The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-10-05 00:00:00

MEETING OF THE INCORPORATED SOCIETY
FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL
IN FOREIGN PARTS.

On Tuesday at twelve o'clock, a meeting of the members
and friends of the above society was held at the Music-hall
3
in Bold-street.
At the opening of the proceedings the attendance was but
scanty, but shortly afterwards the numbers were so far aug-
mented that the room was completely filled.
The Rev. Rector Brooks took the chair, in compliance
with previous arrangement. On the platform, and in its im-
mediate vicinity, we observed the Rev. Rector Campbell, the
Rev. Archibald Montgomery Campbell, Rev. Hugh Stowell,
Rev. Hugh M•Neile, Rev. "Fielding Ould, Rev. It. P. Bud-
dicom, Rev. John North, Rev. J. B. Monk, Rev. Robert
Davies, Rev Mr. Wray, Rev. James Hassell, Rev. C. Law-
rence, Rev. Mr. Leicester, Rev. R. Bold, Rev. I'. S. Bow-
stead.- Rev. Edward Oldfield, Rev. R. L. Townsend, Rev.
E. Bates, Rev. T. G. Leigh, Rev. T. C. Gladwin, Rev. R.
Gardner, Rev. C. Morrall, Rev. NV. Hesketh, Rev. J. H.
Stafford, Rev. R. L. Pain, Rev. J. Cheetham, Rev. John
Jones, Rev. J. Picton. Rev. P. Crawford, Rev. R. Appleton,
Rev. T. Hatton, Rev. R. Mclver, Rev. William Maynard,
Rev. Dr. Tattershall, Rev. W. Gibson, and several other
clergymen; Messrs. Adam Hodgson, T. B. Horsfall, David
Hodgson, W. Jones, J. B. Clough, Cyrus Morrall, C.
Groves, T. Porfer, Samuel Holme, and others.
At the request of the Chairman, the Hey. Rector Campbell
opened the meeting with a short and appropriate prayer.
The Rev. CHAIRMAN said, in opening the business of the
day, he would concisely state the object of the society, and
the reasons which induced them to make a general appeal
throughout the kingdom at the present moment. He believed
he was right in conjecturing that to the majority of those pre-
sent this society had, till recently, been unknown. He must
suppose that the people of this town were entirely ignorant of
its merits, or he was confident there would have been a much
larger attendance. Its claims to the sympathy of the people
at large, but more particularly to those of the national church,
were very great, as it had extended its influence over the
greatest part of the known world. That influence had com-
menced in North America, and extended to India. Its claims
had, for a length of time, been acknowledged by the govern-
ment, and during a number of years a sum of money was an-
nually voted for the propagation of the gospel, the govern-
ment making this society its almoner in the expenditure
thereof. For reasons and motives w Bich-it did not fall within
his duty to investigate, this amount had been withdrawn by
the legislatnre, and unfortunately it was withdrawn at a time
when it was more than ever wanted, from the claim upon their
exertions in the .7.ast and West India Colonies and in Aus-
tralia, to the Protestant inhabitants of which they ought to
feel an interest in communicating that Word which was so
much required. When their means was so much reduced,
they had only one of two alternatives,—either to give up the
work in despair, or to appeal to the liberality of the great
mass of the people of this country. He hoped all those who
were assembled there that day would feel bound to support,
by their contributions as well as by urging the consideration
of their friends, a society which had been the means of esta-
blishing the hierarchy of the Church of England in the East
and West Indies, in North America and in Australia. The
rev, chairman concluded by calling upon the Rev. Rector
Campbell to move the first resolution.
