The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-12-28 00:00:00

SIR JAMES GRAHAM AT GLASGOW.

(From the Second Edition of the Glasgow Constitutional.)
PRESENTATION OF THE CITIZENS' ADDRESit-FREEDOM OR
THE CITY-ADDRESS FROM THE CONSERVATIVE OPERATIVES.

This (Saturday) being the day appointed for the presen-
tation of the congratulatory address to this distinguished
statesman, from the bankers, merchants, and other inhabitants
of Glasgow, on his election as Lord Rector to the University,
a good deal of interest was manifested among hundreds of the
citizens, to be present on the occasion. The Trades' Hall
being the largest available place in the city, it was resolved
that the interesting proceedings should take place there; and
long before the hour (one o'clock) at which they were to
commence, it was crowded to suffocation by as influential and
respectable an audience as was ever congregated within its
walls. A platform was erected at the upper end of the Hall
for the convenience of the committee and other gentlemen ;
and in that quarter we observed, among other distinguished
personages, the Duke of Montrose, Sir Wm. M. Napier, Dr.
Chalmers, Sheriff Alison, M r. Robert Monteith, the younger,
of Carstairs, &c., &c., &c. Shortly after one o'clock, Sir
James Graham entered the Hall, followed by a great number
of the leading men of the city, and was welcomed by a most
enthusiastic shout of applause, accompanied by waving of
handkerchiefs. On the cheering subsiding,
Mr. Robert Dalglish moved that the Lord Provost take the
chair. (Tremendous applause.)
His Lordship, on taking the chair, said he felt highly
honoured at being called upon to preside on so gratifying an
occasion as the paying of a tribute of respect to the highand
distinguished statesman, who had been elected to the ex-
alted and honourable station of Lord Rector to our venerable
University. (Applause.) He hoped that- the warm recep-
tion with which Sir James Graham had been honoured would
convince him of the deep interest with which the inhabit-
ants of Scotland looked upon sound constitutional principles,
and the value they attached to public as well as private virtue.
(Cheers.) He spoke his own sentiments, and he was sure
they were the sentiments of all who heard him, when he said,
that however much they dreaded all speculative and uncalled
for innovations on the constitution—innovations tending to
weaken and destroy the Protestant institutions of the coun-
try, yet they desired to forward and support every measure
of practical, useful, and constitutional reform. (Hear, hear,
and cheers.) But of all things, they desired to seethe moral
and religious improvement of the people—knowing that while
this added to their happiness here, it would secure their best
happiness hereafter. (Applause.) A well-educated, pious,
and virtuous people would best' preserve the peace and secure
the prosperity and happiness of a great, glorious, and free
country. (Cheers.) It was now, his lordship
_added, in
virtue of the official situation he held, 'his duty to present to
Sir James the freedom of the city (enthusiastic applause),
which the magistrates and council had been pleased to vote
to him. The Lord Provost having read the burgess ticket,
and tendered him the same, next presented the hon. baronet
with the excellent address of the citizens (which has already
been published,) subscribed by upwards of 2000 names,
which he also read with excellent effect, being repeatedly in-
terrupted by rapturous bursts of apula,,..
- Sir dames Graham, on rising, was received with the most
deafening cheers. e said it would be superfluous in him to
assure them that he had yesterday accepted, with pride and
gratification, the very high honour which had been conferred
upon him by the ancient University of this city; while, at the
same time, it was the deep and honest conviction that lie was
unworthy of the distinction. He however accepted it as a
high and ample reward for the many painful sacrifices he had
made, and a complete compensation for any services, which,
during his public life, he had been able to render to his fellow-
subjects. (Cheers.) But while he spoke of the honour as
being thus personally gratifying to himself, be held this to
he far inferior to the pride he felt in looking upon it as a
proof to the country at large, that the youth of Scotland, be-
longing to the middle classes, which were the mainspring of
the body politic, were rallying round the ancient institutions
of the country, to defend them in the time of need, and to
arrest the progress of that revolutionary destruction, which,
under the guise of salutary reform, would lead onward to
havoc and exterminating violence. (Loud and continued
cheers.) If anything could enhance the pleasure he felt, it
was the delight he experienced in seeing such a large and re-
spectable assemblage before him. What did he see before
him at the present moment? He saw the Lord Provost of
the great city of Glasgow presiding—he saw her most emi-
nent merchants, her bankers, and all classes of her citizens
represented in the present meeting, to ratify the choice of the
University, and to express their approbation of those public
principles which had been the guide of the whole tenor of his
public life. (Cheers.) It was advisedly that he used the
word tenor, for looking back on the whole of his public ca-
reer, as compared with the eventful times in which we now
lived—events which seem to crowd the occurrences of centu-
ries within the space of a few years—and which require the
promptest measures on the part of public men—there might
be passages of his public life which he was not now prepared
to justify, and there might be many mote which they might
see reason to condemn. Yet, looking at the tenor of his pub-
lic life, they were pleased to say that he had conducted him-
self with independence, moderation, industry, and firmness.
