The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-05-19 00:00:00

STATE OF TRADE.

Lsmns.—We are happy to he able to report that the im-
provement in the demand for woollens still continues. On
Saturday the business done in the Cloth Halls was much
more extensive than of late, and on Tuesday the sales were
considerable.
BRADFORD MARKET.—There was a fair business done in
the piece market here on Thursday, principally at former
rates, which scarcely underwent alteration. The yarn mar-
ket was very flat, and prices were scarcely maintained. In
the wool market the transactions were limited, and though
the stocks are light, prices had a tendency to decline.
HUDDERSFIELD MARKET.—OUT report of this market
last week is equally applicable to-day, there being consider-
able sales effected in most descriptions of goods, especially
in that of fine fancy woollen and waistcoatings of superior
qualities. Prices remain firm, perhaps a little improved.
Considerable activity prevails in the warehouses. Work is
also more plentiful, and the mills are generally working full
time. The price of wools is stationary. Foreign orders are
comparatively few.
WAKEFIELD WOOL MARKET.—We are still unable to
quote any improvement in the long wool trade,—the few
sales that are passing average in quantity with what has been
doing for two or three weeks past, and prices are about main-
tained. Clothing are in fair demand at full quotations.
HECKIHONDWIKE BLANKET HALL.—On Monday last,
there was a good attendance of buyers, and more business
done in consequence. On '1 hursday only two buyers at-
tended. The late wet weather has prevented goods being
'dried and finished, consequently few samples are in the mar-
ket, besides which, the present low price of the manufactured
article in comparison to that of wool, makes only the needy
sell. The goods cannot be replaced at the prices given.
BARNSLEY LINEN TRADE.A slight improvement in
the linen trade, we are happy to say, has taken place in this
town. A number of hands have found employment at
several warehouses ; as the summer approaches it is expected
that the trade will assume its usual briskness.
ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MAY 11.—We have had
a very fair demand for pieces again to-day ; and many flan-
nels have been sold, though at low rates. Wool has fully
maintained the last week's prices, and for noils some little
advance has been asked, though not generally obtained.—
Leeds Intelliyencer.
THE IRON WoaKs.—Wages have declined from 74 to
15 per cent., both at Merthyr and at all the works on the
hills. The reduction, however, will be felt by few except the
improvident. Some classes, unfortunately, are compelled to
suspend work, more or less, owing to the great scarcity of
water.—Birrningham Advertiser.
In the MARKET for METALS business has been very dull,
but the only decided change in the value of any article is in
East India tin, of which 175 slabs of Banca were yesterday
offered at public auction, and were obliged to be bought in at
the reduced rate of 76s per cwt.

CHURCH PASTORAL AID SociEn7.—The anniversary
meeting
platform
tl
en i
en . oAf
weret
no thisn
tg
hs
eoo et
room in Exeter Hall, Loansd
and most respectable assemblage
held o n T uners dl aa yd
i.
eian thea n d large-
on, when there was a very nu-
merousmiheetaryr
oorfters of the institution on the
qswuursp
M.P., the Right Revs. the Lord Bishops
Lord Ashley,
Norwich, and Lichfield, the Venerable of Chester, Ripon,
Wilber-
force, Mr. Chancellor Raikes,
&e Archdeacon Wilber-
chair, and, in an appropriate speech, expressed
Lord Ashley took the
Ina
de,
his gratifica-
tion at the progress the society had
benefit of which, although only five ve‘a res,.a and the amount of
existence, it had
already been productive. The secretary the
of the committee, from which it appeared tilla reta the receipts
d the report
that
during the past year were £16,176.,
being i
£5753. upon the year preceding. To the list of clergyrrease of
sub-
scribing, 200 names had been added, and 37 auxiliary asso-
ciations had been formed, to which 22 clergymen hadgiven
their services as corresponding members. Grants had been
made to 76 incumbents, having the charge of 534,800 souls,
besides which a grant of £470. had been made towards the
building of churches and chapels. kltogether, £29,797, was
brought annually by the society to the service of the church
of England, and 196 clergymen and 36 lay assistants sup.
ported in their labours, at a cost of £17,834. per annum.
The aggregate amount of population thus benefited was esti-
mated at as many as 2,000,000. The Bishop of Chester
moved the adoption of the report, which, being seconded by
the Bishop of Lichfield, was carried unanimously. The Rev.
Hugh Stowell and the Rev. Mr. Sinclair next addressed the
meeting after which a vote of thanks were given to the noble
olisirmau, and the medial; soparattd.

TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 19, 1840.

We have been politely favoured with a file of the
Guiana Times to the 20th of March—two days later
than the arrivals by the last packet. These papers were
brought by the Union, Capt. Jones, which sailed from.
Georgetown on the 23d of March.
It is gratifying to find from these papers that num-
bers of immigrants were continuing to arrive from
Barbadoes, of whom the Guiana Times remarks, "they
may be said to have come to make their own fortunes
and to improve ours."
With reference to the opposition of Messrs. Sturge,
Scoble, Pease, and Co. to' the schemes proposed for
supplying British Guiana with immigrants, the. Times
remarks, that " there is no sane man who knows any-
thing of human nature, and of the internal condition
of that country, that can allege that the large and
speedy importation of, immigrants would be produc-
tive of anything but national greatness and individual
happiness."
The Times complains, with much reason, of the ap-
parent duplicity practised by Governor Light, in his
despatches to the Colonial Secretary, and deplores the
inattention of the home government to the interests of
the West India colonies in general. .

The mischievous combination against the prosperity
of our West India colonies is extending its ramifications
in every direction. The parties engaged in this infa-
mous scheme, for plunging the most valuable of the
colonial appendages of Great Britain into irretrievable
ruin, are as unscrupulous in the choice of means, for
effecting their nefarious and selfish purposes, as they
are recklessly oblivious of the truth in their language.
The tortuous course which they pursue on all occa-
sions, is worthy of the knavish ends they have in view.
Among the most recent of the plans set on foot for
precipitating the ruin of the. West India planters, we
must instance a petition, which was published in the
Morning Chronicle of Saturday last, " from the whole-
sale and retail grocers, confectioners, and others, of
London and its vicinity," praying the House of Com-
mons to sanction the admission, for home consumption,
of other sugars than those of British possessions, at the
same duties as British plantation sugar. It is some
consolation to find that even the Morning Chronicle has
so much sense of justice as to denounce a scheme so
fraught with ruin to the interests, not only of the West
Indies, but also of this conntry.

The petition to which we have referred, we under-
stand, has been extensively circulated in a printed
form, and will, no doubt, be placed upon the counter
of every peddling huckster in the kingdom, with a view
of obtaining signatures. It becomes, therefore, an im-
perative duty that we should attempt to expose the
gigantic fraud which it contemplates, and to point out
the ruinous consequences which a compliance with its
prayer would entail upon all but the sleek-faced cock-
ney grocers and confectioners by whom it has been
concocted.

The anti-colonial petition under notice states, that
the importation of sugar from the British possessions
in the West Indies, has decreased to the extent of
40,000 tons, as compared with the average import of
the ten consecutive years, from 1830 to 1839, and
50,000 tons as compared,-with that of the ten pre-
ceding years, from 1820' to 1829, and that it is now
ascertained that the deficit during the present season
(1840) will be much more important. Hear that, Mr.
Scoble, and venture again, if you have the audacity, to
" gull the natives" by your absurd mis-statements re-
specting the prosperity of the West Indies. With such
a tremendous and almost unparalleled defalcation in
the importation of the staple commodity of sugar, we
would ask the sages of Aldermanbury, what founda-
tion have you for asserting that the Negroes have
manifested the most exemplary diligence since they
have been admitted to the full enjoyment of freedom ?
How are your inflated accounts of the industry and
good conduct of the Negroes to be reconciled with
the lamentable results indicated in the petition of your
cockney friends ? We venture to say that this is a
nut too difficult to crack by any one of the anti-slavery
agitators, even though his jaw-bone may be as strong
as that with which Samson did so much execution
upon the Philistines. _ _