The Rev. Rector CAMPBELL having read the resolution,
(for a copy of which, as well as of all the other resolutions,
we refer ti- the advertisement,) said, as he was sure his name-
sake, the secretary for the parent society, would have much
interesting information to, give them, he would not trespass
long upon their time. He would confine himself simply to
the proposition, that the .society was entitled to the cordial
support of every consistent Churchman. He would endea-
vour first to obviate the preliminary objection taken by some,
that they ought not to expend their means oa foreign missions,
when they had so many calls at home. He would not under-
estimate the responsibility at which this observation was di-
rected, as he wished they were more awake to the necessity
and propriety of building schools and edifices for worship, as
the citadels and strongholds of religion. (Cheers.) He
wished they were able to produce funds sufficiently ample
to enable them to pay efficient clergymen to act as school-
masters to the people. But he could not admit, that because
they had to preach the Gospel at home, they were not to
preach it abroad. They must not, because they had one
duty to do, neglect another. If they were well supplied with
the good things of the Gospel at home, it was not proper that
they should neglect others who were not equally blessed;
they were rather bound to suffer every one, as far as possible,
to partake of the crumbs which fell from the rich man's
table. It was said, " Why waste your money on foreign
objects, when there is so much to do at home?" 'They were
not foreign objects—they were national objects; for it was
their wish to send the light of the Word to those who were
obliged to leave this country to seek their subsistence on a
foreign shore. They wished to spread the doctrines of that
pure church which was established here; to preach that true
Protestant and tolerant Christian Church with which we
were blessed; to distribute that excellent book of Common
Prayer • to diffuse that form of worship which we reverence
as the best encouragement to practical holiness and charity
in this life, and the sure guide to brighter worlds than this
beyond the grave. He thought they of the Church of Eng-
land ought to be animated by a feeling of holy jealousy,
when they saw what was done to promote the spread of its
doctrines in foreign parts by the Church of Rome. (Hear,
and cheers.) He was not going to enter into the discussion
of the Popery question : he would be sorry to take that out
of abler hands. (Loud cheers.) When they considered the
situation of the clergy in Canada—when they were told that
the British government paid from £5OO to £I,OOO per annum
each for the support of Catholic bishops abroad, he hoped
the Protestant clergymen would not be permitted to starve;
and if the government would not take care of the clergy, he
hoped the people would do it themselves. (Cheers.) He
earnestly requested that each of them would contribute to
this society according to the power which they possessed.
As treasurer to the society for this district, he urged them to
contribute in annual subscriptions, which would be received
in any amount, according to the ability of the subscribers.
(Cheers.)
The Rev. ARCHIBALD MONTGOMERY CAMPBELL, secre-
tary to the parent society, in allusion to the latter part of the
speech of the reverend junior rector, said, from no town in
the empire had the society received more support than from
Liverpool. The particular reason for which the society had
desired him to attend this and other meetings was detailed in
the report. The question was• whether the great colonial
empire of Britain should be Christian or Infidel—whether in
those dominions Christianity should be taught in any form
whatever, he meant in any form but according to that of the
Church of Rome. The present period was a crisis in which-
ever direction they turned their attention. If the crisis ter-
minated favourably, it was well, but if unfavourably, Christi-
anity would be totally extinguished. He need not say how
this applied to Canada. A new constitution was in course of
formation there, and if a provision were made for religion it
was well if not, it would be an opportunity suffered to pass
away, the advantage of which could not be regained, With
regard to Australia there was a crisis there also, from the
changes that were to take place in respect to sending con-
victs. In the West Indies the emancipation of the negroes
had caused the commencement of a new epoch which ren-
dered the present moment a crisis as regarded those colonies.
This was almost a most important and interesting epoch in
India, which urged them to rise and be doing in that land.
The subject had been spoken of for a whole century without
anything material having been done for religious instruc-
tion. It ought to be that the first thing provided for a
colony should be religious instruction. With the first ship-
load of colonists, there should be not only a governor and
officers, but a minister to support and comfort them. As the
colonists increased so ought the number of those who could
administer to their most important 'xants, their spiritual wel-
fare, to be increased also. This had always been admitted
to be the duty of the government. By the Canada act one-
seventh portion of the land was set apart for the benefit of
the clergy. The rev. gentleman here gave an outline of the
history of the progress of the clergy in Canada during the
war. The clergy reserves, he said, had not yet been pro-
ductive, but they were a rich store in prospective. The go-
vernment made annual grants of money for their support till
the amount reached £16,000. It had been argued that the
people of England were not called upon to pay for the reli-
gious instruction of the people of Canada out of their taxes.
This on a first glance looked plausible enough, but those who
thus reasoned left out of sight that the money was not paid
for the instruction of those long resident in Canada, but for
British emigrants. (Hear.) Not for those settlers who went
out 50 or 200 years ago, but for their countrymen, who, to the
number of 501,000, every year, emigrated to those colonies.
Many of them were sent °Meat the expense of their respective
parishes in this country to those places where land was
abundant, and labour wanting. It was a difficult thing to
say that we should send out our superabundant population,
and that the settled colonists ought to provide them with
schoolmasters. They were sent there to save our own
pockets, and the religious provision for them was a debt
which we were called upon to liquidate. They were sent
away from us because we were peopled; we sent them away
from all that was dear to them, and we would refuse to let
them have that which was most dear, the means of edification
and grace. The Bishop of Nova Scotia had stated the dif-
ficulties which were to be contended with from the want of
clergy. They were followed, by fathers of families, who with
tears in their eyes begged of them to furnish pastors.
One man, a father of a
sendfamily , who ad beento save
bred
a Presbyterian, begged him to
his children from -infidelity, for he had not been visited
by a teacher of religion for twenty years. (Hear, hear.)
