The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-12-09 00:00:00

i'HE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 9, 1836.

We are very sorry to find, by the latest arrivals from
Newfoundland, that the same system of brutal intimida-
tion, that has done so much mischief in Ireland, lied been
recently practised in that colony, at the general election
which had just taken place. We cannot advert to this
topic without giving expression to feelings of the most
intense abhorence against the lawless ferocity displayed
on this occasion by the sanguinary mob of savages, who
were urged to their murderous avocation by the ruffian
popish priests. When shall we posess a government
strong enough, and virtuous enough, to repress these
scandalous oqtrages ? The passages we are about to
quote from the Newfoundland Public Ledger, naturally
suggest the necessity of a strong and vigorous ministry
in order that the enactment of similar scenes may be
prevented in Ireland, at the period of the approaching
general election.

St. John's, November IS, 1836.

We gave on Tuesday last, some account of the tumultous and
riotous proceedices which had taken place on Monday the first
day of the eetieral election for this district. We stated that
such was the riot and disorder, that the civil power was unable
to preserve the public peace, although no less than 140 special
constables had been sworn in for that purpose, and That even-
tually it was found necessary to cell out the military force,
which remained under arms during the remainder of the day
and the whole of Monday night. Such had been the confusion
that we had beeu unable satisfactorily to ascertain whether all
the candidates had been notnin reed or not; but we have since
learnt that they were all propos ,d and seconded by their respec-
tive friends:—the polling, as s' stated before, was necessarily
postponed until the following day.
On Tuesday morning the sever ; candidates proceeded to the
hustings, where there were evicient :ndicatious of a repetition of
the disgraceful proceedings of the former day ; whereupon
Messrs. (Sleeve, Rough, and Gill, to prevent the execution of
threats of murder and otecr violence, resigned the contest, (un-
der protest of course,) and left the field to the ferocious mob,
and their favourite leaders Morrie, Kent, and Carson, woo were
declared by the returning officer duly returned. The rat ble
then took possession, as it were, of the town, through which
they exultingly paraded, yelling and "bah"ing " Down with
the Tories!" " Down with the mad-dogs !" and annoying and
terrifying the peaceable inhabitants, wherever the military
were not present to check the lawless proceedings :—from these,
they fled like chaff before the wind, as often as they were pur-
sued.
'We observed in our last, that the turbulent leaders of the
Radical faction, Carson, Morris, and lent, had]nochance what-
ever of coming in for the represenottion, but by intimidating
the independent electors; an... the amount of that intimidation
and the manner of it, are beyond our pen to describe,—
There seemed to be an immense influx of strangers from
the outharbours to lend a willing hand in overawing the peace-
ful electors, and no less than four hundred ruffians from
that notoriously infamoas place Cat bonear are said to have
been present, their hands but recently itabrued in the blood
which they had caused to flow in beating down all op-
position ,to the election of tee radical candidates in Conception
Bay, a history of the villainous transactions connected with
which it became our duty to place upon record a week or two
since. In short, the town was crammed to repletion with ill
looking fellows, who sought every pretext for kicking up rows,
and whose acts of violence upon the special constabies and upon
others of the inhabitants were not rely numerous but of the
most ferocious description. In short a horde of Red Indians
let loose upon the town from their native wilds could scarcely
have presented an appearance of more savage determination.
An eye-witness to one of many other ails of cowardly ruffianism,
assures us that he saw one individual beaten and knocked down,
and while lying insensible and apparently lifeless on the ground,
his huge assailant gave the poor fellow a most unmerciful kick,
and was about to jump upon him, when he was suddenly over-
powered and restrained (ruin his murderous intention.-
But not to dwell upon these acts of savage ferocity—it is clear
that such an amount of brute force could not have been brought
together for one common object without the active agency of
the Priests—nay, we have had the fact before our eyes that
these personages have all along been most zealous and industri-
ous partizans of the revoiutiouary faction. There is no mystery
about it; they openly and shamelessly desecrate •their altars to
the service of a must unholy cause, and even the confessional
is made subservient to their political designs. They deny the
rites of the church to those, whose political creed does not
square with their own, and they oppress and persecute by all
manner of means those who offer the siightvst resistance to their
political domination. Holding " the terrors of the church"
within their grasp, they have an awful influence over the great
mass of our population, who are ignorant and unlettered in the
last degree, but upon every householder among whom, even
upon him who is the inhabitant of a mere log-hut, the elective
fratiehise has been bestowed.
We have in innumerable instances reiterated the truth that
his Majesty's government committed a very serious error in
rendering the principles of democracy so large an ingredient in
the constitution of this country; and that the elective franchise
Must he very considerably narrowed- indeed before the form of
government which has been given-to us can-possibly answer
the purposes for- which it was- intended. The views which we
took were founded upon experience, and have been acceded to,
we believe, by all rational men. But the history of the last
week or two induces us to think that we have not proposed a
sufficient remedy for the evils with which the country is beset,
and that however limited the elective franchise may be- made,
the same evils will abound so long as we have for'the most pert
a Catholic population, controlled' in their every movement by
au ignorant, a vicious, and a political priesthood. We have
seen that the franchise which has been given to the great bulk
of the people, has virtually been reflected back upon the priests;
they therefore nominate, and :trey through the instrumentality
of their slavigh .adherents, return to the House of Assembly
pretty nearly whom they please. We have had a practical il-
lustration of the truth of this remark in the late proceedings at
Harbour Grace when all the four candidates who had been re-
turned came in under the protection of Father Dalton and his
clerical colleagues, and where only one tally was permitted to
be brought up for the oppesiug caudidates ; and we have ano-
ther proof of the correctness of our views, in the scenes which
have passed before us here within the present week. Nor is
this all, for we are confidently assurer—(although we do not
vouch for the truth of this), that Morris after being returned for
this place, has also actually been returned for the district of
Ferryland, under the influence of Father Duffy

