The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-10-23 00:00:00

A.NNIVERSARIT DINNER

OF THE
LIVERPOOL OPERATIVE CONSERVATIVE

ASSOCIATION.

On Friday evening the members of this association
held their third annual meeting in the Music Hall,
Bold-street, where the members of the Tradesmen's
AsSociation held their annual festival the evening be•
fore. The same arrangements and decorations which
characterised that splendid dinner were retained, and
the room in every respect had the same splendid ap-
pearance. If anything there was a more goodly array
of the gentry of-the town and neighbourhood than at
•the tradesmen's dinner; and most of the gentry
seemed anxious to show their respect and estimation
of this loyal association and valuable_cnnierrative.aid.
The gallery set apart For the ladies was filled with the
delighted wives and sisters of the operatives, and the
dinner, which was substantial and excellent, was again
provided by Mr. Lawton, of the Rainbow Hotel. The
wines were exceedingly good. The arrival at the
dinner hour (5 o'clock) of Lord Sandon, Mr. Cress-
well, and the principal guests, was greeted with en-
thusiastic applause. Mr. Horsman, a member of the

association, was in the chair. On his right was Lord
Sandon, M.P., the Rev. Rector Brooks, the Hon.
Richard Bootle Wilbraham, M.P., Sir Thos, Brancker,
Henry Lawrence, Esq., Charles Henderson; Esq.,
John Nelson Wood, Esq., Charles Cardwell, Esq., and
Major Brooks. On his left were Cresswell Cresswell,
Esq., M.P., the Rev. Rector Campbell, Juhn Roby,
Esq., of Rochdale, James As mall, Esq., Samuel
Holine, Esq., Adam Hodgsollr: Esq., George Hall
Lawrence, Esq., John Arthur Tinne, Esq., John Shaw
Leigh, Esq., J. B. West, Esq., of Dublin, and Peter
Greenall, Esq., of St. Helen's. At the centre table
were Wilfred Troutbeck, Esq., Thomas Carson, Esq.,
Peter Wright, Esq., George Green, jun., Esq., John
Wilkinson, Esq., John Shephard, Esq., George Har-
riott, Esq., of Ormskirk, Captain Armstrong, &c. •
The vice-presidents were George Gordon, Esq., and
John Kilshaw, Esq.
The cloth having been drawn, and "Non nobis Do-
mine" sung,
The CHAIRMAN, with a brief preface, gave— ,
" Her Majesty the Queen—Duchess of Lancaster,"—four
times four.
The national anthem was sung with the same fervour as on
the previous evening, and with similar evidences of attach-
ment to the principles of our limited monarchy. The com-
pany at the close rose and gave three times three hearty
chess.
The CHAIRMAN hoped that the sarne justice would be done,
to the next toast as had been rendered to the last.
" The Queen Dowager and the rest of the Royal Family,"
three times three and one cheer more.

Glee :—" Here in cool grot and mossy cell."
The CHAIRMAN then called upon the company to fill a
bumber and drink the next toast with nine times nine at least.
" The Constitution of our Country in Church and State ;
may the purity of an Established Church continue the surest

protection of. our ancient and revered institutions in the
State." (Drank as requested.)
The Rev. RECTOR BROOKS rose to reply to the toast, and
was received with enthusiastic and long continued cheering.
He said, Gentlemen, your chairman has deputed to me the
office of responding to the toast which you have just heard
from the chair—that of the Church and State. And 1 can
honestly assure you, however little I am in the habit of
speaking at public meetings, or attending such meetings as
these, yet, stall consider it as a very great privilege, and a very
pleasing task to be put upon me on this occasion. (Hear.)
Gentlemen, the enthusiastic manner in which you have been
pleased to receive this toast, convinces me that you strongly
approve of the principle that is embodied in it; and that you
are still true to the great objects which first induced you to
associate together for the preservation of the ancient, and
invaluable institutions of this great country. (Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, when you did so associate together, you did not come
into the field in the character of aggressors; you did not at-
tempt to invade the rights of others; the armour which you
put on was purely defensive • you were determined that you
would not see every thing that was dear and valuable to you
laid desolate and in ruins. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, of
all those institutions which we ought so highly to value in
this country, there is none that has been assailed with greater
virulence than that of the Established Church ; it has been
made the main object of attack; and those persons who
could never consent to agree upon any other point have firmly
united together to endeavour for her overthrow. Now, gentle-
men, it is natural enough first to ask the question, why is this ?
Where are we to seek for the reason that should bring this
• about ? Is it because the tenets of the established church are
not scriptural? Gentle Men, that it cannot be. I defy them
to prove that there is any one of the doctrines of the esta-
blished church that is not based in the warranty of scripture.
(Loud cheers.) Nay, her very articles declare that she will
not have believed any doctrine that has not such warranty.
(Hear, hear.) Is it, gentlemen, because they consider that
her discipline is not apostolic? That, again, I will take the
liberty to deny; and I again call them to the proof to show
from scripture where any other kind of church government
is established during the primitive and pure ages of Chris-
tianity, than that which we enjoy in the different orders of
Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. (Cheers.) Is it, Gentle-
men, that she is intolerant in her principles? That again I
deny; and I am bold to affirm that there never was a church
that showed so great a regard, and so fully acknowledged the
rights—the sacred rights of conscience. Well, theu, gentle-
men, if we cannot find it any of these, and these are ostensi-
ble, and one would think legitimate reasons, if they were true
ones—but if we cannot find it any of these, we must look for
it elsewhere • and it is not very difficult to discover that reli-
gion has nothing to do with it at all. The grand reason why
these oppose themselves to the established church is purely
political. (Hear.) The church is an established institution;
those .J 6. oppok. the church oppose all established institu-
tions;—(hear, hear)—through the church they would attack
the state—they would—attack the throne,—(hear)—they
would attack the House of Lords, and they would attack
every thing that is permanent. And, gentlemen, they make
no secret of this; at all events they are open enemies; they
tell you to be upon your guard, and to take care of yourselves,
for that their object, though they may take it by instalments
and piece-meal, yet their object is destruction. (Loud
cheers.) Gentlemen, there is an old Latin adage, which in
plain English amounts to this, that "it is no bad thing to
take a lesson from an adversary." You have done that.
They have told you to take care of yourselves; you deter-
mined that you would take care of yourselves—when the
citadel was attacked you flew to defend the ramparts, and
the display of conservative feeling which then burst forth
from one end of the county to the other—which has since
that time every year increased, and which I am happy to'find
is still increasing—(cheers)—has, in my opinion, been the
salvation of your country. (Renewed cheers.) But, gentle-
men, you must still persevere; you must not sleep upon your
posts; because your adversaries have been checked in their
career, and in their advances, you must not think, therefore,
they have been determined upon retreat. No, gentlemen,
they are a very different classof people. They were always,
and still are, busy and active, and you must combine to de-
fend what they are combined to destroy. (Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, it is not to be expected, or fitting, that you should, in
tunes like these, leave the defence of pure religion to the
clergy alone. (Hear, hear.) You are as much interested in
it as they are. The weapons which they could use are not
the only weapons that are now necessary. The clergy of
our established church have for ages defended religion by
their writings; and it would be no difficult matter to bring
forward a list of imperishable names who have thus fought
the battle of the church, and have in every contest come off
triumphant. (Heal., hear.) But, gentlemen, that is not
exactly the species of warfare that would be available
in the present day; the battle is now to be fought on
different grounds;—(hear, hear)—it is to be fought in
the court of registration; it is to be fought at the hus-
tings;--(hear)—it is to be fought by sending those who
are to be yeti: representatives in the senate, who are of the
same opinions and entertain the same sentiments as your-
selves—(cheers)—who you are assured will defend those
institutions which you so much value, and will never allow
principle to give way to expediency —(cheers)—nur league
with the great enemies of the institutions of the country for
the, purpose of obtaining political power—(cheers)—men,
gentlemen, who will not allow a separation to take place
between the altar and the throne, under chose combined