Ihe Itoiriin catholics were taking advantage of this state
of things, and numbers, for want of protestant pastors, were
becoming members of the church of Rome. The result would
be, that they had founded a mighty empire, the people of
which were Britons in blood, but different in religion; it
would be an empire godless and worthless. There might
be a few scattered efforts made to keep alive the true faith,
bat nothing effectual. (Hear.) In Newfoundland tbe state
of things was even worse than this, and it was the same in
Australia, with this difference, that there were convict colo-
nies there. We, for our comfort and satisfaction, sent our
felon population to found an empire in Australia. The rev.
gentleman alluded to the parliamentary documents under the
late inquiry, and asked those who had read them if they had
ever conceived anything worse than the state of those coin-
pies. We kept sending out annually six thousand felons to
Australia. We did not allow those colonies to mend. As it
was remarked by Judge Coleridge, we did not allow the
ferment to purify itself, but kept adding largely to it by new
materials of corruption. The rev. gentleman went on to ex-
press his satisfaction that it had ben decided to keep the
felons in our own country. He believed it would be seen
that it might have been as cheap to build churches and
schools to their instruction as to keep them in penitentiaries.
The Rev. gentleman made allusion to a passage in a speech
of Lord Brougham, which, be said, displayed the most un-
qualified ignorance. Lord Brougham had stated in the
most positive language, that all the religious instruction in
the 'West Indies had been communicated by others than those
connected with the church. He did not think this figure of
speech (hear and a laugh) was an intentional misrepresen-
tation, hot he believed it to be the result of profound and
utter ignorance. t Hear.) Mr. Campbell next proceeded
to give a sketch of the progress of religious instruction in
India, Since 1813, he said, religious education had made
some progress in India. The Hindoos were taught at the
Hindoo colleges; they learned English, and with a know-
ledge of English literature came a knowledge of religion. In
allusion to Rammahun Roy, the rev. secretary said he thought
the christianity of that individual problematical, because he
knew that he had said, when be wished to send his son to
England for education, that he did not like to entrust him to
the care of any of the sects who had offered. He did not
like to entrust him to the Baptists, for they would make a
Baptist of him ; he did not like to entrust hint to the bishop,
(the learned and pious Bishop Heber,) who had offered to
take charge of him, because he would cause lihn to become
a member of the church of England. "I do not want him
to be brought up in any sect," said he, "I want him to learn
bow to make a steam-engine." (Hear, hear.) Ihe society,
instead of flinching, was prepared to double its expenditure,
by the aid of the people of Great Britain. The preserit call
was made, in tt.e first instance, by the archbishop to the
bishops, and by them through the deacons to the clergy, who
were requested to urge the cause upon the attention of their
congregations.
The resolution was put by the Chairman, and carried.
unanimously.
The Rev. R. P. Bub otcom proposed the second resolution•
The Rev. M. Campbell had stated that there was a crisis in
the affairs of the great colonies to which the resolution al-
luded. Military men had stated that in every battle there
was a point of time and circumstances which they called the
crisis. All the event hinged upon that point, and it was then
that every exertion ought to be used to bring the conflict to
a successful issue. He thought we were arrived at that time
with respect to the colonies, and it was now time, when the
Catholics were already making such efforts, for every indivi-
doal in this Protestant country, as well as the clergy, to use
their best exertions. He had read a letter from the Arch-
deacon of Newfoundland, who mourned over the decay of
Protestantism in that place; for, while they could not get
any help for the Established Church, there had just been a
vent of eleven acre 4 pf fine land, for the purpose of building

~-~, - ~
~~. ~:,

a cathedral, a palace, and a monastery for the Catholics.
The reverend gentleman concluded by an earnest appeal to
the assembly to support the society in their efforts.
The Rev. HUGH DPISTHILE rose to second the resolution,
and was loudly cheered. He said, the resolution which he
bad been requested to second affected two facts, and des-
cribed a duty as resulting from these facts. The facts were,
first, that the government grant had been, withdrawn from
the society, and, second, that the society bad undertaken to
contribute towards the maintenance of forty additional cler-
gymen : and the duties described as resulting from these
facts were, that all who wished to preserve Protestantism in
Canada, should supply, by voluntary contributions, the defi-
ciency caused in the society's funds by the withdrawal of the
government ;rant. if be rightly apprehended the two ob-
jects of the meeting, it was to press on every individual pre-
sent his or her share of this duty. And further, by means of
the report of the meeting, to influence in the same way such
as were not there present to hear the statements made. It
had not been deemed sufficient merely to state the facts in
calling the meeting; a design was manifested from appeal-
ing and urging from those facts • and surely with the resolu-
tion before him, approved by their respected secretary, he
should not be travelling away from the subject—he should
not be going out of his record, as the lawyers expressed it, if
he endeavoured to appeal to these facts stated in the resolu-
tion; first, that the government grant had been withdrawn,
and, second, that the society had undertaken to contribute
towards the support of forty clergymen. But before he ven-
tured to touch on such an agitating topic as the withdrawal
of the government grant from the society—before he ven-
tured to allude to the Christian wisdom of the increase of the
grant, or the anti-Christian folly of its determination, (hear)
he wished to meet and to repel the slanderous objections by
which they would be assailed at home, as turbulent intruders
into public political matters. He was glad to have an oppor-
tunity of so doing, before that large and respectable assembly
of his fellow townsmen—he was happy to say so enlarged
since the chairman had first addressed the assembly, that his
complaint had ceased respecting the then attendance, and
was turned into a congratulation at their full room. (Hear.)f
Now, if it were desirable to maintain true religion at all,
whether in England or in the colonies, then it was equally
desirable to use the proper means for so doing. It was en-
thusiasm in its most objectionable sense, to expect ends with-
out means; while it was practical wisdom to anticipate that
if means be fully used, the appropriate ends would follow.
