The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-13 00:00:00

THE BRAZILS

Her majesty's packet Delight, Lieutenant Lory, arrived at
Falmouth, on Thursday, from the Brazils, having sailed
from Rio Janeiro on the 16th of June, and from Bahia on
the 2d and Pernambuco on the 7th of July, with a freight
equal to about £36,000. Our advices from the capital state
there being a dearth of news, both political and mercantile.
The bill for the acknowledgment as a Brazilian Princess of
Donna Maria Amelia, the daughter of Don Pedro I. and his
widow, the present duchess, has passed the second reading
in the senate, and no doubt was entertained of its being ulti-
mately carried. The coronation of the emperor still remained
fixed for the 18th of July. Exchange was firm at 34%, with
a tendency to look upwards, and stock 741. From the other
provinces no additional news since last advices.

MONI

Y MARKET,

The hnsine

cks to-day was n

at all of a

character tc

arket, while the very unsettled

state of the v

ntributed to produce a general heavi-

3d for the account,

ts. Reduced, 89.

per Cents.
.4e-

Long Annuities (ex-
-1860), 12 13-16 to 15-16; India

Cents., E

ulna; ; Exchequer Bills, 14s. to 16s.
k 168 A to 1691 ; and India Stock, 247

ere equally affected. Spanish Actives
5 per Cents., 29 to 30 ; dttto 3 per
)utch 2} per Cents., 52; ditto 5 per
, 251 to 26 ; Colombian, 191 to 20 ;
d Belgian, 101 to 102.

102 'Mc

little business was transacted, and
s were much lower. Birmingham
m ; Great Western, 18 to 19 pre-
' premium ; South-Western, 51-i to
Midland, 37 to 35 discount ; ditto,
Brighton, 74- to 7 discount; and

SAT!

PREACHERS

SUED BY THE LATE REV. JOHN

THE REV. MR. WICKSTEED'S REASONS FOR NOT
JOINING THE CONFERENCE OF MINISTERS
OF ALL DENOMINATIONS AGAINST THE CORN
LAWS.

Sir,—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 14th ult., and the address to the ministers of all religious
denominations, issued by the committee appointed to conduc