There seems to us, under all the circumstances, to be but one
course now which the country ought to adopt ;—and that is the
laying before the Imperial Parliament a narrative of the facts
connected with our political condition—a cool and dispassionate
sheaving-up of the working of that system which however it
alight have been designed for our benefit, has already produced
incalculable evils, and will in the end, if persisted in, bring
about total ruin. We may, then, pray that the royal charier
granting to this colony. its present constitution be rescinded,
and as the only alternative left us, that our local government
shall henceforth consist of a Governor and Legislative Council.
Objectionable as this form may be in its abstract principle, it
does appear to us that tinder all the circumstances, it is the most
applicable to this country ; and we would therefore urge an im-
Mediate and very serious consideration of the subject.

As public journalists, whose business it is to watch
over the welfare of the -country, we have often very de-
licate, and very difficnit.duties to perform. Sometimes
We cannot help perceiving a conflict between pat ticular
Interests, involving questions of intricacy not easy to dis-
entangle, and conducted vi ith a hostile spirit hard to re-

concile Sometimes w e are called upon to quiet alarm,
and sometimes tri commend caution ; and feel that it
would he equally wrong to neglect the gathering of dark
clouds in the political horizon, as it would be always to
forbode a storm. On no occasion do we desire our read-
ers to regard,us as oracles, but always to take together
our judgments, and the reasons upon which they are
founded. We thus remove a great deal of heavy respon-
sibility from ourselves, by placing others in our own po-
sition, that they may see the same objects with their own
eyes. These few preliminary observations we feel the
more imperatively called upon to make now, because.the
subject which we are about to discuss is one of vital in-
terest to the whole community, and implicates, at the
same time, some questions of deeper and more peculiar
importance to particular sections of it—we mean, the
monetary state of England. We have heard for some
time, and from various quarters, heavy complaints of the
embarrassed state of trade—the difficulties with which
commercial enterplise has to contend—the obstructions
which hinder manufacturing movements—and, generally,
the alarming aspect of all affairs dependent upon our
monetary system. And we are assured that these mur-
murs are louder and more general than usual; they are
not the periodical complainings of diminished trade at
the " winter solstice," which we have always expected
and commonly seen depart before the "sun entered
Aries." No ; we fear that if this be the " winter of our
discontent," we shall find a summer corresponding with
it. As we have seen in no publication, and heard in no
conference with others, any sound explanation of the
present embarrassments, we now, unaided by the light
of our contemporaries, venture to enter upon the deli-
cate and difficult task of discussing this most momentous
subject.