What, then, were the legitimate means to be used for the
maintenance and propagation of true religion? He thought
they were of a twofold character : first, the statement of truth,
and, second, the exposure of falsehood. This twofold cha-
racter had marked the labours of the faithful servants of God
from the beginning. The father of the faithful himself was
not only a witness for the true God, but also a witness against
idolatry. Moses was not only an inspired advocate for the
delivery of the Israelites from bondage, but also the inspired
censurer of the king of Egypt. The prophets were not only
the advocates of God's word, but also the sharp rebukers of
governors. John the Baptist was not only a preacher
of the word of God, but a reprover of vice—so sharp
and pungent in the case of a king and queen, that he lost
his head in the service of God. Our Lord Jesus Christ was
not only a teacher of truth, but a controverter of falsehood.
His ministry contained a series of controversial discussions
against the Sadducees, who, not knowing the power of God,
nor the principles of truth, denied the first principles of reli-
gion ; against the political fraud of the Herodians, who tried
to entangle him in his talk, and against the hypocrisy of the
Scribes and Pharisees, who magnified the traditions of men
into religious commandments, and thereby made void the
commands of God. The inspired Apostles were controver-
sialists: they were not sent to speak the truth directly—they
were not only scrupulously appointed to feed the flock of God,
but they were also watchmen called to warn men of the dangers
they had to encounter on earth. He need scarcely say that
these things were written for their learning. Every true
Evangelist was compelled therefore also to become a contro-
versialist; and for this simple reason, that not only was true
religion not natural to man, hut falsehood, in some one or
other of its shapes, was natural to man. True religion meet
not only with one indisposed to receive it, but with a pre-oc-
cupied soul; they had, therefore, not only to plant what was
right, but to root up and pluck out what was wrong. There
was no new thing under the sun. They were at that moment
surrounded with the counterpart of the ancient Sadducees,
who not knowing the scriptures, nor the' power of God, de-
nied the very statements of true religion; they were also sur-
rounded with Herodians, who desired by raising a cry of po-
litical parsons to neutralize their advocacy, when they could
not answer their arguments.—(Hear.) They were also sur-
rounded with Pharisees and Scribes, who having no spiritu-
ality, and yet desiring to have a character for religion, mag-
nified man's traditions into religions duties, pressing them
upon human authority, and by these traditions of men making
void the glorious gospel of the grace of God. What should
they do then? Should they refrain from all controversial
testimony, and so leave matters alone, or should they modify
their testimony, and then dignify their temporising trem-
blings with the name of discretion and prudence? Should
they become useless in order to remain peaceable? Should
they withdraw the pungent controversial testimony. to which
they were called, and become really traitors to their God, in
order that they might continue apparently charitable amongst
men? Their repudiating all such things was utterly un-
worthy of them. Should they stand forward and speak out ?
Should they maintain their cause boldly against all those sur-
rounding mischiefs,. against the sneer of the scoffer, showing
how little argument he had for it, aaainst the sneer also of the
wily politician, and refusing their statement to render unto
God the things that are God's, seeing that their glorious mas-
ter had said- also, tender unto Caesar' the things that are
Caesar's ; and also against the Pharasaical formalist and
Scribe, who could change the simplicity of the word of God,
for the cold and stupifying and wordly paralysis of the tradi-
tions of men. He thought their course was fixed; they in
effect had but one course ; their course was plain, they were
put in trust for the defence of the gospel, and as ministers of
the church, he conceived they had but one course. They
came then to those facts stated in the resolution, that from a
society whose sole and glorious object it was to propagate the
gospel of Christ in the colonies of Great Britain, the govern-
ment of Great Britain had withdrawn all national support,
or nearly all. He said nearly all because there remained a
-paltry residue, of which he must say that the residue was as
characteristic of cowardice as the taking of all the rest was of
meanness. He now referred to a part of a speech spoken in the
House of Commons—and admirably well spoken—by Mr.Par-
tington. • (The rev. speaker here read a long extract from Mr.