(Cheers.) And what was still higher praise in these shabby
times, they had honoured him by stating that he had resisted
the temptations of self-interested ambition. (Cheers.) The
tribute which they had paid to him was far beyond his deserts
What was the tribunal before which his conduct had been
tried, and by which the judgement had been pronounced ?
Why, there was first a majority of the town-council. (Great
applause.) It was not from personal vanity that he had al-
luded to this matter,but it was because there was a great moral
lesson to be learned from it. He was utterly unworthy
to be compared with the two eminent persons he was
about to name, but it would be remembered that in 1834,
Lord Stanley had been elected Lord Rector. (Cheers.)
That nobleman was his most intimate, his most confi-
dential and faithful friend. In office they had not
been separated, and in opposition they had not been
divided. (Cheers.) With his name there was connected
every thing which was manly and noble, and yet when he
was appointed Lord Rector a majority of the town council
denied him the freedom of the city. (Shame.)- In 1836,
when Sir R. Peel was elected to the same office—(immense
cheeringl—he who was the great leader of the Conservative
party, and whom he was proud to be able to call his friend,
~nd it was his boast that he could call himself his follower—

(cheers)—even then when Sir Robert was present in Glas-
gow—when he W S entertained at one of the greatest public
dinners which had ever been given in honour of a public
man—the question of the freedom of the city was again
brought forward, and again was it refused by a majority.
(Cheers and hisses.) But that which was meant as a mark
..otdisrespect to Sir Robert Peel turned out to be a complete
triumph. (Loud cheers.) The operatives of Glasgow pur-
chased the freedom which had been refused by the council—
purchased it out of their own means, and presented it to Sir
Robert. (Cheers.) It was yet only two years since this had
taken place in Glasgow ! and yet he who was greatly inferior
to either in merit, and in every thing else except in his at-
tachment to Protestant principles (cheers) he hada majority
the council answering in the affirmative the question if
the freedom of the city should be given to Sir James Graham ?
(Cheers.) And not only was it granted, but it was stated to
be given in consequence of his adherence to sound Protestant
principles—(cheers)—to those principles on which the safety
of the country so mainly depended. Who would venture to
assert that in this there was not shown the progress of public
opinion, of its returning to more sober sense and judgment ?
(Cheel.s.) He had been one of the promoters of municipal
reform, because he considered that the well-educated and in-
telligent people of Scotland were entitled to be intrusted
with that power. But he was, at the same time, aware that
sudden changes would, undoubtedly, for a time, create the
opposite evil, though not to an equal extent ; for if men
were regardless of the distinctions between right and wrong
for a time, he held that it would not be long before they re-
turned, and again recognised sound constitutional principles
The result had been, that the progress of sound opinion was far
beyond his most sanguine hopes, &the town council of Glasgow
had set an example of the progress of that change. (Loud
cheers.) But by whom was the address presented to him?