The petition then goes on to state that the cultiva-
tion of sugar in the island of Mauritius appears to have
reached its maximum, and that the expectations of the
public have been disappointed in the cultivation of
sugar in Bengal. It then proceeds to say, that sugar
is " an article of great importance in culinary purposes,
and essential to the comfort" of the population—(a
piece of information for which our profound thanks are
due to the cockney grocers)—that " a high price for
sugar is an abatement of the comforts of the mass of
the population"—and that " by encouraging a more
extended use of an article so generally agreeable to the
taste as sugar, the consumption of tea, coffee, rice, &c.,
will be essentially promoted." It further informs us
that the stock of West India, Mauritius, and Bengal
sugar now on hand does not exceed one month's con-
sumption, notwithstanding such sugar has ceased to be
refined for exportation since October, 1838. The last

is an ominous piece of Intelligence, and fully confirma-
tory of our worst apprehensions.
But what do the petitioners propose should be done
in order to avert so direful a calamity as that of depriv-
ing the Sturgites and the. Scobleites of the means of
sweetening their tea and coffee ? The remedy which
they suggest is, the importation of foreign sugar—of
sugar which they say is sold at one-half the bonded price
of the three descriptions admissible for home consump-
tion. In plain English, they wish to give the prefer-
ence to slave-grown sugar, in foreign countries, ever
that produced by the free labourers in British colonies.
Such, in fact, is the modest proposal conveyed in the
petition. We hope the approaching Anti-Slavery Con-
vention will take cognizance of this nicely concocted
plan for encouraging slavery.
Great Britain has put down slavery in her own co-
lonies, at an enormous expense to the people of this
country, and we are now called upon to patronise and
encourage slavery and the slave-trade, by allowing the
importation of sugar from countries in which the
whole produce is raised by slave labour, and into
which, as the Morning Chronicle very justly observes,
" slaves are continually imported." Admirable con-
sistency ! Noble philanthropy ! We have made the
slave free in the West Indies, and are now called upon
to deprive him of the fruit of his free labour. The
West India planters have concurred in the noble mea-
sure of emancipation, and we are now called upon to
plunge them into irretrievable ruin. Exquisite sense
of justice and humanity !
As we have already remarked, we rejoice that even
the ultra-liberal Morning Chronicle has had the courage
and good sense to denounce a scheme so fraught with
ruin, and so utterly. inconsistent with every principle
of reason and justice, as that developed in the petition
under notice. We cannot better conclude these ob-
servations than by quoting the 'emphatic language
of our contemporary respecting this petition. We
earnestly solicit the attention of the radical journalists
of Liverpool to the following sensible remarks

" It is very true that the importation of sugar has fallen
off, and must continue to fall off still more than it has done,
because the negroes, admitted to their freedom, and able to

live with little labour, are not such fools as to work as much
as they did in their state of slavery. In British Guiana
alone we have a territory of boundless extent, in which sugar
may be raised in any quantity, but labourers are wanting.
A limit is placed to the extension of the operations of the
planter; he has a boundless extent of soil, and, could he only
command labour, he might continue to .add to his produce.
But the labourers know the value of freedom ; they consult
only their own wants and their own pleasure ; and, however
agreeable it might be to the planters in British Guiana and
the British consumers, that they should continue to perform
as much work as they did during their slavery, the wants of
their employers and the comforts of the British public are
the last motives by which they will be influenced.
" But whatever ineonvenience may be suffered from the

high price of sugar, to meet that evil by importation of sugar
from slave colonies would be infamous. To put down slavery
in our own colonies, merely to encourage it elsewhere, and not
merely encourage slavery but the slave-trade, would be
the height of inconsistency and of impolicy.
" The British people, to whom sugar is a necessary of life,
must, however, obtain that commodity. But increased im-
portation can only be obtained through additional labour.
The additional labour can only, however, be obtained by a
fresh supply of labourers. Why should any impediments
be thrown in the way of the planters obtaining such a

supply ?
" The slave-trade was an abomination, and slavery a great
evil. The slave-trade has now been abolished for nearly'
thirty-five years ; and there are no slaves in the British domi-
nions. The negro in all our possessions is free. Ought not
that to be an inducement to well-intentioned men to impart
the blessings of freedom as extensively as possible ? As the
labourer must be more happy under the British government
than elsewhere, in encouraging emigration from all quarters
we are• diffusing the blessing of freedom—we are encouraging
the industry of freemen, and striking a blow at slavery. The
petition of the London dealers in sugar would, if acceded
to, discourage cultivation by free labourers, and encourage
slavery."

