The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-04 00:00:00

CoRREBPPNDEATE

ON THE PRESENT POSITION OF OUR WEST
INDIA COLONIES,
AND THE BEST MEANS OE RESTORING THEIR PROSPERITY

LETTER 111.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD

In our two previous letters we endeavoured to draw atten-
tion to the very critical situation of the West Indies, at
present " in the throes of a mighty moral convulsion" ; to
show the extreme jeopardy in which their prosperity—and,
through that, the grand experiment of partial, and splendid
hopes of general emancipation—now stands ; we attempted
to trace the causes that have led to the present unpromising
aspect of West Indian affairs, and to suggest what we con-
sider the only real remedy for them, and collaterally for the
evils which affect the negi:o race throughout the world. In
our present communication we shall confine ourselves to the
correction of what we believe some general misconceptions
in reference to the subject, and to a brief summary of the
leading points on which we have touched in the course of
thse observations.
The physical capabilities of the West Indies are, we think,
very generally underrated. An impression is abroad that
their extent and resources are limited to a few small, but
fruitful islands ; whereas the colony of British Guiana alone
contains 100,000 square miles of the richest alluvial soil,
capable of supporting 40,000,000 of human beings—without
mentioning the fertile islands of Jamaica, Trinidad, &c. ;
all of which, if properly supplied with the labour which the
surplus population of other tropical countries can with bene-
fit to themselves so well afford them, are capable not only of
rendering this country independent of the supplies of every
species of slave-grown produce, but even of underselling, and
consequently to a great degree supplanting, the slave-owner
in the markets of the continental nations. In the recent
discussion in parliament on the sugar-duty question, by the
advocates for the reduction of duty on foreign sugars much
stress was laid on the fact, that we continued to use without
compunction all the other productions of slave labour, while
we repudiated the idea of slave-grown sugar; but although
we be as yet necessarily dependent on the slave states for
our cotton, tobacco, and other commodities, there is abun-
dant evidence to prove that our own colonies, with proper
encouragement, would enable us to dispense with the staple
product of the United States, and be in a condition to ex-
clude all slave-grown produce. Then, and not till then, will
it be shown beyond the reach of cavil, that our expenditure
of £20,000,000 has not been in vain, but that its happy fruits
are commensurate with the noble and disinterested motives
which prompted it. British Guiana, between the rivers
Caurantyn and Pomeroon, possesses a sea-coast of 250 miles
in extent, and, along the banks of those and the other prin-
cipal rivers, many extensive tracts, which, under the Dutch
government, were in a high state of cotton cultivation, and
which, though now covered with. the luxuriant vegetation of
the tropics, are still capable of being easily reclaimed, and
of producing as much of the finer descriptions of cotton as
would, along with the coarser qualities of India now rapidly
increasing in extent and quality. render us independent of
even the United States in the production of this indispensa-
ble article.
The rise of that country itself, almost unprecedented in
the history of the world, is a striking instance of the mighty
effects of emigration on an extensive scale, the surplus ac-
cruing to her from that source alone having of late been
from 40,000 to 50,000 a-year. while England has been actu-
ally passing laws to prevent free immigration into her own
splendid colonies. But not only with labourers, but also
with the sinews of industry—with capital—has she been
year after year with unsparing hand supplying the constantly
increasing demand of that insatiable country, to such a de-
gree that by its operation she has frequently paralysed her
own commerce and manufactures ; while not one shilling
can be raised on the security of any British colony, for want
of confidence in the policy which she continues to pursue
towards them in none so strikingly apparent as those
of the West Indies. There are not finer countries in
the world for the investment of capital than Guiana,
Trinidad, Jamaica, or Grenada ; but not a bond of
either of these colonies would command a farthing on the
stock exchange : while Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Chili, and
Brazils have been able to draw vast sums from this country,
to carry on their internal improvements and develop their
resources. Even the insignificant state of New Grenada,
adjoining to British Guiana, but not near so valuable, nor so
prodnctive, nor so extensive, has succeeded in extracting
eleven or twelve millions of money from this country for
mining and other purposes. From these startling facts we
must surely arrive at the conviction, that '` there is some-
thing rotten in the state of Denmark"—that our West Indian
Colonies at least hare not felt the influence of that fostering
care which can alone render them productive dependencies
of our empire.
Is there in the history of nations any stronger proof of er-
roneous policy than may he decuced from the following brief
summary of our efforts, and their results, in the great cause
of negro emancipation and enlightenment ? Since the year
1808, when our crusade against the slave trade commenced,
we have expended 40 millions of money in trying to put a stop
to it—with this result, that its victims have increased three-
fold, and its horrors been stained with a ten-fold deeper dye:
we have paid 20 millions, and jeopardised 100 millions more
of British capital invested in buildings, machinery, stock,
stores, and cultivation, in order to accomplish free labour—
with this result, that these colonies are going fast to decay,
our free labour experiment is likely to prove a failure, and
our colonists, to escape utter ruin, must remove with what
they can save of their capital to other countries, and turn
slave-owners, to furnish the commodities which they have
found themselves unable to produce under British govern-
ment. Nor is this all ; the consequences will not be confined
to this country nor to those who own its sway, for if our
grand experiment fails, it will be a beacon for other nations
to avoid, and put the question of general emancipation
throughout the world entirely beyond the reach of probability.
Such are the results—and -they are not a whit too highly
coloured—to which the present course of events is leading
us. Such are the fatal results which must ensue if the
experiment of free labour be unsuccessful ; and yet effects
quite as cheering as these are disastrous, would as infallibly
be produced by carrying out the line of operations which we
have endeavoured to trace.
We cannot better conclude our observations on this sub-
ject which have already run to unexpected length, than in
the words of an eloquent and powerful writer, to whom we
have already been more than once indebted :—" By vigorously
pursuing these measures, England would establish a great
and free community of the negro blood—would atiot d the first
example of negro civilization—would cause the current of the
destiny of the race to flow for the first time in the channel of
improvement. She would sap the foundations of negro
slavery in America, which not only resists all her efforts to
overturn it by storm, but seems to gain strength from every
violent assault upon it. She would put down the African
slave trade by ruining it. She would open to the African,
suffering in his own land, the way to peace, to wealth, to
mental culture, to moral advancement, to the dignity of free-
dom and knowledge. She would point to her negro empire
in the west, and say to the nations which yet cling to negro
slavery :—behold the complete success of my generous policy !
And if her own necessities gave importance to less noble con-
siderations, she might still congratulate herself on a vast ex-
tension of her colonial markets.
" What a contrast with the present state of the West In-
dies, and with the actual prospects of the negro race every-
where ! And yet the happier picture might be realised by a
tithe of the pains that is bestowed on schemes in relation to
this subject, which result one after the other in conspicuous
failure." M.

