The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-06-23 00:00:00

THE GORDOVIGION ROYAL EISTEDDFOD, OR,
MEETING OF THE BARDS.

THIRD DAY.—FRIDAY.
The attendance this, morning was very considerable„ but
not so numerous as on the preceding day. There was, how-
ever, no diminution of interest or enthusiasm. The hon.
President took his seat at half-past eleven o'clock.
The business commenced with the recitatation by the
bards of apigrammatic stanzas, chiefly in praise of the Pre-
sident and the objects of the meeting.
Mr. WM. JONES, (Gwrgant) of London, addressed the
audience in Welsh, and was highly applauded.
An air was then performed by seven harpers, who had
been drilled until they became capaple of playing in pretty
correct time.
The Rev. J. WILLIAMS, Rector of the High School of
Edinburgh, and Archdeacon of Cardigan, was then intro-
duced by the President, with a high eulogiuni on his abili-
ties. The rev. gentleman spoke as follows—Mr. Chairman,
Ladies, and Gentleman, as the greater part of my address is
more didactic than rhetorical, I shall take the liberty of
begging your patient attention. My present address is di-
rected to the English now before me, as well as to all those
who may be led to conclude that the English literature and
English language have no connection with the objects of
meetings like this. I hope to be able to correct this erro-
neous conclusion, and to prove to every true Englishman
that the philosophical learner of his own magnificent lan-
guage must have recourse to us and to our scholars for the
illustration of much that is obscure, or else that he must be
content to remain ignorant of much that is valuable and im-
portant. The staple out of which the modern race of Eng-
lishmen is formed, has been partly imported from abroad,
and is partly of home growth. Not to speak of the Saxons,
the Jutes, and the Angles, we know that the Danes and
Normans contributed no small portion to the national exist-
ence. Still, however, the Britons themselves, of whom we
know, from the Saxon laws, that they continued to live in
social union with their conquerors, must have deeply mingled
their blood with that of the fair-eyed and blue-eyed sons of
Germany. The result of this amalgamatiog has been the
modern Englishman, who seems to have embodied in his own
ideal character the leading virtues and qualities of those dif-
ferent races to which he must look back as his common an-
cestors. The language of the Englishman was formed on a
principle similar to that according to which his national cha-
racter was formed. The thread of that magnificent web
which is now denominated the English language, has been
borrowed from various tissues ; and this very variety gives
both a charm and splendour, and, what is more valuable,
durability and strength, to the article thus heterogeneously
formed. (Cheers.) The words which are current in the
mouths of Englishmen may be compared to coins, bearing
the stamp and impress of foreign mints, with the laws of the
land, or what, in such cases, is more powerful, custom, has
rendered a ldgal and sufficient tender for all debts incurred
in our mutual intercourse. Some of these words bear distinctly,
others more faintly, the character of Kellaric, or Grecian pa-
rentage; a great portion of them have the image or superscrip-
tion of the Roman Caesars indelibly impressed upon them;
whilsta third class were imported neat, by the original proprie-
tors, from the wilds and forests of Germany and Scandinavia,
Yet there still remains no small portion of household terms,
of the very words you use in your daily intercourse, of which
we Welshmen are the original proprietors, and of which you
in vain seek the true interpretation at the hands of the Greek,
Roman, German, or Scandinavian scholar. (Applause.) For
the solution of your difficulties, in such cases, you must have
recourse to the Welsh ; and, trust me, ladies and gentlemen,
that as, in the words of the philosophical and judicious
Niebuhr, "their language is the most imperishable monu-
ment of their fame, which nations can ever rear," it is your
duty, possessed as you are of one of the most impressive and
energetic languages which the world has ever seen, to take
care that no clouds and darkness are allowed to settle on any
portion of its sources, but that all are placed in the full light
and brilliancy of day. (Much cheering.) The time will come
when the English language will cover the world in broader
and more continuous zones than have ever been occupied by
preceding tongues. The Greek once held an extensive sway
over no small portion of the ancient world, yet we have every
reason to infer that twice as many human beings, even now,
utter the language of Shakspeare and Milton as ever, during
one age, re-echoed the words of Sophocles and of Homer.
And if this be true now, what will the wonderful effect be
when the whole of North America, when Australia, with its
various dependencies, when Hindostan and Southern Africa
shall have been peopled by men of English race and of Eng-
lish habits ? Oh, how will these various colonies, planted on
every soil and under every clime, and on whom it may be
said, without hyperbole, that the sun never sets—how will
they turn, in the days of their prosperity, to an examination
of that language and of that literature from which their own
civilisation will have taken its peaceful hue and character. If
you knew the labour—often, I may say, the fruitless labour—
with which learned men have sat down to illustrate the first
principles of the Greek and Latin languages—to remove the
dark cloud that hovers round and above their sources ; if you
knew what volumes on. volumes have been vainly compiled
concerning the Pelasgi of Greece, the Umbri, the Osi, and
the Tassi of Italy, similar in their present feelings to Welsh-
men ; for what the Pelasgi were to Greece, the Osi, Sabini,
and Umbri to Rome, the old Britons of Cumberland, of
Wales, of Cornwall, and of Brittany are to England. It is,
therefore, your duty to take care that your countrymen do
not commit the mistake which was committed by the proud
Greeks and disdainful Romans, but to take the necessary
steps to secure the transmission of your language and litera-
ture to your own descendants, in the various regions which
Englishmen are destined to people, over the face of the whole
globe. To do this, you ought to aid and help us in embody-
ing in your own immortal language our ancient literature, and
to establish professors in the universities for the purpose of
illustrating our important language and literature. (Cheers.)
To prove that these steps are necessary to the due under-
standing of the English language, I shall adduce a few ex-
amples—a few, not because the materials are scanty,
but because philological discussions are not the most
attractive subjects for a popular audience. (Encou-
raging applause for the rev. gentleman to proceed.) Al-
most the first words by which mankind embody their
feelings are those expressive of the senses. 1 look around
me now, and you look on me. You eye me, and lam eyed
by you. Ladies and gentlemen, that word look belongs to
our language. It is the root lug, and from that your English
word look is derived. I hope, therefore, you will never look
again on a Cambro-Briton without remembering to whom
you are indebted for the word. In your language is the word
hear, and you hear me now, It is a good Saxon word, de-.
rived, by the addition of the aspirate, from the organ of hear-
ing. But when you venture to exert a deeper action in hear-
ing, you are then said to listen. Then you come to us ; for
the word you call listen, is derived from the Welsh dust, the
ear, and from clwych, to hear. I tread the stage now, for the
first time in my life. (Laughter and cheers.) Do you know
what the word tread means ? You do not ; you must come
to us for that. It is derived' from our own word traed, the
feet ; and when you go to your past tense, trod, we have its
representative in troad. I shall now come to dress ; for I am
selecting, not the best examples that could be found, but the
most striking. Now, ladies, you have gloves and sleeves. It
is stated of your German ancestors that they had neither
gloves nor sleeves. Tacitus exiaressly informs us that the
German ladies were naked from the shoulders to the tips of
the fingers ; therefore, not having the thing, they could not
have the word. With respect then to gloves. The root of
the word is our llaw. The first attempt at transferring it into
your tongue is to be found in claw, but the nearest pronun-
ciation is llov. The glove, then, is nothing at all but
the covering of the claw, or hand. We have been taught by
the Romans to wear gloves and sleeves. The latter are called
by us llavis, and the former manig, from the Latin manus.
Descending to the nether extremities, we konw perfectly well
that the Roman went bare-kneed. He could not, therefore,
be what the Greeks' called brachatus. I will leave the gentle-
men to translate the word for the ladies. The English Nord.
is very plain, and deduced from the Latin. We call the co-
vering of the nether extremities coisau. It first appears in
the Anglo-Saxon hosan, hose or stocking ; and from coisau
comes our coeswr, and your hosier. It had been often said
that we Britons, when invaded by the Romans were savages.
This is a falsehood, and a malignant falsehood. Merely be-
cause Caesar said he had heard that up the country, some-
where in the Orkneys, perhaps, there was a wild race, that
hearsay evidence had been taken, and put against the strong
and direct testimony of Caesar himself, who brought, to second
his invasion, a larger force, and a more powerful body of le-
gionary troops than were employed in winning the battle of
Pharsalia. He landed at Deal, and the farthest
progress he was enabled to make, in the whole
course of a long summer, ,a as to Kingston-on-Thames, which
a modern army would reach easily in four days. Were they
barbarians who could thus check the immortal Caesar in his
career? As the historian said, "he showed his terror-
stricken back to the Britons whom he had invaded." Caesar
describes us an agricultural nation, as well versed in all the
arts of life; and when Cassivellaunus found that he was not
able to withstand the infantry of Rome, he dispersed all his
troops, and kept four thousand armed chariots to hang on
the wings and hover over the rear of the invaders. Now,
Cwsar admits that he found us an agricultural people. Whe-
ther the Saxons brought grain with them from Germany, I
cannot tell ; but this I can tell, that the words which repre-
sent the main ingredients in the staff of life were borrowed
by the English from us. The first word is wheat, which is
nothing but a translation of given yd, or, as it is now pro..
flounced, gwenith (corn). The English word rye is borrowed
from the Welsh rhyg, and barley from our barlis. When
we thus catch goods belonging to us in the possession of
other persons, it is pretty plain that they have stolen them
from us. I have something more particular to say on this
subject. Pliny tells us there was a tradition that barley,
which he called ordium, was the first grain improved by man
for the use of bread, and, as a proof of this, states that in
his days the first offering to the gods was always made in
barley grain. Now, coming to the Welsh, we find that the
meaning of barlis is bara-llys, (that is, the bread-herb,)
showing that the word is ours, and ours alone. I will now
take a common word or two, and show you that you cannot
do without our help in your ordinary conversation, that is,
if you want to know the meaning of the terms you employ,
and not to suffer your language to remain like a barbarous
tongue in your mouths. The names of the metals are in
frequent use ; and two of the names which you employ are
borrowed from us. Those are Gres, brass, and haiarn, iron.
I have proved that many English words have been borrowed
from the Latin, of which the Latin will give you no satisfac-
tory explanation, and for which you must come to us. There
is a Latin word called torreo, which signifies to burn. Look
at the participle, and you find that it means a rush of flow-
ing water. From torreo you have torrid, as the torrid zone ;
and from torrens you have a torrent. Now, here is a most
extraordinary class of words. Torrens signifies breaking
with heat—breaking with cold. In our language, we have
torris, a torch; and the root of that is also Welsh—it is
torri, heat. Heat breaks by too great expansion ; cold, by
too great contraction. The torrent breaks on the side of
the hill with its fury; and the torch breaks up matter into
its component particles. Here, then, you have a common
source binding up all these apparently incoherent materials
in one general rule. (Cheers.) Were I not afraid of being
tedious, I could enlarge considerably on this part of my
subject. But there is one thing I must mention. Here is
your president; he is the lord of many manors—(laughter,
which was excited by the emphasis which the speaker put on
the last word, thus, by a pun, giving it a double signification)
—but the manors, as well as the president, are truly Welsh.
(Cheers.) The old word is maiwor, and to all the manors
were attached charter-stones. To illustrate this 1 need not
allude to the holy stone of Mecca, nor to the Scottish stone
now in the tower of London, once considered the palladium
of the independence of the Scottish kingdom. It was a very
common occurrence to have things called charter-stones in
the different parts of the empire, and within the last thirty
years, in the west of Scotland, there was a dispute between
the new town and the old town for the charter stone. Hav-
ing thus, Englishmen, deprived you of your manors, I am
now going to repay you the compliment which you paid to
our ancestors and to deprive you of your country.—Laugh-
ter.) I have often asked an Englishman what he meant by
country. Sometimes he is going down to the country, using
the word in opposition to town. I have asked him it he was
not then (when in town) in the countr and his answer is,
" Yes, I am." I have then pressed him for a further ex-
planation ; but no further explanation can he give. Of
course he could not ; he could not, like the Romans, call it
patria ; and what does he do ? He borrows a word from his
vanquished foemen. Our word for country is not gwlad;
we employ that to signify a land reduced to social and civil
order. Where a people were divided into classes of different
degrees of polish, some were called tray, and some cyftray.
Thus in Cornwall the inhabitants say, countryvolk, (?) to
signify men bound by some social ties, which is, in fact equal
to the Greek politis, and to the Latin cives. It was not
every man who had an equal right to the title, or to be con-
sidered as belonging to the affray. The speaker then re-
ferred to the fact of the names of numerous rivers and moun-
tains, particularly in the south of Scotland and north of Eng-
land, being of Welsh origin, illustrating his position by taking
the names of those which he himself had passed in his jour-