influence Great Britain has arrived at a degree of prosperity
and of glory which has seldom been equalled, and never sur-
passed. (Great cheering.) Then, gentlemen, if it is not to
be left to the clergy. the clergy are most happy to call you in
as assistants—they are ready to put you in front of the battle,
and they will fight with you in any post which you may assign
them. (Cheers.) It is to you, and to such as you, gentle-
men, to such a meeting as was held in this room last night,
and to such a meeting as I have the gratification and plea-
sure, as 1 have, to see now—it is to such as you that 1, for
one, am willing to confide the defence of the established
church. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, this country has been called
" the palace of the world in wealth, and the eve of the world
in knowledge." (Cheers.) Now, 1. would express my
earnest hope that you could never cease to remember that
that knowledge would be worthless, and that wealth unsanc-
titled, when the country forgets that she is christian ; when
she allows her altars to be der crated and her religion to be
trampled under foot. (Great` cheering.) With that impres-
sion, gentlemen, and with a perfect conviction that you will
never live to see such a state of things take place, I have the
pleasure once more of offering my acknowledgments to the
chair for the toast of "Church and state," which was given
from it. (The rev. rector satdown amidst vehement cheer-
ing, the audience rising and waving their hats.)
The CHAIRMAN then gave " The Army and Navy," with
three times three. •
Glee—" To all you ladies now on land."
"The Bishop and Clergy of the Diocase," with three times
three.

The Rev. Rector CAMPBELL, being loudly called for, rose
amidst great cheering. He said,—Mr. Chairman and brother
operatives—(cheers)—as I make it a general rule, whenever
I can, to give place to my betters, I threfore seldom make a
speech when my better half, the senior rector, is present.—
(Applause.) And, gentlemen, as there is a remarkable har-
mony of opinion between us—so remarkable, that I assure
you, (and I do it with a very great pleasure,) that there has
not been the slightest interruption of that harmony during
the course of the nine years that we have been joint rectors
together ;—I was going to say that I hoped all the married
men in the company could say the same. (Great cheering
and laughter.) Therefore, gentlemen, it is less necessary
for me to make a speech when he is present; because we
generally have to say the same thing, and he can say it very
much better than I. As your respected chairman has called
upon me to respond to this toast, of course I feel it my duty
to obey; and as in such an immense parish as this, containing
200,000 souls, wehave nut very many opportunities of meeting
together, and you seldom, roost of you, come to hear my
speeches, therefore I must say. something as a substitute for
a sermon, and I promise you it shall nut be a very long one.
( Loud applause.) And now, gentlemen, that I take the
liberty of calling myself a brother operative, I hope you will
not think me unworthy of that name, because I am not
merely what was called a " productive labourer." (Cheers.)
It strikes me that the moral distinction between the pn,-
ductive and the non-productive classes, and the ill-na-
tured inference that is drawn from it, that every man
is idle that does not produce something from the labour
of his hands, are weak inventions of the enemy to disunite
the several classes from each other, and profit from the dis-
order that will result from such disunion. (Cheers.) I am
sure you will not for a moment think me capable of under-
valuing the rights of labour, or decrying the worth of pro-
ductive industry; far from it. Gentlemen, God forbid that
I should do so. I value the interests of the labouring classes
as highly as they ought to be valved; but as a minister and
a servant of that great God in whose sight all men are equal,
and who, so far as spiritual things are concerned, regards
with equal favour the labourer in his cottage and the monarch
on his throne (cheers), I wish—and it should be the wish of
every good Christian and of every honest man —that labour
should have its full recompence, and productive industry its
full reward. But let not that, gentlemen, blind us to the
conviction that there are other labourers in the social field
fully as profitable to the community as you who work with
your hands. There are some who work with their heads,
and some who work with their hands; and in many instances
those who work with their heads work the hardest of the two,
producing benefits not only to. die community in general,
but to the productive class of labourers to whom some of you
may belong. •It has been calculated by an American writer,
that the number of men put in occupation in different coun-
tries, such as paper•makers, bookbinders, and printers, by

