The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-01-01 00:00:00

VERPOOL STANDARD.

F THE
-•
STANDARD

We reprint froM the sec
the following extract rrom the PrZsident's message :
In the ine,intinie the government of the United States having
full confidence thit a treaty entered into and so sdlerunly rati-
fied by the Frencif King wou:il be executed in good faith, and
not duubtiii tl4at prevision would be made for the payment of
the ficst installent, which was to become due on the 2d day of
Februar 1833, negotiated a draft for the amount through the
Bank of e UniteSStates. When this draft was presented by
thepolder, with the credentials required by the treaty to autho-
rize him to receive) the money, the government of Prance al-
lowed it to be protested. In addition to the injury in the
nonpayment of the money by France conformably to her en-
gagement, the United States were exposed to a heavy claim on
the part of the banklunder pretence of damages, in satisfaction
of which that institution seized upon, and still retains, an equal
amount of the public moneys. Congress was in session when
the decision of the Chambers reached Washington, and an im-
mediate communication of this apparently final decision of
France not to fulfil the stil ulations of the treaty was the course
naturally to be expected from the President. The deep tone of
dissatisfaction which pervaded the public mind, and the corre-
spondent excitement produced in the Congress by only a gene-
ral knowledge of the result, rendered it more than probable that
a resort to immediate measures of redress would be the conse-
quence of calling the attention of that body to the subject.
Sincerely desirous of preserving the pacific relations which had
so long existed between the two countries, I was anxious to
avoid this course, if 1 could be satisfied that by doing so neither
the interest nor the honour of my country would be compro-
mised. Without the fullest assurances upon that point, I could
not hope to acquit myself of the responsibility to be incurred in
suffering Congress to adjourn without laying the subject before
them. [hose received by me were believed to be of that cha-