ney from Edinburgh to Liverpool. He commenced with the
rock that frowns over the capital of the North, called Arthur's
Crag, and ended with Morecambe Bay, in our own county.
Now, if, (said he) in addressing a popular assembly, I have
been enabled to make out a case, is it not too bad that our
language and literature should not be patronized by the go-
vernment of the country, as well as by Welshmen ? Have we
not a right, a sacred right, to demand that some portion of
those numerous revenues which the English extract from the
Welsh for the service of England and Englishmen, should
be restored to us for our benefit and the benefit of our chil-
dren ? (Cheers.) They have borrowed unmercifully from us
—I leave other gentlemen to tell the tale; but there is hardly
an English college or cathedral which has not thrust its long
band into our purse. (Cheers.) 1 would have travelled a
thousand miles to have been enabled to give utterance to the
feelings which I have expressed on this occasion ; and if
there is a single Englishman who has sympathised with me,
I beseech him to cherish the feeling, and tell his brethren
that we are a much-injured, now an innocent and harmless
race, and they ought to do all they can to place us on the
same platform as themselves. Give us the same advantages
which you possess, and we will show you as vigorous talents,
as good scholars, and sound judgments, and as clear heads,
in the mountains of the Cymry as in the more physically fa-
voured land of England. I speak from experience. I have
taught numerous classes of young Welshmen, of young Eng-
lishmen, and of young Scotchmen, and do conscientiously
declare this my opinion, that the Welsh, in quickness, are
superior to either the English or the Scotch. I don't say
that they are equal in perseverance, because perseverance is
the result of studious habits and education. Give them that,
and I have no doubt that their quickness, backed by perse-
verance, will cause them, in time, to be welcomed by you as
worthy countrymen of Shakspeare and Milton, of Newton
and of Locke. (Applause.) And now I address myself to
the Welsh. We have been invaded both by Saxons and Nor-
mans. We did all we could to preserve our independent
existence, though we were not successful : but I am sorry to
tell you now that a Saxon has made an attack on the Cymry,
not like one of the old times. He calls you not Cymry, but
Cymmerwyr—that is, robbers. This is done by an English-
man, and a wise one, except for this folly. He says, too,
that you are descendants of the Picts, and not of the old
Britons. Is it not strange that such nonsense should not
only be published but patronized by the public ? The rev.
gentleman mentioned, in conclusion, that there were two
societies the (as we understood) lona Society of Scotland,
and the Royal Irish Academy, the secretaries of which had
expressed an anxiety to know what Welshmen were doing,
and accompanied with an offer to make known, in return, all
that they were doing. It had been said by an Englishman
that the Welsh arrogated everything to themselves, that the
Scotch arrogated everything to themselves, and that the
Irish did t'he same thing. He (the speaker) hoped that that
day was now past, and that they would all make common
cause to throw light on the history, the language, and the
literature of one of the most ancient nations in the world—a
nation which came from the Caucasus before either the Hel-
lenic or the Teutonic streams of emigration.—(The archdea-
con sat down amidst very animated and general applause.)
The Rev. T. PRICE then addressed the meeting at some
length, but our limited space prevents us from giving his
speech with the same fulness as the preceding one. His ob-
servations may be considered as continuatory of those of
Archdeacon Williams. He said that when they had been in
the habit of responding to the herdic call amidst their native
mountains, they always came together in anticipation of
hearing their land's language in purity, and of listening to
the strains of the harp. So far, their gratification was purely
selfish. Here, however, a new state of things had been ex-
hibited. Their able advocate had not only assured that their
own language was in reality their own, but that it was inter-
woven with the very basis of the English tongue. This, cer-
tainly, had never before been put before the English in so
striking a point of view as Archdeacon Williams had done it.
As to the Welsh language, they had always known it was
their own, warp and woof ; but they were not aware that it
had taken such a part in the formation of the English lan-
guage. As this was the case, however, perhaps the audience
would permit him to lay before them some few remarks on
the part which Welsh literature had taken in the formation
of European literature. The first language formed in Europe,
after the breaking down of the Latin, was the French. But
in the eleventh century, if not in the twelfth, it was a com-
plete jargon, and bore no resemblance to the French lan-
guage of the present day. In the production of that period
and jargon, however, the heroes of Wales, Arthur and the
knights of the round table, were the principal figures. It
might be said that chivalry and the romances of the trouba-
dours were not of Welsh origin ; but he was not ready to ad-
mit that, seeing who were the personages figuring in the
romances ; and that the very names Caerleon and Cardiff
were Welsh names. The troubadours of the south of France
altogether depended for their materials on the importations
made from Cambria. It might, probably, be asserted that
they got their materials from Italy ; but that assertion would
would not stand the test of examination ; for the Italian
language was not formed much before the time of Dante,
and before he improved, or re-constructed it, it was a
mere jargon. It was quite evident that Dante, Ariosto,
and Tasso, were acquainted with the Welsh legends.
Some one might say, " Ah, they had those from
Spain; the Spaniards were always a chivalrous na-
tion." But the Spanish language was formed still
later than the Italian ; and, looking at the first essays of
Spanish minstrels, what did they find ? Positively, the
heroes of the Round Table, in so prominent a point of
view, that it was quite plain that their literature was
drawn from the fountain head of Wales. In order to
bring this home to every person, the speaker referred
to the novel of Cervantes, one of the most striking
scenes in which was the forest-scene, the principal actor
in which was the great enchanter Merlin. Romance, there-
fore, did not originate with the Spaniards. Could it be
attributed, then, to the Saracens ? No ; for the Arabian
Nights were not composed till the fifteenth century, though
some few straggling tales might have had a previous existence.
It might be said, " Look, then, at Germany." The Germans
have an ancient language, not intelligible to the common
people, which has disappeared, like all those of ancient
Europe, with the exception of the Welsh. There is the
romance called—(we could not catch the name)—true ; and
the romance sets forth the actions of King Arthur and his
Knights ; but in the descriptions many Arabic words occur ;
the days of the week and months were Arabic, and some
other matters evidently indicated an Arabian tint. Now,
how did the Arabians happen to introduce Welsh names into
the romance ? "Oh ! they are not Welsh, but Arabic."
Well, if so, how did they come to introduce the name of
Arthur? Why was the whole machinery perfectly Welsh ?
And why did not they introduce Rustam and Iskander ? The
romance was merely the embodiment of the tales of the
crusaders, with the introduction of some Arabic , words.
After some farther remarks on the same subject, the rev.
gentleman concluded.
In the course of the subsequent proceedings there was a
great variety of singing and harp playing. The prizes were
then distributed