It bore 2000 signatures, many of the principal merchants,
bankers, manufacturers, and inhabitants of the city—a city
which was second only to the metropolis itself—which was
the great emporium of Scottish commerce, and the mart of
its merchandise. (Cheers.) And by whom was the verdict
in his favour pronounced? By men who were renowned for
their intelligence, their sagacity, and their prudence in
managing their affairs. (Cheers.) The address alluded to
the detractions and aspersions with which he had been as-
sailed, and which often fell on the purest characters, but
amidst all the cares, the troubles, and the jealousies of life,
he would look back upon the proceedings of this day with
pride and with pleasure, and would rest on the verdict they
had pronounced in his favour; and come what might during
-his career, he wtrulti think with satisfaction of this tweeting,
and endeavour by his future conduct to merit their approval,
so that he might go on his way rejoicing. The address 'T-
imed to his official services when a member of the govern-
ment. It was his fortune, while in the management of naval
affairs, to make considerable reductions in some branches of
the expenditure ; hut it was his first, as it was his constant
endeavour to sustain the warlike efficiency of the right arm
of Britain's strength. (Cheers.) It was in vain that they
talked of making commercial treaties for opening the Black
Sea; it was in vain that they attempted to open up the
countries of South America; it was in vain to think of over-
awing Russia in the East, if the British navy was not pre-
pared and ready to assert British rights, and vindicate our
maritime supremacy. if they did not, then their glory was de- •

parted, and the foremost place which Britain has hitherto held
among the natiuns would be abandoned without a struggle.
(Cheers) He never, with all his reductions, hesitated to apply
for money to add to the amount of naval stores, or- to add to
the number of effective sailors and marines; and at great
expenge he had enforced the laws relating to apprentices in
the merchant service—introduced a new system of gunnery—
and prepared steam vessels of war—and in justice to the
House of Commons he must say, that he never saw a grant
refused for naval purposes, which a responsible minister of
the crown said was actually required. (Cheers.) lf, then,
the present government, from a fear of asking supplies, or a
fear of asking for new taxes, shrunk from taking those mea-
sures which were so necessary for keeping up our naval re-
sources, in order to secure our maritime supremacy, he had
no hesitation in saying, that they neglected their duty to the
country—that they had utterly mistaken the policy of Bri-
tain, and the wishes of the people. (Cheers.) Flume was
the great bug-bear in the matter. (Laughter.) He saw
their mirth was excited by the mention of hiS name. 'That
gentleman had once told 'them that the Roman capital had
been saved by the cackling of a goose (laughter)—and Lord
Melbourne might vet find that the greatest people of the
world, if not ruined by the cackling of a goose, might suffer
equally from the parsimony of an empiric. (Loud cheers.)
Attempts had been made in certain quarters to throw upon
him the blame of the present state of the navy. They ought,
however, to3recollect, that it was now five years since his
measures had been put into other hands. They might have
been neglected, or misunderstood, or injured by design; but
he was not to be responsible for the present state of the navy.
The fact was, that in this as in many other things, the go-
vernment of Lord Melbourne was not the government of Earl
Grey. (Cheers.) The address also referred to his sentiments
on the subject of the Protestant religion. While he held that
the navy was the right arm of Britain's strength, it was his
deliberate judgment that the pillar on which Britain rested
was the Protestant faith. (Cheers.) This he held to be the
real source of all morality, of all intelligence, and if that
pillar were shaken, the whole fabric would tumble into the
dust. (Cheers.) It was made a complaint that they mingled
religion in their political strife; but our fathers were pecu-
liarly studious to blend religion with all their national insti-
tutions, and their utmost exertions were used to render the
state an oblation not unworthy of the Most High ; and the
union of the Church and State has been that under which
the country had secured all her happiness, and acquired all
her glory. (Cheers.) They should look what their institu-
tions were 300 years ago, when the mind of the country was
relieved from the thraldom of the Pope—when Luther and
Calvin taught the people to think, and when Cranmer and
Latimer showed the people how to suffer and to die for their
religion. Let them point out a single instance in which the
mind of the country had been effectually roused, and it would
be found that religion's defence was the strength of the con-
flict. Let them look at the Reformation, at the Revolution,
at the rebellions in Scotland and of Ireland, and they would
find that they all attested the truth of that statement. In
Scotland, too, for the sake of their religion, the Cove-
nanters overthrew Charles the First. For that same cause
Scotland, independent and high-minded Scotland, had
maintained. (Enthusiastic cheers.) And the peace of Ire-
land has been shaken by the attacks on the national
religion. These attacks were joined in by Catholics,
by Dissenters, and by Infidels; and he was grieved to see
that the executive overnment of the country, who were in
the confidence of the crown, were giving them too much en-
couragement, a combination which no toresight could have
guarded against, and against which they might not be able
to stand, except by the special interposition of Divine Pro-
vidence. But they will say to him, you supported Catholic
Emancipation. lie did support it. But they should recol-
lect the circumstances in which the matter stood when he did
so. It was in 1793 that the great concession was made, the
right to the franchise; and the right of being elected should,
he considered, follow that measure. The result had been,
that an awful warning had been given them, in showing how
much farther the consequences of concessions go than what
is apprehended at the time of making those concessions.
