The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-17 00:00:00

TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 17, 1841

The leading organ of Liberalism in the metropolis
asks what is Conservatism, and what is to be expficted
from it, now that it is about to assume a leading posi-
tion in the country. Now we would answer to the
first question, that Conservatism is the preservation
of truth in religion, and freedom in civil polity;
and to the second we would reply, that there is
to be expected from it the utmost amount of general
happiness of which man in this life is capable. The
journal of Liberalism is at liberty to differ from us
as much as he pleases with regard to the correctness
of our answers ; he may deny Conservatism to be that
which we say it is ; he may conceive, and he may al-
lege that it is something quite different; but this he
must allow, that supposing, for argument sake, that
we describe it truly, it is, in such case, a cause worthy
above all others of support, and that the man who
sincerely maintains and defends it does maintain and
defend that which should dignify and elevate him in
the estimation of all virtuous and respectable persons.
The Morning Chronicle is bound to concede this, un-
less, like the American who was affronted at being
called a gentleman, and vowed that lie never was and
never would be a gentleman, it would eschew all pre-
tence to the character of liberal and enlightened.
But should we be asked to prove how Conservatism
is the preservation principle, or, rather, the actual pre-
server of '• truth in religion and freedom in civil po-
lity," we answer, that it is so, because it maintains and
defends the Church and Constitution of England—the
former answering to the first description, and the latter
to the second. Would the Liberal dispute with us on
these points ? Alaybap. he would ; we should expect
as much, 'and we should be quite ready on our part to
meet him; but the controversy, we apprehend, would
be rather broad, and not quite adapted for newspaper
columns. We must, under these circumstances, be
content to rest upon the points as proved ; and surely
in this age, after all that has been said and written on
both heads, it is no great presumption to assume so
much. The Conservative, at all events, is convinced ;
he is rooted and established in his belief, and wants no
more evidence. Church and State are his motto, and
he is satisfied therewith; he has not discovered that
there is any better church or better form of govern-
ment than his own, and to both he firmly adheres.
Now what has Liberalism to object, or to offer us ?
In the first place, it 'declines all discussion on modes
of faith ; its doctrine is, that religion should form no
part of civil institutions; and with regard to our poli-
tical constitution, it fixes on parts, and would rather
narrow the dispute to change in some circumscribed
portions, than engage in a discussion which would
embrace the whole. The first of these propositions is
essentially anti-Conservative, because it would take
away the national church and give us nothing in its
place ; the second does not reach the Conservative
point at all, because as to all limiter and useful changes,
the Conservative position is quite as good as any other,
and the Conservative is himself as free to inquire into,
or adopt them if necessary, as the Liberal. We take
our stand then on strong, on plain and intelligible
ground, and we ask the Chronicle if this be not suffi-
ciently definite for him, will he be pleased to tell us
what he can offer for his favourite Liberalism that is
more so ? Conservatism refers the inquirer at once to
the Established Church and the settled constitution of
the country ; but what does Liberalism refer him to ?
If Conservatism be in any degree liable to the reproach
of vagueness or uncertainty—(which we deny that it
is)—we should be glad to know what is Liberalism ?
Liberalism has no religion, or, if any, it has so little
confidence in it, that it would take no pains to establish
it by law, or teach it universally among the people.
As to its politics, where shall we find them ? If it
have any settled creed on the subject, we should be
glad to be directed to it; or, are the sayings and do-
ings of the Whigs during the last ten years to be taken
as its clearest and choicest exponent ? If there is any
better, we are not aware of it; and, trying it by this
test, we say that it has failed altogether; and that the
people have deliberately and constitutionally passed
sentence against it.

But we are asked, in the second place, what will
Conservatism do when it returns to power ? Now if
it is meant, for instance, that we should tell what the
budget of the Conservative Chancellor will be, of
course we cannot answer the question; nor with regard
to any other precise course or steps that a Conservative
ministry will adopt, have we any information to give;
but this is our advantage, that we are not over-anxious
or curious upon the point. If an army be commanded
by a skilful general, our confidence in his talents and
prudence relieves us of all necessity of prying into his
movements. Non-commissioned officers and privates
are not expected to be of his councils, and all who are
interested in his plans or actions feel a great satisfac-
tion in being able to commit their fortunes into his
hands without receiving specific instruction as to the
plan of his campaigns, or information as to the details
of his intended operations. Just so it is with Conser-
vatives generally when competent men of their party,
principles, and views are in office ; they rely upon their
prudence, and they expect from them whatever talent,
wisdom, attd honesty placed in their circumstances can
accomplish.

Conservatives then will do what men actuated by
Christian principles, invincible attachment to the
Church of England, profound admiration of the British
Constitution, and an ardent as well as enlightened love
of country, would be expected to do ; more could not
be looked for; for more is not in man. Should any
among them disappoint these expectations, or come
short of these attainments, our reply will be, that the
failure arose not from the influence of Conservative
principles, but from the want of them—not from the
natural tendencies of Conservatism, but its absence in
the instance complained of. If Conservatism cannot