That all the evil which we have stated as now existing
does really exist, may very briefly, and, at the same time,
incontestably be made to appear, by a reference to a few
concurrent circumstances in the country, which, even to
the most casual glance, have an obvious relation and con-
nexion with each other, and all united, as -we shall soon
attempt 'to proVe, occasion the inconveniences complained
of, and the gloomy prospects in our commercial horizon.
First, the Bank of England has raised its rate of dis-
count to five per cent.—the maximum allowed by law,
and, therefore, evidently pressing upon that limit. Se-
condly, the public funds have sunk below the average of
many years. Thirdly, one large banking establishment
has stopped payment, and two or three others, of various
magnitude, have been driven to the same cessation.
Vourthly, manufacturers have been obliged, either wholly
to suspend operations, or to work " limited hours."
Fifthly,' many large mercantile firms, of unquestioned
• wealth and stability, have been necessitated to contract
the extent of their speculations. These are facts, in
which all parties concur ; or if the two latter, not admit-
ting of arithmetical proof, may be disputed, the three for-
mer are beyond all contradiction. But, with these facts
before us, what explananation has been offered of their
cause that is in the least degree satisfactory ? One
blames the Bank of England for capricious conduct, with-
out considering that the Bank of England is prompted in
all its transactions by that common moving principle,
self-interest. • Caprice is almost impossible, certainly dif-
ficultly reconcileable with business transactions, and,
most assuredly, quite untenable when affirmed by one
who deliberately opposes his own welfare. There may
be want of judgment, or error of judgment—there may
be folly and inconsistency; but we cannot allow the slan-
der of caprice, which is a wanton act of injustice, to be
imputed to a corporation of British merchants. .The
Bank of England is governed in its rate of discount by
the proportion which demand and capital bear to each
other. When their coffers are full, it is more advanta-
geous to them to discount at three per cent, whereby
their deposits become actively profitable, than to keep a
large proportion of those deposits unemployed, and de-
mand five per cent upon the discount of a much smaller
amount; and such is the fineness of profit now in mer-
cantile transactions, in consequence of the magnitude of
returns, that the figurative expression 64 dust of the ba-
lance" is no longer disregarded. The difference between
a transaction completed with bills discounted at five per
cent, and the same transaction with bills at three per
cent, is such as to determine the question of transaction
or no transaction; and this will serve to explain why the
mercantile interests are suffering at this moment ; al-
though the superior question still remains unsolved, why
does the Bank of England demand five per cent upon its
discounts? We shall address ourselves to this question
in the sequel. It will be necessary, before we proceed
to that part of our subject, to say a few words in expla-
nation of other causes of the present embarrassment
which we occasionally hear. Among these, our trading
is frequently mentioned. Of this we forbear to say much,
because it is a point admitting of but little direct evi-
dence ; and that which is collaterally afforded is liable to
objection; easily made, and with difficulty answered.
They who declare it cannot prove it, and, if proved, it
would be an evil of but transitory duration. The expor-
tation of bullion is also mentioned as furnishing a full
solution of the problem. But, surely, this is an opinion
hastily formed, and must be, as unceremoniously, aban
doned. Though bullion may become currency by merely
altering its form, yet, until it has received that form
which renders it current, it wants the essential quality Of
currency, and, consequently, cannot have any immediate
effect upon the money market, or transactions connected
with it. If any private parties were to deposit in the
Bank of England one million of capital, and the Bank
of England was pleased to exchange such deposit for
bullion of equal value, it is clear that the Bank would
always have an.ability to pay the million deposited with
them by coining the bullion; but whether the Bank of
England chose to keep this million of bullion in their
"strong holds," or to suffer it to be exported, like any
other marketable commodity, nothing would be felt in
either case in the money market, or, at most, nothing-be-
yond the question of Bank security. They never dis-
count bills with bullion, and if ever bullion is employed
in monetary transactions, it is in only a few rare in-
stances of. foreign exchange. The business of trade de-
pends upon another currency—a currency which we con-
tend has net been narrowed, but diverted from its former
channel. In order that we may be distinctly understood
in Our position, and thence may be appreciated the force
and pertinency. of::our arguments, we contend, that the
investment pfcapjtal in railroads arid ottierjoint stock,
companiee4:alone,adequate to explain all the circum-
stances of ernbarrassinent which now press, and those
which threaten- still more - heavily to press, upon the
country. :To the proof of this position we shall now
proceed.

If all the capital contemplated to be required to carry
out the various railroads now projected were actually in-.
vetted in dem; (which we welt know is not the case,)
there would be nearly sixty millienS_of money drawn
from some Source or other and diverted into novel chan •
nels; and if even those projects be completed, there WILL
BE not less than such a sum actually so invested : that is;.,
in other words, sixty millions of capital will he expended
in materials and labour. A large ironmaster and great
capitalist once observed to us, that this distribution of
wealth would be a positive public blessing; and doubt-
less it is so in a variety of ways. It is a public blessing
to the pauper, who before could not find employment; to
the ironrnaster himself—and perhaps he caught, in the
corner of his eye, some glimpse of this ;—to artizans of
various description ; *and through all these, as a medium,
to the community !t large, in the reduction of poor-rates,
and in the Security which ever attends the full employ-
ment of the poor. But our business noir.), is to consider
the influence of such an expenditure upon the banking
system, and, through the banks, upon the commercial and'
manufacturing interests of the country. These sixty
millions, of which perhaps a tithe part is hardly paid up,
could not be -drawn from the funds—no, not a shilling of
it—for every shilling so drawn from the funds would re-
quire the fixation of another shilling ; and very little of
it could come from the private coffers of individuals, be-
cause millions are never locked up in, private coffers.
Whence then must it come ?—what source is there whence
so large a sum can be derived ? We answer, that there
are no other imaginable fountains that can supply this
very Ganges of capital than the different banks, in which
the public place all their superfluous money. That is,