tie proposed conference on the corn laws lit 'Manchester.
As I entirely concur in the just and beneficial object which
the committee have in view, and yet regard the particular
kind of meeting by which they hope to promote it as inex-
pejent, I beg your pe•mission to s.ate a few of the reasons
which have influenced me to this decision.
In the first place, the topic for discussion is a national
question, involving the interests and demanding the attention
of all classes of society. Men, therefore, should meet to
discuss it on the broad foundation of their common citizen-
ship. No class of professional 'distinctions should, even in
appearance, be admitted in the discussion of what is no class
question. If the numbers be limited for convenience sake,
they should at least be selected from a wide circle, as intelli-
gent philanthropy, the only quality required, is not limited
to the clerical or any other calling.
In the next place, it is a question of political economy—
one on which the judgment of the divine, as such, can have
in the eyes of thinking men of every party no more gecuine
weight than that of the intelligent and educated layman. And
if, from the principal form in which the topic comes before
us, it appears exclusively a bread question, it is not essen-
tially more so than any other question which relates to the full
and profitable employment of the industry of the country.
This industry is the poor man's property and the poor man's
bread, and in whatever form you restrict its advantageous
exercise (and you must allow there are many ways of doing
this), you rob him of his bread, which is his life. We can-
not, therefore separate the bread question from that entire
framework of political economy to which it belongs, and we
can imagine crises when an ill-judged monetary system, for
instance, may be perceived to be as extensively disastrous,
and therefore as starving, as the existing laws on the impor-
tation of corn.
Again, though the present always has an intenser exist-
ence to us than the past or the future, every one knows that
the bread question is only one battle in the long warfare
which for the last 300 years, the increasing knowledge of our
true economical interests has been waging against the short-
sighted protective system • and as in the past its victories
have been gained, so in the present and in all future cases
they may be gained, without calling in the aid of any church
militant, or forming an exclusive regiment of clergy or mi-
nisters. Let them go as the rest of their countrymen, and
enlist, each in his own neighbourhood, and according to his
own legitimate opportunities and powers, in the general i
army, which is to fight the battles of their country.
Another point that cannot fail to strike you in the compo-
sition of the proposed conference is, that it will add no new
element, and therefore give no additional strength, to the
present state of parties. Of whom will tbe,conference con-
sist ? Principally of Dissenting ministers, with a very small
sprinkling of the clergy of the establishment. It will then
be. essentially an offshoot of the middle and commercial
classes, just as a meeting of the ministers of the church with
a sprinkling of Dissenting ministers would be of the higher
and landed classes. It will consist of men who, however
conscientious and independent in their own characters, have
nevertheless, as a fact, their interests, sympathies, and opi-
nions, wrapped up with those of that great half of the nation
which on such an ocoasion they may be said to represent.
And when the meeting is over the monopolist will say, " I
have no more fear to-day than I knew I had yesterday."
For these reasons I cannot see bow the ministers of reli-
gion can be legitimately and advantageously separated, even
on so great an emergency as the present, from the common
ranks of their countrymen ; nor how the corn law question
can be legitimately separated from the other bread questions
of political economy.
But I am perfectly aware that these are not the real
grounds on which good is expected to accrue from the con-
ference now proposed. A convocation of men so placed and
circumstanced as the ministers of religion in this country,
for such an object as the- circular specifies, must be with the
express design of bringing their religious influence and cha-
racter to bear unon the question. Now, on such a topic this
influence is not-legitimate. The question at issue is, indeed,
a moral, and even in its effects a religious question, but so
are all which involve justice and beneficence between man
and man. It is also a scientific question, but the science
involved in it is not that of theology. I cannot, therefore,
see on this ground why a question, moral and religious in
such a sense as this is, should be taken as it were apart from
the wide, moral, and religious heart of the whole nation, and
' brought before (what must be confessed, if called after its
distinguished characteristic, to be) a theological assembly.
Nor have I ever found from observation or from history that
divines gained anything in enlightenment, charity, or real
religion, by forming themselves even occasionally into a
separate chamber for general aid national purposes. On
the contrary, they appear to me to be as leaven, very bitter
when taken in large quantities by themselves, but rendering
more wholesome the lump of society, when spread, as Pro-
vidence has placed them, equally over the whole.
Though, therefore, the present occasion, if taken by itself,
would be one of the noblest and best in which a band of
religious teachers ever met to interest themselves, it is right
to remember, that the sword thus put into their hands has
two edges. They have been called together virtually by the
laity this time, but they may call themselves together the
next.. The laity have chosen the topic for discussion now,
but the divines may exercise their own choice in future.
They may hereafter meet as now, only to exercise their
religious influence; but if 200 or 300 moderate and en-
lightened men can constitute a conference in 1811, influ-
encing men also of similar character, 200 or 300 hot-headed
and ignorant men may equally constitute a conference in
1851, influencing men also of similar character, and the
firebrands that, while separate, a little local water can ex-
tinguish, when collected in force and numbers, it will require
a very considerable accumulation of the cooler element to
put out. I think the opponents of the corn-laws should
have paused before they called into existence the first exclu-
sively clerical convocation (if I mistake not) that ever met
in Great Britain to pronounce an opinion on the commercial
laws and the economical policy of the country.
I fear to enlarge beyond due bounds the limits of this
letter, or I should say much on the loss of their proper in-
fluence which I fear such avocations might occasion to the
dissenting miaistry—of the injury almost inevitably inflicted
on their religious character and temper and their peculiar
pursuits—of the excuse given to our enemies to make dissent
appear what they have always attempted to make it appear—
not what it is, a religious principle, but what it is not—a
political one.
When I had resolved, on the above considerations, (satis-
factory at least to my own mind,) not to attend the proposed
conference, I had no intention of expressing an opinion hos-
tile to it; but I now find it is probable that multitudes of
dissenting ministers think and will act in the same way. It
is therefore particularly advisable for them to adopt some
method of making their views known, lest such an extensive
absence from the meeting should be interpreted by the public
into an indifference on the part of the men summoned to its
object. It is due to those who have invited the conference—
it is due to the public whose eyes will now be upon it—it is
due to the great question at issue—it is due to our own
characters, as friends of the equal rights of men, whether in
the exercise of that conscience which God has given them, or
those powers of industry and self-support which come from
the same bounteous hand, distinctly to aver, that though we
do not on other grounds approve, and cannot consistently
attend, a meeting of the proposed nature, we are firmly con-
vinced, as inquiring men, that a more equitable arrangement
of the commercial intercourse and laws of this country is
absolutely necessary to its continued, or rather to its restored,
well-being, and that from our daily walks of life, from our
intercourse with the worthy and industrious, but distressed,
working men of land, to bear our testimony to the fact that
the poor arc starving for lack of bread.—l have the honour
to remain, sir, your obedient servant,
CHARLES WICKSTEED.
To George Thompson, Esq., &c.