racter.
That the feelings produced in the United States by the news
of the rejection of the appropriation would be such as I have
described theta to have been was foreseen by the Fiench go-
vernment, and prompt measures were taken by it to prevent the
consequences. The King in person expressed through our
minister at Paris his profound regret at the decisiou of the
Chambers, and promised to send forthwith a national ship with
despatches to his minister 'here, authorizing him to give such
assurances as would satisfy the government and people of the
United States that the treaty would yet be faithfully. executed
by France. The national ship arrived, and the minister re-
ceived his instructions. Claiming to act under the authority
derived from them, he gave to this government in the name of
his theNnost solemn assurances then as soottafterinew elacone
as the charter would permit, the French Chambers would be
convened, and the attempt to procure the necessary appropria-
tions renewed; that all the constitutional powers of the King
and his ministers should be put in requisition to accomplish the
object; anti he was understood, and so expressly informed by
his government at the time, to engage, that the question should
be pressed to a decision at a period sufficiently early to permit
information of the result to be communicated to Congress at the
commencement of their next session. Relying upon these
assurances, I incurred the responsibility, great as I regarded it
to be, of suffering Congress to separate without communicating
with them upon the subject.
The expectations justly founded upon the promises thus so-
lemnly made to the government by that of France, were not
realized. The French Chambers met on the 31st of July, 1831,
soon after the election; and although our minister in Paris
urged the French ministry to bring the subject before them,
they declined doing so. He next insisted that the Chambers,
if prorogued without acting on the subject, should be reas-
sembled-at a period so early that their action on the treaty might
be known in Washington prior to the meeting of Congress.
This reasonable request was not only declined, but the Cham-
bers were prorogued to the 29th of December, a day so late that
their decision, however urgently pressed, could not, in all pro-
bability be obtained in time to reach Washington before the
necessary adjournment of Congress by the constitution. The
reasons given by tne ministry for refusing to convoke the Cham-
bers at an earlier period, were afterwards shown not to be in-
superable by their actual convocation on the Ist of December,
under a special call, for domestic purposes—which fact, how-
ever, did not become known to this government until after the
commencement of the session of Congress.
Thus dissappointeal in our just expectations, it became my
imperative duty to consult with Congress, in regard to the ex-
pediency of a resort to retaliatory measures, in case the stipu-
lations of the treaty should not be speedly complied with ,• and
to recommend such as in my judgment, the occasion called for.
To this end, an unreserved communication of the case, in all
its aspects, became indispensable. To have shrunk, in making
it, from saying all that was necessary to its correct understand-
ing, and that the truth would justify, for fear of giving offence
to others, would have been unwoi thy of us. To have gone, on
the other hand, a single step further, for the purpose of wound-
ing the pride of a government and people with whom we had so
many motives for cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal
advantage, would have been unwise and improper. Admonished
by the past of the difficulty of making even the simplest state-
ment of our wrongs, without disturbing the sensibilities of
those who had, by their position become responsible for their
redress, and earnestly desirous of preventing father obstacles
from that source, I went out of my way to preclude a construc-
tion of the message, by which the recommendation that was
made to congress might be regarded as a menace to France,
in not only disavowing such a design, but in declaring that her
pride and her power were too well known to expect any thing
from her fears. The message did not reach Paris until more
than a month after the Chambers had been in session; and such
was the insensibility of the ministry to our rightful claims and
just expectations, that our minister had been informed that the
matter, when introduced, would not be pressed as a cabinet
measure.
Although the messayse was not officially communicated to the
Fiench government, and notwithstanding the declaration to
the contrary which it contained, the French ministry decided
to consider the conditional recommendation of reprisals, a
menace and an insult which the honour of the nation made it
incumbent on them to resent. The measures resorted to by
them to evince their sense of the supposed indignity, were the
immediate recall of their Minitaar st WeAingti..n, ihe offetvel
passports to the American Minister at Paris, and a public no-
tice to the Legislative Chambers, that all diplomatic intercourse
with the United States had been suspended. ,
Having in this manner vindicated the dignity of France,
they next proceeded to illustrate her justice. To this end, a
bill was immediately introduced into the Chamber of Depu•
ties, proposing to make the appropriations necessary to carry
into effect the treaty. As this bill subsequently passed into a
law, the provisions of which now constitute the main subject of
difficulty between the two nations, it becomes my duty, in or-
der to place the subject before you in a clear light," to trace the
history of its passage, and to refer with some particularity to
the proceedings and discussions with regard to it. The Minister
ot Finance, in his opening speech, alluded to the measures
which had been adopted to resent the supposed indignity, and
recommended the execution of the treaty as a measure re-
quired by the honour and justice of France. He, as the organ
of the ministry, declared the message, so long as it had not re
ceived the sanction of Congress, a mere expression of the per-,
sonal opinion of the President, for which neither the govern-