BY JOHN HUGHES, M.D.
11. For the best English Essay, " Showing that there is
sufficient talent and piety in the native clergy of the Princi-
pality to fill the Episcopal Bench." (Traethawd yn dangos
fod digonol gymhwysder o barth Dysy a Duwioldeb, yn
Offeiriaid y Dywysogaeth, i lenwi y swydd Bsgobawl)—
. A Premium of £5 or a Medal of the same value.
Two compositions were sent in, but as neither came up to
the required standard, no award was made.
12. For the best Poem (in Welsh) on the " Battle of Bos-
worth Field," (Am y Cywydd goreu ar Frwydr Mae: Box-
worth.)—A Medal, value £3, and a Premium of £2. For
the second best on the same subject, a Medal, value £2.
There were seven competitors for these prizes, but no award
was made, as nore were of sufficient merit, in the opinion of
the judges, to deserve the prizes.
There were no competitors for.the Gwent and Morganwg
Hirlas Horn, which, ~with a premium of £3O, was offered
''
faltliebeSt" account of the distinguished men of North
Wales.
13.—For the best Elegy, in Welsh, to the " Memory of
the late Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, of Wynnstay, Bart.,
M.P., Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Denbigh and
Merioneth." (Am y Bryddestawd oxen, ar unrhyw fesur
a ddewiso y Cyfansoddydd, ar " Farwolaeth y diweddar
Bennefig, clodfawr Syr Watkin Williams Wynn, or Wynn-
stay, Barwnig, A. S)—A medal, value £5, with a premium
of £5.
There were twelve competitors. The price was won by
Mr. Griffith William Edwards, of Llanberris, who had on a
previous occasion gained a medal for the best Elegy on the
death of the late Sir Watkin's lady.
14.—T0 the best performer on the Triple Harp, of the
air called the " Allurement of Love." (I'r Chwareuydd
goreu, ar y Deign Deir-rhea, ar y Thin " Sereh Dudal.")
A new Triple Harp, value £2l. To be called the Gwent
and Morganwg Harp. [Observe.—The winner of the Gor-
dovig Harp was not allowed to compete for this.]
The competitors were ten in number, named Richard
Pugh, of Corwen ; Reece Jones, of Llanrwst ; William
Jones, of Beaumaris ; John Robinson, of Bangor ; Mrs.
Hearne, of Corwen ; Miss Mary Davies, of Liverpool,—a
girl seven years of age ; Thomas Griffiths, of Tredegar ;
Henry Green, of Shrewsbury ; Miss Jones, of Corwen ; and
Benjamin Rogers, of Liverpool. The judges awarded the
prize to John Robinson, a youth of about 19.
The mayor, at this stage of the proceedings, entered the
Amphitheatre, and was loudly applauded.
15.—For the best Ode (in Welsh) on the " Disastrous
Hurricane with which Liverpool, and other parts of the
United Kingdom were visited on the 6th and 7th of January,
1839." (Awdl ar y Rhuthrwynt dinystriol a Tmwelodd a
Llerpll a manau ereill o'r Deyrnas, ar y 6ed a'r 7fed o lonawr,
1839.)—A medal, value £3, and a premium of £5. For the
second best on the same subject, a medal, value £2.
Five odes were sent in. The first prize was gained by the
Rev. Thos. Pearce, of Liverpool ; the second was awarded
to the writer assuming the name of Ardremydd.
16. To the best Singer with the Harp, after the manner of
North Wales, (Tr Datgeiniaid goreu gyda's Delyn of
trefn Gwynedd.)—A Medal, value £3. and a Premium of
£2,—To the second best Singer, a Medal, value .£2. [Rhaid
i'r Datgeiniaid fod o nodweddiad parchus, a'u canuau
foesawl; os atngen, attelir hwy yn v fan.]
The first prize was gained by William Evans, of `New-
market; the second by Thomas Edwards, of Corwen.
17. To the best Female Perrormer on the Triple Harp,
(i's Delynores oreu ar y Delyn Deir-rhes.) The Mostyn
Gold Harp.
Miss Margaret Jones, of Corwen, Miss Taylor, of Bagillt,
Miss Mary Davies, of Liverpool, and Mrs. Deane, of Cm--
wen, were the competitors. The last named carried off the
prize.