IRISH TRANQUILLITY.--ONE OF LORD NOR-
MANBY'S APPROVERS.

In Tipperary a protege of Lord Normanby has just been
figuring as approver. lie was some years ago under sentence
of transportation, but his lordship, with that liberality which
distinguished all his " gaol deliveries," ordered him to be
released. The man was as worthy as the other objects of
his lordship's patronage, and so well has he requited the
obligation, and illustrated the wisdom of the policy which
prevailed in Ireland during the golden days when Normanby
was Vice, that, had justice its due, he would have been hanged
for murder before now.
Rightly, however, to estimate the obligations under which
Ireland lies to that much-derided nobleman, it is necessary
to know a little of the history of the hero of Tipperary. His
name is Lysaght, and he was one of a party concerned in
setting fire to the house of a comfortable farmer named
Walsh—in fact, it was he who lighted the match, and raised
the boy who applied it to the thatch. The persons charged
were named Edmund, Pat, Darby, and John Ryan, with one
James M`Carthy, and Lord Norinanby's friend certainly did
his best to convict them. The jury, however, refused to find
them guilty on such evidence, and the judge, (Torrens,) who
in charging had described Lysaght as "a miscreant let loose
upon the world," concurred in the propriety of the verdict,
remarking that, had he been one of them, he should have
come to the same conclusion. Now for a portrait—not a
full-length one, however—of the " miscreant," and, that he
may have ample justice, we shall give it from his own hand.
At the close of his examination, he was questioned respecting
the murder of a man named Noonan. We shall quote here
flointhe report of the Tipperary Constitution :

" I knew-Brian Noonan who is dead, and I knew how he
came by his death.
" The Court—Did you murder him
" Witness—No.
" Witness—l was at the murder
it wasn't I that murdered him

'great .sensatjon

" His Lordship—l say you are his murderer, for you were
concerned in it. How many more murders were you in?
" I don't say that I murdered any one else.

" Mr. Hataiell objected to his stating anything about this
murder, as it had no reference to any of the prisoners.
`• Cross-examined by Mr. Hatchell—l was convicted for
posting a threatening notice and firing shots, and sentenced
to be transported, but I was pardoned by the government; I
had a brother called ' the Caravat,' and I don't know where
he is. _ _

" The Judge—And the reward you gave the government
for pardoning you was to murder a man.
" To Mr. Hatchell—l knocked Noonan down with the
Nutt-end of a blunderbuss, and helped to carry him into the
heath to hide him. I was present when Leonard, the smith,
was murdered, but I didn't strike him myself. I was in
the party that shot .Mat Hayes when they attacked his
house. I was looking at the party murdering benis Mahony.
(Sensation.) - I remember Michael Griffin, Lord Strad broke s
herd, who was murdered, but I defy any one to say I was at
his murder; I didn't hear my brother the Caravat ' was
suspected of this murder ; I was with my uncle running away
with a young woman, and he was transported for it; my
brother committedgi rape, and another of my brothers held
the woman while he assaulted her. (Sensation.) _ _

,
" His Lordship.—Did you ever comma a robbery of cattle?
" Witness.—No.
.4 Mr. Hatchell.—Oh, that is too light an offence my lord,
altogether beneath him ; we have several classes of bolder
offences, such as house-burning, murders, abduction, rape,
and a long list of others, too tedious to go through. (Sen-
sation.) _ . _ _

" To Mr. Hatchell.—When we set fire to the house, we
didn't mind how many persons were burnt in it. (Great
sensation.)
" Mr. Hatchell.—l 'll not disgust the public with any fur-
ther recital of his villainy.
" Mr. Rolleston was about to cross-examine him on the
part of another prisoner, when his lordship said, disgustingly,
' Oh, let the wretch go.' He was then sent off the table."
Has not Lord Normanby reason to be proud of him ? When
he wants a character for his commutations, what has he to
do but send for his friend Lysaght ? Lysaght is entitled to
some acknowlegment, and is there no appointment in his
household with which he can reward him ? Ireland will be
nothing the poorer for the loss of both the master and the
man.