ment nor the people of the United States were responsible, and
that an engagement had been entered into, for the fulfilment of
which the honour of France was pledged. Entertaining these
views, the single condition which the French ministry proposed
to annex to the payment of the money, was, that it should not
be made until it was ascertained that the government of the
United States had done nothing to injure the interests of
France; or, in other words, that no steps had been authorised
by Congress of a hostile character towards France.
What the disposition or actiou of Congress might he, was
then unknown to the French cabinet. But, on the 14th of
January, the senate resolved that it was at that time inexpedi-
ent to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of
affairs between the United States and France, and no action on
the subject had occurred in the House of Representatives.
These facts were known in Paris prior to the 28th of March,
1835, when the committee to whom the bill of indemnification
had been referred, reported it to the Chamber of Deputies.
That committee substantially re-echoed the sentiments of the
ministry, declared that Congress had set aside the pro-
position of the President, and recommended the pas-
sage of the bill, without any other restriction than that orogi-
ginally pfoposed. Thus was it known to the French ministry
and chambers, that if the position assumed by them, and which
had been so frequently and solemnly announced as the only
one compatible with the honour of France was maintained and
the bill passed as originally propcsed, the money would be
paid. and there would be an end of this unfortunate controversy.
But this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amend-
ment introduced into the bill at the moment of its passage, pro•
viding that the money should not be paid until the French go-
vernment had received satisfactory explanations of the presi.
i
dent's message, of the 2d December, 1834; and what s still
more extraordinary, the president of the council of ministers
adopted this amendment, and consented to its incorporation in
the bill. In regard to a supposed insult which had been for-
mally resented by the recall of their minister, and the offer of
passports to ours, they now, for the first time, proposed to ask
explanations. Sentiments and propositions, which they had de-
clared could not justly be imputed to the government or people
of the United States, are set up as obstacles to the performance
of an act of conceded justice to that government and people.
They had declared that the house of .France required the fulfil-
ment of the engagement into which the king had entered, unless
congress adopted the recommendations of the message. They
ascertained that congress did not adopt them, and yet that ful-
filment is refused, unless they first obtain from the president
-explanitidiis of an opinion characterised Isy themselves-as per,
sonal and inoperative.
The conception that it was my intention to menace or insult
the government of France, is as unfounded as the attempt to
extort from the fears of that nation what her sense of justice
may deny, would be vain and ridiculous. But the constitution
of tile United States imposes on the president the duty of laying
before congress the condition of the country, in its foreign and
domestic relations, and of recommending such measures as may,
in his opinion, be required by its interests. From the perform-
ance of this duty he cannot be deterred by the fear of wounding
the sensibilities of the people or government of whom it may be-
come necessary to speak; and the American people are incapa-
ble of submitting to an interference, by any government on
earth, howeier powerful, with the fiee performance of the do-
mestic duties which the constitution has imposed on their public
functionaries. The discussions which intervene between the
several departments of our government belong to ourselves;
and, for anything said in them, our public servants are only re-
sponsible to their own constituents, and to each other. If, in
the course of their consultations, facts are erroneously stated,
or unjust deductions are made, they require no other induce-
ment to correct them, however informed of their error, than
their love of justice, and what is due to their own character;
but they can never submit to be interrogated upon the subject,
as a matter of right, by a foreign power. When our discussions
terminate in acts, our responsibility to foreign powers com-
mences, not as individuals, but as a nation. The principle
which calls in question the president for the language of his
message, would equally justify a foreign power in demanding
explanation of the language used in the report of a committee,
by a member in debate.
This is not the first time that the government of France has
taken exception to the messages of American presidents. Pre-
sident Washington, and the hrst president Adams, in the per-
formance of their duties to the American people, fell under the
animadversions of the French directory. The objection taken
by the ministry of Charles X., and removed by the explanations
made by our Minister upon the spot. has already been adverted
to. When it was understood that the ministry of the present
King
.took exception to my message of last year, putting a con-
struction upon it which was disavowed on its face, oar late
minister at Paris. in answer to the note which first announced a
dissatisfaction with the language used in the message, made a
communication to the French government, under date of the
29th of January, 1835, calculated to retnove,all impressions
which an unreasonable susceptibility had created. He repeated,
and called the attention of the French government to, the dis•
avowal contained in the message itself, of any intention to
intimidate by menace—he truly declared that it comtained, and
was intended to contain, no charge of ill faith against the King
of the French, and properly distinguished between the right to
complain, in unexceptionable terms, of the omission to execute
an agreement, and an accusation of bad motives in withholding
such execution—and demonstrated that the necessary use of
that right ought not to be considered as an offensive imputation.