- 18. To the best performer on the Triple Harp from among
the general competitors, (I 'r Telynar neu y Delynores oreu
ar y Delyn Deir-rhes o fgeg yr fioll sysnreigyddion). A
Premium of £5.
To shorten the performance, the judges called forward
those only who had in the previous contests shown decided
merit, namely, Richd. Pugh, Thos. Griffiths, Henry Green,
and Benjamin Rogers. The victor was Thomas Griffiths, of
Tredegar.
The performances concluded, at six o'clock with " God
Save the Queen."
In the evening the harpers, bards, cantorion, datgeiniad,
and others dined at the York Hotel.
This morning, at nine o'clock a gorsedd will be held in the
old Infirmary yard, for the purpose of conferring degrees on
the successful bards.
The committee offered a premium of £5. for the best six
stanzas on the Mayor of Liverpool, and his noble and muni-
ficent conduct. They are to be sent in to the committee by
ten o'clock this morning.
Votes of thanks were respectively passed to the Mayor of
Liverpool, to the Hon. Chairman, to Gen. Sir Love parry,
to Dr. Hughes, to the Judges, to the Rev. T. Price, and the
Friends of the Eisteddfod in Gwent, to Archdeacon Williams'
to the Managing Committee, and others.

FOURTH DAY.—SATURDAY.
THE GORSEDD, OR, ORDINATION OF BARDS, &C.
This novel meeting was held in the " open air," at the Old
Infirmary Yard, at nine o'clock this morning. The follow-
ing gentlemen were present :—Major-General Sir Love Parry
Jones Parry, K.G.H.•' the Venerable Archdeacon of Cardi-
gan ; Rev. Rowland Williams ; Rev. H. Parry ; Rev. J.
Jones, Precentor of Christ Church, Oxford ; the Rev. W.
Jones, Anglesey ; Rev. E. Evans, Christleton ; John Ri-
chards, Esq., Customs ; J. Hughes, Esq., M.D.; Richard
Philips Jones, Esq., M.D., Chester, &c.
A circle, outlined by twelve stones, with a large stone in,
the centre, had been formed. At the altar, or throne, tne
Rev. Evan Evans, the Bardic Druid, took his position. On
the centre stone (the throne) was a sheathed sword. banded
with a blue ribbon. The Rev. E. Evans, with his right hand,
drew the sword from its sheath, and, slightly advancing, said
aloud, in Welsh, " Who is here that has received the degree
of Bard ?" The Rev. J. Jones, (Tepid,) Oxford, and John
Richards. Esq., Bardic Druids, advanced into the circle,
bare-headed, to assist the minister in the performance of his
sacred duty.
BY the Rev. E. Evans.--" Who is here that wishes to re-

TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 23, 1840.

We have received a file of the Sydney Commercial
Journal and of the Sydney Gazette, to the 14th of
February, inclusive. The late hour at which they
came to hand precludes us from making any extended
extracts. They are chiefly occupied with speculations
respecting the neighbouring colony of New Zealand.
The general conclusion arrived at by the papers before
us is, that " New Zealand must become an absolute
possession of England, or remain as it has been." It
has hitherto been a sort of "No Man's Land"—a har-
bour for runaway convicts, dishonest debtors, and bold
and lawless adventurers.