sixty millions of capital must be drawn, sooner or later,
from the chests of the different banking establishments
throughout England, to provide for the completion of
railroads, &c., now in progress, and projected in the king-
dom. Aud what would be the effect of such an abstrac-
tion of capital ? Why, evidently an abridgment of faci-
lity in discounting bills. There is not a banking-house
in the won'ie country which does not discount to a❑
amount beyond its own capital, however arriple that ca-
pital may be. Its very existence affirms the fact; and if
the amount of their deposits is lessened, their power to
discount is proportionately curtailed. And we have just
seen, that the heavy demands made upon them to meet
current expenses of present projects, is quite sufficient to
explain why the merchant or manufacturer, though
wealthy, cannot obtain discount, though the banker him-
self is wealthy too. His own wealth is inadequate, and
the wealth of his customers has been withdrawn. This
fact we think abundantly sufficient to explain the cause
of all the existing embarrassments in trade, and not less
so that of the extraordinary position of the money mar-
ket. We have, and have acknowledged it, supposed a
much larger sum to have been drawn from the hands of
bankers than the present state of railroad expenditure
would justify ; but we think enough }-.as been so drawn
as to account for the sluggish movements of money tran-
sactions and the difficulty encountered in trade, and we
fear as the abstractions increase the embarrassments will
increase with them, and it is well to be beforehand with
calamity. "A wise man seeth the evil and hideth him-
self—a fool goeth on and is punished."
We have seen that whenever, if ever, all the present
projected railroads shall be completed, that sixty millions
of capital will be withdrawn froni the coffers of bankers.
As a large proportion of this sum is deposited without
any interest, we may, perhaps, without any danger of
great error, consider the whole to average, at present,
four per cent of interest, or nearly two and a half mil-
lions of profit, substracting, of course, the expenses of
the different establishments, but still leaving the revenue
of a little kingdom. With this we find no fault—it is
legitimately and honourably obtained;- and, as we see, in
perfect harmony with the prosperity of the country; but
we cannot conceal from ourselves, nor conscientiously
withhold from our readers, over whose interests we are,
in some degree, guardians, that this change in the bank-
ing system, from causes over which bankers themselves
have no control, is a sufficient ground for every one- to
ascertain the stability of that firm to which he commits
his capital—although the withdrawal of capital, by par-
ties embarking it in railroads, or for any other purpose,
cannot in the least affect the insolvency or the security of
a bank, the capital of whose firm has not been lessened
by other heavy losses, arising from gross mismanagement
or unsuccessful speculations—yet those bankers, which
have been living upon the profits derivable from the use
of the deposits in their hands, either as mortgages or in
discounting bills, will now suffer a heavy reduction in
their income—we see that eventually two millions and a
half of profit will be withdrawn from the entire banking
system.

One great evil, immediately consequent upon this
withdrawing of capital from private banks, is a tempta-
tion to induce the Bank of England to avail itself of the
exclusive privilege it possesses of multiplying its paper
circulation ; and we are aware that this might be done to
a great extent without placing in jeopardy its ultimate
interests, if due judgment were exercised upon its ad-
vance of loans or its facility of discount. Other bank-
ers, as they find their deposited funds diminish, are
obliged to reduce the amount of their discounts; but the
Batik of England is still at liberty, because she possesses
within herself independent powers of production. But
whatever good may sometimes arise from a judicious ex-
ercise of this privilege, we cannot help thinking it a
chartered evil. No corporation, irresponsible to the
country, should be invested with such a controlling in-
fluence over all its monetary transactions. The circum-
stance of its now demanding five per cent upon all bills
is either a proof of its extreme cupidity, or, as we would
rather hope, of its prudent discrimination in discount-
ing. If the Bank of England require five per cent upon
discounts because discounts are impracticable at some
other banks, it is a most reprehensible.
,example of ava
rice; if it arise from their participation in the circum-
stances of the times which narrow the business of other
banks, we cannot but applaud their prudence. But be. it
from either of these causes, the result is the same. Five
per cent is demanded, and five per cent is an interest
which will alter the general character of trade ; and the
cause—the only cause, we still maintain, is. the abstrac
tion of large sums for railroads and other joint stock
companies ; and what renders the prospect more gloomy,
is that there is no probability, we might say possibility,
of any considerable part of this capital finding its way
again into the hands of bankers. No : it is the case of
breaking large masses into fragments, which cannot be
re-united. It is dispensed for labour. How little do
raw materials cost What is the value of iron in the
state of ore ? Comparatively nothing. It is the addi-
tion of labour, in its multiplied forms, that gives it all its
value. The very banks that are raised, and excavations
that are dug, are all the representatives of labour, or, if
you please, of money ; and that which was yesterday a
bar of gold in the chest of the bank, the property of one
man, to-day is melted down into sovereigns,and becomes
the property of thousands. Yesterday, it might have
been rendered available in discounting the bill of a mer-
chant; to-day it is exchanged, in an almost infinity of
ways, for the necessaries of life—and is so scattered, and
divided, as to mock the thought of being speedily col-
lected together, and returning again into tile cofFers of
the bank, from which it issued.

