The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1854-02-07 00:00:00

HOUSE OF LORDS.-TuESDAY, JAR. 31.

The House met at five o'clock, and
The Royal Speech having been read by the Lord Chan-
cellor, the Earl of CAIINAIINON moved the address in a
maiden speech of more than usual promise, eliciting from
the Earl of Derby the remark that he had " adverted to
almost all the topics contained in, the Royal speech, with
a facility, a grace, and a modesty which promised to make
him, at no distant time, an ornament of this House, as I
am sure he is of the university to which he belongs, and
which has reason to be proud of him."
The Earl of DUMB seconded the motion.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE, though he cordially
agreed with the scheme of domestic reforms contained in
the speech, was sorry that he could not agree in the ex-
pressions used with regard to the efforts of the Govern-
ment to preserve peace. 'Those efforts, it seemed to him,
had been so characterized by vacillation and inconsistency
that, in point of fact, neither Parliament nor the world
knew what the determination of the Government really
was. Warfare was talked of, but no.one knew with
whom we were at war. Nay, no one could say whether
we were at war or not. But, if public rumour were true,
we were at war, and, if so, why were Government afraid
to state the fact? He passed in review the various phases
of the negotiations entered into by the great powers with
respect to the Turkish and Russian quarrel, and concluded
by denouncing in no measured terms the late propositions
which had been imposed on Turkey, and particularly the
clause which insisted on the renewal of the treaties—a
clause in itself sufficient to give the Emperor of Russia all
that he had asked for at the commencement of the dispute.
The Earl of CLARENDON entered in detail into the
Eastern question, and showed that at first the Govern-
ment, acting on a direct straightforward declaration from
the Emperor of Russia, firmly believed that he had no
ulterior views on the integrity of Turkey. When that
belief was shaken, they did not proceed to extremities,
but had exhausted every honourable means to bring about
a pacific solution by negotiation. The result was, that
the Emperor of Russia had been placed completely in the
wrong, while the four great powers were united in con-
demnation of his aggression against Turkey.
The Earl of MALMESBURY complained that the govern-
ment had, by depreciating the French alliance during his
tenure of office, led Russia to imagine that France and
England would never act cordially together, and had thus
induced the Emperor to make his aggression upon Turkey.
If ministers had shown from the first a firm determina-
tion to resist that aggression, in concert with France, he
believed that peace would never have been endangered.
Earl GREY reserved his opinion on the Eastern question
until the papers were before the house, but at present was
by no means convinced that we should have interfered at
all in the dispute between Russia and Turkey.
The Earl of DERBY adverted to some minor topics in
the Queen's speech, expressing his opinion of the difficulty
of dealing beneficially with the law of settlement, declaring
his strong doubts of the advantages anticipated from the
measures proposed for the Universities, and remarking on
the omission of all mention of the great' subject of general
education, the negotiation still pending with the United
States, and the conclusion of the treaty by which the
River Plate had been opened to the commerce of the
world. He then entered into a criticism of the long nego-
tiation with Russia, which had, as he contended, been so
conducted as to lead almost necessarily to its present
lamentable conclusion. If, however, war was inevitable,
our great object must be to carry it as soon as possible to
the most honourable and successful termination, and to
this object he would not hesitate to sacrifice all party
feelings and party prejudices. No time, however, could be
less opportune than the present for the consideration of
questions of parliamentary reform, though the great evils
of bribery and intimidation could not be too soon or too
summarily dealt with. Turning from public affairs, after
a rapid animadversion of what he believed to be the new
scheme of reform, Lord Derby called attention to, the
extraordinary circumstances of Lord Palmerston's retire-
ment from office, and his yet more extraordinary return
to it. He said there was one question which, though
appearing to be of a mere personal character, was also a
matter of public interest, though not alluded to in her
Majesty's speech. For the space of twelve days the coun-
try was without a Minister of the Home Department ;
nor was it the case of an ordinary minister at an ordinary
time ; but at the crisis of foreign affairs, when the atten-
tion of the government was or ought to have been directed
to the subject of foreign policy. Just then they were
astonished by the announcement that the minister in
whom a great portion of the country had confidence in
respect to his conduct of foreign affairs had resigned. He
had often opposed that minister, but he had felt the
honesty and sincerity of his motives, even in cases where
he had differed from him. It was a matter of public
notoriety that the Home-office went a-begging ; that
various noble lords and honourable gentlemen were
solicited to accept the offipe, and found it convenient to
decline. The Oblic were equally astonished on learn-
ing, at the end of twelve days, that the noble viscount
was again in his place, and that the circumstances,
when explained, would be found " mutually honour-
able to all parties." It was in the hope that they
would be found mutually honourable that he asked for
some explanation of that transaction. The resignation of
a member of her Majesty's government was no matter to
be lightly tenderi'd or lightly accepted, and least of all
as w it a step to be lightly passed over at a period when
the country was co.ifessedly in difficulty. If it was a
matter of minor importance, and to be easily explained
away, what explanation was there in the first instance for
the noble lord resigning, and, in the next place, for the
noble earl in accepting hie: resignation ? But if the dif-
ference were such as to just.lfy the resignation on the one
side and the acceptation on the other, if there was such
an irreconcilable difference in point of principle, then he
must say that the reunion of these two persons, these dif-
ferences unadjusted, the question still pending for the
decision of parliament—whether the resignation was
justifiable on the one side or the ae,eeptance of it on the
other, he expressed no opinion, but h I said that on this
the first day of the session their lords 'hips would • not be
doing their duty to the country if they t lid not ask from
her Majesty's government an explanation, of that singular