(Loud cheers.) He was sorry to be obliged, however, to
say that he stood in the disgraceful situation of a dupe. He
believed that all they required was, that the Catholics should
have equal religious rights, but he did not anticipate that
they would claim a religious ascendancy. (Cheers.) When
he was at the Westminster School, in 1805, he had the for-
tune to be under the gallery of the House of Commons, when
Mr Fox moved for the emancipation of the Catholics, and
when Mr. Grattan made his first speech on that question. It
was impossible but that those speeches should have made a.
deep impression on his mind, and he recollected it as if it
were yesterday. Both of them placed the claim of the Ca-
tholics to equal rights, on the ground, that it would give in-
creased security to the Protestant Church, and that if it
could be shown that any danger was likely to arise to the
National Church from the yielding of those claims, they
would repudiate the matter. But the fact did not rest merely
on this assertion. In the very petition which was presented
' in 1805, there was a passage which contained an explicit de-
claration that the Catholics did not seek to injure the Church,
or to encroach on any of its rights, privileges, or revenues,
or other immunities, as secured by law—that the sole object
was to obtain an equal participation, on equal terms, in
the benefits of the constitution. Language could not be
plainer than tills, which was in 1805; but how was it in
1812? If ever there was a conscientious, pious, high-
minded patriot, that man was Wilberforce. (Cheers.) A
volume had been lately published, which had laid open some
of his secret thoughts by means of his diary, and nu the sub-
ject of the vote he had given on that question, he said that
be contended that the admission to parliament should be con-
ceded, as the franchise had been, the one naturally leading
the other. It was in vain to stop short of that, but he thought
that the present was the golden opportunity for accompanying
the concession with some necessary safeguards; for though
the Catholics might think the oath not binding, yet who that
had taken the oath would venture to rise and propose any-
thing to the detriment of the Church. Sir James then quoted
some remarks from a letter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, de-
claring that the Catholics did not wish to injure the Church,
and thattbey would rather support it than the Dissenters, be-
cause the former were nearer to the mother Church than the
Dissenters were; and he added, that he considered these to
be the sentiments of the whole body, as well as his own. Sir
James then stated that he did confess that he had implicit
confidence in the declarations of the Catholic nobility and
the dignitaries of the Catholic Church, that an equality of
civil rights was all that they would require, and that granting
that would secure religious power; but he would never shi ink
from saying, that he would resist all attempts to injure the
Church ; and with these hopes he had consented to make the
experiment. They could not fail to recollect the remarkable
words of Sir R. Peel in 1829, in the speech in which he
brought forward this measure—words which showed, in the
strongest manner, the sagacity, and would explain the grounds
of his supporting every measure which would prevent the
uututuau,y or time Uatholic Uhurch. The effect of his words
were, that if his expectations were disappointed, if unhappily
any strife should take place—if these differences did not arise
on the ground of inequality of privileges—if there was some-
thing in the character of the Catholic religion, which would
prevent its stopping short of supremacy—yet he would make
the trial. If the contest could not be averted—if the battle
was for other objects than an equality of tights—if it were for
the dorninancy of an intolerant church—if such gloomy pre-
dictions were realised, they would be able better to fight the
battle after these concessions, than as they then were. If,
therefore, said Sir James, the expectations of Sir Robert
were not reatrzed, he had a right to claim the support of
all who had joined them in the measure. He had been
taunted with inconsistency. He had supported Sir Robert
Peel at Oxford after the Emancipation Bill passed, and
he had said then that Sir Robert would yet be the great-
est champion of the church. (Cheers.) Sir James then al-
luded to the conduct of the Marquis of Headfirst in attending
an anti-tithe meeting, and commented in strong terms on
one of her Majesty's household adopting such a course.
