited their purpose ! (Cries of " No,
no," answered by "Yes, yes."
Mr. SHELL: —I brought the corn-laws before the council,
and perhaps I may have the pleasure of doing so again.
(Hear, hear, from the liberal side.)
Mr. BUSHELL continued.—Now with regard to the nuga-
tory clauses in the proposed bill, of which Mr. Evans had
spoken, as effectual barriers to the ultimate success of the
measure—they knew that it was argued, with regard to the
warehouse question—let us get the principle established, and
we will soon have the system carried out to its fullest extent.
Now, in like manner did the council suppose that Manches-
ter was anxious to carry out only the present bill ? Would
she not come again before parliament to obtain more extended
privileges, before the bill had been in operation twelve months,
or perhaps as many weeks ? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Evans had
thought fit to beat down the expression of opinion by the in-
habitants of the town in this (to them) most vital question :
he laughed at the idea of a vestry meeting, but he (Mr. B.)
contended that at that vestry meeting, there assembled in
considerable numbers those inhabitants whose representatives
he now addressed on their behalf. It was the duty of the in-
habitants of the town to express their opinions, seeing that
Liverpool was so deeply interested in this question. It was
not correct, therefore, in Mr. Evans to sneer at the vestry
meeting. He contended that there were two classes in that
council who were bound, if they were consistent, to support
the motion. They had had divisions on the warehouse ques-
tion, and the classes he alluded to were those who supported
and those who opposed warehouses. Now the advocates of
increased warehouses were bound to support the motion, be-
cause they had argued, if those warehouses were built round
the dock quay's, they would facilitate and increase the trade
of the port. To show these gentlemen what would be the
efiect of the inland bonding scheme, he would read them an
extract from a recently published pamphlet on the subject—
" The customs' duties at Liverpool are four millions, and
Manchester pays more than two millions and a half of these
duties. The customs duties paid by the Manchester dis-
trict alone, are nearly a million more than the whole of Scot-
land, half a million more than Ireland, and one-eighth of the
whole of England."
Now if it were the fact that the produce, which was now
bonded in warehouses in Liverpool, belonged—the most of it
to Manchester ; if, as be learned by this pamphlet, the bond-
ing of goods here was to be decreased considerably more than
one-half, what was to become of the new warehouses said to
be built for the purpose of giving increased accommodation?
(Hear.) Why, it was like lighting a candle at both ends.
(Hear.) He saw no consistency in first building warehouses,
and afterwards promoting a scheme which would effectually
defeat the object for which they are proposed to i .. erected.
Having shown that the advocates of dock warehouses could
not reasonably oppose this motion, he would now inquire
into the position (as regards the proposed privilege) of the
Opponents of warelkinees: They said, at least
had said, in that council, they had a right to advocate their
own interests, against the interests of the public, and that
he for one would not consent to• cut his own throat. Would
lie then consent to cut the •throat of the body corporate ?'
As stewards of the enormous amount of property which they
had under their management, were they not bound to protect
the interests of the corporation, and those of the town at
large ? (Hear, hear.) Was there to be found in that coun-
cil a single individual who had the courage to say that he
would protect his own individual interests against all aggres-
sion, and yet refuse to interfere, when the vast interests of
the town, of which he professes to be a guardian, are assailed ?
For consistency sake he hoped not. He thought, therefore,
he should have with him on this question both the advocates
and the opponents of warehouses. Again, would any man tell
him there was a single interest in Liverpool which was not as-
sailed by this inland bonding question? Would not the porter
sonesef-tiseetre
be deprived of his labour, or be compelled to seek another
field for it? Would not the business of the carter be affected ?
Would not the warehouse owner ? Would not the broker ?
And upon the principle that if you diminish wealth you di-
minish expenditure,. would not the tradesman in Bold-street
be a grievous sufierer ? Would corporation land or corpora-
tion houses retain their present value ? (Hear, hear.) With
all these interests at stake, he could not, by any possibility,
understand on what principle the council should refuse to in-
terfere on this great question. (Heir.) It might be said
they had no right to interrupt the course- of free trade, and
that private interest must give way to public good ; but this
was not a case of private interest opposed to public good. It
was private interest against private interest, neither was it
for the national good, but for the national injury ; because it
would not increase the revenue a shilling, but on the contrary
create an unnecessary annualexpenditure of several hundreds
of thousands of pounds. He might have said something, for
he did not lose sight of the enormous patronage this inland
bondingscheme would give to government, but he refrained.
He felt deeply interested in this great question, and therefore
desired to avoid every allusion which could by possibility give
rise to party feeling. In this they had all one common in-
terest: privileges had been conceded to the ports, upon the
faith of which an enormous capital had been embarked ; these
privileges should not upon slightgrounds be withdrawn. He
had attempted to show that the public interests required no
such sacrifices as Liverpool was now called upon to make;
and whether this visionary scheme (to use the words of Mr.
Evans) were supported by the President of the Board of
Trade of the present or any other government the duty of
this council is clear, and they are in duty bound to oppose
this contemplated measure.
Mr. EARLE' had not intended to have spoken one word,
but as his name had been particularly mentioned—
Mr. RUSHELL.—I beg to say that I mentioned the name
of no person.
Mr. EARLE.—But you must have meant my name, be-
cause you made use of expressions wnich I have used before.
I beg to ask Mr. Bushell whether he did not mean to refer
to me?
Mr. BUSHELL.—I believe I did.
Mr. EARLE.—I thought you did.
Mr. EvANs.—l admire the good tone of this, at any rate.
Mr. EARLE explained, that although he had expressed his
intention to vote in favour of his private interest as a ware-
house owner, he had also said, that if the warehouses were
found advantageous to the public, he should not allow his
private right to interfere with the public welfare.
Mr. AIKIN opposed the motion, on the ground that it was
little on the part of Liverpool to oppose what was a just
claim on the part of other towns.
Mr. G. H. LAWRENCE supported it, not upon the ground
of private interest, but because it was fraught with ;serious
danger to the revenue of the country, and because he be-
lieved the scheme was brought forward by the government
for the purpose of increasing their patronage.
Mr. MELLOR said he would have supported a petition
representing that the establishment of bonded warehouses in
inland towns could not bring one shilling to the revenue, but
rather be attended with great expense to the country ; but
he could not consent to send a deputation, because he con-
ceived that its object was to promote private interest.
Mr. SANDS said, that if Mr. Evans was right in saying
that no possible injury could arise to Liverpool from inland
bonding, it followed that no possible good could arise to
Manchester and other towns which might have the privilege.
The ground of his support to the motion was the enormous
the machinery of the warehouses would re-
expense which