Partington's speech, stating the first origin of the Episcopalian
Church in Canada, and that one-seventh of the Canadas were
then set apart as clergy reserves. This, though more than
required if the lands had been cultivated, and made to yield
a return • from the lands not being so cultivated, was not
found sufficient, and a grant for the propagation of the
gospel was made to the extent of £16,000 per annum. This
was continued till 1832, when it was repealed, and ordered to
be gradually reduced by £4OOO per annum, and it had been
so reduced till 1835, when it would have ceased, but the go-
vernment found, if they carried out the restriction, the distress
caused thereby, and the public indignation would be so strong
that they did not dare to take it away.) This was what he
alluded to as characteristic of cowardice. If they thought
their vote right, why did they not carry it into execution ; if
they did not like to carry it into execution, why did they not
boldly set it aside, instead of doing it sub silentio. This was
what he called cowardice. Mr. Partington having made this
statement, proceeded to say, " I cannot suppose that her
Majesty's ministers have been actuated by anything like
hostility to the Protestant Church in Canada, but I believe
them to have acted incautiously." He was willing to make
the utmost allowance for parliamentary courtesy. He ad-
mired too, exceedingly, the avowal of their reverend friend
the secretary of the society,_ who had designated—what cer-
tainly wore a strange appearance in a man whose boast was
universal knowledge—as a, form of speech, or as,ignorance, a
statement to which simpler minds, giving the noble lord
(Brougham) credit for understanding a subject on which he
had been inquiring for many years, would have designated
with a very different word. He would not name it, but it
was impossible not to think it. Parliamentary courtesy did
not say what it thought, but it very often thought what ought
to be said; and he wanted them to think what ought to be
said, though lie should not say it. (" Hear," and laughter.)
He did not believe that her Majesty's ministers had any ab-
stract hatred of Protestantism, or any abstract love of Po-
pery, but he did believe that her Majesty's ministers loved
place better than Protestantism. (Loud cheering and clap-
ping of hands.) Ile supposed that if they could retain their
places by doing Protestant acts they would prefer it; but
when it came to the point, and they must be either pro-papists
or ex-ministers, then it was their pocket and not their con-
science—no, it was not their pocket, but it was their con-
science that was discovered to be composed of squeezeable
materials. (Loud cheers and laughter.) One of them, a
noble lord, with whom they had specially to do in the busi-
ness before them, a noble lord who presided over the destinies
of the colonial interests of this mighty empire, in all the dig-
nified composure and tranquillity of a gentle and graceful
slumber—(laughter)—this noble lord was reported in the
public prints to have said, at a meeting of a religious society,
that " he left his religion behind him when he went to the
senate, and he left his politics behind him when he came to
the platform." This was, undoubtedly, a most convenient
course. Who had not heard of " two faces under a hood ?"
(Laughter.) This was a perfect illustration of the two
master mischiefs in the land—politics without religion,
and religion without politics. (Loud and continued cheering.)
/against such men, the wily politicians of the Roman court
found it easy to prevail, and they bad prevailed so that in the
language of Mr. Bettridge, already more than once alluded
to, the Romish church, in Canada, had two bishops paid by
government, the Roman Catholics forming but a small part
of the population, while to their own church the right of
having a bishop was distinctly refused. How could the
church of Rome prevail better? They knew how to advance
quietly ; they knew how to be content with instalments. It
would be sufficiently mortifying to them as members of the
national church to find men giving to anything but to the
church; but the mortification was deeper when the thing so
preferred was 'the accursed thing—the thing denounced of
God as hateful to him and as productive of ruin to fallen
sinful man. The Papal system was based on the assump-
tions of a sinner of the offices of the Saviour. A bishop of
the Christian church, instead of living contented in subjec-
tion to the temporal powers ordained of God, availed himself
of his metropolitan position of influence, assumed in troub-
lous times authority for himself, extended his influence by
means of that position and influence which connexion with
the metropolitan gave him, and trained the consciences
of men by a bold and blasphemous mis-interpretation of
scripture, in order to back up his aggressions of ambition,
and turned them into engines of tyranny; and he has con-
trived by the most consummate skill to get his usurpation
conceded as a mere speculative opinion, and to get his tem-
poral dominion defended in this mostthinking land, by argu-
ments against intolerance. The Bishop of Rome had suc-
ceeded in raising in his own behalf the cry of liberality of
conscience. He had succeeded in getting the cry of English-
men in favour of liberality to help on him who was against
all liberality. Why was this remarkable phenomenon, that
this greatest of all tyrants, this commander of thanksgivings
and striker of medals for the destruction of Christians,
should be so defended? He was uttering in English ears
words of charity and love, and prevailing on English minds