the works of Sir Walter Scott alone, would, if collected
together, form a society sufficient for a large town. There-
fore, if the works of a novelist, poet, and historian, like Sir
Walter Scott, have such an effect, let it not be said that the
unproductive and the working. classes are disassociated;
they ate connected together in inseparable union. The in-
terests of all classes, if properly understood, are the seine.
But now, gentlemen, to apply my observations principally to
that object which I perhaps ought to have in view in re-
sponding to this toast—" the Bishop and Clergy of the dio-
cese." I beseech you not to let your enemies, and our ene-
mies, persuade you that the clergy are not profitable labourers
in the social field. (Great cheering.) What is our office in
an utilitarian point of view? It is to inculcate respect to the
laws of God and man; it is to teach you and your children
to do justly, and to live morally, and to walk humbly with
your God. "It is to teach you that there is a great God that
rules above, who sees the earth, who knows every thought
and hears every word, who must punish the evil and will
reward the good. And who can say that such a class of men
as this, whose office.it is at least to do this, are not profitable
tabourertr-"rh-ey are profitable labourers in every sense of
the word, and their influence is exercised look beneficially
amongst the operative classes : for, gentlemen, let it never
be forgotten, that labour cannot receive its due remuneration
except in a country where the laws of God are respected;
and therefore, I say, instead of calumniating and persecuting
and robbing the clergy, as is the fashion in some quarters in
the present day, it is the duty of every good government, and
of every good Christian, to encourage them by every means in
their power; to encourage them, I say, if they do their duty
properly, and to consign them to I care not what depth* of con-
tempt if they neglect to do their duty. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
I have professed not to give you a long sermon, and therefore
1 had better, perhaps, bring my observations to a close. But
now, having endeavoured to show you how the productive
and unproductive labourers are both profitable labourers in
the social field, I will conclude by very briefly sheaving how
we, who are profitable labourers and Conservatives, may also
be Reformers at the same time. I, of course, do not mean
Reformers in the modern sense of the term. I do not mean
Reformers in the sense of those conceited gentlenten, who
think that nothing can be well done unless they do it them-
selves (cheers); who think uo pie can be well made unless
they have a finger in it (laughter and cheers) ; and whose
notions of reform, so far as 1 can understand, principally con-
sist in getting their opponents out of power, and themselves
in. (great cheering.) Of course, I do not mean that we
should be Reformers in that sense of the word; but that we
should be lletormers by reforming ourselves. If every man
will undertake to reform himself and his own household, in-
stead of attempting to reform the constitution, I think the
world will go on much better, and the constitution not much
worse: (Cheers.) Go on, therefore, myofriendS, I care not
how fast, in the course of social improvement and moral re-
forw. Secure your own independence by temperance and
sobriety, and diligence and honesty, and the acquisition of
useful knowledge; meaning by useful_knowledge a know-
ledge that will qualify you for the state of life into which it
has pleased God to call you, and make you wise also unto
salvation. Secure your independence by these honest means,
and then I think you may command that remuneration for
labour, which in every well ordered community results from
the security of property, and the indemnity to industry secured
in their just relations to each other by just and equal laws.
(The Rev. Rector sat down amidst very loud and continued
cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN next proposed " The worthy representa-
tives of our good old town, Lord Viscount Sandon and Cres-
well Creswell, Esq, ; may they long continue firm supporters
of our glorious constitution." (Vehement applause.)
Lord SANDON rose amidst enthusiastic cheers. He said,
Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen, the manner—the kind, and
cordial manner, in which you have received the toast which
your chairman has just been so kind as to propose to your
acceptance, gives me not only great reason for gratitude as a
personal obligation to myself, but gives me a still greater
reason for congratulation to the country for the sentiment
upon which, I am sure, this applause has been founded. I
am glad to see in the applause with which you have received
the names of your conservative representatives, that you are
still the good conservatives which I left you last year
(cheers)—that you have not repented since I saw you last
year of those evil doings—of those evil inclinations which led
you to prefer a conservative to the reform member—(cheers)
—that you haave not been seduced by all the charms of
" the people's charter"---(loud laughter)—as displayed in the
Old Infirmary yard—(Great laughtgr, and cheering, and
hisses)—to forget your old friends, a'fftd your old principles.
Gentlemen, I am glad-to see that you have not been seduced
by the tempting charms of " Annual Parliaments" " Uni•
versal Suffrage," and " Vote by Ballot"; that you have not
been seduced by them, nor by the still more pleasing propo-
sition for the purpose of giving to each of your representa-
tives a handsome liberal allowance, of £5OO a-year. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen,, to those first abstract propositions, to which I
have alluded, I have a most decided objection ; to the last,
if you are so inclined, I confess my objection is not so great;
and if ever you do think fit, in your liberality to follow the
unworthy example of your liberal opponents, I shall not be
inclined to consider that the worst proposition which we have
reason to borrow from their instructions. (Cheers.) But,
gentlemen, seriously speaking, if you were conservatives last
year, have you had reason to repent it since ? (Loud cries
of " No.") Have the exhibitions which have taken place,
whether in parliament, or out of parliament, of whip con-
&let, or of reform conduct, been such as to make you in love,
with that happy union commonly called "The Whig Radical,
alliance?" Whether you look at the' onduct of the Whigs:''
in parliament, or at those meetin,gs which have been attempted '1
in most parts of the country, but which have in must parts
proved failures, and in this place a perfect disgrace to those
parties who attempted to get it up such a meeting—whether
you look at the conduct of that party in parliament or out
of parliament, I think you have no reason to repent of the
strong, and decided hold von have obtained in honest con-
servative opinions. (Loud cries of " Bravo.") Gentlemen,
you have seen the government in parliament, when they had
once the support of the reformers in the general election,
turning sharp round upon them, and with an insulting
dismissing the propositions to which those reformers
were most
strongly attached; but not till the general election
wta:esreke
over, and not till they bad mutually lent each other every
assistance in their power. (Cheers.) Well, then, the govern-
ment was shortly compelled to abandon those projects, and I
to look for that assistance from the conservatives in parlia-
ment which they had endeavoured to make it impossible, by
the course they pursued in the elections, for those conservd.
fives to offer ttieru in the House of Commons. Having en-
deavoured to exclude every conservative from the House
of Commons, when it came actually to the discussion of