quire.
Sir J. WALMSLEY opposed the motion, and Mr. HODG-
SON supported It.
Mr. SLATER, Mr. SHEIL, and Mr. CASE opposed it.
Mr. BIRKETT replied, lie said, that by the division he
should have the satisfaction of seeing who were for the town,
and who were against it. A great deal had been said about
private interests; he admitted that he was there as an inte-
rested man ; but how different was the situation of some of
the gentlemen who had spoken. • They had no interest in
the pla and whether they slept in the town, or whether
te ;
they slept in Abraham's bosom, could make no difference.
The constitution of the committee which he had proposed
was a pledge:
gainst wasteful expenditure on the one hand,
and of a bona fide opposition on the other. He thought the
gentleman whohad spoken against the motion would be far
better sitting in the Manchester than in the Liverpool town-
council.
Mr. EARLE.—I suppose that is what you call a clencher !
The council then divided. The numbers were—
For the !motion
Against It

majority against the motion
The council then separated.

The Lord Bishop of Chester will hold an Ordination at
Chester on the 14th of this month.
EAST Sulu:.Ey ELECTION.—REIGATE, Tuesday.—The
" liberal" candidate attended the monthly market, which
was held here to-day. He came into town with a very sorry
accompaniment of followers, and arrangements were made
for a meeting .of his friends at the Town-hall at 3 o'clock.
The lion. candidate in the mean time proceeded to the Swan
Inn, where, upon his on invitation, he joined the farmer's
dinner. The " meeting, was afterwards held in Town-hall,
I and Mr. Alcock made a novel speech to the few who had as-
sembled. The current opinion among the electors is, that
Mr. Antrobus will be returned by a much larger majority
'than the conservative candidates were at the last election.

