The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-08 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS

We have not vet received the Sportsman, Belle Assembltre,
Farmer's Magazine, &c.
We wish our correspondents would only write on one side of
the paper.

'We do not precisely understand the drift of " A Defender of
the British Constitution." his arguments are not suffi-
ciently close, and his style is too vapid and unconnected.
We observe another prosy epistle from that reviler of the
church of England, Mr. M'Crea, in a radical contempo-
rary of yesterday. Our dispute with this gentleman lies
in a nutshell—we will state it as briefly as possible. A
communication was forwarded to us a few weeks since by
this dissenting minister, in which our church establishment
was designated " the vainglorious first-born of the mother
of harlots," and a highly estimable clergyman of that
church was branded with " exclusive bigotry." We de-
clined to disgrace the columns of the STANDARD by the
insertion of this letter, and we infer our conservative con-
temporaries followed our example. For adopting this step,
we of course gave our reasons, which so offended this prag-
matical, conceited personage, that he descended to give
publicity to a gross and libellous untruth respecting the po-
sition of the proprietors of this paper. We have given
Mr. M'Crea an opportunity of retracting his calumnious
and disreputable language. He has declined to do so ; and
we are therefore compelled, in defence of our characters as
tradesmen, and in defiance of our calumniator's hypocriti-
cal abhorrence of personalities in which he indulges with-
out measure, to repeat that the language to which we have
alluded is wilfully false, and that we shall hold no further
communication with a person so contemptible as to use it,
until it is plainly and unequivocally withdrawn. It was evi-
dently used in relation to our standing in business, for we
have never condescended to notice any reflections upon our
" meekness of temper, or dignity ag a journalist," under
which subterfuge Mr. M'Crca endeavours to bide himself.
We know more of this gentleman's proceedings than he is
perhaps aware of, but we forbear at present exposing him
further. He will find in another column a letter from Mr.
Baylee, the contemplation of which will be a more suitable
employment, than reviling and bearing false witness against
any of his neighbours.

GIP Kibrrpool &tanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 8, 1841

CONSERVATIVE ELECTORS OF LIVERPOOL ! Are
you wide awake ? Yes, we believe you are, and no
mistake. Well, what do you think of the,—the--
c, c,—orn laws ? Ah, we see that tickles you. Yes,
that question is enough to set you all a-going ; but we
beg of you to he serious for a few moments. What
would you think of that question being used to convert
you all into Liberals ? (Laughter.) There again !
but we beg of you to keep your countenances : would
you laugh if the Whigs were to gain the representa-.
tion of/your town ? Certainly you would not. Then
that is the subject to which we are about directing
your attention ; for you must know that the Whigs in-
tend contesting the borough, and seriously hope to
win by fighting you with—" corn laws." (Laughter.)
Sir Robert Peel has beat them gloriously in the House
of Commons, and has drawn from that assembly a de-
claration that Whig ministers are unworthy of confi-
dence. The house is a house of their own choosing,
and it is what is called a " reformed" house, that is to
say, a house constituted on reform principles, and ac-
cording to laws introduced by Whigs who presume to
call themselves above all other men, " Reformers," and
yet this house has brought in ministers "undeserving
of trust." Well, if their own friends, and those who
know them best, think thus of them, would it not be a
droll thing if they should come to you for a character,
and request of you, who always had a suspicion of
them, to place confidence in them ? You would natu-
rally ask to see the discharge they had obtained from
their last employers, and finding on examination that
it declared them to be men who could not be trusted,
you would immediately exclaim, what amazing assu-
rance they have to come to us ! And then, so soon as
you had turned them out of doors, you would in-
stinctively try you pockets, lest anything might have
been picked from you whilst you were, inadvertently,
in such bad company.
CONSERVATIVE ELECTORS OF LIVERPOOL ! Will
you vote for Whigs whom a Whig House of Commons
pronounces, after a most searching investigation, to be
unworthy of confidence ? No ; we are very sure, un-
less some foul trick he played, you will do no such
thing. But there is a trick—it trick that can be called
whose artifice is open to every eye—and do you know
what it is ? Why our old friends, or acquaintances
rather, (for there is no great friendship between us,)
the old boys, we say, are all to come out with new
faces, or rather with Anti-Corn-Law masks (specially
imported for the occasion), and they confidently ex-
pect that under this disguise you will never know them !
There now, you laugh again ; but we tell you this is
the game. You will see the mummers running about
the town in all directions crying " cheap bread, cheap
bread ; and many a poor Whig fool will be caught by
the yelp ; but, brother Conservatives, do you put under
the mask, or just look down to the foot, and if you
don't see the old knavish phiz under the one, or the
cloven foot at the other extremity, vote for Lord. Pal-
merston and Sir Joshua Walmsley by all means, or
any other brace of Whigs you please. We shall not
say another word to induce you to vote against them,
if you find us deceiving you in this particular.
But if, having stripped off the masquerade dress,
you discover none but the inveterate humbugs beneath,
we ask, will you not feel indignant at such an attempt
to impose upon you, and more anxious than perhaps
you have ever felt to place this great commercial town,
your native borough, beyond the gripe of such par-
ties ? We are convinced you will. It will not be
enough to have your justly-esteemed, excellent repre-
sentatives, Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell, placed at
the head of the poll ; you must re-elect them by such
a glorious, triumphant majority as will shew what stuff
you are made of, and give to Liverpool a conspicuous
place in the great Conservative returns of the kingdom.