to quietly submit to their doctrines as if they were mere spe-
culative opinions; until at last having obtained scone sup-
porters, and won others, he will at last assume a different po-
sition, throw off the mask, and turn round and say—" Now,
through your folly you have put me here ; you have bailed
me in the colonies and at home; I told my people to cry
liberty to you, to lead you to "deal heavy blows" to your
own Protestantism (cheers), but now, I have you; now I
am on the vantage ground from which you cannot dislodge
me; now look to yourselves for tyranny is in my heart; it
was always there, but in my hands was gentleness and in
my tongue was charity and you know me not." This sounded
very uncharitable against the whole Romish system. It was
a system which spoke lies in hypocricy, and that was the
reason now that Englishmen with all their knowledge and
pride, with all their national attachments they were so en-
tirely run away with by the word " liberty," that even when
raised as a decoy by the Pope, off they went after "liberty"
—(cheers)—now there was another tact referred to in the
resolution; ivt
twhaeawtihtandttrhaewei society
o f t
h the
government althoughshorn
oToafn at
had portion
ne-
vertheless undertaken to contribute to 40 additional clergymen
in the colonies, to do what? to preach the gospel of the grace
of God, and to execute the ordinances of the church of God ;
to preach controversy as members and ministers of the
church, and the all perfect redemption of the Saviour of the
world; to go and testify that the doctrines of the church of
Rome were " dangerous deceits" and " blasphemous tables,"
to testify that the pretence of the priest to sacrifice for the
quick and dead is a vain thing fondly invented, not to be
found in tho Word of God, but rather repugnant to it; to go
and testify that to bow the knee before the consecrated wafer
was nothing less than idolatry. Forty additional men, to go
forth healing the souls of a poor afflicted, distressed popula-
tion : a population consisting of what?—consisting in a large
measure of emigrants from their own country; and he would
say, former)' of Protestant emigrants from his own native
land ; men driven from home by persecution, the worst used
men in her majesty's dominions, really deprived of their
rights, under sold, or under bought, in the holdings of their

fathers for years. Catholics were instructed by the priests "
to go and offer large rents at the expiration of the leases of
Protestants, which, to the disgrace of the landlords, had been
in many instances accepted; the coming in Catholic tenants
being contented to live like hogs to pay this rent, rather
than, as Christians, in decency, as their Protestant prede-
cessors. But the landlords were finding out their mistake,
which had swelled the tide of emigrants by the very flower
of the Protestant Irish peasantry. It was to teach these
men that the 40 additional clergymen were to be appointed.
They asked the meeting to do out of their penury what the
government ought to do out of its abundance. It was fitting:
that the mischief should be probed to the bottom; and the
real state of the mischief laid here : the rulers of the land
had not been taught their Christian duty. The young men
who had become senators, and so had become progressively,
rulers in the land, had not been taught what a Christian
senator's duty was. They had taught the people what their
duty to a ruler was—to obey people in authority; hut the
rulers had not been taught what their duty to the people was
(cheers). There had been preachers to tell the people what
they should do, but where were the preachers to tell the
rulers what they should do? (hear.) There were faithful
ministers throughout the land, who told the people their
duty, but where were the court preachers? He was com-
pelled to ask, where were the Bishops, to tell the ministers—
to tell the Queen, what their duty was to the people of this
realm ? (Loud cheering, and a cry of Dr. Hook.) He did
not know whether it would' be revelant to the question before
the meeting, to allude to that observation, but he confessed
he was only restrained from the propriety of the case. He
would most gladly avail himself of the opportunity thus
afforded of hearing witness against the half and ball testi-
mony which even that celebrated testimony contained,
(cheers). For while he saw there a distinct and discrimi-
nating reference to history, and a clear statement of the true
succession Queen her responsibilities as a Queen, or her per-
sbnal duty as a Christian to lean upon Jesus only. He never
told her to trust in Jesus only. It was a deficient testimony,
and still he asked—" Where were the teachers to tell our
rulers their duty to the people ? (Loud cheers and clapping of
hands, amidst which the rev. gentleman resumed his seat.)
The resolution was put from the chair, and carried unani-

mously-
Mr. T. B. HonsFALL moved the third resolution. He said,
there had a mighty change taken place in the colonies of
the West Indies. If the experiment were successful, it would
unfurl the banner of liberty over the whole world; if it failed,
it would strengthen the hands or the slave-holders wherever
slavery existed. Mr. Horsfall proceeded to advocate the
cause of the society. He alluded to several letters, bearing
dates to the 11th of August, which gave extremely favourable
and encouraging accounts of the practical working of the new
system in the West Indies. One correspondent expressed
his opinion, that the negroes would perform twice the work
under the new system of remuneration, that they did under
the old one of slavery. Another correspondent informed Mr.