Our contemporary of the Mercury has devoted two
mortal columns of his last publication to the purpose
of misrepresenting the object and provisions of Lord
Stanley's bill; and vituperating the character of those
who came forward in its support, at the meeting of
Wednesday last, Our Liverpool readers are, we dare
say, aware that two columns of the Mercury are no or-
dinary soporific. On this occasion, however, our con-
temporary has put off his night-cap, laid aside his cup
and caudle, dipped his pen in gall, and boldly perpe-
trated a mass, or rather a hash—for most of it is second-
hand—of the grossest stupidity, ignorance, falsehood,
and ribaldry that ever disgraced the pages of any paper
which, by the utmost stretch of courtesy, could be termed
respectable !
We shall not attempt to follow our contemporary
throughout the whole of his rambling and incoherent
remarks. We shall not animadvert upon his vulgar
personalities, directed against the speakers at the Am-
phitheatre meeting, and especially against one of them
who has always been, and, we trust, ever will be a thorn
in the side of that party of which the Mercury is the
subservient tool. We shall not notice the flippant
ab-
surdities and the laboured wit which our contemporary
substitutes for argument. These things we willingly
resign to the enlightened admiration and refined tastes
of his tap-room readers, for whose gratification our
contemporary is ever ready to dip his hands in filth,
and to degrade, in his own person, the character and
respectability of the British press. Our only object, in
noticing at all the lucubrations of our contemporary, is
to show, out of his own mouth, his profound ignorance
of the subject upon which he presumes to write, and
the ready facility with which he perverts and misrepre-
sents facts, in his attempt " to make the worse appear
the better reason."

The first instance we shall give of our contemporary's
ignorance—whether real or assumed, to serve a disho-
nest purpose, we shall not inquire—is contained in the
following sentences. After sneering at the amiable
faith entertained in the impeccability of the judges of
assize, and assistant barristers appointed by them,"
and, in the true spirit of O'fonnellism, imputing, to
the bench generally, partisan and corrupt motives in
their administration and interpretation of the law, he
proceeds to show " what Irish judges will or will not
do in conformity with, or in opposition to, the spirit of
an act of parliament." We pass over for the present
the decency of such an insinuation, coming from such
a source, and come at once to the illustration—to the
" one fact which is worth a wilderness of assumptions
and suppositions," and which, unfortunately for our
contemporary, is not a fact at all.
" The sth section of the Irish reform act"—we quote
from his own veracious authority—" confers the fran
chise on £lO leaseholders, the object being evidently
to extend the franchise : but the Irish judges have con-
trived, and their decision has been acted upon, to limit
the franchise virtually to £2O leaseholders ; for, accord-
ing to their interpretation of the section, a man must
not only prove that he has a holding for Which he pays
10 a-year, but that a solvent tenant could afford to
pay for it £lO annually over and above the rent he him-
self pays, which is just the same as if the £lO house-
holder in England were required to prove that his house
is worth £lO a-year more than he actually pays for it."
Now, we are really at a loss to know whether insolence,
ignorance, or falsehood is the more prominently dis-
played throughout the whole of this paragraph. We
will dissect it, however, in order to show how grossly
such prints as the Mercury mistake their forte when
they leave the beaten track of scurrility and slander,
and commit themselves to facts and arguments.
" The sth section of the Irish reform act," says our
contemporary, " confers the franchise on ten-pound
leaseholders." Indeed it does no such thing. There
is not such a being mentioned or contemplated in the
whole act as a " ten-pound leaseholder," in the sense in
which our contemporary uses the term ; and it is evident
that he is in a profound state of ignorance as to the
wording and meaning of the section in question. That
section does confer a right of voting, and for the first
time, upon leaseholders for a certain term, or for lives ;
but its limitation is not to those who hold at a rent of
£lO per annum, and whom our contemporary styles
ten-pound leaseholders, but to those who " have a be-
neficial interest" in their leases " of the clear yearly
value of £lO at the least above all rent and charges
payable out of the same." We give the words of the
enactment, which are precisely the same as those used
in the English act to create the same right of voting;
and we are not. aware that any difficulty has ever oc-
curred in England as to the interpretation of the clause.
Here, then, we have the false assumption raised, that
the Irish reform act intended to confer the right of
voting upon parties holding on lease at a rent of £lO
per annum, " the object being evidently," as our con-
temporary says, "to extend the franchise." Why,