measures,_ they were obliged, in almost all their measures to
look to the conservatives to carry them out. (Loud cheers;)
Well, but gentlemen, if the government has not excited your
respect, has the conduct of the reformers been more calcu-
lated to produce that result on your minds? Why, after you
have heard many of those, the most flaming patriots of the.
day, expressing their abhorrence at the apostacy of the go-
vernment which induced them to recoil from those liberal
opinions they have professed, have we not seers those very
reformers—having grumbled a little, and teazed a little—
drop into the quiet, warm, snug berth, which their kind, and
so disinterestedly disposed friends have to offer to one or the
other. (Cheers.) One has been made an' ambassador;
another has been made, I was going to say, a commissioner,
but that would not be true—" another ;" I could not count
those who haie been made commissioners; (cheers) another
has been made inspector of hackney coaches—(cheers, and
laughter); thus, after all, these flaming patriots have abused
that nothing was so covenient as to sink into the obscure,
and warm berths, which this government was inclined to
the government at the top of their breath, they have found
offer them. And, gentlemen, I think the proceedings of the
last session of parliament were like that in the Infirmary
yard , they began with a great deal of flaming advantages
to be conferred on you, but they ended with the real gist;
namely, the advantage to be conferred upon themselves.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, these parties constantly found fault
with us, for expressing our apprehensions in regard to the
monarch and the church. They say we are a parcel of foolish
old women, full of idle apprehensions. It is very singular,
certainly, that they should not allow us to allude to their
own declaration : but day after day they come to tell us
they come to pull down the church, and when we meet
their cry by the statement of "the church is in danger,"
they say we are a parcel of credulous old fools: But
there are times woen they do bate their breath—when
they do talk of kindness—when their projects are not for de-
struction but only for reform and amendment, and when they
thus professingly act for support of the monarchy and the
church. They find themselves supported by those who are
most attached to both. Of these things; however, we cannot
but express a little doubt of their intention. It is generally
allowed to be a fair maxim for common guidance, to look a
little at the company a man keeps; and when these men as-
sociate with those who make uu disguise of their einoity to
the church, it is not any very unlikely thing to doubt those
men who keep such company. (
Hear), I happened this
morning to be reading a new publication, and turned over a
page which seemed so exceedingly apt, that if you will allow
me, I will read a short extract. The work I happened to get
hold of, was, "The Life of General Monk." Yuu all know,
gentlemen, that he was the person who restored our monarchy, -
but, in restoring it, made a way through a course of subter-
fuge and dissimmulation, which did no credit to the cause he
had in hand. He was surrounded by republicans and exiieri-
mentalists—he was surrounded by men on all sides who were.
anxious to ascertain his motives, cud for it time, he held the
whole trembling balance of the destiny of this country. This
is the quotation which I will read. "The republicans could
shut their eyes no longer; they had seen so many indications
at last that they could not doubt that it was his intention to
restore the monarchy. Martin, a distinguished regicide,.
asked, him, one day, what be was going to establish? A_
Commonwealth' said he, I have always desired it and de-
sire it still.' I have always believed your excellency' said
Martin, but will you give me leave to tell you a story; a
city tailor was met one evening in the country, with the
ius-
ptements of husbandry in his hands: he was asked what he.
was going to do?' to.take a measure for a new suit' said he.
What ? with a spade and a pick axe in. your hands?' Yes,'
said he, 'these are the measures now in fashiore-ttoirillatigli-
ter and cheers.) Now gentlemen, this struck me as no had
illustration of the present state of things. We meet a gen-
tleman with a spade and a pick axe in his hand—instruments
generally used in upturning the soil ; we ask him what he is
going to do? he says he Is only going to make a new suit-
he is only going to reform ! What? going to make a new
suit with a spade and a pick axe' ? Yes, these are the
suits now in fashion.' (Great cheering.) I believe we have
at last as much penetration has Martin hail, and we are not
to be led astray by one who tells us he is only going to make
a new suit when we find him with a spade and a pick
axe in his hand. (continned cheering) One part of the
story is not quite a apt ; the end of it was, with the
assurance that "these were the measures most in fashion ;"
but these measures are nolonger in fashion, thanks unto
Providence and to you, the conservatives. (Cheers.) • If
the spade and the pick-axe are still in fashion, it is not for the
purpose-of destruction, and for the purpose of? Uprooting, but
for the purpose of obtaining a wholesome ground, and increas-
ing the fertility of the soil. (Great cheering.). Gentlemen,
last night, when I had the honour of addressing a similar
party in this room, I took the opportunity of asserting several
circumstances in which I thought her majesty's ministers
had not acted to ensure the confidence of the community;
but there is one point which I omitted, which I think so im-
portant that I should be sorry if it should be entirely omitted.
I am sure you must all remember very shortly before the ter-
mination of the last session, the solemn warning which
that enlightened, illustrious, and not easily deceived noble-
man, the Duke of Wellington, gave to her majesty's minis-
ters, that they had not maintained the navy of this country
in a situation fit for the emergencs of the times. And -I
would have you to weigh this deeply; it is one of the gravest
negligences of which a ministryscan be guilty; but it is one
of which there certainly cannot be a doubt that time British
navy has been neglected, and that at this moment we are
unable to fit out that fleet which we ought at all times to be
able to do. I believe, at this moment, our commerce is not
-protected as it ought to be, because we have nut the navy to
give that protection. (Cries of "Shame.") Gentlemen, I
coil this to your attention, because I think it is a subject to
which the public attention should be called; and at this very
moment when there are rumours of war in which this country
may be engaged, th'e attention of her majesty's government
should be called to it by the public voice, and they should be
told that they will be subjected to the reproaches of the peo-
ple of England if they suffered this great arm of our protec-
tion to be neglected. Gentlemen, I believe if you look
through every branch of the public administration you will
find that the country is not in that state in which ought to be
placed, and I believe, until you have firmer hands at the
helm—until you have not firmer hands, but firmer heads, and
sounder hearts,—(cheers)—that you will not be able to enjoy
that security which Englishmen have hitherto enjoyed, and
to which the sacrifices they have made for the public welfare
fully entitles theta on all occasions (Hear.) ' Gentlemen,
not wishing to repeat those sentiments which I have so lately
expressed on thcse topics of deep attachment to our institu-
tions, and deep attachment to what I consider the main prin-
ciple of our constitution, the close connexion between the
church and the state—between the Protestant church and
the Protestant state. I shall not further intrude upon your