On these grounds, he insisted on the necessity of supporting
Sir Robert Peel against an intolerant church. .Now they
were called on to stand forth in defence of the Church of their
fathers; This line of conduct had been taken, and he should
not be found wanting in the great struggle. (Cheers.) It
would be his glory to be found fighting in the ranks of that
great man Sir Robert Peel. (Cheers,) lie was the chain-
pion of•the party, and with such leaders as the immortal
Wellington (cheers) by their side, defeat and despair must
be wholly unknown. (Loud cheers.) He had been taunted
with a departure from his principles—but these taunts he re-
garded not. The real question now, and as importance
could not be denied, was, c Are you going to stand by the
Church and the Queen, to prevent the durninancy of volun-
taryism and a republic ?' (Cheers.) Sir James then went
on to describe his connection with the Whigs, who, while he
supported them, he always understood to be firm advocates of
the Protestant religion—in that they would have his support
to the last. (Great cheering.) It had been said he had de-
patted from the principles he professed at the passing of the
Reform Bill. But surely the memories of those who
said so must be short. What were the arguments by .which
the friends of the Reform Act obtained an acquiescence to.
time measure front the late King and the House of Lords—was
it not because it was understood to be a final measure? Did
the King or the House of Lords ever imagine that it was
only the beginning of a change which was to move onwards
for ever? He knew the moral obligation which ho felt him-
self, and he considered that bill to go as far in the democra-
tic principle as it was possible in this country. In his own
mind too, he had come under a solemn obligation when the
measure was granted, to resist further innovation. It was a
great change—the greatest ever effected in the world without
bloodshed. That measure was agreed to on the understand-
ing that the franchise was not to he lowered, that the ballot
could not be operative in this country, and that there was to
be no ulterior change. My Lord Grey tendered the act in
full satisfaction of all demands,—even of the demands urged
by the friends of the people. He then went on to descant on
the late proceedings in Canada; and appealed to his hearers
whether it was a stable government who put down the Patriots
in that country, and favoured the Precursors in Ireland? He
agreed with Lord John Russell in many things. They were
perfectly at one in this, that the country could not bear a re-
volution every year—that an established religion was ne-
cessary; and when Lord John remembered that his ancestor
had died on the scaffold in defence of its liberty, he (Sir
James) could not help thinking that Lord John was still a
friend of Protestantism. After contrasting the manner in
which Sir Robert Peel and Lord Russell had conducted
themselves, in nearly similar circurnsiancee as to love of
place,- Sir James said he (Sir J.) resisted O'Connell as
dangerous, while Lord John Russell depended on him for
political existence. He abjured the doctrines of Mr. Whittle
Harvey, while Lord Russell upholds that man, and confers
on him places of trust. The men of the ballot, too, were
countenanced by his lordship. It might be asked why he
singled out Lord John Russell in this way. That was solely
because he happened to be at the head of the government.
He alluded to the conduct of O'Connell and the Irish people,
whose principle seemed to be to crouch when weak, and kick
when strong. At one time they were 2,000,000 of humble peti-
tioners, and at another they were 2,000,000 of fighting men.
Looking at the occurrences in Canada, at the declaration of
independence, at the people's charter, which Lord John
Russell did not denounce in Liverpool, though he has since
issued a torch-light proclamation —( a laugh ;)—if, after all
this, the wings adhere to the radicals, there would be the
writing on the wall, " the days of monarchy are numbered."
(Cheers.) If they had any love for their. country—if they
had any sense of the common danger—if Lord I. Russell
would manfully resist those measure to which he is opposed,
he will separate from the radicals, and though his.supporters
[night be somewhat reduced, a great nation will be saved
from impending danger. (Loud cheers.) There were many
ether topics on which he might enlarge, but be would desist.