The Commercial Journal publishes the following ex-
tract of a letter, dated Tahiti, December 13, respect-
ing the proceedings of the French buccaniers in the
South Sea :
" The French frigate which left here for the Sandwich Is-
lands in June last, has been there, and succeeded in getting
20,000 dollars. The captain threatened to commence hostili-
ties in three days, in case of non-compliance with his de-
mands, but offered protection to all foreigners as far as he
was able, except the protestant clergymen. The officers of
two American ships of war just arrived from Tahiti, drew up
a. paper, and circulated 1000 copies, proclaiming disappro-
bation of the French captain's proceedings, and assertingthat
the missionaries were entitled to equal protection with their
fellow citizens. It is probable that a memorial will be pre-
sented to the American government respecting such cruel and
arbitrary proceedings."

Wae prepared our readers on Friday for the dishonest
obstruction which, in defiance of the distinct pledge of
Lord John Russell, would on that evening be offered
to the progress of Lord Stanley's bill in committee.
The result has fully verified our anticipation; for
although the amendment moved by the Liston of the
administration, Lord Morpeth, was not literally upon
the motion for going into committee, yet it was one by
which the principle of the bill, which has already been
distinctly affirmed, and the whole of its details were
again subjected to discussion. It was an amendment
professing to respect only the first clause, yet admitted
by its mover to be justified only by objections enter-
tained towards subsequent clauses which have not yet
come before the committee ; and we cannot therefore
regard it as any other than a contemptible and dis-
graceful breach of faith on the part of ministers, in
which we are sorry, for the credit of the House of
Commons, that it has been but too ready to acquiesce.

In order to enable our readers to understand the
value and the effect of this temporary triumph of the
ministerial faction, we shall briefly state the meaning
of the first clause in Lord Stanley's bill, and the nature
of the amendment moved by Lord Morpeth.

• The first clause in the Irish Registration Bill pro-
posed to enact that, after the first day of November,
no person should be entitled to vote at any election for
a member of parliament in Ireland, unless such per-
son should have been previously registered according
to the provisions of that bill. The whole of the clause
was adopted word for mord, with the exception of the
date, from the bills introduced by the present govern-
ment in 1835, and again in 1836, and one precisely
similar in effect was contained in another bill introduced
by a ministerial partisan in 1838. All these bills, bear-
ing on their front this same clause, were supported by
he Whig party in the House of Commons ; and it is

only now when transplanted into the measure of the
noble lord that the objectionable nature of the clause is
discovered. We are told now for the first time that it
is a " disfranchising clause," " a❑ insult to Ireland,"
and an attack on the liberties and " vested rights" of the
people of that country.
To what a depth of infamy must a ministry or a party
be sunk who can submit to resort to so contemptible a
shiiflle ! For with what decency can it be argued that
this clause, which destroys the existing register of
voters only after a New register shall have been com-
pleted, is a disfranchising clause, peculiarly oppressive
to the Irish people ? What franchise does it take away?
Not any. The disfranchisement which it contemplates
is no more than what is yearly effected in England and
in Scotland, when the old are succeeded by the new
registers.

Speaking in general terms, then, the outcry raised
against this, as a clause of sweeping disfranchisement, is
a gross imposture by which the designing knaves of
the ministerial party have deluded the few fools re-
quired to convert their past minorities into a paltry
majority of seven. Let us, however, examine the
amendment and its intended effect in deterioration of
the utility and value of the measure. If we mistake
not, we shall be able to show that it is, if possible, a
more barefaced connivance at impurity and fraud than
even this despicable crew have hitherto dared to mani-
fest.

The amendment carried by Lord Morpeth provides—

" That in making the register of any county, city, town,
or borough, under the provisions of this act, the name of
every person who should be registered for such county, city,
town, or borough, should be placed and -retained on such re-
gister as long as his right would continue under the present
law, unless he should have lost his qualification, or unless he
should have become personally disqualified, or have died, or
unless the registry was effected by fraud or personation com-
mitted under the completion of such register of votes."
Now what, we ask, is., the plain meaning of this
clause, when stripped of its Jesuitical covering ? Sim-
ply this, reader, that the admitted impurities of the pre-
sent registers of Ireland are to be continued for eight
years, and the operation of the bill restricted to new
claims to vote. It is true that ministers have not had
the hardihood to propose that dead men, or men who,
since their registration, have forfeited their right are to
he protected in their franchise; but by this amendment
the whole of the faggot voters who shall have con-
summated their registration previous to the passing of
the bill, by fraud or perjury as to qualification or value,
are to be protected in the enjoyment of their usurped
rights for a period of eight years from the time of that
registration. On all hands it is admitted that on the
first registration under the reform act frauds without
number were perpetrated and parties admitted on the
register whose right to be there was unquestionably
none; yet these parties having renewed their registra-
tion for eight years by the mere:presenting of the certifi-
cate originally granted, although, even supposing an
original qualification, it may have ceased years ago, are
to remain upon the registers without challenge, to record
their votes and to swamp for eight years to come the
bona fide constituencies to be formed upon this or any
other honest system of registration.
Reader, can any better evidence be wanted of the
true nature of Whig opposition to Lord Stanley's mea-
sure ? It would, if unimpaired in its efficiency by this
nefarious amendment, have destroyed the vast number
of fictitious and faggot votes with which the Romish
priesthood have for years been busily deluging the
constituencies of Ireland, and allowed their places to
be filled with the names of bona fide claimants. This,
then, we find at length plainly shewn, is the true
pinching point. The O'Connell-Melbourne adminis-
tration dare not appeal to constituencies honestly and
bona fide possessed of the qualification required by the
Irish reform bill. They know and feel in their de-
graded souls, that so despicable—so utterly base have
they become— a real ten pound constituency, even in
wretched priest-ridden Ireland, would turn from them
with loathing and unmitigable scorn. They exist only
upon the offal of corruption. They breathe only whilst
herding with the vile. They can enjoy place and pay
and patronage, only so long as they can maintain the
franchise in the hands of the brogueless and ruffian
tools of ribbon outrage and noonday murder; and to
effect this they are ready to drain the bowl of corrup-
tion to the very dregs, and to hand down their names
and characters to the execration of posterity, dyed in
colours of measureless and irredeemable infamy.
Deeply as vre regret and must ever regret the fatal
inroad made upon Lord Stanley's bill by the vote of
Friday night, we have still however one consolation.
That vote has torn aside for ever the mask of Whig
hypocrisy. We see that party now the open abettors
of corruption—the apologists and protectors of perjury.
We see them and we know them.