Although this communication was made without instructions,
and entirely on the minister's own responsibility, vet it was af-
terwards made the act of this government by my full approba-
tion, and that aperebation was officially made known on the
25th of April, Ket, to the French government. It, however,
failed to have any effect. The law, after this friendly explana-
tion, passed with the obnoxious amendment supported by the
King's ministers, and was finally approved by the King.
The people of the United States are justly attached to a pa-
cific system in their intercourse with foreign nations. It is
proper, therefore, that they should know whether their govern-
ment has adhered to it. In the present instance, it has been
carried to the utmost extent that was consistent with a becoming
self-respect. The note of the 29th of January, to which I have
before altuded, was not the only one which our minister took
upon himself the responsibility of presenting, on the same sub-
ject and in the same spirit. Finding that it was intended to
make the payment of a just debt dependent on the performance
of a condition which he knew could never be complied with, he
thought it a duty to make another attempt to convince the
French government that whilst self-respect and regard to the
dignity of other nations would always prevent us from using
any language that ought to give offence, yet we could never ad-
mit a right in any foreign government to ask explanations of,
or to interfere in any manner in, the communications which one
branch of our public councils made with another • that in the
present case, no such language had been used, and that this had
in a formes Dote been fully and voluntarily stated, before it was
contemplated to make the explanation a condition; and that
there might be no misapprehension, he stated the terms used in
that note, and he officially informed them that it had been ap-
proved by the president; and that, therefore, every explanation
which could reasonably be asked, or honourably given, had
been already made—that the contemplated measure had been
anticipated by a voluntary and friendly declaration, and was
therefore not only useless, but might be deemed offensive, and
certainly would not be complied with, if annexed as a condition.
When this latter communication, to which I especially. in-
vite the attention of Congress, was laid before me, I entertained
the hope that the means it was obviously intended to afford, of
an honourable and speedy adjustment of the difficulties between
the two nations, would have been accepted ; and I therefore
did not hesitate to give it my sanction and full approbation.
This was due to the minister who had made himself responsible
for the act; and it was published to the people of the United
States, and is now laid before their representative, to show how
far their executive has gone in its endeavours to restore a good
understanding between the two countries. It would have been,
at any time, communicated to the government of France, had
it been officially requested. .
The French government, having received all the explanations
which honour and principle permitted, and which could in rea-
kni be asked, it was hoped would no longer hesitate to pay the
instalments now due. I'he agent authorised to receive the mo-
ney was instructed to inform the French minister of his readi-
ness to do so. In reply to this notice, he was told that the mo-
ney could not then be paid, because the formalities required by
the act of the Chambers had not been arranged.
Nut having received any official communication of the inten-
tions of the French government, and anxious to bring, as far
as practicable, this unpleasant affair to a close before the meet-
ing of Congress, that you might have the whole subject '_before
you, I caused our Charge d'Affaires at Paris to be instructed to
ask for the final determinatiouot the French government; and,
in the event of their refusal to pay the instalments now due,
without further explanations, to return to the United States.
The result of this last application has not yet reached us, but
is daily expected. That it may be favourable is my sincere
wish. France having now, through all the branches of her go-
vern went, acknowledged the validity of our claims, and the ob-
ligations of the Beaty of 1831;' and there really existing no
adequate cause for further delay, will, at length, it may be
hoped, adopt the course which the interests of both nations, not
less than the principles of justice, so imperiously require. The
treaty being once executed on her part, little will remain to dis-
turb the friendly relations of the two countries; nothing, in-
deed, which will not
yield to the suggestions of a pacific and
enlightened policy, and to the influence of that mutual good-
will, and of those generous recollections, which we may confi-
dently expect will then be revived in all their ancient force.
In any event, however, the principle involved in the new as-
pect, which has been given to the controversy, is so vitally im-
portant to the independent administration of the government,
that it can neither be surrendered or compromised without na-
tional degradation. I hope it is unnecessary for me to s 4 that
such a sacrifice will not be made through any agency of mine.
The honour of my country shall never be stained by an apology
from me, for the statement of truth and the performance of
duty; nor can I give any explanation of official acts, except
such as is due to integrity and justice, and consistent with the
principles on which our institutions have been framed. This
determination will. I am confident, lie approved by my constitu-
ents. I have indeed studied their character to but little pur-
pose if the sum of twenty-five millions of francs will have the
weight of a feather in the estimation of what appertains to
their national independence; and if, unhappily, a different im-
pression should at any time obtain in any quarter, they will, 1
am sure, rally round the government of their choice with ala-
crity and unanimity, and silence forever the degrading impute-

Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances
which, since the last session of congress, have occurred in this
interesting and important matter, with the views of the execu-
tive in regard to them, it is at this time only necessary to add
that whenever the advices now daily expected from our Charge
d'Afi"Jirs shall have been received, they will be made the sub-
ject of a special communication.

MUNICIPAL CORPORATION ACT.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sirt,—My clients having taken the further opinion of Mr.
Stephens as to the power which the aldermen and councillors
possess electing a mayor under the municipal corporation
act, I transmit you the case and opinion for insertion in the
columns of your valuable paper, as I conceive the question to
be of the greatest public importance at the present moment.
I am, sir, yo.ur obedient servant,
R. H. 11. WILSON,
4, South-square, Gray's-inn, Dec. 28, 1835.

" CASE.
" A. B. and C. D., the gentlemen for whom you have already
advised, having been elected town councillors, are desirous,
from the importance of the question, that you should reconsider
your opinion of the 2lst instant, and particularly in reference to
the 36th and 49th sections of the municipal corporation act.—

And secondly,
" If you should retain ionr opinion, that `no mayor can be
elected under the act, whether A. B. and C. D. would incur any
personal liabilities by acting in a corporate capacity as town
councillors "

" I have reconsidered my opinion of the 21st instant, pre-
viously to my writing which, however, I directed my attention
to the 36th and 49th section of the municipal corporation act.
" 1 really cannot discover a single plausible reason for doubt-
ing the accuracy of my previous premises and conclusions.
" It is true that the words of a statute, especially if obscure or
ambiguous, may be qualified, or restrained by subsequent
clauses or sentences; but in every case where the words of an
enacting clause are plain, they cannot even be restrained by
the title or preamble, notwithstanding the preamble to an act
of parliament is considered the key to its construction ; but
no key is by preamble, or anyotherwise, given for the con-
struction of the term council,' except in the 25th section of
this act.
" Many aggregate corporations,' observes Mr. Kvd, with
his usual accuracy and perspicuity, are composed of several
distinct parts, which are called integral parts, without any one
of which the corporation would not be complete, although none
of them be a distinct corporatien. Thus, where a corporation
consists of a mayor, aldermen, and commonalty, the mayor, the
aldermen, and commonalty are three integral parts; but neither
of these has any corporate capacity distinct from the other two;
and therefore the mayor cannot, in his political character o
mayor, take in succession anything as a sole corporation, nor
the aldermen, as a select body, take anything to them and their
successors as an aggregate corporation. In most aggregate cor-
porations there is one particular person who is called the 'head,'
and who forms one of the integral parts of the corporation; such
is the mayor in a corporation of mayor, aldermen, and common-
alty, &c.'
" Aggregate corporations, also, that have by their constitu-
tion a head—as a dean, warden, master, or the like—cannot do
any acts during the vacancy- of the headship, except only ap-
pointing another; neither are they capable of receiving a grant,
fo'r such corporation is incomplete without a head. (Coke on
Littleton, 2i3. 264; 1 Blackstone, 478.)
"In my former opinion, I defined the word council,' ac•
cording to the unequivocal language of the 23th section of the
act, to consist of a 'mayor,' 'aldermen,' and councillors; and
in that section the legislature itself has drawn a distinction in
the first election of the aldermen' between the words council-
lors' and 'council,' in the first instance, by a mode different
from that which was to be pursued on subsequent occasions, is
evinced by the provisions which have been made for the election
of the ' councillors' and aldermen' in the year 1835; and that
the council was intended to consist of three 'distinct and integral
parts, as defined by the '2sth section, is further established by
the framers of the act having, by the order of the Privy Council
of the 11th of September, 1835, themselves directed the election
of the councillors," aldermen,' and mayor,' to be held upon
separate days.
Indeed, this question depends upon a principle too simple
for doubt, and too clear for argument; so much so, as hardly to
require to be laid down.
" When the town council has been once called into being, the
legislature has then enacted, that such a council' shall not be
deprived of its corporate name and existence fi om the accidental
deficiency of one of its integral component parts, but gives the
surviving members of the 'council' a power to replace such
deficiency within a certain prescribed period (although if the
deficiency be not so supplied the the council will have gone for
ever,) and thus the term council,' in the 36th and 49th sections
of the act is perfectly applicable and correct in the cases there
contemplated ; and as no such corporate body as the council'
will have existed, when the first election of a mayor,' under
the act is fixed to take place, the term in the 25th section is not
only perfectly inapplicable, but absolutely without any meaning
at all, and it is impossible to take any other view of it, either by
itself, or in conjunction with the context, which indeed precludes
any other inference.
• I am, therefore, more decidedly of opinion than I was when
I before advised upon this point, because I have still further
considered it, that this act has provided no means of electing
any mayor in the first instance, and given no persons any power
of making such election; and I may add, that the consequence
is, that no corporation can ever be legally created under this act.
I can therefore only recommend the gentlemen for whom I am
now advising by no means to take upon themselves to do any
act, on the assumption that they will be incorporated, for, as
they will possess no powers of suing in a corporate capacity,
they may be rendering themselves liable in their private capaci-
ties to numerous suits, without any means of defence. They
should remember that ignorantia leyis nun excnsat.
ARCHIKALD JOHN STEPHENS.
" 61, Chancery-lane, Dec. 28, 1835."

DEATH OF LADY 11. 'WILLIAMS `'LYNNE.—We regret to
state that this estimable lady breathed her last, on Tuesday, the
291 instant, at Wynnstay, the mansion of her husband, Sir Wat-
kin Williwns Wynn.. Lad) Henrietta. Antonia Williams
Wynn was the Eldest daughter of the FAA of Powis, sister to
the Duchess of Northumberland, and-Viscount Clive. She was
a most amiable, benevolent, good christian, and her death will
be deeply lamented by the needy, " wlwm she clothed and fed,"
as well as by numerous families of the highest distinction, with
whom she was connected.