what on earth does the silly twaddler mean ? The ex-
tension of the franchise was effected by the right of

voting being conferred at all upon' the leaseholders.
Whence, then, the comparison instituted between the

object of the bill and the decision of the judges upon
the interpretation of one of its clauses ? Can it be

said, or has it been said, that the framers of that clause

contemplated its being interpreted according to our
contemporary's views ? We think not; and we doubt
whether any man out of Bedlam could read it and put

his interpretation upon it.

Yet upon this interpretation, ignorantly, or wilfully
and falsely, placed upon the meaning of as plain and
distinct a form of words as can be put together in the
English language, our contemporary proceeds to erect
a superstructure of ignorance and falsehood equally
glaring. " The Irish judges have contrived," he says,
and their decision has long been acted upon, to limit
the franchise virtually to twenty-pound leaseholders ;
for, according to their interpretation of the section, a

man must not only prove that he has a holding for
which he pays £lO a-year, but that a solvent tenant

could afford to pay for it £lO annually over and above
the rent he himself pays, which is just the same as if
the ten-pound householder in England were required to

prove that his house is worth £lO a-year more than he
actually pays for it" ! What a pity that the editor of
the Mercury is not an Irish judge !—that a man who

can contrive to make a beneficial interest, which is the
excess of value over rent, into rent itself, should be

deprived of such an elevated position, from which to
display his vast erudition ! For- his consolation, how-
ever, we can inform him that, as yet, no Irish judge
has attempted the contrivance in question. His absur-

dity and his ignorance are, as yet, unparalleled, and are
likely to remain so. " None but himself can be his

parallel!"
Seriously—no Irish judge. has, ever yet ruled that to
confer a right of voting upon a leaseholder under the

sth section of the Irish reform act of 1832, a man

must " prove that he has a holding for which he pays
£lO a-year." We challenge our contemporary to point
out any such decision ; and as it may take him some
time to waken from his present bemused state, we give

him three months to do so ! It has been decided that a

beneficial interest of £lO a-year must be an interest to
that amount, over and above- the rent; estimated by the
additional amount which a solvent man could afford to