It will be noticed by our parliamentary summary that
Lord Stanley announced, at the close of Friday night's
debate, his intention of proceeding further with the bill
last night, when an attempt would be made to substi-
tute for his bill the measure of the Irish Solicitor Gen-
eral, and that trick failing, the member for Dublin
would " move an iustruction to the committee," or in
other words throw " an obstruction" in the way of his
lordship. Go on, gentlemen, we say, go on. But if
for all this goading course of insult England fails, at no
distant period, to exact a severe retribution, then are
we grievously mistaken in what we have ever thought
to be the characteristic of our. countrymen.

It is once more our duty to enforce upon the minds
of our conservative friends the imperative duty of at-
tending to the approaching registration. Circum-
stances of an unequivocal character tend to strengthen
the conviction that a dissolution of parliament is an
event which may be looked for at no distant period.
The repeated defeats which the present degraded crew
in office have sustained must have proved to them the
utter impracticability of carrying on the business of
the country much longer with a House of Commons
the composition of which renders a majority in favour
of any ministerial measure a matter of such great doubt
and uncertainty.
At the last general election, and for some time after-
wards, ministers could reckon upon majorities ranging
from 30 to 40. These majorities, however, have, in
successive sessions, been gradually reduced. During
the first session of the present parliament it is true that
the index of ministerial popularity stood a few degrees
above freezing point. The next session, after sundry
fluctuations, brought it somewhat below that point.
The present session has shown a tremendous declen-
sion in the scale. The popularity of Lord Melbourne
and his associates is noes absolutely below zero. To
drop metaphor : instead of being able to command
majorities of 30 or 40, they have latterly been left in
minorities of two, five, seven, and even eleven, and this
in spite of the secession of several hypocrites from the
ranks of the conservatives.

How has this come to pass ? It has been owing,
not to any conversions which have taken place among
the radical members of the House of Commons, but
to the substitution of staunch conservatives for truck-
ling ministerialists at the elections which have taken
place during the last three years. We may safely say
that two out of every three of the vacancies which
have taken place since the last general election have
been filled by conservatives. It is impossible that these
changes should have gone on to any great length with-
out annihilating the "measuring cast" majority of the
O'Connellite ministry. 'lt has been annihilated. A
dead lock has been put to the motions of the ministe-
rial carriage. It can proceed no longer down the hill
of revolution, though the great " Irish dragon" be
harnessed to it.

What then must be done ? It is quite evident, from
the experience of the present session, that the venal
tools of O'Connell cannot carry any of their measures
through the House of Commons, if seriously opposed
by the conservative party. It is equally plain that the
occurrence of fresh vacancies in the present parliament
(and occur they must in the natural course of events)
will place ministers in a worse position than they oc-
cupy at present. It is, therefore, obviously their best
policy to have recourse to a dissolution. It is true that
a dissolution, in the present state of the public mind,
would be a " dread alternative" to the mercenary im-
beciles now in office ; hut it is the least of two evils
left to their choice. It would be less degrading to them
to be driven out of office by the irresistible mandate of
the people of England, whom they have utterly dis-
gusted by their incapacity, hypocrisy, and venality, than
to be in office without being in power.
For ourselves, we have very little doubt as to the
choice which ministers will make. We believe that
they will once more stake their existence on the remit

of a general election. But, as it is uncertain whether
a dissolution Nvill take place under the present registry,
we would zealously urge upon our conservative friends
the necessity of attending to the registry of their votes.
If they display the same zeal in the performance of
this duty that they have evinced in past years, we have
no doubt that the day will not be far distant when the
reins of office will be snatched from the unworthy
hands of the present pro-popery ministers, and placed
in those of men whose loyalty to the throne and whose
attachment to the British constitution in church and
state, !are as undoubted as their capacity for public
business is universally acknowledged.
Conservatives ! remember the significant words of
your great leader—"THE BATTLE OF THE CONSTI-
TUTION IS TO BE FOUGHT IN THE REGISTRATION
COURTS."

It would be a waste of time to bestow anything fur-
ther than a passing notice upon the infamous epistle
which the hoary mendicant O'Connell has just ad-
dressed to his fellow-traitors in Ireland. Like every-
thing else emanating from the same impure source it
is a disgusting compound of concentrated malignity,
unparalleled audacity, and unmitigated slander. The
practised hypocrite commences his mendacious letter
with a few cant phrases, culled from the novels of the
Minerva-press school, on the joys of domestic. life and
the sweets of wedded love. The fulsomeness of the
flattery which proceeds from such a source can only
produce a feeling of unutterable loathing. We know
of no libel so atrocious as the praise of such a man as
O'Connell.