CONSERVATIVES OF LIVERPOOL ! It will not do
for you to do things tamely. Your noble example has
never failed to inspire other constituencies with a ge-
nuine Old English feeling—a true patriotic ardour;
and this, we tell you, is a time when" England expects
that every man will do his duty."
There are two points of which, both now and at fu-
ture opportunities, we should wish especi2lly to remind
you ; and these are—first, that you never heard a word
about " cheap bread," " free trade," &c., from the
Whip, till Lord Morpeth's Popish-Irish Registration
Bill was thrown out by the Conservatives. Mark
that, we beg of you! There you have the cloven foot
plain as if Satan himself had lost his boots. " Now,"
said Lord John Russell, " we will pay you for this.
You think you have got us out ;—no such thing; we
will be revenged of you." So out comes the cheap-
bread and free-trade scheme !

Secondly, we warn you, and we will prove it to you,
that this cheap-bread, free-trade scheme is the most
flagitious falsehood, the most execrable delusion, the
most diabolical plot, ever invented to lead a simple
people to their destruction. We know both who de-
vised it and by whom it is adopted, and well we know
that, when all is told, you will not be imposed upon
by it.

Conservatives of Liverpool ! The time is come for

righting our good ship Albion, She comes into dock
to be refitted. We will have her new coppered and
well caulked, and from stem to stern she shall undergo
a thorough repair. She shall be new rigged and fresh
painted ; nothing shall be wanting to her. And, lads,
she shall have—a steady captain, and a right—aye, a
right jolly crew aboard ; none of your Whig, lubbers,
or landcrabs, but genuine tars ; and then away she
goes, with three cheers resounding from every hill and
valley of the father land. "Down with the rye-feeders
—the bastile poor-jailorsthe slave sugar traders !"
" Success to Sandon and Cresswell !"—" Success to

the plough of Old England ! "

GOD SAVE THE QUEEN !

The Whigs are caught at last, and the whole king-
dom rejoices. They have met with a signal overthrow,
and no excuse is left them but to walk out. On Fri-
day night, or, rather, on Saturday morning, at three
o'clock, the House of Commons formally declared that
it had no confidence in their administration ! This is
surely a glorious triumph to the conservative cause, and
one that has been fairly and honourably won. The

majority is not numerically great—such an one could
hardly have been expected—but a majority even of an
unit is still a majority, and quite as good to all intents
and purposes as if it consisted of an hundred votes.
It is a majority pregnant with results—a majority that
confers new laurels upon Sir Robert Peel as a great
political leader—a majority that collects and binds in
one homogeneous whole all members of the vast Con-
servative fraternity—a majority that at once deprives
the tricky Ministerialists of all those advantages which
they calculated on deriVing from fraudulent and con-
temptible shuffling—zinc', in short, a majority that is,
we expect, but the prelude to the long and lasting
exile of revolutionary Liberalism from all share in the
government of this country.
The debate of Friday was signalised by two speeches
of great power—the one from Lord Stanley, the other
from Sir R. Peel—speeches which place them so im-
measurably above their opponents in every qualifica-
tion of mind, and in every requisite of statesmanship,
that if there were no other criterion for determining
the vastly superior claims of the Conservatives to the
government of the country, this alone would suffice.
Mr. Sheil, who reserves himself of late for great occa-
sions, made a great effort for his friends the Ministers,
and his place. He could not endure the thought—
nay, he could not believJ it possible, he said—" that
the house would pass a vote of censure upon the
Ministry through whose agency the present reformed
House of Commons had been called into existence."
Yet—oh, dreaded result! oh, horrible catastrophe !
oh, unnatural offspring !—a reformed House of Com-
mons has pronounced its reformatory parents unwor-
thy of any confidence ;—and not only this, but the
very house convened under their auspices is the author
of this very damning resolution against them ! Will
not this suffice, " most forcible feeble?" •