He had stated his opinions frankly and fearlessly; he was
nut afraid to state them—he was as ardently attached to lis
berty as ever he was; and it would still be his leading motive.
to support the Protestant religion, which was the basis of the
happiness of both rich and pour. He would never consent
.to.
changes which would destroY more happiness than the.
civilised world ever presented to the view of the astonished
philosopher. (Great applause.)
Mr. William Anderson. the president of the Conservative
Operative Society, then came forward and Presented an ad-
dress to Sir James, He Was accompanied by Mr. \V. Keddie,
who read an address in a distinct and spirited manner, amidst
frequent cheers from the audience. At the conclusion
of the document, which we considered a very masterly pro-
duction, and exceedingly creditable both to the heart::. and
heads f the class from whom it einanated, Sir J. Graham
observed, that although he hatileen considerably fa4sest_ _
and worn out by the exertions of the last two days, yes the
sentiments propounded by the Conservative operatives were
entitled to the highest respect, and he must say they were
congenial to his heart. (Cheers.) They had put promi-
nently forward what was the most important of all subjects.
The parochial system of education of Scotland was a perfect
model. Would to god that they had such a system iu Eng-
land. There was one thing of which he was well assured,—
the operatives of Scotland would not calmly, and without a
struggle, surrender those glorious privileges which had been
transmitted to them by their forefathers, who were now en-
joying the reward of their virtue and piety. He conjured
them to foster and defend education—Scriptural education—
as "the apple of their eye:" That would always be a sure
guide to good morals, and an infinite consolation when

they come to die. In the Reform Act, which was alluded
in the address, all he had ever wished for of political privi-
leges had been carried by that measure ; and he was extremely
happy to find that so many of the respectable operatives of
Glasgow were also satisfied. By a constant dabbling in
legislation and ideal reforms, all the practical good expected
from the bill would be nullified,—and this continual move-
ment, agitation, and change, would frighten men of capital
and property out of the country This would be most fatal,
of course, to the working classes. He assured them he
would ever be ready to assist in anything which could benefit
them. One part of the excellent address which had just
been react, related to a matter of the deepest and most para-
mount interest, and they appealed to him for his sympathy
and support. The destitution of the people in this city for
churches had been stated.. There were 60,000 of the inhabi-
tants destitute of accommodation. The question here was,
shall the bread of life be supplied or.not ? His undoubted
opinion was, that it should be given without money
and without price. But all that was required was, that the
churches which the people themselves erected should be en-
dowed; and a more modest, a more reasonable request had
never been asked. To these endowments he now earnestly
declared that he would give his most unqualified support.
In one part of the address his kind friends wished him long
life; he thanked them fur their good wishes, but he could
assure them he had no wish to survive the religious institu-
tions and the constitution of this country. These institu-
tions and that constitution, however, must be defended; and
although he should fall in the struggle, and be buried amidst
the ruins, he would account himself more fortunate than
those who survived to witness what should follow.

Mr. Robert Monteith, jun., of Carstairs, on coming for-
ward to move a vote of thanks to the Lord Provost for his
conduct in the chair, was received with several rounds of
applause. He remarked, that to the Lord Provost they
were indebted for coming forward, as he had done, and wel-
coming Sir James Graham—such conduct had been the
means of adding greatly to their harmony and social enjoy-
ment. As the first magistrate of the city, too, he had been.
the first to throw something like credit over the popularly-
elected town Council, by coming nobly forward and present-
ing the distinguished statesman before them with the lice-
dom of the City of Glasgow, for his exertions in aid of the
great cause of the constitution. (Loud cheers.) In relation
to the proceedings of the day, Mr. Monteith expressed him-
self in terms of high admiration ; and referring to the address
presented to Sir J. Graham., by the Conservative Operatives'
Association—an address couched in the best language, and
conceived in the noblest spirit—coupled with the spirit-
stirring speech of Sir James, he must confess that, for one,
he felt grateful in having had an opportunity of being pre-
sent; for sure he was that he, and all who heard him, would
depart wiser and better men. (Applause.) Thanks having
been enthusiastically tendered to the Lord Provost, three
cheers were given for his lordship, three for Sir James Gra-
ham, three for Dr. Chalmers, three for Sir Robert Peel,
&c. &c., when the crowded assembly separated.