attention, but content myself with thanking you most cordi-
ally for the manner in which you have received my health,
and for every other expression of kindness and cordiality
which I have received at your hands. (The noble lord sat
down amidst tremendous cheering.)
CRESS WELL CEESSWELL, Esq. immediately rose and was
greeted with a burst of enthusiastic cheering. When silence
had been obtained, he said :-11 the frequent repetition of
acts of kindness on your part towards me could ever render
me insensible to their value, I should be in great danger of
soon forgetting the position in which I ain placed towards
you, and the debt of gratitude which I owe, and never can
repay. For gentlemen, if to receive an act of kindness, and
to fidget it, be a proof of ingratitude, how great would mine
he if I could forget those repeated acts of kindness which you
show to me whenever I have the happiness of coming
amongst you. Be assured, gentlemen, that nothing could
be so grateful to me as to receive these tributes of your re-
spect and your kindness, whether they are offered to me as
personal to myself or to the cause in which I have embarked
as a public man. But, for the sake of my country, I had ten
thousand times rather hear one cheer from you for the sake
of the conservative cause. (Enthusiastic cheering.) And
it is because I feel that such meetings as these must animate
you in the good cause in which you are combined—that the
energy of each will inspire the energy of his neighbour—that
the zeal of each will prevent the zeal of his neighbour from
flagging, that I trust such anniversaries as these will be con-
tinued long and long after sour exertions shall have placed
our constitution in saety. (Great applause.) And gentle-
men, I love these meetings for another reason, that it affords
one of the strongest practical arguments that can be brought
forward against one of those specious nostrums—one of those
quack medicines, offered to the community, but hitherto, God
be thanked, rejected with disgust, I mean it offers one of the
strongest possible arguments against the ballot. (Cheers.)
For what would be required of vou if the ballot were adopted ?
The ballot is to 'be the means gy which every man may keep
his political opinions secret; and in order to be available to
some it must be imposed on all; and if you are to have the
ballot as an effective instrument of political power, then in-
deed every man must by law be forbidden tomake his politics
known—(hear, hear) —then you could no longer assemble to
meet your representatiues to show by your presence your
opinion of their conduct—to show that you approved of their
conservative doctrines, or to show that you disapproved of
any course of conduct they had pursued. (Cheers.) And
remember what must then be the degrading state to which
you must be reduced by the ballot; no man must be allowed
to speak to his neighbour on political subjects; every man
must think solitarily and to himself; every man must think
to himself otherwise his opinions would be made known, and
to make them known must by law be an offence, or else the
ballot must be as absurd as we think it. (Much cheering.)
I believe—it is in truth—that the impossibility of ever using
the ballot in this country as the means of keeping political
votes secret, is well understood ; nor do I believe that
any party would make such a clamour for it, did they not
understand, that with the ballot, they must inevitably intro-
duce universal suffrage also, and with universal suffrage.
anarchy to every and any extent in the land. And therefore
gentlemen, it is, that against that measure I will ever oppose
my exertions to the utmost, and I
do approve of all such
meetings—for Englishmen to come forward and boldly state
their sentiments, instead of slinking, and sneaking with the
aspect of slaves, no man daring to declare openly what his
feelings are, no man daring to have that exultation which
arises front the performance of duty, even at personal peril—
that every man must be driven to the degrading excuse of
acting under the dominion of fear, or it is to be made the
means of enabling every one of you to deceive his neigh-
bour by promising one thing, and the next day doing another.
(Hear, heat.) Gentlemen, there is another reason why I
am delighted with such meetings as these, because, in the
course of our parliamentary life, many circumstances must
occur—certain rules and regulations exist in the House of
Parliament which are not understood in the country at
large—private regulations for carrying on the business, and
which, if not understood by the constituency, may be the
means of creating some feelings of dissatisfaction between
them and their representatives. You all know that formerly,
within the last two or three years, when you sent petitions to
parliament, it was the constant course of the members who
presented them to make speeches on the subject, and for
their colleagues to get up and snake tse of some arguments,
perhaps, as it has been satirically said, going over the same
grounds, weakening them as he went along, which, probably
might be the case, if I followed my Lord Sandon. The
rules of the Howe prevent that now. In order to facilitate
the despatch of business, no member is allowed to speak in
presenting a petition; you are allowed merely to state the
subject of it; and, therefore, when you ask your representa-
tives in their places to support a petition, that is asking what
the rules of the House forbid him to do. This is just one of
those instances, where, meeting you in a body, we are enabled
to explain the parliamentary rules, which enables them to
prevent you thinking they are neglecting your duty, when
they are not allowed to say a word on a petition which you
may get up. fleeing said this much for the various reasons
I have for rejoicing in such meetings as these, there is ano-
ther, which makes me rejoice most heartily in this meeting: it
is, that I have the pride and satisfaction of congratulatingyou
on the triumvir of the conservative party in the house in the
last session—it is to congratulate you as a sample of the con-
servatives of the empire, on the success of the exertions you
made, that you then returned a body of members to parlia-
ment so powerful that you were enabled to stem • the consti-
tutional torrent, and to maintain the walls of the constitution
hitherto unimpaired. (Cheers.) -True it is, that during a
period of political excitement—l might say, ofi political mad-
ness—some years before, certain fatal disastrous measures
were adopted—certain inroads made on your constitution,
but thank God, the torrent has been staid, and at present we
appear to be in a state of comparative security; but let us
not be lulled into comparative security; let us still be ener-
getic and combined, and with the blessings of God on our
efforts, our enemies shall gain no further advantage, Nay,
gentlemen, I believe our enemies are so conscious of the
position iu which they stand, that no direct effort will be
made; it will be an indirect one; it will not be by endea-
vouring by force to overthrow the efforts of the existing con-
servative generation, but to poison the minds of the rising
generation, in order that they may become the fitting tools
of those who are enemies of our church. It is, we have rea-•
sen to fear, that by some mischievous plan of education—
(great cheering) '•—that education may be given exclusive of
religion,—that they may be taught to think that a matter of
se:entire. ';r ....claw:oiled In tile pv rocrto of tftc
gospel, they can be little attached to the church—and if not
attached to it, that they will not defend it : and if they do not
defend it, it must be overthrown • and if the church falls, what
will stand in the country? We have au instance of a col-
lege established in London on the express principle of ex-
cluding all religion from among the students—(hear); hut,
what a glorious contemplation ! with all the efforts to support
that establishment,—with all the wealth of the radicals—with
the charter granted by the crown to support its claims, that
institution is, I believe, at this moment on the eve of disso-
lution. (Loud cheering.) We have had a system of edu-
cation imposed upon Ireland, of a different character, but
hardly less mischievous all religion is not excluded, but an
attempt has been made, that every speeies of religion should
be confounded—that no distinction should be maintained—
(het people should he taught to think protestantistn and
poperyat matter of indifference, as equally good and equally
true. 1 leave it to those who live in that country, to say how
that system has worked. Gentlemen, some cf yOu may
know how the attempt to introduce that system into this
country has failed—(cheers)—but I do trust, that amongst
other schemes for preserving the constitution, we shall ever
be must vigilant in this, never to agree to a system of educa-
tion founded upon a basis—never to consent to assist in dis-
seminating principles which we do not believe to be true—
never to consent to snake it a matter of indifference whether
the people of this country are educated in the popish or the
protestant creed. (Cheers.) I think we shall hear no more
of schools founded on the principle of excluding religious
instruction altogether, for from a short statement of what
passed at a dinner in this town, it would seem that the Secre.
tary of State for the Home Department had expressed him-
self much gratified by witnessing the religious instruction
imparted at the corporation schools in this borough. (Hear.)
Thus far it is good; that noble lord having expressed his
delight at witnessing this religious instruction going on, can
never afterwards sanction an education an education from
which religious instruction is altogether excluded. So far
we are agreed; on that point we are one; the remaining
point remains to be considered, what sort of religious in-
struction shall be provided? 1 wish the noble lord had been
a little more explicit on the subject; probably the nature of
the occasion on which he spoke prevented it, othei wise we
might have had some more description of the instruction
which was imparted in his presence to the children; we
might have learnt whether it was of one faith or the other;
but though his lordship has not stated that, we state it for
ourselves; we wish the children of this country to be edu-
cated in the Protestant faith, for which their forefathers bled,
—(enthusiastic cheering, the audience rising and waving
their hats)—and by a steady attention to that important
matter—by a strenuous effort to procure for the people a
EOWHI, religious, and moral education under the superintend-
ence of our pastors of the Protestant church I trust that a
generation will arise not worse than their fathers, and that
under them, as under your protecting and fostering in-
fluence, the British constitution may flourish as heretofore.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I trust on future occasions we shalt
have again the same subjects of congratulation—again to
`rejoice at the defeated efforts of our enemies—again to rejoice
at the increasing streugth of our friends; so that ultimately
we may find that those attempts of ourenemies will fall away
to be 0 contemptible to them as they are to others. (Cheers)
Allow tile to thank you for your kindness, and to assure you
that no exertions for your interests which.l can make will be
too great on my part. (The honourable and learned mem-
ber sat.down amidst loud and prolonged cheering.)
'The: ,CHAIRMAN next gave—" The Members for the
County." (Drank with all the honours.)
The lion. RICHARD BOOTLE WILBRAHANT, M.P., was cor-
.dallyreceived. He said be only regretted that it had not
failed into the hands of his noble colleague to return thanks
for himself on this occasion • but as he
.had stated yesterday,
Lord-Francis Egerton had occasion;
him to make an apology
to them fur not being present at their anniversary, as he had
'intended to be. His lordship had been taken up to town by
the illness of one of his children, whom he was obliged to
send to the Mediterranean for the change of climate and the
benefit of his health. (Hear, hear.) That alone was the
reason why he was not here, with those powers of eloquence
with which he was gifted, to return thanks for the toast.
(Cheers.) He (Mr. Richard Bootle Wilhraharn) begged to
say for himself,, that nothing could give him greater satisfac-
tion than attending meetings such as these; he was proud to
add' that that was the third anniversary of the Liverpool
Operative Conservative Association at which he had had the
'honour of being present ; he hoped to accept their invitation
as lone as they thought proper to request his company, and
that he should continue to see them increasing in numbers
and prosperity. (Cheers.) His noble friend, Lord Santini),
had alluded to the late meeting of radicals in this town, and
• had been pleased to say that he disapproved of all their reso-
lutions except one. (Laughter,) He (Mr. Wilbraham)
cordially agreed with him in the abstract; he should have no
objectiff'n whatever to £5OO. a-year additional coming into
his pockets; but he thought, from the conduct of some per-
sons, that such a sum would almost make one doubt one's
own honesty, seeing that pay, and pay alone, was the object
and aim of the ministry. He was afraid that £5OO. a-year
given to him would make him put a double value on his poor
services, and make him him think that he was worth much
more than the money which the country paid him, and that
he ought to look out for some ather inducements. (Cheers.)
Though he had no objection to receive £5OO, he should de-
cline to be paid as a representative, or in any public capacity.
(Loud cheers.) Another hon. friend, Mr. Cresswell, had ex-
pressed his opinions at some length on the ballot, and with
him also he agreed cordially. His only wish was, that if that
measure were cariied—and its supporters thought it could,
for they boasted that they increased their numbers five and
ten every vear—the system should he carried into the House
of Commons as well, so that if the representatives were
elected by secret voting they also should vote in secret.
(" We won't have the ballot at all.") It was unnecessary
for him to repeat flue opinions which he had expressed last
night as to the system of national education that was sought
to be introduced; he believed they were pretty well known;
and he should only add, that having seen the enthusiastic
reception given to the reverend rectors this evening, he had
another reason why he should wish the moral and religious
education of the youth of the country to be entrusted to the
parochial clergy. (Cheers.) He again congratulated the
society on the increase of its 'northers, and trusted that the
children would be. brought up and grow in conservative
prini:iples, and that throughout the country those principles
would increase and prosper. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Rose, by permission of the chairman, rose to give the
'
meeting a toast, which was—" Prosperity to the Liverpool
Operative Conservative Association: may every attempt to
delude the operative classes, throughout the. kingdom, meet
with the like ilemonstrtion of constitutional principle as in
our loyal borough." (Great applause.) He found that he
had 'touched a chord which vibrated in every bosom. Yes,
" may every attempt to delude the operative classes meet
with as signal a failure as it did in this town, and may every
loyal heart cry 'Amen.' " (Loud cheers.) He might safely