fact that for twelve days the resignation of one of the
leading ministers of the crown was tendered and accepted,
and that, at the expiration of those twelve days, without
any alteration of the external circumstances, they found
that same minister in the same cabinet sharing the same
councils, and, in point of fact, at this moment the leading
genius of the cabinet. This was a matter that could not
increase the confidence that parliament should feel as to
the manner in which public men should act together. It
could not increase their confidence in the present adminis-
tration.

The Earl of ABERDEEN, repeating in the strongest
terms all that he had ever said to express his horror and
detestation of war, defended himself from the odious im-
putation that he had been "the instrument and tool of
Russia" in the late negotiation, whereas no man in public
life had ever taken a more active part against the Russian
government. He maintained, in reply to those who would
have preferred a more vigorous course, that nothing would
have been gained by a game of brag, and that, if we had
menaced Russia in the spring of last year, we should only
'have provoked an immediate march upon Constantinople,
which the Turks were then wholly unable to resist. With
reference to the resignation of Lord Palmerston, he said,
'" lunderstand the noble earl has stated his determination
of extracting from government all that has occurred in
that matter • but he will find it difficult to extract more
than ministers think proper to state. I don't deny the
cleverness of the noble earl, but he must be a cleverer
fellow than I take him to be if he can extract more from
us than we feel inclined to give. I will state generally,
that the tendered resignation of the noble lord was con-
nected with the measure of parlimentary reform, under a
misapprehension which was entertained by the noble lord.
Under the idea that there were in the contemplated mea-
sure provisions to which he could not give his support, he
tendered his resignation. The noble lord had not, how-
ever, retired from his office, but continued to perform its
duties. This much I can state ; but as the noble lord
had not left office, I deny that the noble earl has a right
to those explanations which, had his noble friend resigned,
parliament would have been entitled to expect." He
then proceeded to comment upon the slanders which
had been circulated respecting Prince Albert, and said,
" I will now allude to the attacks which have been made
on a high personage without the shadow of a foundation.
These charges have assumed a form which calls on me
distinctly to meet them. I will call on your lordships to
see the statements which have been made within the last
two weeks, and the charges which have been made on the
illustrious individual, the Prince Consort. I will remind
your lordships of the position which is occupied by that
illustrious prince. That he is the adviser of the Queen
cannot be denied, and Her Majesty has not even a private
secretary. Was there any objection, I will ask, taken to
the private secretary of George the Fourth and of William.
the Fourth ? Yet these private secretaries had the oppor-
tunity of advising the monarch, although they were not
privy councillors. The only exception was that Lord
Melbourne acted as private secretary to the Queen when
he was first minister of the crown. It might have been
objectionable his doing so, but Lord Melbourne hoped the
Queen would soon contract a marriage, and so relieve him
from that duty. I will not refer to the various charges
which have been made against that illustrious individual
in question. That the Prince Consort would see the
Queen in difficulty, and would not open his mouth to give
her advice, was a species of conduct which, if it occurred,
I am sure your lordships would form an extraordinary
opinion of the individual who would be guilty of it. It
was said it was Sir R. Peel who introduced the practice of
the Prince Consort being present with Her Majesty and
her minister, and that Lord Melbourne would not allow
the Prince to exercise those functions which he could
exercise so beneficially. Now I can say that the Prince is
very frequently present when ministers have communica-
tions to make to Her Majesty, and I always 'regretted his
absence on such occasions. I appeal to noble lords who
have had the opportunity of profiting by the wisdom and
the judgment of his Royal Highness; and I ask them if
they have ever heard a syllable breathed by him that in
any degree militated against the honour and the interests
of this country ? (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Prince
Albert may, if he chooses, entertain opinions at variance
with those entertained by ministers, but it is the ministers
who are responsible for the policy of the government. One
word more upon this odious subject. One of the charges
brought against His Royal Highness is with reference to
his interfering with the army, and at the Horse Guards.
Now, so far from this being true, I can state to your
lordships that in the year 1850 it was the desire of the
late Duke of Wellington to make such arrangements as
would enable Prince Albert with greater ease and con-
venience to be in command of the army ; but his Royal
Highness, with that sound judgment by which he is dis-
tinguished, felt it would interfere with the position which
he occupied in relation to Her Majesty, and refused to
accept of the appointment. His Royal Highness stated
with admirable clearness his reasons for resigning the
propositions made to him, and in that decision the Duke
of Wellington entirely concurred. I need scarcely say
that all the miserable calumnies about interfering with
commissions and alterations are groundless. His Royal
Highness is a field-marshall, and his son will one day be
at the head of the army ; and that he should not, there-
fore, be interested in the welfare and condition of the
army it is monstrous to imagine. But beyond that in-
terest which is due to the position he occupies, I utterly
deny that on any occasion he has interfered with the
business of the army."
Lord HARDINGE added his personal testimony to the
statement of the Earl of Aberdeen as to the utter ground-
lessness of the charges made against the Prince in con-
nexion with the administration of the army.
The Earl of DERBY, while generally concuring with
Lord Aberdeen's observations on the subject, complained
of the manner in which he had introduced it. Warmly
disclaitning any connection on the part of the members of
the conservative party with those calumnies, he denied
that the Conservative portion of the press was responsible
for them, and having mentioned the rumour of Prince
Albert being sent to the Tower, ascribed their origin and
propagation to the Daily News and Morning Advertiser.
He gave it as his opinion that in this country, where after
all, the Soverign was not a mere puppet, it was advan-
tageous to the public interest and satisfactory to a
Minister, that the Queen should have an intimate and
confidental adviser, whose interests were bound up with
her own, and who should be possessed of the ability and
discretion of the present Prince Consort.
Lord CAMPBELL, viewing the question constitutionally,
expressed his opinion that, not only as a Privy Councillor,
but as the husband of the Soverign, Prince Albert should
be consulted upon public affairs.
In the course of a short discussion, which brought the
debate to a conclusion, the Earl of HARROWBY lectured
the members of the Opposition for allowing these
unfounded attacks to be repeated in Conservative journals,
over which they had influence enough to prevent their
publication; upon which the Earl of DERBY repeated his
assertion, that it was the Radical, and not the Conser-
vative, press that originated and magnified the rumours;
and the E: rl of M tLMESBURY declared that, being uncon-
nected with the press, he had no power to check the
calumnies.