Will the Whigs resign now ? That is a question
which remains to be ascertained. Last night Lord J.
Russell was to inform the house what they intended to
do. One thing is at all events rendered certain—the
corn-law proposition is abandoned, and a dissolution
of parliament must take place instanter. The success-
ful tactique of Sir R. Peel has gained these two impor-
tant advantages. Our readers must have observed,
that although Ministerialists talked of a dissolution,
the actual members of the Government spoke of vari-
ous debates which might endure an indefinite length
of time, and seemed quite agreed to do all sorts of
business at their leisure. To put an end to such im-
pudent swagger, the want-of-confidence motion was
in a great measure intended ; and that motion having
been gloriously carried, dissolution can no longer be
made sport with, and must take place immediately—
under Whig auspices indeed, if the Whigs have still
hardihood enough to retain office ; but, under what-
ever auspices, it must take place. With respect to the
budget corn duty, the Colonial Secretary has had the
decency to announce that they gave it up.

Here then, we repeat, a great victory has been gained;
and if the present Ministers dissolve Parliament, and
appeal to the country, they must appear before the
electors as the meanest and most sordid creatures that
ever existed. It would hardly be thought possible
that, after being defeated by a majority of thirty-six
on the first item of their budget, they would still think
of remaining in office ; yet it would seem that they
had every idea of it, and had even framed for them-
selves an argument—certainly a novel one—by which
they would endeavour to justify the procedure. Trite,
said they, we have proposed measures of legislation
which have been negatived, and which we can never
hope to carry; but it is not as legislators, but as mi-
nisters, you have a right to put us in the dock. You
don't like our sugar, our timber, or our corn bills;
well, what of that ? We shall withdraw them, and
bring in others that may please you better. That 's
only " legislation" ; look at us administratively ; look
at our foreign policy—our Syrian, our China expedi-
tions; observe our domestic operations in general—
our innumerable and untiring commissioners and
eommissionerships, all labouring so nobly and disin-
terestedly for their country's good. Try us in this
way, and you will find us to be choice spirits—perfect
nonpareils; but do not be so invidious as to turn us
off for breaking down merely as "legislators."
We submit that the argument scarcely deserves an
answer, for it really amounts to this—that the Oppo-
sition should do the work, and that Ministers should
receive the pay; and that the nation ought to place
confidence in men who have neither skill nor judg-
ment enough to originate measures indispensable to
the safety or advantage of the kingdom, or influence
or credit enough to pass them if they had. Necessity
is inventive ; but this attempt to separate the legisla-
tive from the administrative functions of government
is a wretched subterfuge. Come, then, gentlemen, if
you have nothing more or better to say, we shall just
ring the bell, and commend you to the porter; and
pray " stand not upon the order of your going." We
care not whether you depart " administratively" or
" legislatively"; we are not punctilious in that re-
spect; only " go at once," and you will gratify the
whole kingdom in general, and your humble servants
in particular.

" It is the object of the Anti-Corn-Law League,"
says Mr. Oastler in one of his Fleet Papers,
transform this country into one great workshop, there-
in to work the poor to death, and thus to enrich the
immense capitalists—levelling every rank between."
Such at all events would be the direct tendency of their
schemes. The plausibility in which they deal, and of
which they take every advantage, is altogether upon
the surface. Remove only a little of that deceptions
superficies, and you soon perceive the rottenness which
it covers.

" The people want employment, and those who are
employed require to be placed in better circumstances ;
and we," say they, " want markets. You cannot
deny all this ; how then can you deny that free trade
and cheap corn, which is all we ask, would be a most
fit and proper thing to concede to us ?" We answer
this by denying that this free trade and cheap corn
would produce the effect anticipated ; and, secondly,
by sheaving that even if they did do so, they would
afford but a momentary relief, and would not be the
most suitable remedy for the evil complained of.