say that that was the best speech which had been delivered
that evening. It had been well said on the preceding night,
" brother conservatives," and he now addressed them by the
title of "brother operatives," for they were all operatives in
one good cause. Ab, they must work ; for they were now
attacked on the sapping and mining system—(hear, hear)—
that was the relic of the past year—but they were boldly as-
sailed by men who had sworn before their altar and their
God that they would carry out their purposes. He wished
Lord John Russell were there, to witness the enthusiasm
which was displayed. He could never despair of the consti-
tution when he beheld so many good old English hearts of
oak about him. (Cheers.) The Whig-radical press said that
the operatives are too deeply imbued with revolutionary sen-
timents ever to have any sympathy or connexion with con-
servatism. Now, that meeting gave them the lie. He had
heard of persons who had repeated their own lies so often,
that at last they believed them; and again, of persons whose
wish was father to the thought, and the whig.-radicals stood in
tine, if not both of these predicaments. It was the father of
many lies—of a progeny as numerous as—(there was a simile
somewhere, a very appropriate one)-oh, as numerous as
Lord Grey's relations. (Loud cheers.) Ile believed it had
been calculated to a mathematical nicety that, to the 176th
Or 178th cousin, they were all feeding and fattening on the
public purse. Reform and retrenchment had been a golden
shower to them—another Jupiter, for it had poured gold into
their laps, and perhaps for a purpose somewhat similar to
that for which Jupiter came down to visit Dane. (Laughter.)
He should like to see the ministry leave their offices, but they
would never do so unless they were treated as the father of
the present Sir Andrew Agnew once treated an intolerable
bore that used to infest and fasten upon him and his neigh-
bours—namely, informed him very roundly that if he did not
depart forthwith he would be thrown out at the window.
They lard had Lord John Russell here in the "Queen's
Arms"—(laughter)—but how had he been received by the
people? That answer could be answered by any one. 'Then
there was O'Connell had passed through also. Had his
" hurrah for repeal" wakened the echoes of Downing-street ?
Most probably it had. At any rate, ministers had now played
the queen; did they intend to play the knave also? (Laughter
and cheers.) Let O'Connell and them play together, and be
would be bound that Dan would beat them hollow at beggar-
me-neighbour. (Renewed laughter.) He had just been
reflecting at what game it was probable that they would beat
him (O'Connell), and he had found it out—it was at thimble-
rig or blind-hookey. If they be false cheats and swindlers
—he did not say they were, for if he should do so, he would
have to swallow a dose of Liverpool Mercury--(laughter)—
he hoped they might all hang together, and each one might
interpret the saying in his own way. He believed that the
ministers intended to throw another tub to the whale—to the
radicals next session, which was to he in the shape of a re-
peal of the corn-laws and of national education. After some
few remarks upon those questions the speaker concluded
amidst much applause.
Mr. CA EDWELI, was then called upon by the chairman.
He begged, in the first place, to return them his thanks for
having enrolled his name on the books of their society, and to
assure them that he drank the toast of " Success to their
Association" with very great pleasure. The name of Lord
John Russell had been frequently brought 'eefore tite meet-
ing; but was it surprising that, in addressing such a body,
they should allude to his visit ? It was the visit of a man who
called the demonstrations of conservatism the whisper of a
faction. He had been entertained here at a select, but never,
as he (Mr. Cardwell) had heard, a numerous party; and
there the noble lord had expounded political privileges, one
of which was, that men had a right to meet for the expres-
sion of their opinions. But if he had been present there, he
would not have thought that it was a right. If he had been
at the Amphitheatre, when the conservatives filled it three
times in one week, he would not have thought so • and he
(the speaker) believed that the home secretary would not ire
very forward in telling his radical friends to meet. But the
whigs, the most insignificant of all parties, were to have the
unchecked right of meeting whenever and for whatever they
cnoose. He called them an insignificant party, and they
were so. The radical bad his thousands, and the conserva-
tive his tens of thousands; but where were the whigs? And
_what should be said of the whisper of faction now? What
must be thought of the governinent,of which Lord John
Russell was a chief, when he, that mighty statesman, as he
was termed, with Atlantean shoulders, fit to bear the weight
of mightiest monarchies, was not teceived here by a single
plaudit ? He (the speaker) thought that the epithets which
had been applied by the whigs to the conservatives were
much more applicable to themselves; and it ought to be
asked how it is that that miserable monopolizing minority
can hope to continue in office? Lord Melbourne had de-
clared, in the House of Peers, that so long as the people of
England supported him, he would never resign. Why, strip
him of the rotten boroughs retained by the whig party, and
you deprive him of more than the number of members com-
posing his majority in the House of Commons. (Hear,
near.) After showing that the whig government had made
the nation as contemptible in the eyes of foreign nations as
they themselves are in the eyes of Englishmen, the speaker
called on the conservatives to be up and doing—to show to
other nations that Britons could still vindicate their rights,
and to make known what a free people, with full scope, could
do for their free institutions. He would have them to com-
bine together in associations such as that, and to show the
whig government that the conservative .democracy of this
mighty empire has rallied round the altar and the throne.
(The speaker was highly applauded thioughout, and sat
down amidst loud cheers.)
Lord SANDON then rose for the purpose of proposing the
health of a gentlemen well known and appreciated by all pre-
sent. It might, he said, perhaps seem surprising that the
toast had not been given before; but he could assure them
that the delav had entirely arisen from the modesty of the
individual. He begged to give the health of their worthy
chairman, a man admired for the honesty of his purpose, and
the staunchness of his conservatism.
The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks, and before sitting
down gave the following toast:—" The Duke of Wellington
and the House of Peers." ( Enthusiastic applause.)
Glee.—" The mighty conqueror."
J. B. WEST, Esq., was then called upon, and briefly but
eloquently addressed the meeting. He said that he had been
called upon by the learned gentleman, who he was proud to
call his friend (Mr. Cresswell) to give his opinion respecting
the system of education which had been introduced into Ire-
land, and he would beg leave to give them the most eloquent
definition of that system he had ever seen or heard, and which
naa ueen given by true of the most distinguished clergymen
in Ireland. He said—" We may speak of this system in the
words of Mary at the sepulchre—" They have taken away
my Lord, and 1 know not where they have put. him." (Loud
cheering.) The speaker concluded by proposing the health
of Sir Robert Peel, whom he warmly eulogised.
The toast was drunk with the usual honours.
Sung.—" Like a plaits-dealing soldier has Wellington
spoke."
Lord SANDON then gave—" The Merchants of Liverpool."
Glee.—" Ye Gentlemen of England."
Mr. J. H. LAWRENCE said lie should consider it a reproach
to himself and the merchants of Liverpool were he to allow
this toast to pass by without acknowledgement. He thanked
the company in their name, for the cOmpliMent, and begged
to assure them that he should be always ready to come for-
ward in the support of the great cause in which. they were
engaged. (Cheers.)
Mr. CRESSWELL, at the request of the chairman, rose to
propose a toast, esteeming the honour conferred upon him to
be a great privilege. It was not the last upon the list, nor the
least, and one that ought to be drank with three times three.
His eloquent friend on the left (Mr. Roby) had the privilege
of giving " The Operative Association and the Operative
Classes: and he was about to propose the health of a set of
men, who, though inclining to the operative classes, were nut
altogether included in them. They were operatives in the
complete sense of the word ; for they had earned the political
privileges which they enjoyed, and they had shown by their
conduct that they deserved these privileges—inasmuch as
they had exercised them, almost invariably, in support of the
constitution of the country—he meant the freemen of Liver-
pool. (Tremendous cheering.) To speak as a lawyer, he
had two distinct species of evidence of their being friends to
the consitution ; one was, that they almost invariably re-
corded their votes in favour of the conservative candidates ;
and the other was, that a destructive administration never
ceased its attacks upon their liberties. (Loud and continued
cheering.) One day such an administration would tell them
that they were anxious to extend the suffrage, in order that
every one might have a right to vote; and dien, because a
particular class exercised their franchise with independence,
it would exclude such a class from the suffrage. (Cheers.)
He should have regretted it had they left the room without
bearing testimony in favour of the independence of the free-
men, and expressing their hope that every independent
member of parliament would protect their interests. They
had earned their franchise in the towns in which they had
lived, and which under their care had grown and flourished
for centuries. He was glad to see the cordial co-operation
between them and the other inhabitants, and he trusted their
union would continue, and that there would never be found
wanting friends to protect their interests. (Cheers.)
Lord SANDON said it was impossible for him, who had so
long had the favour of the freemen of Liverpool, and who in
a great measure owed his success in four fields to their ever-
to hear the toast proposed without a word to show his hearty
concurrence therein. (Cheers.) They had earned their
freedom by apprenticeship; and he had just been reminded
that this day seven years he entered his apprenticeship in the
service of the people of Liverpool. (Cheers.) If honour
was to be gained by honest industry continued during a pe-
rind of seven years, he hoped they would not : judge hini un-
worthy of the title of an honest freeman. (Cheers.) When-
eityleprahrriahmeaeit,
heard the honour of the class alluded to impeached
he always endeavoured from his seat to defend
them. (Cheers.)
"The Independent and Honest Freemen of Liverpool."
(Three times three and one cheer more.)
Mr. AseiNist..t. was loudly called for, and acceded. lie
said lie never could find the ieason why he was so honoured
as to be called upon invariably to return thanks for the free-
men of Liverpool, exeept that lie was the largest amongst
them. (The- honourable gentlernan's dimensions are some-
thing like those of the Prince of Dude.) He had a pride even
greater than that, and which was always, and ever would be,
in his breast, that he was the last Mayor of Liverpool who
had been elected by the freemen generally, instead of a close
corporate body. ( Hear, )rear.) Why the practice had been
taken, by the whig ministers, from the people, he did not
know, except that, being mostly conservatives, they could
not support that ministry in their wicked designs. (Cheers.)
He was proud to be a freeman; he had ever been so; and
he would remain so; he had never recorded his vote in any
other way, but always refused to give it as a householder.
He claimed it as his birthright; and the whigs had attempted
to rob him of it; they had succeeded with others ; but his
franchise was left to bun, and he would exercise it only for
the people's advantage, in the support of conservative prin-
ciples, and for the benefit of the country. (Cheers.) lie
begged to thank Lord Sandon and Mr. Cressa ell for the kind
manner in which they had introduced the toast, and the com-
pany for the way in which they had received it. (Cheers.)
Mr. Rowlands sung the song—" Old England-is the land
we love."