MEETING OF THE OPERATIVE CONSERVATIVE

ASSOCIATION

A special general meeting of the members of this associa-
tion was held last night at the large room of the York Hotel.
One of the principal objects of the meeting was to consider
the propriety of petitioning against the total and immediate
repeal of the corn laws, in opposition to the agitation of the
Anti-Corn Law League. The attendance was very nume-
rous, the room being nearly filled. DANIEL LEDSON, Esq.,
president of the association, took the chair.
The CHAIRMAN rose amidst great applause from all parts
of the room, and addressed the crowded assembly as fol-
lows :—I am much gratified to see so numerous an assembly
of the operatives of our association present this evening. You
have been called together for the purpose of agreeing to a
petition—which will be submitted to you—to the houses of
parliament, against the repeal of the corn laws. (Cheers.)
You are aware that the anti-corn law league are issuing their
pamphlets, and are getting up petitions in all parts of the
kingdom, for the repeal of those laws. (Hear, hear.) The
committee of this association have, therefore, thought it very
desirable that we should hold this meeting, in order to ex-
press our opinions upon this all-important question. (Hear,
hear.) In the Liverpool Courier of Wednesday week there
is an able and admirable article in answer to the Anti-Corn
Law Circular, previously issued, and, if you will allow me,
I will read you one or two extracts from it. (Having
read these extracts. the chairman continued his address.)
After this I do not think it necessary that I should at all oc-
cupy your time with any further remarks, but I will leave
them to those who are about to move the resolutions. One
gentleman in particular, I am happy to say, is present who
has studied the question in all its ramifications, and he will
be able to give you some good arguments and statistical in-
formation which will bear materially upon this much agitated
question. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, you are quite aware
that the anti-corn law league are now paying compliments to
the people. (Hear, hear.) As I remarked upon a former
occasion, they fancy they possess such an exclusive monopoly
of the people, that to venture to suppose that any of them
could entertain conservative opinions would be a sheer flight
of the imagination. (Applause.) They look upon the peo-
ple as their own peculiar domain ; they regard their under-
standings as a sort of quiet and snug preserve upon which
they can sport to any extent. (Hear, hear.) But there is
now a singular change : the people do not consider it part of
their political creed to be indifferent to their country and dis-
loyal to their queen. (Cheers.) Mark the difference. The
"people" immediately undergo a sort of transformation, in
the opinion of these gentlemen. (Hear.) For a long time
we heard nothing but compliments to the " sovereign peo-
ple"—to " the people, the source of all power." (Hear,
hear.) The people had all kinds of flowery and resounding
epithets applied to them—but the moment these same " peo-
ple" see the necessity of entertaining just notions of good
government—the moment they cease to be the despoilers of
the law and the deriders of religion—from that moment they
sink in the estimation of these gentlemen. (Hear, and great
applause.) They must not " come between the wind and
their nobility." (Cheers.) They undergo a sort of trans-
mutation ; and the "sovereign people," the " source of all
power," immediately sink into the category of " deluded vic-
tims of the tory party ;" they immediately become a drunken
and reckless "mob," devoid of the power of forming just
notions upon the subject of good government. (Loud cheer-
ing.) Such are the remarks of these aristocratic dispensers
of gentility ; such are the rewards for an unflinching adhe-
rence to quiet and orderly opinions. (Renewed applause.)
In the town of Liverpool the anti corn-law league may agi-
tate; the advocates of repeal may agitate and agitate ; but I
am proud to say that it has always been the distinguished
privilege of this town, swarming as it does with a dense
and industrious population, to have exhibited to all Eng-
land an example of the greatest order and the greatest
loyalty. (Loud cheers.) Within the walls of Liverpool
the harangues of fanatical politicians have met with
no sympathetic echo—(renewed cheers)—and I rejoice
to say that when the voice of the people is heard in the strife
of the electoral battle, it is loudest and strongest upon the
side of conservative principles. (Immense applause.) Where
else, I ask, in England, did the orations of chartism meet
with more derisive smiles and listless. ears than in the Old

Infirmary-yard? (Cheers.) And where, I may enquire with
confidence, have the monstrous doctrines of socialism, from
men and women, met with more execration and more abhor-
rence ? (Tremendous applause.) Our opponents are con-
tinually sounding in, our ears the great prosperity of the
country and the great prosperity of our commerce ; 'I will
leave you gentlemen, and the mercantile world, to judge of
those two facts. (Hear.) But I will remark that whilst our

