The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1853-11-15 00:00:00

occupied distinguished places in the imperial army, navy
and civil admin

ation, she

therefore, na
national or public grievance to complain of. Thes

point with triumph to positions of equal eminence
attained by their countrymen in the service of
other governments; and admit, with a sardonic smile,
that if it could be shown that a rigid compli-
ance with the conditions of the union would have

prevented the indomitable song -of Scotia from attaining
' their country,

the honour of so sery
it might have been a question of consideration with Scot
land, whether, like an indulgent parent, she might not
submit to some violation of her own rights, rather than,

their sovereign ar

by insisting on their full recognition, retard the advance-
ment of her offspring.; but they indignantly deny that,
having furnished her with sage councillors, brave
and erudite philosophers,

soldiers, intrepid mariners

furnishes England with any pretence for trampling on

its of Scotchmen

The reverse, they say, must

ever hold. If warriors and statesmen—if men

and of enterprise, le

aving their own country, have len

their energies and contributed th

aggrandise/Rept of
pmance ot their well-earned individual reward.

ground-for the infraction of their country's rights; on the

contrary, they claim the services of her sons

tional plea for establishin

:heir country in her lawful

If, however, the question must be argued, not on the
broad and abstract principles of right and wrong, but on
the inferior and paltry ground of benefit received, how, say
they, would the question then stand ? England, Ireland,
and Scotland contribute to the imperial revenue; iii re-
mum they all receive such advantages as flow from an
administration of the law. So far, all are equal. Over
and above this benefit, England and Ireland receive large
subsidies out of the imperial revenue for the support of
metropolitan and other police, for the endowment of schools
of.learning, apart from the Universities, and they have
also received heavy contributions for the establishment of
metropolitan parks and other recreative institutions ; they
have had large sum's expended in the construction of their
'defences ; and in the annual outlay in the arsenals, dock
yard

tant benefits from the imperial expenditure. In not one
of these benefits is Scotland allowed to participate : she
receives not one penny for educating -or recreating • her
sons; she is compelled to defray the whole expense of
maintaining the integrity of their property; _
work has been erected along her shores; a government
ship' is- now a rarity in her waters ; no arsenal or dock-
- yardbelonging to government exists within her boundaries;
no harlxmrof refuge opens its welcomeshelter to hermercan-
• tile marine, although repeated applications have been made
• for With. construction, and quietly shelved, by numerous
govenurients ; nay farther, her own crownlands and other
national possessions have been in many instances diverted
to imperial uses, while no recognisable portion of any
public or private imperial funds have been applied to her
benefit. While our Scottish brethren willingly, nay
cheerfully admit that they have received great and lasting
' benefits -Rum their union with England, their native saga-
city and acquired intelligence make them resolutely refuse
to,a.ekneveiadge that they have given nothing to England
in return. They repudiate the churlish argument which
recognises-zedy one side of the obligation, and insist upon
stating that if fellowship with England has left them un-
molested to .develope their national resources, it has also
enabled the English to do the same thing, for, in the con-
tention of mere annoyance, our Scottish friends were once
highly respectable -as foes ; and they remember with
;strangely mingled feelings that for the general benefit
ithey have suffered sacrifices of no ordinary magnitude.
They point with no small degree of pride, and honest
pride too, to -the fact, that the genius of a Scotchman,
Pi.„ccEnsori by name, gave us the Bank of England, for con-
ferring which' benefit, they seldom faileto recount with a
sigh, how the recompence he received was contumely and
a broken heart. 'Their reminiscences teach them likewise
thata Scotchmau gave us the steam engine—that the
genius of another ,zendered it a practical instrument of
labour—while yet.a.third taught us to apply it to the pur-
poses of navigation. They have not to this day ceased to
remember that if thier commerce has extended under the
negative influence of English uon-interference, their great
national scheme of opening up the trade with the Pacific'
by a canal through the isthmus of Darien, was sacrificed,
crushed, minted, to make way for advancing the pecuniary
interests of the English East India Company. e„,
Some singularly infelieitious, as well as inappropriate,
jests have been attempted on the subject of the &Wish
protest against the degradation of their national armorial
etandard. How-6112:h jeers cau be indulged in by English-
men, or English journals, we are at a loss to under-
stand. What nation on the earth's surface has so high a
veneration for the symbol of its individual and collective
honer as the English? or who would make greater sacri-
fices to uphold its purity unchallenged ? And is it be-
coming in such a people or its organs to deride the same
feeling of chivalrous pride in another and a kindred and
friendly ? Where is the Englishman who would
dare to
anpal, liinatehiasn
patriotinsult tporidtel:e
hLas'uisoon-jtacrik, umwphhaicnhtlya
sung as the flag that has braved

no defensive

a thousand years
The battle and the breeze."
Yet, what Englishman can forget, or will deny, that it is
emblematic of the unspotted honour of three brave
nations, in the spotlessness of whose honour all three are
individually and collectively concerned P Is this another
of the insidious workings of liberalism for the del
went and downfall. of
_national spirit ? Aware

assail the national attachment and loyalty to her chivalry
is a hopeless, and might prove a dangerous task, the
cold superciliousness which could sneer at the cherished
memory of a great and ancient people, as only " a geo-
graphical expression," and its levelling myrmidons endea-
vour to excite derision against the importance of its
separated emblems. If divide et impera be the motto of
such assailants, let that of every true-hearted Englishman
be justice and union,
"That the shamrock may bloom by the side of the rose,
And the thistle of Scotland for ever be green."
Scotland advances no unheard-of claim ; her people
demand no new privileges. Her requirement is restitu-
tion, not creation of right. She was under the solemn
compact of a treaty admitted to a union with England;
the terms of that treaty are distinct and explicit. She
avers that the fulfilment of these terms will satisfy her,
but she complains that, in many instances these terms
have been violated, to the injury of her feelings, and the
detriment of her social position. She appeals to the jus-
tice of England, to the honour of high-minded English-
men, for an admission of those rights, which hare been
mutually agreed on as her property. She conjures them
by the ties of brotherhood--by the community of noble
iispirations, and of gallant deeds--:to fulfil the solemn