" The Tradesmen's Conservative Association,"—three
limes three.

Mr. S. HoLME said it would ill become him at so late a
period of the evening, to occupy the attention of the meeting
for any length of time; but as the association of which he
had the honour to be chairman was the subject of the toast
just drank, and was in a great measure, if not altogether,
identified with that society concerning which they had met,
he could not help saying a few words. It was not for him to
say much as to the principles on which these associations
were founded, as his sentiments on that subject were well
known. He felt that both societies had hitherto discharged
their duties with honour—they were Fotnething like the
Siantese twins; there was a band of union between them that
could not be separated without danger to the existence
of both of them ; if that ligature were severed both
must fall. ( Hear, hear, hear.) He directed the attention
of the meeting to the inscription on one of the banners.
which informed them that they were associated to protect the
church of their fathers, to give stability to the throne, to stand
by the Queen—God bless her:—(amen)—and to secure to
our children and those of our poorer brethren an education
that should be founded on the Bible, the whole Bible, and
nothing but the Bible. - (Cheers.) While he did not under-
value the arts and sciences, and had not thought it improper
in himself, as a tradesman, to devote a few leisure hours oc-
casionally to the pursuits of literature, he would rather see
his countrymen Christians than philosophers. He had no
sympathy with those who looked upon man as a mere moral
machine, who had no need of instruction from the pages of
holy writ. The call on the tradesmen of Liverpool and on
the operatives to repudiate these notions had been ably an-
swered, and he had no doubt that if, by the turn of circum-
stances, an appeal should be necessary, it would be as
promptly responded to. (Cheers.) . He would remind them
that there would.. ere long, be introduced into Parliament a
system which he detested and abhorred, because it was founded
on false philosophy and Popery; and against this it would
be their duty to present petitions, to raise their voices, and to
make one united stand, and say such a bill should never pass.
(Cheers.) As the working classes were the hone and muscle
of the land, he would have them educated so as to form a part