The motion for the Address was agreed to without a
division, and their lordships adjourned.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2.

LAW REFORM.—The LORD CHANCELLOR, in answer
to Lord Lyndhurst, stated that the commissioners en-
gaged in consolidating the criminal law were proceeding
satisfactorily, and that several bills would, by and bye, be
presented to their lordships, intended to give practical
effect to their labours. Drafts of the bills had been sent
to the judges for their opinion. As soon as answers were
received, they would be published.
THE VIENNA NOTE.—The Earl of CLARENDON, in
answer to questions, made an explanatory statement to
the same effect as that given on Tuesday evening on the
subject of the Vienna note.
Several petitions were presented in favour of reforma-
tory schools.

heir lordships adjourned at a quarter to six o'clock.

FRIDAY, FED. 3.
Their lordships met at five o'clock, and adjourned a few
minutes afterwards.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TuzsDAY, JAN. 31.

The House, after attending to hear the speech from the
Throne, re-assembled at a quarter to four o'clock.
NEW WRITS were ordered for the University of Oxford,
in the room of Sir 11. H. Inglis, Bart., who had resigned;
for the county of Louth, in the room of Mr. C. Fortescue,
who had been appointed a Lord of the Treasury ; for
South Stafford, in the room of Lord Lewisham, who had
been called to the House of Peers ; for Brecknock, in the
place of Mr. Morgan, deceased; for South Shropshire, in
the room of Mr. Clive, deceased; and for West Sussex,
in the room of Mr. R. Prime, who had accepted the Chil-
tern Hundreds.