The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-05-04 00:00:00

ght be had in abundance

is, that L

varpool impera•

Lively requires a registry-book of her own, and that it
is highly expedient, for many reasons, that she should

have it

We have heard it started as an objection that the
metropolitan tome, being got up by parties free from
local bias, will be regarded as more impartial, and have
more weight with underwriters and shippers than a
local publication. But the objection is a mere shadow

without substance, and perfectly futile. As well might
it be said that a London almanack would have more
influence in Liverpool than a Liverpool one, which is
calculated and made up for the meridian of Liverpool,
We know of no local bias, we cannot conceive any,
but one—and that a bias inclining only to the most
truthful accuracy. It is to be recollected
.that ship-
oWners are not the only class in Liverpool who are in-
terested in the. classification of our ships. There are
the shippers and underwriters also; and although it
may be the wish of some solitary shipowner to have
his vessel entered as A 1, when her proper place ought
perhaps to be—blank; yet it is to be recollected that
the interest of other parties, or, at least, of one of
them, lies just in the opposite direction. No, there
would be no local advantage gained by the practice of
any deception, and it will be our common gain to have
the new Liverpool Registry most scrupulously correct

and well-founded in every particular.
We do confidently anticipate that every facility will
be given to the forwarding of a work so becoming the
importance and so likely to promote the interests of
Liverpool. The names of the gentlemen who have
been chosen as a provisional committee, and of their
able scientific assistants, afford an ample guarantee that
the several rules and regulations will be drawn up with
judgment, and the foundation of this new and impor-
tant work laid on a sure and satisfactory basis.

We are no friends to experimental legislation, espe.-
cially to legislation perpetrated merely for the sake of
experiment. It is an old and homely, but prudent
maxim, to " let well alone." It is one of the vices of
the present time that mcn have been taught to attribute
whatever they fee!, or fancy to be a privation, to the
state of the law, and that consequently our laws no
longer have that fixedness in the mind of the people
which they once had, and which they ought to have in
reality, for the well-being of the community.
Plausible pretexts may easily be found for changing
and altering the wisest institutions, and novelties may
easily be made to appear desirable, if we only shut out
of view all the inconveniences and disadvantages that
may arise from them.

It strikes our humble judgment very forcibly that the
" inland bonding bill" which is to convert Manchester,
and we know not how many inland towns, into bond-
ing "ports," is a measure the entertaining and passing
of which belongs precisely to this head of " experi-
mental legislation." It is an innovation upon a long
established usage and ancient system, for which we
can conceive no necessity, nor even tolerable pretext.
The law, as it has stood heretofore, has worked well.
Both Manchester and Liverpool have risen to their
present great commercial eminence under the existing
system, which has proved fully as beneficial to the one as
to the other. But suddenly there comes a cry for change,
and for no other cause than we can imagine or per-
ceive, but that inland towns have grown weary of being
inland—would like, perhaps, a trip to the sea—and
have determined, since neither sea nor salt water will
flow up to them, to try what converting efficacy there
may be in an act of parliament.
Now, we call legislation which favours this appetite
for novelty, and gives energy to the stimulus—unwise,
imprudent, and injudicious. We have it acknowledged
under the hand of parties most urgent for the innova-
tion in this instance—that it is altogether an " experi-
ment, and that they know not what the result may be,
but that they wishlto try. This is, in truth, the best
they can say of it; but never before did he hear of
parliament being gravely solicited to LEGISLATE on
such premises. We find the following candid admis-
sion in the Manchester Guardian of Saturday, He