Horsfall, that where the negroes had not gone to work, itwas
in consequence of the overseers having offered wages that
were too low. Mr. Knibb, he believed, had caused the
ne-
groes to require wages as much too high as the planters had
offered too low; but, he believed all would be satisfactorily
adjusted. He attributed the good order that had prevailed,
entirely to the efforts of this society. Mr. Horsfall concluded
by reading and moving the resolution.
by
Rev. FILCH STOWELL seconded the resolution in a
speech of some length. He suggested the establishment of
colleges in the West Indies for the education or negroes who
should preach the Gospel in Africa in their native language.
Mr. CAMPBELL informed the meeting, that it was the in-
tention of the society to carry into effect something similar
to the proposition of Mr. Stowell.
The resolution was put and carried.
Mr. ADAM HODGSON proposed the fourth resolution, which
was seconded, with a few words of comment, by the Rev. F.

OULD.
• Mr. BENJAMIN SADDLEE moved a vote of thanks to the
Chairman, which was seconded by the Rev. C. T. GLAnyv IN.
The Chairman responded, and the meeting broke up about
half-past three o'clock.

MINISTERIAL PROSPECTS—PUBLIC
OPINION.
(From the Dublin Evening Mail.)
According to wont, we arrange under this bead the
sentiments of prints and parties opposed to our own
political views, in order to display, that on one politi-
cal question, at least, there exists a perfect unanimity
in the popular mind—and that question is, the merits
and existence of the whig cabinet.
Tait's Edinburgh Magazine is a very influential
and able periodical. It is Radical to the back-bone.
As long as there was a peg in the Cabinet on which
an honest Radical—perhaps we should rather have
said Liberal—could hang up his hat without blushing
for the disgrace, Tait was the friend and advocate of

ministers.
Where is he ranked now ? Not, certainly, on the
Tory side, but " on a hill apart"—where he scrutinises
the measures of his former friends, and passes sen-
tence cf death and execution on them :
The whig-tory ministers," quoth he in his last number,
" must stand or fall together. 'rhe tories, like men of sense,
shun and disdain alliance with persons so hopelessly da-
maged; and no acute, forecasting liberal, who is merely wise
in his generation, and has any little character to risk, would
take office in so rickety a cabinet. Nor can Lord John
Russell and Lord Melbourne save that most fickle of all
earthly possessions—the favour of a young queen held by an
elderly courtier, who chances to be her minister, and for the
endurance of which he mue t tremble every day he rises. If
there be any difference, it is rather in favour of Lord John
Russell:"
He accuses the Whigs of the manifold delusions by
means of which they obtained office and still endea-
vour to retain it; and contrasts the meanness of their
conduct in this respect with the candour and consis-
tency of the Tories:

- -
" To those real, though very, very moderate reformers,"
quoth he, "who persist in going over the old ground, and
using the old language of superstitious dread of the Tories,
we speak more in sorrow than in anger, when see inquire
bow they vindicate their further trust, or place any hope of
good in men, who, imbecile to a proverb, have also shown a
reckless-profligacy in their abandonment of their principles,
unparalleled since the revolution. Tory governments, the
worst of them, at least possessed the vigour which placed
them above the necessity of practising such manifold deceits,
ending in the shameless desertion of the measures to which
they were solemnly pledged. How does it sound to hear, in
this extremity, the ministerial advocates, hired or voluntary,
bid them stand forth like men, and save themselves by the
adoption of some new principle of reform, such as ballot; or
more futile still from finality men—the reform of the reform
bill? The matter can only be reconciled in the view, that,
to keep their offices, it is imagined by such men as Mr. Ward,
ministers will at need do any thing—and hence, in the eyes
of reformers, their superiority to the Tories. They will do
any thing to which they can be compelled, while the Tories
would probably have the honesty and the manliness to resign,
as Sir Robert Peel did, to make room for Lord Melbourne
and his 'principle."
As an instance of the shameful desertion of princi-
ple by which the Whigs accommodate themselves to
office, he refers to the abandonment of the tithe ap-
propriation clauses, which they proclaimed to be the
sine, qua non of a satisfactory settlement of the Irish
Church question, and the vital principle of their offi-
cial existence :
" They were pledged." says he, " as gentlemen, as well as
in their official capacity. Lord Melbourne, in'particular, the
chief of the cabinet, roused himself from his ordinary com-
placent mood of pleasant drowsihood, and displayed energy
foreign to his disposition, when the cause was merely public,
and not personally annoying. And how could he do less in
that question upon which he said his government was based?