DUEL.—On Thursday morning a hostile meeting took
place on Wormwood Scrubbs, between Henry Launcelot,
Esq., Baker-street, Portman square, and Captain Anthony
Beigrave, Stamford-street, Lambeth. The hostile parties
tired without either shot taking effect. -The seconds inter-
fered, but without succiesssa.utaTlo'enTstftrsebda al
l
Captain B. received h
pf the right thigh, and fell to the ground. In ten minutes
second
in
the time;
flesh
y whenpar
the ball was extracted, and Captain B. was conveyed home,
pteviously to which the two combatants shook hands. The
cause,.
of the meeting did not transpire,

LORD FRANCIS EGERTON AND THE LAN,

CASHIRE YEOMANRY

We have hitherto abstained from alluding to the reports
which have been in circulation, to the effect that Lord Francis
Egerton was about raising an additional corps of yeomanry ;
having good reason for believing they were very incorrect.
What the real facts are his lordship' has stated in the follow-
ing
letter addressed to the editor of the
.Standard

ley, Manchester, August 6, 1841.
Sir,—From a paragraph in your paper of yesterday, I infer
that remarks have lately appeared, in other publications of
extensive circulation, on my recent acceptance of a com-
mission in the Lancashire Yeomanry, which attach a most
undue importance and a most erroneous construction to that
proceeding. lam reluctant to trouble your readers or your-
self on such a subject ; but, as the absurdity of the concin-
sions on which you have commented is partly attributable to
a misconception of the facts, you will, I am confident, not
object to apply a further corrective in the following state-
ment.

Some months ago, Colonel Braddyl, the late commandant
of the Duke of Lancaster's yeomanry, announced his inten-
tion to retire. The officers of the corps did me the honour
of desiring that I should succeed to the vacancy ; and, with
my consent, the appointment was effected in the usual course,
by the recommendation of the lord lieutenant to her majesty.
My eldest son at the same time also received a commission in
the corps. When the latter appointment was made known in
this neighbourhood, some forty or fifty of my neighl•ours and
tenants, unsolicited on my part, expressed to me a desire to
form themselves into a troop, in the hope that my son might ob-
tain the command of it. The present establishment of the
corps, consisting of three troops, being smallin comparison with
the force in other districts, I should have had little scruple
in recommending this proposal to the consideration of her
majesty's government; but, believing that the estimates for
this branch of the public service had been made up for the
year, I was unwilling to trouble the Home Office with an ap-
plication which could havo no immediate result. I have,
therefore, in faCt, neither raised a troop of yeomanry, nor
taken any positive step towards the raising one. It would
appear that these ordinary and most unimportant occurrences
have been magnified into a measure for the special protection
of my own property, or even some more objectionable pur-
pose. Whether they can reasonably bear such a construction
the public may judge. _

1 do not trouble-you with any observations in defence of
the yeomanry force, or my connection with it, as I do not
gather from your observations, that the mere fact of my
joining it is objected to. If it were so, I should be inclined
to leave our defence to the many Whig gentlemen who, much,
in my opinion, to their own credit and the public advantage,
and, I am confident, under no absurd or selfish apprehension
of danger to their own property, bear commissions in the
yeomanry. and take an active interest in its efficiency.—l re-

MARYLEBONE JOINT STOCK

BANK,

The proprietors of this bank held a meeting on Wednes-
day, the proceedings of which have been the topic of general
conversation and astonishment in the city. The meeting
was held for the purpose of dissolving the bank and of course
declaring the insolvency. The liabilities were stated : ,
Due to the Westminster Bank £25,000
To other creditors 5,000

Total
The assets in hand and available are.