navy stands unshaken amid the wreck of nations, our com-
merce will not only be protected but enlarged. (Hear, and
applause.) Difficulties, always call forth the resources of a
great people, and. ttse'Ygsources of England—though they
may be crippled by whig;radical misrule—l am proud to con-
fess, are not yet exhausted. (Cheers.) She possesses an
extensive commerce, and her capital, her industry, her en-
terprise, aided by a government. which will ever stand for-
ward in defence of her national honour—(hear, hear)—will
always break down every barrier which may be opposed to
her prosperity. But, however, it fortunately does not belong
to any ministry to control that energy or to repress that spirit
of enterprise which has given to the commerce of thiscouatry
an influence and a sway which throw the recollections of
Tyre and Carthage into the shade, and which has constituted
the private traders of England the merchant princes of the
world. (Immense cheers.) By nothing is that sway and
that influence more extended than by the intimate bond of
union which exists between the operative and the middle
classes of the country. (Hear, hear.) It is associations of
this kind, fostering and womoting that union, which have
been called into existence by the continued presence in office
of the strangest ministry—(laughter)—that this nation ever
beheld. (Hear, hear.) On what point of national policy,
may I ask, are they unanimous? (Hear, hear.) Is it upon
this same question of the corn laws ?—(cries of no, no)—when
the premier of England denounces it as one of the wildest
and maddest schemes that ever entered into the head of
reasoning man, whilst all the rest of his colleagues are
unanimous for their repeal? (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.)
Is it upon the vote by ballot, when Lord John Russell indites
a pamphlet to prove that it is at once useless and dangerous
to the constitution, whilst the rest of his colleagues sitting on
the self-same bench exhaust their declamation and record
their votes in its favour, as the great requisite to the stability
of their party ? (Renewed cheery-} Upon many other ques-
tions—in fact, gentlemen, upon no.great question of national
policy is this ministry unanimous. . (Hear, hear.) Is it upon
the war in Syria, which has proved that even under Whig
bungling our courageous tars have not forgotten the traditions
and the triumphs of a Howe and a Nelson? (Applause.) No.
Upon each and all of these questions we have a divided and
- a distracted adminigtraticirt; turning in herpless despair from
their own disputes in the cabinet to the still more dreaded.
discussions in the Commons' House of Parliament, which, I
trust, will speedily terminate their miserable political exist-
ence. (Hear.) It is not to the country they must look for
help. (Cries of " No, no.") At Walsall, in spite of the in-
timidation, in spite of the corruption that took place there by
the supporters of the anti-corn-law candidate, I am glad to
see that Mr. Gladstone has been returned as its representative
to the House of Commons. Mr. Smythe, who has also been
returned for Canterbury, remarks, in his address to the elec-
tors :—" He knew that he had a very formidable antagonist ;
he knew he was opposed by the whole power of a doomed
and a tottering government ; he had, besides, the opposition
of a unanimous corporation ; he had a wealthy opponent.
He (Mr. Smythe) came there in full opposition to all the in-
fluence of Downing-street, of the Canterbury Guildhall, and
of Chelsea Park." But lam glad to say, gentlemen, that in
spite of all this influence Mr. Smythe was returned by a ma-
jority of 163 votes—(loud cheers)—and that both he and Mr.
Gladstone are now ready to record their votes in favour of
Lord Stanley's Irish Registration Bill. (Renewed cheers.)
And recently in Carlow—that Carlow which was bought and
sold by the great agitator of Ireland, Mr. Daniel O'Connell
—(hear)—we have a safe guarantee that at the next gene-
ral election a rich harvest of conservative victory waits to
salute a requiem over departed whiggery. (Tremendous ap-
plause.) It is also true, gentlemen, that the patronising at-
tentions of this same government are not always reserved for
the advocates of social order. (Hear, hear.) The lines now
and then fall in pleasanter places for the violent assailants of
the constitution, nay, even for the revolutionary incendiary
himself. (Hear, hear.) It may be that when such an one
carries his attacks to an unguarded length he may go through

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the trite formalities of transportation orimprisonment ; but
what is transportation, or what is imprisonment, I ask,
when perhaps their horrors are cheered by a snug and
profitable clerkship in Sydney ? (Cries of " Hear, hear,"
. .

