The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-04-03 00:00:00

Uplands. S. I.
1,523 118
13,988 463
138,756 3,991

Stock on hand, Ist October..
Received this week
Do. previously

124,267 4,572

Exported this week .. 9,643 160
Do. previously.. 73,581 2,070 83,224 2,230

Stock on hand, including all on shipboard
not cleared on the 21st instant.. 40,043 2,342
Freights to Liverpool from Savannah were quoted at
1 to n-, and exchange on England at 10 to 101 per
cent premium.

From Mobile we learn that, on the. 22d of Febru-
ary, freights had advanced, and that, from the scarcity
of shipping, they would, in all probability, go higher
still. The rate to Liverpool was quoted at 11 to 11.
The stock of cotton was 110,000 bales, against 93,000
bales last year. Prices ranged from 51 to 91. The
receipts of the week ending on the 22d of February
had been 45,940 bales, against 13,758 bales in the cor-
responding week of the last season. The total receipts
this season had been 168,124, against 181,718 last
year, showing a deficiency of 13,594 bales. The ex-
ports of the week had been—to Liverpool, 2,884 bales;
Havre, 1383 ; New York, 1,371 ; Boston, 1,510 ; Pro-
vidence, 553; Philadelphia, 214; New Orleans, 637;
together 8,552 bales. The following is a statement of
the prices, according to the Liverpool classification :
Good and fine, 9 to 9a; good fair, 81 to 81; fair, 71;
middling, 61 to 71; inferior and ordinary, 51 to 61.

Already the howl of Irish agitation has been raised
to stay the progress of Lord Stanley's just and equita-
ble measure, and the English majority of the House of
Commons are told that they must still hold their liber-
ties, their property, and' their religion at the mercy of
a Popish rabble and an incendiary priesthood. The
bloated reprobate, O'Connell, dares us to persist in
pressing forward this bill, and, in a letter addressed to
the Duke of Leinster, full of the rabid insolence, in-
flated bluster, and arch-hrprocrisy peculiar to his epis-
tolary effusions, thus details the means to be adopted,
in the hope—we trust the vain hope—of frighting from
their purpose the representatives of Protestant England.
" All Ireland," says this rabid miscreant, " should
be aroused in its peaceful strength. From the north
to the south a great popular demonstration should be
made. Parliament must hear the voice of Ireland—
that voice must also be heard claiming the protection
of our beloved Queen, the best of her race ; the first
British monarch who knew how to appreciate the loy-
alty of her temperate, religious, and brave Irish sub-
jects."

Be it so ! Let the voice of Ireland be heard by Par-
iament and by our beloved Queen; but not from the
polluted lips of this vampire that feeds upon her blood.
Let the cry of that suffering land rise up from her
green vallies and her wild heaths, from the humble
dwelling§ of her industrious yeomanry, or from the mud
hovels which shelter her indigent and wretched pea-
santry ;—let it rise freely, and uncontrolled, and fresh
from the hearts of the utterers ; and it will disclose a
tale of suffering, a history of grinding tyranny, that
will startle and appal the hearers. Let the voice of
Ireland he heard, we say—and would that it could rise
in happier strains and from lighter hearts !—but let not
the drunken ravings of priest-led mobs, infuriated with
whisky, reeking from recent outrage and blinded with
superstition, be deemed to be that voice. Let the true
spirit of Ireland be permitted to approach, unfettered,
the Throne of our beloved Queen, and to pour out the
untutored feelings of her people ; to point out what
Ireland might have been and what she is ; to drag the
mask from before the face of her real oppressors, a li-
centious, unprincipled, and ambitious priesthood, and
to lay bare the reptile form of the incubus which for
centuries has pressed down her energies and trans-
formed into a howling wilderness a land formed by na-
tuie to be a garden. Then and then only would our
beloved Monarch know how to appreciate "the loyalty
of her temperate, religious, and brave Irish subjects."
But this will not be permitted. Ireland—degraded
Ireland—must speak only by the mouths of her priest-
hood, and from the prompting of her mendicant ruler.
The opposition which will be offered from that country
to the passing of Lord Stanley's Bill, springs not from
the loyal yeomanry of Ireland—not from the substan-
tial freeholders upon whom was intended to be con-
ferred the power of returning members to represent
their interests in the British House of Commons,—
but from the hired slaves of her priesthood, who
usurp that power to the ruin of the best interests of
her people. We Warn our countrymen against the
gross error into which they will be led if they allow
themselves to believe that the agitation which for years
has distracted that unhappy country, and which is now
to be renewed in all its strength, is the unprompted
and free effort of the people of Ireland. We urge
them to cast from their minds the thought that Ireland
wishes for the perpetuation of the present system of
perjury and outrage. As regards that country, Lord
Stanley's Bill is one of protection essentially—protec-
tion to the real voter in the exercise of his acknow-
ledged rights, and, to the disqualified voter, emanci-
pation from the unhallowed influence which drags him
to the poll, to outrage by open perjury the laws of his
country and his God !