Having.proved that this demand of capital for railroads,
&c., is a circumstance...sufficient to explain the diminished
facility of procuring discounts upon bills, even unexcep-
tionable bills, arid, consequently, the, embarrassments
which merchants and manufacturers now experience in
carrying on their various concerns, we shall also see that
the same fact will explain the unusual depression of the
funds. Capital has been wanted for certain purposes,
(railroads,) and many parties' wishing to have their ca-
pital to dispose of have either withdrawn it from the hank,
which makes the abovetnentioned case, or have offered
funded stock for sale to larger amounts than there were
buyers to purchase ; and, as in everyanarketbie
whehthe quantity exceeds tliklediand, tae t,rice
necessarily falls. That what we have here stated affirls
a solution of the difficulties with which the money mar-
ket is now oppressed, we feel very satisfied; andlf these
difficUlties be_already so great, what are. We to expect,
when the whole sixty millions.(if such be at all practica.
ble) shall be demanded (or novel investments? It be
hoves not only political. economists _to look well to; this.
question, but we would also press it upon the attention
of all our monied friends. It is not against the insecu-
rity of banks, generally, that we offer any caution, but,
first, against those which have not, and never had any
visible capital ; and, secondly and principally, against
entering into monetary engagements for the fulfilment
of which they may depend upon bank accommodation.
We have spoken of railroads, as making the heaviest
demands upon the spare capital of the country, but we
would .add that the formation of joint-stock banking
companies have also a tendency to augment the same
evil ; for, suppose, for the sake of argument, that one
million only is withdrawn from previously existing
banks (and we have shown that there is no other source
of capital) to be vested in joint-stock banks, although
the capital is designed for the very same purpose in its
new location, for which it was before employed, yet there
is a division, and frittering down of profits; a spreading
of a grain of gold on a larger surface, so that the film is
less; and all this with an increased expense of manage-
ment, which, as far as it extends, will operate like the
railroads.

We have purposely neglected, though not forgotten,
the possible introduction of a small capital into this
country from the sale of property in foreign funds—this,
so far as ft extends, will mitigate the evil complained
of; but its amount is -al-together insignificant, and-the
portiOn applied to home speculation unworthy notice.
On a subject of such .deep and all involving import-
ance as our n;oney market, implicated as Jt,
,is, with
almost every transaction, it would be impossible, in a

newspaper, to offer more than a few general reflections,

or to explain one or two of its more prominent features.
This we designed, and this we hope to have effected.
Alarm is the farthest from our thoughts and wishes; but
if there be danger, it is folly to shut our eves to it—we
do not obtain security by imitating the silly pheasant,
which puts its head under its wing, and thinks, because
it sees no evil, that no evil can be near—we write from
conviction, and we desire investigation. Our con•
nexions are with some of the first capitalists in the king-
dom—the question itself is paramount in its conse-
quences.

We have another reason for urging inquiry at the
present moment—distress darkens the judgment, whilst
it opens the ears of the public to the voice of political
demagogues, who always prosper most when calamity
pervades a country. We, therefore, repeat, our appeal
to our countrymen—search into tho cause of the present
evil, whilst there is remaining among us some collect-
edness of mind, and the worst passions of our nature are
not inflamed.