After the courtly cant to which we have alluded, the
old serpent proceeds at once to insinuate that Oxford
was " not solitary" in the perpetration of his crime.
The purport of this insinuation may be learnt from
the exclamation by which it is immediately followed.
The truculent demagogue says, " If the first sovereign
of the House of Brunswick that ever showed impartial
justice to the people of Ireland—if she had fallen be-
neath the hired assassin's blow—if the Grand Master
of the Orange Lodges were now, sacred heaven ! the
legitimate monarch of these realms, as it was clearly
intended that he should, what would be the state of
Ireland ?" Any thing more diabolically atrocious than
the charge brought forwards in the paragraph which
we have just quoted, it has never been our fate to meet.
Unlike, however, the cowardly insinuations in which
the Whig-Radical press has been indulging during the
past week, it has the merit of candour and straight-
forwardness. O'Connell distinctly and unequivocally
charges the Queen's uncle, now probably tottering on
the brink of the grave, with having instigated the
attack which has spread such consternation through
the land. On what authority does he venture to
make this charge ? Has he a tittle of evidence to
support it ? Does he not set all the laws of probabi-
lity at defiance in his bold assumption ? Is he such a
fool as to suppose that the people of England can be
imposed upon by such a vile and palpable slander?
The villanous insinuations in which the Whig-Radi-
cal press has indulged, and which have assumed a
more tangible shape in O'Connell's letter, will cause
the people of England to suspect that there really was
some plot in connection with the recent attempt upon
the life of the Queen, and that of her Royal Consort;
but the suspicion will not attach to the King of Han-
over and the loyal Orangemen. Far from it. If there
be a plot, her Majesty's ministers or Daniel O'Connell
will be instinctively thought of as the parties implicated
in its origin and execution. When we reflect that
there was an object to be gained by these parties in cre-
ating a sensation such as that we have witnessed—
when we consider that the circumstances under which
the apparent attempt upon the life of the Queen was
perpetrated, justify the strongest feelings of suspicion,
it will not he wondered at that reflecting people should
be led to think that the whole thing was a precon-
certed affair, for which all the actors were duly pre-
pared.
As O'Connell has tempted us to it, let us see if we
cannot justify a far different conclusion from that which
he would wish us to draw. The absence of the police
from the immediate vicinity chosen by the assassin—
the absence also of those of her Majesty's retinue whose
duty it is to guard her personal safety—the cool deli-
beration of Oxford on the occasion—the calm indiffer-
ence betrayed by the Queen and Prince Albert, who
did not even halt for a moment to inquire what was the
matter, nor despatch a servant to assist in securing
Oxford, but proceeded on to Belgrave-square to make
a call—the unguarded manner in which the royal caval-
cade returned to the palace, as if nothing had occurred
—the unhesitating manner in which the prisoner gave
his name and address, and the facility with which the
police discovered the mysterious papers and emblems
at his lodgings—the cool intrepidity displayed by Ox-
ford during his examination—the circumstance of a
bullet having been discovered, (not by the police, but
by some urchins sent to play on the spot,) which would
not fit either of the pistols fired by Oxford—the fact
that the alleged bullet marks on the wall were no bullet
marks at all, but, simply, indentations caused by a stick,
or some such blunt instrument—the handle made of the
attack by the Whig-radical press and Daniel O'Connell,
to subserve a political object—all these things, with
many other circumstances which we might enumerate,
would admirably serve to fix upon the ministerial fac-
tion the guilt of concocting this diabolical affair. We
might even go so far as to say that the discovery of the
crepe veil, with its distinctive ribbon ties, indicated
some mysterious connection with O'Connell and his
ribbonite confederates. We do not wish our readers
to suppose for a moment that we deliberately accuse
the ministers of " getting up" the affair for the purpose
of frustrating Lord Stanley's motion; but we maintain
that we have adduced a number of particulars which
make far more strongly against O'Connell and his
tools than they do against the King of Hanover.
But to speak seriously. The attempt to fix the
charge of high treason upon the Orangemen is a device
too cunning to succeed; and the attempt to implicate
the whole conservative party in Great Britain in the
infamous attempt upon the Queen's life, is still less
likely to deceive a single individual out of the precincts
of a ribbon lodge. An appeal to the millions of Pro-
testants who on the past Sabbath joined in fervent
thanksgivings for the safety of their beloved monarch,
would be a sufficient answer to the enormous calumnies
of such a heartless and abandoned wretch as O'Connell,
backed as those insinuations are by the diabolical in-
' sinuations of the rabid popish miscreants attached to
the Whig-radical press. The loyal Protestants of
England, who compose the great bulk of the population,
can well afford to laugh to scorn the miserable slanders
of O'Connell. Theirs is not a lip-loyal, contingent
attachment to the throne of these realms. Their loy-
alty is not measured by the fluctuating standard of
court favour. Their zeal for the monarchy is not based
on the flimsy foundation of official patronage or party
ascendency. It has a far nobler basis. It is grounded
upon the immovable rock of Christian duty. Unlike
the evanescent and accommodating professions of the
papist and the liberal, the loyalty of Protestants is an
abiding and ineradicable principle. If ever a day of
trial should arrive, and arrive it will at no distant day,
we shall find that O'Connell is capable of loading
with his filthy abuse that "amiable young Queen,"
whom he now seeks to defile with the slaver of his
flattery and encomium.

We cannot undertake to reply in detail to the arguments
and assertions advanced by our contemporary of the Liver-
pool Times, in answer to a few observations which we offered
upon a former article. The subject of the Corn-Laws has
now lost most of its interest, and our readers will not thank
us for reviving a question which has already been discussed
ad nauseam.

Our object was to shew, in opposition to the dictum of our
contemporary, that, however regular might be the demand
from this country for foreign corn, still a drain for specie to
a certain extent would be the result. Our contemporary
instances in reply, that cotton wool to the value of 12 millions
sterling was imported in a single year from the United States
without any exportation of bullion in return. This may be
the fact, but it is not decisive of the point in dispute. Let
our contemporary add three millions sterling for corn to our
importation from the United States, and if we can pay off
that amount in cotton goods without increasing our import
of cotton to provide the staple of those goods, we may then
possibly admit that he is correct in his illustration.
We pass by our contemporary's misrepresentation of our
remarks as to the Proportion of labour to raw material in our
exports to corn growing countries on the shores of the Baltic.
To those countries we must look in the event of a general
opening of the British market for most of our supplies of
corn ; and our contemporary is well aware that remittances to
them are made in goods upon which the minimum proportion
of labour is bestowed. With respect to the special bargains to
be made with particular countries as a condition of allowing

to them the privilege of supplying us with corn, we have
seen too much of these " reciprocity" affairs to be much in
love with such a mode of proeeeding.
Our contemporary in correcting a verbal error of ours, has
recorded the admission—no insignificant one by the bye—
that " the whole amount which we pay to the foreign corn
grower, whether in goods or bullion, in exchange for corn,
may be considered as so much abstracted from the pockets
of the British farmer." Good. And as a necessary con-
sequence, the British farmer will have so much the less to
expend with the manufacturer. Our contemporary, we
presume, will riot dispute this position. The change, how-
ever, is to benefit the farmer, and by this abstracting process
" the agriculture of the country is to improve to such an
extent as to become superior to that of any other country in
the world !" After this, we should not wonder to hear of
the tenants of Lord Fitzwilliam throwing their next half-
year's rents into the Swale or Don, in order the sooner to
arrive at this promised agricultural superiority. Our con-
temporary must really excuse us for telling him that the British
farmer of the present day is a tolerable judge of his own in-
terest, and, that he is decidedly of opinion, that competition
with the untaxed foreigner, and abstracting three or four
millions a year out of the pockets of British agriculturists, to
place in those of the nobility of Russia and Prussia, is not
precisely the way to " improve the permanent interest of the
farmer, landowner, and, consequently, of the labourer" of
the United Kingdom. With due deference to our contem-
porary, this kind of interference with the concerns of their
opponents is one of the impudences of which we complain on
the part of the anti-corn-law advocates. What right has a
man, who scarcely knows a plough from a harrow—a hawk
from a handsaw,—to preach to a practical British farmer
upon a subject of which he is so entirely uninformed. Let
him " stick to his buttons."

Our contemporary accuses us of abuse and scurrility in
our mode of discussing this question ; and how does he prove
his charge? By misrepresenting and falsifying our ex-
pressions. "It seems," says our contemporary, "accord-
ing to his dictum, that to ask for cheap bread is ' base and
nefarious,' and that the manufacturer is a knavish quack'
and hypocrite, whose object is to reduce the wages of the
people." " Such," adds the Times, " are the slanders by
which the advocates of monopoly, and their worthy allies, the
chartists, attempt to exasperate the populace against their
employers." We beg our contemporary's pardon, but the
slander is on his own lips, and is alike worthy of the cause
and its advocates. We never said that "to ask for cheap
bread" is base and nefarious ; and our contemporary knows
it. We never said that " the manufacturer is a knavish
quack and hypocrite, whose object is to reduce the wages of
the people." We know that the respectable and really esti-
mable portion of the manufacturers of England abhor and
despise the anti-corn-law agitators and their principles. What
we did say our contemporary has quoted, and how he could
have the hardihood to put such an interpretation upon it, we
really are at a loss to know.