of the great moral structure that could alone give stability t
property, and happiness to those who possessed it. (Cheers.)
Much had been said in the course of the evening about her
Majesty's ministers, and he would read a very
m
graphic des-
cription of them fro a newspaper published in this town,
and conducted, he must say, with no little talent. It was as
follows:

' It is sufficient felicity, or ought to be, for the millions of
the British nation to know that Lord -Melbourne dines seven
days a-week with her Majesty; that Spring Rice's son is a
commissioner of the Customs; that he and Lord Lansdowne
divide the clerical patronage of the country between them;
that Lord Jokn Russell knows to a day when his quarter's
salary is due; that as soon as' the session of parliament was
over, Mr. Fox Maule departed to Scotland, and Mr. Stanley
into Cheshir: the one to shoot grouse, the other partridges ;
and that Lo,'SGlenelg and Mr. Poulett Thompson are sup-
posed to havte•llen asleep somewhere.
The liberal iv: may say, as did King James's sohii.srig-art.lir--
the battle of 'the Boyne, " Change leaders with us, and
will beat the breath out of you in a twinklini,."
would
Now there was much truth in these passages, and he
ask what paper did they think the extract was taken from?
(" The Mail. ' ) What did it signify to the conservatives
that Lord Melbourne had not bought a joint of meat at his
butcher's for thilast seven months? What did it sit uilY
them that Lord Palmerston had served an apprenticeship
seven years in writing protocols? What consequence we.
it to them that Lord (ilenelg was in the arms of Sumeu."
and that Lord John Russell had been to a late public private
dinner with the mayor of Liverpool? (Cheers and laughter.
Now, as there night be some curiosity to see the pap.
whence the.extract was taken, he thought it right that le°
meeting should be allowed to judge fur itself. It was neither
the Liverpool Courier, the Standard, nor the Mail, but the,
—[Here Mr. Hohne held up to public view the Albion o'
September 10, on referring to which we found the poe'!gess
above quoted. The exhibition %Vas greeted with uprourwY.l
laughter, in the midst of which the speaker resumed his seato.
Mr. CeEsswEt.r., in a neat speech, proposed "The La
n•
Witches,"—three times three.

Glee—" Here's a health to all good lasses."
Sir THOS. BRANCKER, by request, responded to the toast;
The CHAIRMAN then gave -" The-Town and Trade of
verpool,"—three times three, and one cheer more.
The principal guests left the table at ten o'clock, when the/
meeting broke up, having greatly enjoyed the festivities.°
the evening. A peal from the hand bells, below the sou:
saluted the company as they departed. We do not kti°
when we have attended a more delightful and spirit-stirri°,,
meeting, and where the arrangements were altogether tvu'e
excellent and effective.