There is no term in the English language more grat-
ing to the ears of the factory lords than that one word
over-production." They cannot bear to hear it pro-
nounced, or to see it in type.
When we charge them with "over-production,"
they lose all patience, and ask, with an air of triumph-
ant mockery, " if we produce less, will not the distress
of the people and of the country be immeasurably in-
creased ?" Everything of prosperity connects itself in
their mind with the mill ; they know of nothing beyond
it; they can conceive of nothing great without it. How-
ever, there are others who, not being mill-ridden to
thin extent, can clearly perceive that the mill has gone
too fast--that the mill population has increased too
fast—and that the only fair and safe way to remedy the
evil, is not to stimulate, or attempt to stimulate, their
Powers, but to drain off the population and employ
them in some new channel. This %Till be the more
readily admitted to be just, if we can show that the re-
medy proposed by the mill party is altogether a decep-
tion. This can be done by showing that the importa-
tion of corn from Poland or Germany would create
no new market for our manufactures—that foreign
grain could not be imported without displacing an
equal quantity of home growth, and thereby creating

an extent of pauperism greater than it would relieve—
and that, consequently, any relief that might be de-
rived from merely lowering the price of corn, would
be of exceedingly brief duration, and followed by far
worse evils than it was designed to remedy. 'We know
of no terms too severe for reprobating so complete, so
foul, and so cruelly mischievous a fraud. "The re-
sult of the adoption of free trade," says our friend
whom we have already quoted, " would destroy the
property and the influence of the owners of land, by
making their estates worthless; it would also remove
every protection from the labourers; it would drive
the families now residing in agricultural districts into
those of manufacture (the New Poor Law was adopted
for that purpose), and it would place the population,
the wealth, and the influence of the nation, in the
hands and entirely under the control of the manufac-
turers, who, Mr. Sidney Smith says, are " good and
patriotic," but whom the official, national, and authen-
tic documents prove to be cruel, covetous, and re-

morsdess."

In another place, he says, that the spirit which goads
on this agitation is " neither more nor less than Infi-
delity, which assumes every shape, and every name,
for the purpose of delusion." It is, in our opinion,
the spirit of Revolution, in which every possible va-
riety of motive combines. The voice of Infidelity,
doubtless, does mingle, and that largely, in the cry.
The followers of the divine Founder of our religion
are forbidden to labour for the " meat that perisheth,"
and are most solemnly assured that if they make the
divine life the first object of their care, He who feeds
the birds of the air, and clothes the lilies of the field,
will not fail to make ample provision for them. But it
is evident that the wealthy brawlers about " cheap
bread" are acting in the very teeth of this command,
and cannot therefore be believers in Him who gave it.
The cry is not that of the hungry, but of the well-fed--
not that of the poor hand-loom weaver, or the misera-
ble factory operative, nor yet that of the forlorn pau-
per in bastile pent—no ; it is the voice of the rich
millocrat—the greedy millionaire; and therefore wants
that privilege which belongs to the urgently necessit-
ous alone. The spirit of Infidelity goes with it un-
questionably, but with it the spirit of every other un-
clean thing also—of envy, sedition, malice, lust of
gain, uncharitableness, and whatever other agent from
the bottomless pit may be employed in harrassing, vex-
ing, and tormenting unhappy man in his social state.
But sonic league-man might perhaps think it worth
while to ask, if, admitting as we do the great amount
of misery which exists in the manufacturing localities,
we have any remedy to propose which would be better
than his ? and we answer, yes. Cheap corn and free
trade we know to be a humbug; the new poor-law,
Whig bastiles, we believe to be worse ; neither of these
then are in our mind remedies at all ; and though we
were unable to suggest what would be an efficacious
means of relief, these we would be fully justified in
rejecting. There is a remedy, however, and we shall
avail ourselves of every opportunity to commend it to
notice ; and it is, Colonisation. This is the obvious
and the true process for completely and effectually re-
medying all the evils now complained of. Do you
wish that the people may have bread ? Then remove
them to West India, Canada, or some other of those
colonial possessions in which our empire is so rich, and
they will be able to obtain it in abundance. Do you
want a vent for your manufactures ? Then colonise.
Do you desire that the operatives who remain at home
should be fully employed and well paid ? Then co-
lonise. Do you, in a word, wish for " ships, colonies,
and commerce ?" Then, we repeat it, colonise. This
is the proper remedy; but it is most unaccountably
overlooked. But why do we say " unaccountably"—
so far at least as respects the present administration ?
A government of shifts and expedients will overlook
anything that does not minister to their immediate ne-
cessities. We cannot expect from such a government
any comprehensive or enlarged plan that would make
emigration or colonisation that effective relief to the
country which we allege it would be. Perpetually liar-
rassed with the difficulty of merely sticking to place,
they find much more advantage to themselves in the
agitation and humbug of free trade, than in any mea-
sure that would be essentially useful to the country.
If it were not so, we should never hear of poor-house
bastiles and Polish oats as a remedy for popular dis-
content.