We have devoted a considerable space to record one
of the most extraordinary, and, at the same time, one of
the most disgraceful meetings that ever took place within
the borough of Liverpool. We allude to the meeting of
the Town Council on Wednesday last. And what a sad-
proof does it afford of the' evil-and danger arising from
crude legislation.! The Municipal Reform Bill was con-
ceded to popular clamour, in order that his Majesty's
present government might retain possession of their
places, and enjoy the sweets and emoluniente of office.
During the agitation of this queition our opponents
were warned of the danger that threatened there, by
such a concession to what was called " public opinion,"
and it, was then foretold that the bill would work their
own confusion and disgrace. But with an obstinacy
only equalled by their 'ignorance of the vrorking of de-
mocratic principles, they persevered in their demand,
and instead of Maintaining the nice balance of the Bri-
tish.constitution, they threw such an overwhelming in-
fluence in favour of democracy, as not only endangers
the civil rights and religious liberties of the people, but
affects the stability of the throne. The extension of the
suffrages to all the rated householders, even of the lowest
class, has had, in Liverpool especially, a most prejudi-
cial effect. It has led to the exclusion oft gentlemen of
property, talent, or education, from taking a part in the
local gOVernment of the town, and installed into office a
number of men whose only claim to distinction is, that
they are ambitious and restless demagogues, who, to
gain a fleeting popularity, endanger the peace of society
by pandering to the most degraded passions of the
people, and deceiving their miserable dupes by artifices
the most contemptible. With professions of freedom on
their lips, they oherish and exercise, where they dare, a
tyranny most galling and despotic. The meeting on
Wednesday last, partook largely of this feeling. Our
liberal Town Council have established a sort of inquisi-
torial tribunal, and insolently claim that their stupid
majority shall restrain the freedom of opinion, especi-:
allg when it dares to expose the falsehood, the meanness,
and the treachery of whig principle and practice.
We must very briefly introduce to our readers the
persons who figured on this occasion, and then appeal to
them if we do not establish the correctness of our com-
ment by the practice of our liberal Town Councillors.
Previously to the commencement of business, Mr.
Councillor Evans, (who by some accident or other, re-
joices in being an alderman,) rose to notice a libellous
attack upon the council by one of their own body, (a
Tory of course,) and very charitably offered the honour-
' able Councillor an opportunity of either denying what
he is reported to have said, or, in the spirit of what he
termed bravado, to dare the council to their very beards.
He suggested an excuse for the member, by saying that
he thought he might have been " labouring under the
excitement of the protracted festivitiesi (that is, being
intoxicated, but a reformed Alderman never uses such a
word,) and that be was unconscious of what he was say-
ing—the Alderman's wit and courage both evaporating
at, the same time, he sat down ;, upon which Mr. Coun-
cillor James Heyworth rose, and expressed the surprise
he felt that the council should mix with its political cha-
racter a judicial one, and assume the.pciwer of inquiring
and investigating into the motives and conduct of any
of its members. Mr. Heyworth chose very good grounds
of defence, and retaliated upon the council, by stating
that tile expressions he had' made use of were far less
severe than those indulged in by many honourable coun-
cillors towards their opponents. On which Mr. Coun-
cillor Rawdon, with that courtesy which exclusively be-
longs to a liberal Town Councillor, said to Mr. Alder-
man Robinson, of Castle-street —" What the devil
has this to do with it ?" Some interruption took
place, and a great deal of confusion, which having
subsided, the Mayor rose, and instead of demand-
ing a fair hearing for both parties, he directed the
attention of the council to a circumstance which
happened to , himself. He had been also misrepre-
sented by the reporters, and had taken the earliest op-
portunity of correcting such mis-report. Mr. Councillor
James Heyworth could see no analogy between the two
cases, as the Mayor had been misrepresented, and he had
not. Upon which tire chairman rose in a pique, and
dared Mr. Heywood to make any observations upon his
conduct, declared " he would take the sense of the coun-
cil upon Mr. Heyworth's conduct, and hoped common
sense would triumph.' But we now come to a very cu-
rious part of the exhibition, Mr- Councillor Coglan ac-
tually rose, and talked about the " law of honour", and
suggested that " such line of policy" should be adopted.
Who would ever have dreamed some five years ago, that
Mr. Coglan, proprietor of the floating tub, where little
boys wash themselves once a week-e--patron of cork col-
lar jackets and life preservers, would have occupied a
situation in the town conned of Liverpool, and talked to
Mr. James Heyworth about the law of honour ? But
such is the fruit of reform ! Mr. Councillor Hevworth,
however, nothing daunted by such a formidable array
against him, proceeded to justify the expressions Ire
made use of; by referring to the practice of some of the
councillors; and clearly proved that they were guilty of
"servility, dishonour and cowardice." He noticed the
various appointments that had taken place under the
council, and accused them of favouring their own
Partizans ; Upon which Mr. Egerton Smith " wished
to know what he thought of the appointment of
Messrs. Okill, Ellis, and Shuttleworth ?" Mr. Council-
ler. Lawrence Heyworth very properly thought his
brother was not called upon to answer such ques-
tions.- But we would just ask Mr. Egerton • Smith
what he thinks of the appointment of Messrs. Radcliffe,
Wyberg,, Curry, Hall, Crooke, and Harvey, who were of
the party of the Council ? We need not ask what he
thinla of Inspector LyOns, formerly a canvasser for the
reform interest, then a police inspector, then defended '
in a disgraceful proceeding by Corporation funds, and by
the Corporation's legal advisers. But as the odds are in
our favour, seven to three, we need not pursue the in-
quiry. We have heard it remarked that. although ad-
ventitious circumstances may raise a man above the circle
in which he formerly moved, Ire still retains many of his
old habits and prejudices. We can discover much of this
in the speech of Mr. Councillor Coglan, who followed
Mr. Heyworth. Some short time ago we had it an-
nounced publicly " that a gentleman would descend into
the water, from the deck of the floating bath, bound hand
and foot," and that when he was in the water he would
1" free himself, and perform sundry feats," and so forth;
j so in like manner for the amusement of liberal Town
Councillors, Mr. Coglan announced Iris intention of be-
ing "bound hand and font" at the Angel Inn, and then
going into the Council, "repudiate any sentiment about
pre arrangement," and free himself from all previous
obligations to the satisfaction of the company and his
highly respectable and " important" constituency. There
was a trifling discrepancy in the numbers who were said
to have witnessed this feat at the Angel Inn ; by one
party it was said to be forty, by Mr. Coglan about half
that number. We should think, to use the expressive
language of Mr.Aldennan Evans, that some of the Coun-
cillors at the Angel Inn were labouring under the " ex-
citement of protracted festivities ;" but we contend for
the principle, and not for .the mere number who could
betray such low and despicable servility. The remainder,