£30,000
11,000

To be made good
Towards the liquidation of which balance there were
assets not exactly so tangible in the shape of pay-
ments or instalments on shares

£19,000

£17,000

Doubtful debtsiueluding that of the managing di-

rector £16,000

23,000

The story of the rise and fall of this bank lies within a brief
compass of words, and would seem to be a sort of one-act
winding-up farce to the grander first five-act tragedy pieces
of the Joint Stock drama, as performed on the Norwich and
Manchester boards with thundering effect. The Maryle-
lebone concern boasts some five or six years of a green old
age, and started into existence with something like a
million of capital—on the prospectus. But from the pro-
spectus the mighty capital travelled no farther, as Mr.
Hannay, the managing director, found, to his dismay, as he
dolefully told the tale, for, when specially retained and
brought express from Scotland " to work a capital of
£300,000," he was saluted, on arrival, with a beggarly ac-
count of a till with only £6OOO of capital stock deposited.
To work, however, the company went, with so much the
more vigour, because of the money vacuum. They appear
to have discounted to the right and the left with persevering
prodigality, and the most impartial ignorance or accommoda-
tion of all corners and customers, for, since the period of his
connection with the bank, Mr. Hannay told the meeting that
" no fewer than three of the directors had become insolvent,
and no fewer than ninety of the customers." Mr. Hannay
himself confessed to having overdrawn his own account by
about £16,000, for which he had deposited security to the
amount of £2OOO only, and that in the shape of bank scrip,
which was unsaleable and valueless then, and must now be
worse than nil. It is fair to add that he proposes a second
mortgage, by way of additional cover on estates in Scot-
land valued at £55,000, but ridden over by a first mortgage
of £ll,OOO, which, it may be feared, would leave but a
sorry remanet for clearing off his debt to the company. It
would be a waste of time to dwell further upon such a joint-
stock banking burlesque as exhibited by such exposures and
such a balance sheet of brazen bankruptcy. The meeting
was adjourned to the beginning of September, after the ap-
pointment of a committee to investigate accounts for further
report, and further adjournment too before a liquidation may
be looked for. It is stated of this joint-stock banking abor-
tion that from first to last it was only able to carry on the
discount of even bills of paltry amounts without re-discount-
ing them immediately afterwards at whatever rates. Thus
whilst discounting at five per cent. for customers at the
bank, it was often paying five, six, and seven per cent. to
bill-brokers and money-lenders for the re-discount of the
same paper for the next day's service over the counter. And
yet this same banking company declared a dividend, as if out
of profits, in the month of January last only, at the rate of
four per cent. per annum. However the Marylebone bank
does not stand alone, if report speaks truth, in the small
matter of original capital; for a joint-stock affair elsewhere
is said to have manfully started with a capital of X-1,000 only.

EXPLOSION IN A COAL PIT, NEAR SUNDER-
LAND, AND MELANCHOLY LOSS OF LIFE.

(From the Sunderland Herald)

On Thursday night, news was brought to Sunderland by
the last train on the Durham and Sunderland Railway, that
a dreadful explosion, attended with a fearful loss of life, had
taken place that evening, at Thornley Colliery, the property
of Sir William Chaytor, Bart., and partners, which is situate
about two Miles from Haswell.

The accident happened at a quarter past four yesterday
(Thursday) afternoon. At this time there were about forty
individuals engaged in the pit, and twenty-four in that depart-
ment of it in which the accident occurred, which is on the
north-west side, and a seam called the " Harvey" seam, the
lowest of the three seams of the colliery, and 165 fathoms
from the surface.. No previous warning was given of the ex-
plosion ; but in a moment nine unfortunate individuals lost
their lives, some of them perishing from the explosion itself,
and others from the effects of the after-damp. Immediately
on its being ascertained that the explosion had taken place,
Mr. Heckels, the resident viewer, Mr. Carnes. Mr. Hedley,
the unsLer viewer, and the overman of that locality, went
down into the pit. On reaching the bottom of the shaft, and
having ascertained from Maudlin, an overman, who was in-
jured, that the explosion had taken place in the north-west
district, they proceeded in that direction ; Mr. Heckels de-
spatching competent men into the various districts of the pit
to ascertain if the ventilation of the different localities was
proceeding in its proper course. They returned, stating that
the pit was in a satisfactory state ; and they then assisted the
party, whose names we have stated, in taking the men
out of the pit to " the bank," as it is technically called. All
the bodies were taken out of the pit within an hour of the ex-
plosion being communicated to Mr. Heckels, the resident
viewer.