Died on Thursday, the 24th instant. after a severe illness, at
her house in York-street, Portman-square, the Right Hon.
Emma Penelope Lady POltiniore. She was the daughter of
the late Rev. Ralph Soeyd, LL.D., rector of Tivington and
Westham, precentor of St. Asaph, and domestic chaplain to
his late Majesty George IV., by Penelope, second daughter of
Sir John Moore, Bart., K. 13., Admiral of the Red, grandson of
the Right Bon. Charles Moore, Earl of Droi,heda, ancestorof
the present marquis. In 1807 she married her first cousin, the
present Lord Poltitnore, by whom she had issue an only daugh-
ter, Emma Catherine Bampfylde, who died at an early age in
1825. The remains of her ladyship will lie. deposited in a pri-
vate vault under Marylebone church, by the side of her de-
ceased daughter.

LONDON LAW AND POLICE COURTS.

MARLBOBOUGH.STREET.—MoNDAy,

EXTENSIVE BANKER'S ROE BERY.—Willialrl Summers, a
banker's clerk, was brought to this office on Saturday, having
been sent from Quebec to England by the authorities there, to
answer the charge of having robbed his employers, Messrs. Ash-
ley and Co., bankers, 135, Regent-street, of bank notes and
gold amounting to £3725.
The manner in which the capture of the prisoner appeared to
have been effected was as follows :—After absconding with the
large sum above named, he contrived, after secreting himself
for some time, to reach Canada. Handbills offering a consi-
derable reward for his apprehension were circulated immedi-
ately by Messrs. Ashley, one of which reached the banking-
house at Montreal. A young, man having entered the bank
and offered a £5O Bank note for sale, the bill was referred to,
and his description being found to tally with the information in
it, he was questioned by Mr. Simpson, and taxed with being
the person who had robbed Mr. Ashley. The young man be-
came violently agitated, and, after some hesitation, admitted he
was the offender, and expressed, in the strongest terms, his
penitence, and his desire to do all he could to repair the injury
he had inflicted. Having given up all the money then in his
possession, Messrs. Ashley were apprised of his capture and re-
embarkation for England.
Mr. James Ashley, banker, Regent-street, said the prisoner
up to May last had been for some months in the employ of the
firm as an out-door clerk. On the 6th of May last the prisoner
absconded with Bank notes and gold to the amount of £3725.
Witness caused hand-bills to be printed and circulated, and
sonic time in Oct. he received the following lettqr by post
Montreal Bank-office, Oct. 15, 1835.

"Messrs. Ashley, bankers.
" Gentlemen,—l have the pleasure to inform you that Wm.
Summers, the person described in the hand-bill, dated Police-
office, Marlborough-street., May 6, 1835, as having absconded
from your employ with a large sum of money in Bank of Eng-
land notes and sovereigns, has been safely lodged in the gaol
of this city, and further we have received from him £1290 in
cash, which sum we shall hold until we receive your instruc-
tions, unless some favourable opportunity should turn up for
forwarding the money to your address direct. I feel satisfied
that he has delivered up all the money he had left, and he also
appears deeply to lament that he has so far deviated from the
path of rectitude. Whatever further steps are necessary will
be followed up by the authorities here, on whom I shall urge
the propriety of sending him to England this fall, as he may
assist in searching for Jackson, the offender.
"Yours, respectfully, . "A. SIMPSON."
Witness answered the above letter, and in due course received a
second letter, acquainting him that the prisoner was on his way
to England in the Friends, Captain Duncan, and transmitting
a copy of his examination before the magistrates at Quebec.
The following is the examination of Wm. Summers, late of
the city of London, banker's clerk, taken by Noah Prier, Esq.,
one of his majesty's justices of the peace, Oct. 16, 1835 7
" Win. Summers being charged on oath before me with hav- •
ing on the 6th May last feloniously stolen a large sum of money
belonging to his employers, Messrs. Ashley, bankers, London,
voluntarily and freely declared that he was clerk in Messrs.
Ashley's employ, and that on the day in question he did ab-
scond with a sum of money of which the notes now produced
were a part; and that for this act, he being desirous of making
all the amends in his power by delivering up notes and gold in
his possession amounting to £l3OO has done so; and further
declares that he had been acquainted with George Jackson
(formerly of the metropolitan police) for about ten years, that
they were in the habit of frequenting gaming tables together,
and that his salary of £36 a year being insufficient to meet his
enpenses, he was instigated by the said George Jackson to corn-
. mit the robbery; that George Jackson had said to him he had
ample opportunity of making his fortune; that with the booty
he could obtain from Messrs. Ashley they might both go to
America, and be independent; that he did commit the robbery,
and that at two o'clock the same day he went to a coffee shop
in Long Acre, and met Jackson there by appointment; that he
and Jackson took a private lodging at Dock- head, and remained
for about three weeks, when both went to Dublin; that they re-
mained there about two months, when Jackson, during the ab-
sence of witness, robbed him of 300 sovereign, and £2015 in
notes, and left Dublin, and he had not seen nor heard of him
since; that it was agreed between him and Jackson they should
go halves; that after Jackson left Dublin witness took a pas-
sage to America, by the name of Wm. Smith, in the Friends,
Captain Duncan, in October last; that this statement was care-
fully read over to the prisoner, and he persisted therein and
signed it."
One of the notes received back by witness was for £5O. This
had the prisoner's hand-writing on the back of it.
Mr. Dyer told the prisoner he was at liberty to refuse to
answer any question put to him; but if he chose to make any
additional statement lie could do so.
The prisoner said he had nothing more to add to the confes-
sion which had been read, and which contained the truth.
Mr. Ashley.—Did you change any of the notes?
Prisoner.—l changed a £2O note to buy a gold watch, which
I gave up; I also lost a £lO note.
Is that all ?—Yes.
Did Jackson negotiate any of the notes ?—I believe he did.
The prisoner was then fully committed. He is respectably
connected, and states his parents to be of the baptist persuasion,
and of strict religious principles. Although the prisoner was a
frequenter of gaming tables, it is not a little singular that all the
books found in his possession were of a religious character, and
a MS. in his hand-writing was filled with texts of scripture.