of the conversation partook of the same character as that
we have noticed, and we would therefore direct the at-
tention of our readers to the report itself.
The speeches (if such they may be called, ainidst all
the interruptions he was liable to) of Mr. James Hey-
worth, were distinguished for temperance, sound reason-
ing, and manly honesty. There was no shrinking from
the insolent dictation of the Chairinan,—no evasion of
the charge,—but a fair, distinct, and uncompromising
avowal of his opinions, and the circumstances under
which he had formed them. But we must address a word
or two to the Mayor, Chairman of the Council. The
time has not long passed by, since this gentleman was
accustomed to address " the people" in Clayton-square,
on the corruptions and abtises of the old Corporation, and
that in language themost intemperate, invective the most
scurrilous, and temper the most outrageous ; he would
indulge his hearers with a narrative of such abuges as his
fancy conld.create, ,his jealousy awaken, or his malice
suggest. But now he, occupies the chair in such Council,
and is its character improved? CoMpare his conduct
in the chair even with that of the late Mayor, and how
degrading the comparison. Instead of maintaining the
dignity of his office, we find him fretful, peevish, dictato-
rial, and despotic. During this debate he rose upwards
of THIRTY times, and never did a Chairman say less to
the point, or display such childish sensitiveness. And thus
it is that, to gratify a little feeling of vanity, the business
of the town must be neglected, and its interests prejudiced.
But a day of retribution will come, and that speedily.
We hope the Conservatives will strengthen the hands of
Mr. Jas. Hey worth. This is not the time nor the occasion
when they should be supine or desert their posts. Interests
of the highest importance are at stake, and the Conser-
vatives must encourage the hearts, and second the efforts
of those devoted men who to serve their interests dare
the violence and malevolence of faction.

Our acquaintance with Mr. Hemming, as is always
the case when we meet with one possessed of a culti-
vated mind; grOws more pleasing as we more frequently
meet. We never remember to have heard a course of
chemistry more comprehensive in its views, and more
lucid in its explanations, than the one now in progress
in Liverpool. That they should be delivered to " over-
flowing audiences" is no more than they deserve, and.
might have been expected. It is no less a compliment
to our town, and especially to our philosophical opera-
tives, than it must be flattering to Mr. H.

We now resume our task, not as critics, but commen-
tators of Mr. H.'s third lecture :—The episode upon
" Cobalt" is, like the best episodes of Homer a-nd Virgil,
a natural offspring of the current narrative, and the only
objection we have to it, is the affirmation that " Cobalt's
was a lady." If the termination be Roman, we should
class this troublesome " spirit" with the masculine gen-
der; and we think chemists in calling " Cobalbs a lady"
evince as little gallantry, as the stern law, which slanders
woman, by making " rixatrix, calumniatrix, communis
pugnatrix, communis pads pertabatrix," all feminine ?
The " grass green" precipitate, obtained when ammonia
is added to a solution of sulphate of copper, and arsenious
acid, is an arsenite of copper—until the addition of the
ammonia no chemical, as well as no apparent action,
had taken place. On seeing the nitrate of silver
as a test, with ammonia, there was formed a pre-
cipitate of arsenite of silver—the third test of arsenic
(viz.) lime water, is exceedingly ambiguous, as many
other acids form insoluble compounds with lime. Still,
Mr. H. justly observes, that, in conjunction with other
proofs, it js corroborative evidence. We pass over the
fourth, as it is fully explained in our report, and call the
attention of our philosophical'friends to the fifth test, as
it presents to us a hitherto unexplained phenomenon in
chemistry. How nascent hydrogen combines with
arsenic, we know not. Some suppose that it is because
the hydrogen in that state has nut acquired its elasticity;
but, in truth, we know nothing of its Saltus from a state
of combination to a free state. It is an interesting fact,
and may lead to important results. We have ourselves
witnessed some extraordinary unions between bodies in
a nascent state, which had little or no action upon each
other in a free state. The action of albumen upon bi-
chloride of mercury we think erroneous. We cannot in
any way understand how albUmen.can convert bi-chloride
of mercury into " calomel." We believe the neutraliz-
ing power of the albumen consist in forming an inert
compound with the bi-chloride, since we know that they
are precipitants of each other. We confess ourselves a
little sceptical as to the "neutralizing" powers of sugar
when copper is taken into the stomach. At all events, it
cannot chemically, however it may physically, neutralize
it. We apprehend the saccharat of copper, which we
have frequently formed, would be as powerful a poison
as any salt of that metal ; in some respects more so, as
it resembles more closely the hydrate of copper, the most
powerfully poisonous of all. With regard to the forma-
tion of carbonate of lead in cisterns containing " rain
water," whilst " none" is formed with "spring or river
water," we are much disposed to doubt the accuracy of
the statement. We know a part of the. country where
the " springs" are so destructive to lead pipes that all
the pumps are obliged to be made of wood; and what
renders it the more remarkable is, that the water rises
through a very thick stratum of chalk, (carbonate of
lime,) so that, if any carbonic acid exist in the water, it
most probably is in combination with the lime, forming
a super or bi-carbonate of lime. We think there is also
a little mistake respecting the formation of the tinned
lead pipe. We hays had conversations with the ingeni-
ous and highly respectable patentee of that article, and
have now a piece of the pipe received from him ; and the
pi-ocess-of tinning is simply that of immersing lead pipe
in melted tin at a particular temperature. Upon the
exactness of the temperature depends the success of the
operation. If the process were adopted which was men-
tioned in the lecture of Mr. H., the thin film or lamina
of tin covering the lead would so suffer in the operation
of "drawing" as to render it wholly useless as a protec or
against saturnine poison. Mr. H. will, we are certain,
forgive us, lovers as we are equally with himself of
chemistry, and equally interested to maintain all her
powers, if we dispense with every test but. the tongue to
determine whether oxalic acid be as acid or not.
We now make our bow for the third time to Mr. H.,
which we intend to speak, as " plainly as a bow can
speak," that we continue highly to value his most inte-
resting lectures. Continue, fellow-operatives, for we are
all operatives in our several stations, to listen to the
voice of philosophy ; her instructions will prove profit-
able to you in youth, the days of your strength ; and, in
the words of a great philosopher, " In omni cetate, czina
multunt, diuque vixeris, mirificos afferunt fructus, quia
nunquam deserunt, re • in extrema quidem tenzpore
cet atis."