pay, and not by the imaginary value which the claim
ant himself may choose to put upon it ; and, if the
editor of the Mercury will for once lay aside contriv-
ance and consult the reform act, lie will find that such
an interpretation is neither contrary to its wording nor
its spirit, however contrary it may be to the convenience,
and destructive to the contrivances, of the Romish
priests of Ireland.
It will be pretty evident, we think, to our readers,
from the above specimen, that, however well zcquainted
he may be with the proposed measure for the amend-
ment of the present system—and we doubt very much
his having read it—our contemporary is at least igno-
rant of the meaning and provisions of the act now in
operation. We will, however, give another " sample"
or two—if we may use our contemporary's expression—
and have no doubt of establishing the fact, that he is
either politically ignorant or politically knavish. He
may take his choice of the two alternatives.
The Mercury imputes it as an objection to Lord
Stanley's bill that claimants "have to expose their title
deeds to all who choose to see them"—misrepresentation
would be a very mild word to apply to the sentence we
have placed in italics—" to needy attorneys, or agents
of tyrannical landlords, &c." Now the impression
intended to be conveyed here is, evidently, that the pro-
duction of title deeds in support of claims to register
is, for the first time, required by Lord Stanley's bill.
Yet what is the fact ? Why, that the same production
of title deeds is required by the act now in operation,
which expressly enacts that every claimant " shall pro-
duce, in open court, the deed, lease, or instrument, if
any, duly stamped, by virtue qf which he shall claim a
right to be registered." The production of title deeds
is no new feature introduced by the bill of Lord Stan-
ley, and is, therefore, either ignorantly or fraudulently
put forth as an objection to it by our contemporary—
at second hand !—for we find it reiterated in another
column as a quotation from Mr. Sharman Crawford.
With equal accuracy, and equal honeky, our con-
temporary proceeds to institute a comparison between
the several bills brought in by government for the
amendment of the Irish system of registration and
Lord Stanley's proposed measure. ' " The principle of
annual revision and appeal to the judges," he admits,
" are common to both ; but in all else they differ as
much as Macedon from Monmouth." We accept with
gratitude the admission of the similarity of the bills
formerly brought in by government and the present
bill brought in by Lord Stanley, in these, which are
their leading principles. Here is at once established a
neutral ground upon which ministers and their oppo-
nents may meet and settle the details by which those
principles may be brought into application. Let the
bill of Lord Stanley go into committee, and the dif-
ferences which are so fluently and vaguely glanced at
be fairly canvassed. Why is not this course adopted ?
Because faction, fraud, and slavish love of place, are
stronger in the minds of Lord Melbourne's adminis-
tration than consistency or patriotism. It is not the
difference in detail alone which constitutes the minis-
terial ground of objection to Lord Stanley's bill. They
have thrown overboard their own principles—the annual
revision and the appeal to the judges of assize ; they
no longer seek to reform the evil which they admitted
so lately as 1838 ; they are bound hand and foot to the
car of the Juggernaut which is crushing in its destruc-
tive course the energies and the morals of the Irish
people, and which is fed with the frauds which the
present system encourages and protects. The judges
of assize are now repudiated as a court of appeal ;
" the system of annual registration," our contemporary
informs us, " is- now admitted on all hands, whig,
radical, and tory, to require amendment !" Both these
great principles the Mercury repudiates ; and vindicates
the opposition offered by O'Connell to Lord Stanley's
bill on the very ground that these principles are de-
fective ! •
What then becomes of the plea that the details of
Lord Stanley's bill are the grounds of ministerial objec-
tion ? It is evidently abandoned ; yet the Mercury in-
forms us that O'Connell may, with perfect consistency,
oppose this bill, on the ground of objection to its details
alone ! We may, however, remind our contemporary,
that the opposition of this impostor commenced before
the bill was brought in—before its details could be
known—and is, consequently, like that of our contem-
porary and his party, an opposition to any alteration in
the present corrupt system—an opposition got up for
factious and interested purposes, " To PROTECT
FRAUD UNDER AN AFFECTED CCNCERN FOR POPU-
LAR RIGHTS!"

But we are sick of the task of exposing the incon-
sistencies of this miserable twaddler. Besides we are
nressed for room, and have already extended our re-
marks considerably beyond the space which such an
antagonist usually demands or is worthy of. We
shall, however, have a word or two to say to him on
Friday in reply •to his misrepresentations of Mr.
M‘Neile ; but for the present we forbear. We have con-
victed him, out of his own mouth, of ignorance, misre-
presentation, and vulgar insolence, sufficient to stamp
for ever his character as a public journalist with a de-
gree of contempt for which the English language affords
no term sufficiently strong. We have proved him igno-
rant of one of those very measures upon which rests the
great claim of his party to support—ignorant, in fact, of
the principles and provisions of the Reform Bill itself.
We have shown him ready to resort to trickery and mis-
representation of every description, to bolster up that
ignorance ; and we leave the public to characterize, in
their own way, the moral worth and honesty of a party
of which the Liverpool Mercury is the established
organ, and the weight which ought to be allowed to
arguments coming from so contemptible and disre-
putable a source.