LAMBETH-STREET, MONDAY
EXTRAORDINARY DISCOVERY OF VALUABLE JEWELS.—
will be recollected that in the month of February last the ware-
house of Messrs. Hall and Co., on the Custom House-quay, had
been broken into, and a box, in which there were deposited
diamonds belonging to a foreign countess, and amounting to
from £7,000 to £OOO in value, stolen therefrom. From the
mode in which the robbery had been effected at the Custom
House, it was the decided opinion of Lea of this office at the
time that both it and the one at Messrs. Hall and Co.'s had
been accomplished by the same parties, and that both had been
" put up" by a confederate of theirs. This latter opinion was
strengthened by the fact of the box and jewels having been de-
posited fur some time at the Custom House before it had been
removed to the warehouse fromeellith it, was stolen, and that
the person who was all along beetapeeted of being in league
with those who had effected the Custom:l-louse robbery was per-
fectly aware not only of the removal of the box to the warehouse
on the Custom House-quay, but also the value of its contents.
It has therefore been a matter of some surprise to that officer
(Lea) that among all the property which he had discovered be-
longing to Sullivan and Jourdan, whom he has in custody for
the Custom House robbery, or even among their papers, he had
not found any thing relating to their possession of the jewels,
convinced as he was in his own mind that they it was who had
them. By the most singular accident, however, a portion of the
diamonds has been discovered in such a manner as to leave no
doubt whatever that they had been in possession of William
Jourdan.
Tuesday morning', shortly after Mr. Hardwick had taken his
seat on the bench, Lea came before him, and made the follow-
ing statement :—He said that having satisfied himself by in-
quiries, and information through various channels, that Sulli-
van and Jourdan were the persons engaged in the robberies, he
with much .difficulty traced out their residence in the neighbour-
hood of Kennington. He had no sooner done so, however, than
they by some means or other got information of it, and before
he could secure them they both left their homes, taking with
them a portmanteau and trunk each, with an excellent stock of
clothes, and took Lid their lodgings at the Red Lion tavern, in
King-street, Bloomsbury, where they represented themselves
as persons engaged in mercantile pursuits. By this means he
(Lea) lost all trace of them for several days, until a person who
was placed to watch the house at Kennington had followed and
traced the brother of Sullivan from there to the Red Lion in
King-street. Being made acquainted with this circumstance
he ( Lea) lost no time in going to the house, and of making in-
quiries of Mrs. Proctor, the landlady of the inn, about the per-
son (describing the brother of Sullivan) who had been there a
short time before with a green bag, and the object of his call-
ing. She said he was a shoemaker, who had called to take some
orders from, and to do some work for, two gentlemen, who were
stopping in the house.
Mr. Hardwick.—Then is the brother of Sullivan. a shoema-
ker ?
Lea—Not at all, sir; he is a common thief, and had assumed
the character merely to prevent any suspicion in the mind of
Mr. Proctor and his family, and by this means he was enabled
to see his brother and Mr. Jourdan often, and when seen by a
fourth party his manner towards them was precisely that of a
humble artisan. Lea then proceeded to state that from the de-
scription which he had obtained from Mrs. Proctor of the gen-
tlemen who were at her house, he was satisfied they were the
parties whom he was in pursuit of, and he consequently made
such arrangements as to succeed in the apprehension ofbo'h on
the following morning. At that time, (the 2d instant,) after
securing his prisoners, he made what he had conceived to be a
minute search of the apartments which the prisoners occupied,
and had secured everything belonging to them; but he had