and immense cheering.) Is this the way to reward those de-
serving members of society who, though they honourably oc-
cupy the lower grades, are still satisfied to do their unobtru-
sive duty to their country and to their families, and pursue
an orderly and a quiet career ? I allude to the operatives
whom I see before me. (Loud cheers, and cries of " No, no.")
Whenever an election does take place, I trust that not only
in the loyal town of Liverpool, but also in every borough and
in every county throughout the country, the question may be
asked of those who ask us to join in the work of destruc-
tion and misrule—" We see what you are going to destroy,
what are you prepared to construct ?" (Cheers.) In the
place of that venerable church which we have been accus-
tomed to regard with feelings of reverential affection, whose
divines are so laborious in their vocation through good and
through evil report, whose services have so often imparted to
our hearts the words of consolation and the words of peace,
what new Babel of sects are you about to call upon us to sub-
stitute ? (Cheers.) In the place of those time-honoured in
stitutions which the civilized world admires and respects,
which of your crude theories shall we adopt? (Hear, hear.)
We refuse to be the prey of those vile parodies of religion
that walk our streets, the dissolvents of all the purity
and the graces of Christianity ; nor will we sanction those
new fangled schemes of politics, those specious " charters"
that come reeking to us from some midnight manufactory
of treason and the torch. (Immense cheering.) No, gen-
tlemen, against these incitements we have a firm bulwark and
buckler in upright and conservative principles (hear, and
cheers) ; and so long as we see those principles thrown into
discredit, so long as we have a ministry so unworthy, and so
incapable of ruling the destinies of this great country (cheers)
—so long as that ministry have a majority, however apparent
and however vaccillating—so long we shall feel it t) be our
duty in the town of Liverpo9l to unfurl the banner of the
conservative democracy. (Tremendous cheering.) Gentle-
men, are we not banded together in a holy and a just cause ?
(Hear, hear.) Are we not banded together to defend the
institutions of our land ? (Cries of " Yes.") Yes ; and we
will defend them. (Loud cheers.) Are we not banded to-
gether to defend our church? (Cries of "Yes.") Yes, and
we will defend our national church because she is the holy,
the just, the tolerant, and the pure church. (Loud cheers.)
In conclusion I would say, that when the day of battle arrives
we shall be found at our post (hear hear), and if our oppo-
nents will but meet us fairly we will meet them, whether it
may be in the municipal battle, or in the parliamentary bat-
tle. (Hear.) We will give them fair and honourable battle.
Trusting to the justice of our cause, we can afford to look
with inexpressible scorn upon all the efforts, and upon all the
agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League. (The worthy and
eloquent :chairman then resumed his seat amidst loud and
long-reiterated cheering.)
Mr. I. LLOYD (late of the Liverpool Standard) proposed
the first resolution. He spoke at considerable length on
the repeal of the restrictions on the import of foreign corn.
The people of this country were, he said, the periodical dupes
of political frauds. ThAreform bill, the vote by ballot, the
municipal reform bill, were frauds that had succeeded each
other, and now they had the greatest fraud of all—the most
magnificent humbug—the repeal of the corn laws. He ad-
duced a variety of arguments to show the evils that would
arise from such a repeal. The wages of workmen would
inevitably be reduced; land would be, thrown out of
cultivation ; the great proportion of the agricultural
population would be thrown out of employment, and
would swarm into the towns, causing a further reduction of
wages ; and entailing new burthens on the parish ; and if we
become dependent for our corn on foreign countries, what
would become of us if a general war were to come ? We, in
fact, should be reduced to absolute famine. He thought that
this country ought to look for an increase of her commerce
and her general prosperity to her colonies in the East and
West Indies, Canada, and New South Wales, which afforded
ample fields for the enterprise and industry of our manufac-
turing and commercial population. Another evil of the re-
peal of the corn laws would be the draining of the country of
much of its capital for corn, which would be employed in
rearing manufactories abroad to our great injury. He moved
the first resolution.
Mr. MUNCASTER seconded the resolution, and it was car-
ried unanimously.
Mr. ISAAC HOLMES then addressed the meeting at some
length. He was received throughout with repeated cheer-
ings ; but we regret that the lateness of the hour prevents us
from reporting this or the subsequent speeches. He moved
the second resolution.
Mr. R. JONES, jun., stated that he should prefer a fixed
duty to that now in force. He cordially seconded the reso-
lution, which was also unanimously carried.

Mr. JACKSON then moved the petition, which was read by
the secretary, seconded by Mr. WATSON, and agreed to.
A vote of thanks was then passed to the chairman, and,
after giving three cheers respectively for Sir Robert Peel,
Lord Stanley, Lord Francis Egerton. the Hon. Bootle Wil-
braham, and other distinguished conservatives, also for the
conservative press, the meeting separated.