We would seriously advise our contemporary to re-
turn at once to the mere trifling which for years has
occupied his silly brain. Write charades, good Mer-
cury, expound enigmas, unravel riddles ; he oracular
upon the weather, expatiate upon cork jackets, or square
the circle, if thou wilt ; but be assured that the serious
business of the world, and especially of the world of
politics, is too arduous a matter for thy feeble capacity.
Above all, leaVe the besotted and base administration,
which now governs this unfortunate land, to flounder
through their few short days of power, without the aid
of thy small glimmer of wit, or the guidance of thy
Jack•o'.lantern light, A few days will bring to her

moorings that floating tub ‘vhich for whole summers
past has furnished thy weekly fund of amusement
and we trust that it will continue to afford a subject
for thy pen, and a relief to a mind distracted with the
turmoils of party, and unfit for the strife of faction.
" Duke est desipere in loco." Unbend—good Mer-
cury—unbend!

A correspondent of the Lirerpool Chronicle has called
our attention to the circumstance, that the language
used by Mr. James Mullenenx at the Clayton-square
meeting, when he termed the illustrious heir of the
house of Derby "- the accident of an accident," was not
an original thought of that worthy individual. We
never supposed for a moment that the expression was
originally that of Mr. James Mulleneux, or of Mr.
O'Connell, who had previously made use of it, in one
of the vulgar tirades in which he usually indulges when
upon his dunghill. This want of originality, hou ever,
is no palliative of its vulgarity and insolence, when ap-
plied to a nobleman of Lord Stanley's admitted worth
and talent, by a gentleman whose claim to indulge in
a sneer at rank and birth is so slender as that of Mr.
Mulleneux.

We might he disposed to concede to a man like Lord
Thurlow, whose talent and learning had elevated him
to the summit of his profession and to a peerage, the
right to use such an expression towards a mere popin-
jay, whose taunts had stung him. But we are by
no means ready to concede the same license to one
who, whatever may be his own opinion of himself, will
certainly never, in the opinion 'of the world, be ranked
amongst those who, like Lord Thurlow, have " achieved
greatness," and may therefore fairly claim an equality
with others who, on the contrary, " have had greatness
thrust upon them." The small wit of the Chronicle is
no friend of Mr. James Mulleneux, or he would have
allowed this unlucky expression to go quietly to oblivion.

The petition in favour of Lord Stanley's Registra-
tion I3ill, agreed to at the meeting held on Wednesday
last at the Amphitheatre, was forwarded to London on
Saturday evening for presentation ; and we are glad to
be able to announce to our readers that the number of
signatures affixed to it amounted to 23,128. We do
not affect to consider this number of signatures as re-
presenting fairly and fully the Protestant feeling of Li-
verpool. But when the short period allowed for sign-
ing the petition is taken into consideration ; when the
respectability of the names attached to that petition is
taken into consideration ; when the absence of all un-
worthy and dishonest claptraps to procure signatures is
taken into consideration ; then we say that the Protes-
tant Conservatives of Liverpool have abundant reasons
to congratulate themselves, and to congratulate Eng-
land, upon the sound and healthy feeling which that
petition vouches for, as existing amongst the inhabi-
tants of this great and influential community.
It is too late now for the degraded faction, which for
the last ten years has rough ridden the people of Eng-
land, to attempt to revive an expiring domination. It
was madness for the paltry tools of a paltry corporation
to attempt to prostrate, at the feet of a beggarly impos-
tor, and at the sound of a treasonable outcry, the loyal
and high-spirited inhabitants of Liverpool. They have
made the attempt, however ; they have set the wheel in
motion. Let them cringe beneath its recoil.

The petition which would be presented last night—
a petition of 23,128 inhabitants of Liverpool, each of
whom has a trade or a profession and a place of abode,
will seasonably strengthen the hands of Lord Stanley
and the supporters of that talented nobleman and loyal
English gentleman, in their endeavour to deliver this
Protestant land from the thrall of an Irish Popish
faction. Would to God that every town in England
had followed so noble an example !