now discovered that notwithstanding all his care he had over-
looked some most valuable property. After the capture of the
prisoners, the wife of Jourdan and the brother of Sullivan hail
repeatedly called at Mr. Proctor's, (the Red Lion Tavern,)
and, upon various occasions, expressed the greatest anxiety to
go to the room that had becu occupied by Jourdan; but this was
refused, notwithstanding their urgent entreaties.' Two or three
persons of gentlemanly appearance had also at different times
driven up to the door in coaches, with luggage, as if they had
come off a journey, and eagerly asked fur lodging; but Mr.
Proctor, owing to what had previously happened. refused to ad-
mit any strangers to lodge at his house, and the parties were
obliged_ to go away. On Thursday morning last, Mr. Hanson,
a gentleman residing at Reading, who, when in town, was al-
ways in the habit of stopping at Mr. Proctor's, called there,
and, his luggage being taken into the room that bad previously
been occupied by Jourdan, he ordered a fire to be lit by the
time he came home in the evening. This was done by a char-
woman who is in the habit of attending the house, and, that
being the first time since spring that a fire had been made in ,
I the room, *she threw a quantity of what she conceived to he
rubbish, which had accumulated during the summer months
under the ornamental paper in the grate, on the top of the
coals, after the fire had been made up. In the course of the
night, the attention of Mr. Hanson was attracted to a most
brilliant substance in the centre of the fire, and on taking it out
with the tongs, be, on inspection, found a brooch of consider-
able size, set with pearls, but the gieater part oftiie gold mount-
ing had melted from it. This circumstance led him to examine
the fire more minutely, and he found (wo more, one of a larger
and one of a smaller size, but which, es well as the former, had
been seriously damaged by the fire. 'On communicating the
circumstance to Mr. Proctor, the fire and the ashes underneath
were carefully examined, and seven good-sized brilliants, seven
emeralds, one of which is of considerable size, and must have
been of immense value, and four dozen of small but sparkling
brilliants, were found. Lea here exhibited to Mr. Hardwick
the whole of the articles found, and which were delivered up to
him.
The three brooches, the centres of whirls appear to be ame-
thysts. and which were set with diamonds and pearls, must,
when perfect, have. been of great value ; but, owing to their
being so long in the fire, they are considerably injured, and the
pearls quite destroyed. The emeralds are also much damaged,
but the fire appears to have had no effect whatever on the
brilli-
ants, as they appear most sparkling and of the first water.
Lea, in continuation, said he recollected perfectly, when
searching Jourdan's room, observing the ornamental paper in
the fire-place, but, not perceiving it disturbed in any way, it did
not strike bins to examine it minutely, particularly as the pri-
soner had trunks in the room. There was no doubt on his
(Lea's) mind that the property which had been placed there by
Jourdan was of considerable value, from the anxiety evinced by
his (Jourdan's) friends to get to the room to release it; and it
was not at all improbable that there were a portion of the notes
stolen from the Custom-house placed there also; and if so,
they must have been destroyed by the fire. He (Lea)-thought
he should be able to show that the brooches recovered formed a
part of those stolen from the Custom-house Quay, in Febru-
ary last, as they answered the description of three that had been
stolen.
Mr. Hardwick expressed much surprise at the singular man-
ner in which the property had been discovered, and regretted
that it had not been found before.

The foundations of a city have been lately laid in Hungary,
in the pa!atinate of Schi►nech, on a height s►tuate at the meet-
ing of the Mur and Kanischa, branches of the Danube.

,
t I LI
pit ENT Of
L'A.l os • NGRESS.
!cond editi n of Tuesday's