THE MARQUIS OF SLIGO.-7This nobleman, with his lady and
family, arrived here in the England, (Capt. Waite), from-New
York; in 18 days, on Tuesday last. His Lordship remained at
the King's Arms until Wednesday ensuing, when he left for
London. S..
LIVERPOOL ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.—The following is a list
of donations presented to these Gardens since the last announce-
roent :—Mr. Aikin, No.'l, Alfred-street, a pair of Red Coati>s ;
Captain Bartlett, of the Spermacetti, a Golden Agouti; Capt.
Baker, of the Golden Fleece, a Peccary; Mr. Barber, Chapel-
street, a pair of Tortoises; Mr. Geo. Craggs, of .the Vigilant, a
Golden Agouti ; Capt. Chapman, Prescot-street, three Turtle
Doves ; Mr. W. H. L. Corran, Clarence-street, Eve' ton, a pair
of Muscovy Ducks and a African Goat; Capt. Cook, of the
Superb, three Peacocks and an Aligator; Capt. Cowley, of the
s,
Duncan, a pair of Beadnecke.d Doves; Captain Edward of
the Fiankland, the Martinique Gallinule;- Mr. Thos. Evans,
Denbigh, a pair of Owls; Mrs. Farrell, Duke-street, a Martin ;
Capt. Fox, of the Eliza, an American Black Bear; Mr. Jos.
Green, Demerara, a Brown Pace; Mr. G: Gaidiuer, Vendle•
ton Priory, a Peccary-; Mr. E. Glynn, Grove-street, two Came-
lions; Mr. Thos. Hatch, Seel-street. two Guans; Miss Huson,
St. Paul's-sqnare, a Muscovy Duck; Mt. E H. Heyward,
Whitehaven, a pair of Indian Monkiea. Mr. Edwa-d Hunt,
Bedford-street, a Black Fox; Mr. E. Kirkpatrick, 3, South
Hunter-Street, Maryland-street, four White African Doves;
Mr. Little Exchange-buildings, a pair of Red Coates; Capt.
Lethbridge, of the Nottingham, a Grey Parrot; Mr. Miller, of
Demerara, a pair of Curassows; Mr. Mason, Edge-lane, a
Crocodile; Capt. Newsou, of the Faithful, an Eagle; Capt.
Pattinson, of the Birmingham, a Grey Fox ; Capt. Perry, of the
Buoyant, a Red Coatimondi ; Capt. Peile, of the Standard, a
Capuchin Monkey ; Mr. Reckless, Berkeley-street, six Turtle
Doves; Capt. Reid, of the Gl ace, a Bald Eagle ;Capt..Raisback,
Bedford-street, Toxteth-park, an American Fox; Mr. James
Smith, mate of the Spermacetti. an Alligator; Capt. Scott, of the
George Canning, an African Pig; Capt. Timothy of the George
Canning, a Martinique Gallinule; Mr. Williams, tid ewa.; ter, an
Indian Monkey ; Capt. Webb, of the Frankland, an American
Deer; Cain:- Breeding, of the Luna, a Grey Coatimondi ; Capt.
Joseph Bewley, of the Feejee, a Pig-tailed Ape.; Capt. Bis-
pham, of the Sandbach, a Tiger Cat; Mr. Topping of thellin-
doo, an Indian Monkey; Capt. Dawson, of the ;`jailor, a Ba-
boon faced Monkey.
NEW VOCAL. Mustc.—A number of Songs and Duets have
just been published, the music of which is by Hen i Herz who
has, in these compositions, confirmed us in the high opinion we
have always held of him as a Pianoforte writer :—his vocal
music is distinguished by peculiarly beautiful melody—flowing,
elegant, and touching. " SIGH NOT !" "LAND OF
St(')_votl
and "NIGHT AT SEA," are all exquisite specimens
composition ; —the last-named agreeably reminds us of the sen-
sations created by the best of Moore's admired melodies—and
we think it will be as great a favorite and 'as universally
popu-
lar as " 1 loved the* in thy spring time," and "'Weshav have lived
and loved together,"