says—

" We think our Liverpool contemporary tries to prove too
much when he maintains, that inland bonding will be inju-
rious to Liverpool, without conferring any benefit on Man-
chester. If, as he suggests, the Manchester manufacturer
finds that he is worse served at home than in Liverpool, he
will very soon cease to buy at home, and the privilege of bond-
ing at Manchester will become a dead letter. Whatever the
editor of the Standard may think of our manufacturers and
dealers, we assure him that they have no affection for buying
in disadvantageous markets; and therefore unless the pri-
vilege now sought for should prove beneficial to them, our
Liverpool friends need not fear any injury to their interests."
Thus, as we have said, the inland bonding bill comes,
after all, to be, cx confesso, a mere tentative effort, got
up for the gratification of the curious, and sought for
just to give certain factory proprietors of Manchester
an opportunity of ascertaining whether they may not
be able to combine in their own persons the various
professions of merchant and manufacturer, broker and
principal, and sweep the profits and remuneration of
all and each into their own coffers. This is just the
scheme, and in this laudable attempt to serve them-
selves, they think it quite a hardship that any body
should disturb them, and esteem it, we should suppose,
a particular condescension to Liverpool to inform us
that "if the experiment should FAIL," we shall, in that
case, " leave nothing to fear." Well, really that is a
consolation ! Thank you, good Firs. We pick up this
crumb of comfort, and esteem it quite a favour at your
hands. But we beg to ask, .4s this a sufficient ground
to apply to parliament upon ? Will parliament be jus-
tified in disturbing the existing law, and all those mul-
tiplied relations that have grown up from, and prospered
in connection with it, merely to favour a speculation
of this sort ?

"But if it fails," says a chosen champion of the
change, " don't imagine that our knowing people here
will persevere in the use of a disadvantageous market ;
by no means; in that case they will return again to the
ancient way." Just so; but in the mean time, will
no injury be inflicted upon others while the experiment
is in the course of probation ? We say, yea, very great;
and we add, therefore, that it would be quite monstrous
in the legislature to pass a law so fraught with mischief
in various points of view, merely to gratify parties who
themselves acknowledge that the scheme is at best but
a doubtful experiment.
4‘ Unless the privilege now sought should prove
beneficial to them, (i. e., the Manchester experimen-
talists,) our Liverpool friends need not fear any injury
to their interests." But if it should prove beneficial to
the Manchesterians—what then ? Why then, of course,
their " Liverpool friends" must experience the injury,
and pocket the affrOnt: But we ask, why should the
legislature give this needless preference to Manchester,
and inflict so much admitted injury upon Liverpool ?
Is it because the representation of Manchester is
Liberal, and that of Liverpool Conservative ? Is it
upon this principle, and with this reference, that favours
are to be bestowed, and fines inflicted on different
localities, by the collective wisdom of the nation ? A
proposition so monstrous will not, we know, be openly
asserted; we would not say, however, that it would
not on that account be the less near to being secretly
acted upon. The question is, we affirm, being worked
at this moment as a party one, and a liberal interest is
largely engaged in the conducting of it. It behoves
Conservatives, then, to meet this policy, and coun-
teract it. And surely the Conservatives of Liverpool
never undertook any cause more consistent with their
designation and principles than this which is so closely
connected with the commercial prosperity and interests
of the town. They have been greatly too remiss
hitherto ; but we believe there is yet time to permit a
strong exhibition of their sentiments being of avail,
and we would earnestly recommend them to make it
without delay.
But we must not omit to mention, that our Manches-

ter contemporary is quite merry at our supposition of
Liverpool having any vested interest in this matter.
" What vested interest," he says, " the aggregation of
buildings which men call Liverpool, can have in this or in
any other matter, we do not distinctly comprehend. If the
Standard means, that particular brokers and merchants and
warehouse-owners there residing have a vested interest, we
can comprehend, though we do by no means agree with him.
Liverpool may be very "properly the handmaid of Man-
chester;" but we altogether deny, that Manchester is bound
to retain her handmaids any longer than their services are
required. London was once, as regarded the trade to China,
literally the handmaid of Liverpool; she 'b)nded the tea;
but we have no recollectinn of our Liverpool friends standing
up for the vested interests of London." _

That Manchester is not bound to "retain her hand-
maids any longer than their services are required" we