But, we ask, is the Bill of Lord Stanley an Irish
question merely? Is it one in which the wishes of
the people of Ireland only are to be consulted ? By
no means. On the contrary, it is one which deeply
affects the interests of the whole empire—which affects
the interests of Great Britain and her remotest depen-
dencies, inasmuch as it affects the composition of that
branch of the legislature to whose care so great a
portion of the interests of all is committed. We gave
to Ireland, by the Act of Union, a share in the repre-
sentation of Great Britain. We extemled that boon,
by the Emancipation Bill, to the Catholics of Ireland;
and, by the Reform Bill, we remodelled throughout
the kingdom the forms by which it was to be acquired.
If we have since found that, as respects one portion
of the kingdom, the machinery which we then thought
calculated to secure our object—viz., a full and fair
representation of the people, based upon a qualification
of the bona-fide value of ten pounds per annum—has
not had that effect ; if we have found that the system
adopted in Ireland has placed the representation of
that country virtually in the hands of fictitious and
fraudulent voters—of men who have no bona-fide
claim, under the spirit of the Reform Act, to exercise
the privilege of voting,—have we not an undoubted
right to adopt such a measure as will best remedy the
evil ? We gave the power of legislating for the people
of England to the bona-fide representatives of the pro-
perty, intelligence, and worth of the Sister Kingdom,
and not to the hired and perjured tools of an incendiary
priesthood. What we gave to Ireland we are willing
to secure to her ; but we are not willing to give our
altars and our homes to the sworn enemies of our reli-
gion and our liberties !

England has gone far enough already in her blind
submission to the demands of Irish faction. She has
too long allowed her own interests to be neglected, and
her just desires to be thwarted, by the unprincipled
machinations of a Popish majority, delegated to the
House of Commons by the priesthood of Ireland.
England must no longer be frighted from her purpose
by the howl of Irish agitation, or the threat of Irish
rebellion. 'We seek not to trample upon Ireland, but
neither will we allow England to be trampled upon.
We are not to be for ever startled by the wild cry of
repeal—to mistake the yelp of every cur that barks,
for the deep bay of bloodhounds straining to gripe the
throats of our Irish Protestant fellow-subjects. The
people of England will not allow one hair on their
heads to be injured. They will neither allow one inch
to be wrested from their boundless dominions, or one
jewel to be torn from the diadem of her monarchs
Away, then, with the thought that an English
House of Commons, or an English people, will be
induced to abate their just demands by the threats of
O'Connell, or the paltry lies of the mean and merce-
nary faction that obeys his behests ! Let the shallow
drivellers of our Radical Town Councils meet and
spout; let the small fry of corruption, which fattens
upon morsels of patronage rejected by the nicer sto-
machs of the larger birds of prey, meet and spout ; let
the tribe of hungry expectants, who are contented with
the crumbs and broken meat of office,—subregister-
ships of " social arrangements," or the livery and
lounge of an inspector of police, joie their " most
sweet voices" in the cry. The people of Protestant
England have taken their stand, and will " STAND
FAST."

Mr. Buxton's plan for the suppression of the Slave-
trade having recently obtained the patronage and sup-
port of the Government, we feel called upon to offer a
few observations on the subject. In doing So, we
must be understood as offering no opposition to the
furtherance of an object so praiseworthy and philan-
thropic. We yield to no one in our abhorrence of a
traffic so horrible and disgraceful. It is our earnest
desire to see it utterly destroyed. But, while we take
credit for entertaining these feelings, we are bound to
add that we do nut believe the plan to which we have
just alluded can possibly succeed.

Mr. Buxton's project may be thus stated :—he pro-
poses to impede and discourage the Slave traffic—to
establish and encourage legitimate commerce—to en-
courage and teach cultivation—and to impart instruc-
tion. To accomplish the first of these objects, we
must increase and concentrate our squadron, and make
treaties with the chiefs of the coast, the rivers, and
the interior of Africa. To accomplish the second, we
must obtain commanding positions; settle factories ;
and send out trading ships. To accomplish the third,
we must set on foot an agricultural company, and ob-
tain by treaties lands for cultivation ; with so much
power as may be necessary to keep the Slave-trade at
t a distance. To accomplish the fourth, we must esta-
blish a benevolent institution, somewhat on the plan of
the African Institution, and acquire all necessary
statistical information for the use of the merchant, the
agriculturist, or the teacher.

Such are the main features of Mr. Buxton's plan, in
favour of which Government have proposed a vote of