We called that man a quack and a hypocrite who, whilst
asking to be enabled to compete with the " cheap labour of
the foreigner," professes that " he has no wish to reduce
wages." We still call him a knavish quack and a lying hypo-
crite, for he knows that cheap labour means low wages. Our
contemporary knows this, for in the usual round about way
of people who have an unpalatable truth to utter, he all but
admits it ; and we ask him by what name lie would designate
the man who, asking to " be placed on an equal footing with
those with whom he must compete in the sale of his goods in
every market of the world," should have the consummate
impudence to deny, that, in connexion with " a large loaf,"
he contemplates a reduction of the workman's wages. We
would recommend our contemporary and his party to leave
this question alone, and look in another direction for the
causes of our present mercantile and manufacturing embarras-
ments. Depend upon it those causes are not so very far un-
derground that the ingenuity of our contemporary will be at
a loss in finding them out. We should readily aid him or
any other of our contemporaries in the attempt, and if
honestly undertaken we are firmly convinced that the result
would be beneficial to the whole mercantile community.
Are we for ever to persevere in the folly of converting com-
mercial into political questions ?

The Editor of the Albion complains of our " malignant
attack upon the Mayor, with respect to his conduct in the
chair" at the meeting of 'Wednesday last. We are some-
times at a loss to discover the passages referred to by our
various contemporaries as " malignant," " slanderous,"
&c., but on this occasion we are at no such loss. We com-
plained on Friday that his Worship showed partiality in
allowing party attacks to be levelled by his own friends
against Mr. M'Neile and others, whilst he refused to hear—
not a retort, for retort was never attempted—but even in-
terrupted one gentleman whilst speaking to order. As a par-
ticular case we instance the speech of Mr. Taylor, which was
very directly levelled at the Rev. Hugh M'Neile, and which,
although conveying all tne venom of a slander which that
Rev. Gentleman had but a few minutes before satisfactorily
rebutted, was allowed to be heard, and vehemently cheered
by the radical and popish section of the meeting.
We have no doubt that the Mayor thought he was impar-
tial, but we can assure him other people were not of the
same opinion. One of our Saturday contemporaries in par-
ticular, was so delighted with the fancied hit made by Mr.
Taylor's speech, that he had in conspicuous letters in his
handbill—" The Rev. Hugh M'Neile's Jezebel Speech re-
buked"—a much more "-malignant" practical imputation
upon the Mayor's boasted impartiality than we have ever
ventured to make.

EXTRAORDINARY EPISTLE,
WRITTEN IN THE GENUINE UNKNOWN TONGUE.

The extraordinary document at foot has been handed to
us for translation, under the impression that it was Welsh,
at which language we are an adept. We can make nothing
of it, however, and present it in its present shape to our
readers. We certainly have an impression that it is not
altogether an original composition of the learned pundit
whose fr2y- it bears, having somewhere in the course of our
multifarious reading met with a similar composition. Per-
haps some of our Argus-eyed readers may introduce us to
its original author :

" EDITOR MERCURII LIVERPUDLIENSIS, DOCTORI QUEM
VOCANT PASTOREM,—GRETANS.
" Doctore !—Hominum pertidissirne! in illo papyro sce-
leratissimo, quod vocatur The Standard, articulos quosdam
deridentes meum Billum Stanleyii Registrationis Hibernici,
maxima indignatione legi. Meum billum id appello, quia in
versione mea non pater ipse vestigia ulla infantis cognoscere
potest. Recorderisne versiculos, de quodarn, nomine Jack ?
In Anglia vernacula, sic :
" Jack stole his discourse from the famed Doctor Brown,
But, reading it damnably, made it his own—
Distichon quod ita pro meo casu paraphrazabo, ut sequitur
in hexametris lege solutis.
" En ! transcribit clausos, ex Stanleyio Billo,
Sic damnabiliter crederes Mercurius ipse
Mendax composuit ; Stanleyius non fuit auctor.
Dico etenim hoc—quod si, quod ego scripsi non est quod
Stanleyius vult facere legein, est quod alii homines, amantes
patrim, voluerunt,—quod est, multo melius. Et nullam
aliam tibi dabo responsionem.
" Appellas teipsum doctorem,—non reverendum, non me-
dici, sed legum, abbreviate LL.D., non curo demi-damnum
pro doctoribus etiusmodi generis. Recordarisne quomodo
alius doctor, ejusdem stampi, philosophus Pius et inflatus
seipso—(Anglice eleganter,prkogish)—sanguinem et wiggum
ejus nuper perdidit ? Si ego irascere me incipiam ego et
wiggum tuum et maskam demolishabo et te nudum trahebo
per iras et cachinnationes mundi. Anne, me provocas ?
" Ah ! doctore, perfidissime, sceleratissime,—quando fui
councillarius, et talis councillarius ut nemo unquam viderat,
ut ne vetustissimus inhabitans recordari potuit, lavasti mecum
in bagneo Coglanno, quod ego appello in Anglice The Float-
ing
Bath, sed quod aiii homines scelerati vulgo appellant
The Tub; meum corpus in omnibus contortionibus libenter
vidisti ; corki jacketum, mei inventions, teipso imposuisti
et, in gurgite vasto recubantes, nos duo fratres, sive palli
(Anglice, pals), enigmas, charados, et riddlos fecimus.
Tune aleam, dimidium cum dimidio hausisti, aquae vitam
nitidam, rummi punchium cum sugare, ore aperto et fauci-
bus aridis, swallowavisti ; et cum in meum dornutn venisti,
sausageos et renes, pro suppero prebui ; stoutum Eblanense,
Guinnessio auctore, super tabulam posui ; fromagium Stil-
tonense, Cestriense, Glocestriense, in usu tibi fuit ; leaderos
pro newspapero meo scribere te permisi, de omnibus rebus
et quibusdam aliis, dun] to doctore sciebas nihil plus de news-
papero quam, ut aiunt inter Hibernos, vacca vetula de ea-
misio ruffleato, (vernacule, no more than a cow knows of a
ruffled shirt.) Hoc vocasti nihil? Sed me vocasti Mercurii
plumbi imaginem (a leaden image of Mercury)—quod si
unquam vidisti plumbum nantem ut me nantem vidisti—et
nunc contra meum newspaperum et meos leaderos blateras ?
Ridebo trios, doctor pastore, et tunc—sed Hungnam animus.
Ad interim, vive et bibe in terrore ! << Utla yy