With one exception, the persons killed are boys, the oldest
being about sixteen or seventeen years of age. The exception
is Thomas Haswell, a hewer, who was a married man ; "but
whether he has left a family or not, we were unable to learn.
He was a cripple, having had both his legs broken about a
year ago at the same colliery, by the falling of some stones
above the coal-seam at which he was working.
No damage was done to the pit, with the exception of some
wood stoppings or partitions being knocked out. The falling
of these prevented the proper ventilation ; and they were
immediately replaced, and the ventilation, which was neces-
sar y to the removal of the bodies, again restored.
About six o'clock, Mr. Seymour, viewer, of Wingate
Grange, arrived at the colliery, accompanied by his brother.
He proceeded, with Mr. Heckels and the overman, into the
pit; and, having ascertained the exact spot where the acci-
dent happened, they went into a scrutinous examination into
its cause. They found that a trap-door, which had been
placed under the charge of Robert Gardner, one of the boys
killed by the accident, had been for some reason which can-
not be explained, or from negligence, left open. The open-
ing of this door had caused an accumulation of gas ; and it
was their opinion that the explosion had taken place either
from a lighted candle on his arriving at the door, or on the
door being shut the foul air had been driven down a passage,
and ignited at the candle of some other individual working
in the pit. We understand that this is, at present, their im-
pression of the origin of the misfortune. Early on the fol-
lowing morning, Mr. Seymour and Mr. Heckles again went
into the pit, and found it in a satisfactory state. The result
of their examination was such as to leave no doubt in their
minds as to the originating cause of the accident.
On Saturday forenoon an inquest was held at the Thornley
Colliery Inn, before Mr. Maynard and a respectable jury.
After several witnesses had been examined, the jury returned
the followino. verdict :—" That Peter Gradon, and eight
others, on the sth of August, were accidentally killed by an
explosion of inflammable gas in the Harvey Seam of Thorn-
ley Colliery ; but how, or by what means, such explosion was
caused, the jurors cannot say." In the evening the bodies
of the whole of the sufferers were interred together in the
churchyard of the adjoining quiet little village of Kelloe.

A WHIG-RADICAL DICTIONARY

Agitation.—The whig's resource when his crimes are about
to bring him to,thesallows.

Ballot.—A plan for enabling cowards, liars, and tricksters
to vote freely, which in America has often produced many
more votes than there are men.
Cheap Bread.—The manufacturers' trap for reducing the
wages of the poor.

Distress.—The fruit of ten years of reform government.
Econcony.--Joseph Flume's rusty gun, which kills cock
sparrows, but never shoots lions and tigers.
Free Trade.--Smuggling ; or the last scheme for keeping
in office.

Gallows.—The place to which the modern whigs entice
their poor friends, and then leave them.
Ar a
i nmans, and who
then encourages
tells his
them and
obey the laws.
mg
Kick.—The whig method of reward' •
hPat
the people aster
they have used them to get into office.
Liberal.—A man who robs others, but gives away nothing
if he can help it.
Magistrates (of Lord John Russell.)—Candidates for
Botany Bay. Example : John Frost, of 'Newport.
Negro Slave.—An old friend of the whigs, now discarded
because he no longer suits their purpose. ,
Opposition.—The future place of the remains of the whigs,
but too good for their deserts.
Party.—The curse of this country, the mainstay of the
Whigs, and the scorn of good men.
Quack.—A radical doctor, who destroys the English con-
stitution, under pretence of r•lorrning it.
Radical M. P.—The rotton wooden leg of a lame whig.
Sugar.—What the whigs offer to cram the people with,
after having dosed them with vinegar for some years.
Traitor.—A man who is hanged by the Whigs in. Canada,
but who gets place and pay from them in Ireland.
Union.—Formerly concord, but now a whig-radical prison,
with water-gruel diet.
Voter.—A man whom the whig uses as a stepping-stone to
office, only to trample upon him and make him dirty.
Whig.—A person formerly
considered respectable, but now
a bankrupt gamester, and, to use Lord Melbourne's own
words, " bereft of reason.
Yoke.—The thing to which
the radical M. P.'s are now
putting their necks, to draw the whig coach out of the mire,
but all in vain.
Zig Zag.—The path of modern whigs and reformers ; the
reverse of straight.