Great pains were taken by
.ministers individually to proclaim •
that, on the carrying their Irish bill, their existence as a
government depended;' and we have all seen how much they
will peril and sacrifice in that dear cause—their official exist-
ence !—Accordingly, when Lord Lyndhurst moved the des-
truction of the grand palladium, up got Lord Melbourne. in
huge wrath. The proposition was almost a personal affront,
in his peculiar circumstances. He declared that he would
not accept of the bill when deprived of the principle to which
he was pledged. He and his colleagues stood .on that prin-
ciple. They stood on that to which they were pledged; and
[now mark the noble viscount's stalwart determination] if.
they were not longer sustained in the maintenance of that
principle, they were ready to resign the offices they held !'
How we all crowed—poor simpletons, as the Tories called
us, and the Whigs thought us—at this brave declaration of
the premier. Here was a manly minister! Here was a
vigorous government!"
Tait is of opinion that it is their connexion with
Mr. O'Connell and Popery that, by leading them
through the slough of every infamy which a British
statesman should, and was wont to, scorn, has so itre-
trievably damaged the character of ministers. The
Examiner, he says, first blabbed that the appropria-
tion clauses had -been " extinguished" by the impera-
tive decree of Mr. O'Connell and the Irish members:
Mr. Ward has reiterated the charge, especially against
Mr. O'Connell, without contradiction :
" Is it then true," says Tait, " as the tories declare, that
the Irish chiefs make the British minister yield to the screw
as often as they have a mind? But, above all, is it true that
the Irish chiefs forced Lord Melbourne to give up the appro-
priation clause, and carried that infamous tithe bill which the
Irish nation spurns? O'Connell's choicest flowers of blar-
ney, and his direct denials of a fact so incredible cannot
blind his countrymen to the part he so openly acted in par-
liament in support of that bill, and its pleasant collateral,
the million; which last, however, more nearly affects us than
the Irish. But, if it be true that he was the instrument of
compelling the government to disgrace itself, and abandon
whatever was of valise in the bill—namely, the assertion of
the great principle, that church property is public Froperty,
and to be dealt with as such—what then shall we say ? The
thing appears monstrous-, and yet it cannot be denied.
The fact is reiterated; and O'Connell takes no notice of it.
It passes with Mr. Roebuck's, and now Mr. Sharman Craw-
ford's letters; and is, like them and Mr. Davern's epistles,
cushioned by all the Irish papers that are under O'Connell's
nfluence."

.--We now turn to our old and .honoured antagonist,
the Splectator, whom we find, in his last number, just
now come to hand, hasping upon the very same string
touched by Tait in the foregoing extract.
"There is no one proceeding (quoth our Radical contem-
porary) which has created so much disgust in England and
Scotland, as the passing of h tithe bill, such as the Tories
would have given in 1835, without the appropriation; but .
Mr. O'Connell, ' the leader in whose judgment, patriotism,
and integrity,' Mr. Yates and the Irish Liberal members rely
so confidently, was the foremost man, it seems, (we have the
high authority of Mr. Ward for the fact) who induced mi-
nisters to take this fatal step, and to carry a tithe bill which
Mr. O'Connell himself denounced as worse than any im-
posed by Turkish conqueror upon Christian slave. This is a
flagrant instance of the evil operation of the Irish influence
upon the measures and character of the administration.—
Another consequence of that policy which, but for the Irish
alliance, ministers could not have followed, has been the
1 secession of the masses in England from what is called the
Liberal party. A union with the great body of the English
people, on fair terms, was practicable; and no ministry could
have withstood it. Not only would an impassable barrier
have been raised against the Tories, but the Whigs would
have been forced to proceed in the path of reform. Instead.
of which, they have always had the corps of Irish Janissaries
to marshal against the English and Scotch reformers; and
the result is dissatisfaction and weakness, the certain return
of the 'lories to power, unless the system be changed, and
their probable re-establishment in Downing-street and Dub-
lin Castle, in spite of every effort to repair the consequences
of past blunders and treachery.
" As to the vituperation of the Irish members, and the
fomenting of antipathies and jealousies, we beg to remind
Mr. Yates, that before Mr. O'Connell's entire subserviency
to the ministry and to more temporising expedients was dis-
covered, he was warmly received in England and SCotland ;
that the nickname of `Tory-Radical,' intended as an oppro-
brium, however silly anti pointless in its application, was not
invented on this side of the channel; and that the Irish
leader has ostentatiously repudiated all alliance with the
English Radicals, in the same letter which contains the de-
plorable admission that his own policy has been an utter
failure. Nodoubt; there is method in the madness of the
Derrvnane fulmination; O'Connell sees that the English
and Scotch Radicals will not any longer lend themselves to
a policy which produces no better fruit than salaries and