SIR JOSHUA WALMSLEY, LATE MAYOR, FU-
TURE REPRESENTATIVE OF LIVERPOOL.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

Stn,—l beg respectfully to state my candid opinion of the
qualifications of the above-named gentleman for the honour
of representing this town in parliament.
Though an humble individual, I have not the less interests
and opinions conformable; and, indeed, we hear in writing
and in speeches of so many like myself, that we may almost
be said to be the majority at least of those who seek to be
conspicuous as Sir Joshua does, and if he is not a humble in-
dividual now, it is, I think, certain that Ile would speedily
become so if returned to parliament : therefore, I and such
as I are especially bound to promote his interest by every
means in our power.
I shall beg, then, to advance, in the first place, that I think,
nay am almost confident, that Sir Joshua Walmsley, Knt.,
is between forty and fifty years of age ; and although men
are certainly returned to parliament without much considera-
tion of their age, yet when we can ascertain it with correct-

ness, it is always an argument more or less to the advantage
of a gentleman's pretensions.
Weget the individuality
beua lityo
the man more distinctly before us, and this will o
neg-
lected by a judicious advocate, at least, until he can find
something more to the purpose( to say.
Sir Joshua Walnasle nt., between forty and fifty years
of age, has doubtless opinions ; I hope and trust he has. It
is a great point when we get men with opinions to repre-
sent us. I do not right opinions, neither do I mean
wrong opinions.lmmineiatnenopinins neither right nor wrong,
like her Majesty's
the
saw, last year, the head of
her Majesty's governna'enhn. House of Lords pronounce
it madness to entertainsuc en alteration of the corn-laws,
as, this year, the representative of the same government, in
the other house, declares .to be the sole measure that can
save the country, &c., ist. plain, therefore, that for
right use at present a man'scn'opinions should be of this sort—
that is to say, neither right wrong.
If I am asked how I knowor wt
at Sir Joshua Walmsley's
opinions are neither right nor wrong, I answer that indeed I
do not know anything at all the subject, nor do I know
whether he himself knows more do, though he may
probably guess; but I submit 'that istilisleasonable to conjec-
ture or infer upon a matter of so much importance,. that a
man of a liberal way of thinking (tfhat. I think is Sir
Joshua's profession—his trade is' thatg of a a_corn-factor) will
entertain, or does intend to entertain, or that he does.
entertain, opinions conformable to
neFtality,
which, the wider it extends itself, the less pcirsitinoctiol
between one thing and another, as we see admirably illustrated
in the whole conduct of the present government, the great
government of liberality, par excellence.
On the important questions of a religious or politico-reli-
gious kind which now occupy so much attention, I am fear-
ful, as a sincere friend. of
.Sir Joshua Walmsley, to say any-
thing that may commit him. The earnestness of an
havethe vehragde of enthu-
siasticindiscre-
friend may sornetincie:q.ad)
Porfteanch
tion. Unquestionably he
opportunity
and inducement
to turn these subjects in his mind at his
stand in the Corn-market. The place is suggestive of such
contemplation, for in one great topic of a religio-port. l
sort, the greatest, or the one ottenest before the public I landca
parliament—that, I mean,. perpetually agitated by M
O'Connell—the question. is clearly one of bread to him.
1 r.
As to religion considered otherwise than in its relation to
politics, I think all must be satisfied with Sir
Joshua. I
myself witnessed his attendance once at church, after his
election as mayor. Although all eyes were on him, lam
not aware he was detected in the least indecorum—not even
that the most coipinon of dropping an eyeli •
d but was as
every
wide awake as be is sure to be found to '
turn of the

averages.
As a townsman all will admit that his pretensions are pe.
culiar. To have what we commonly call a standing in the
is one of the first things we seem to require in a can-
place,didate for our votes from among ourselves. He has two—
one literal, mechanical, wooden, which need only be men-
moral or social standing. To have been
tioned ; the other
talked
long known and talked of by all, from the highest to the
name, as of Bolton, Gladstone, Ros-
lowest, until the very
becomes familiar to us as our own
coe, Leyland, &C., &e.,
household words—this is what we mean when we speak of
standing in the social sense. In this sense, who can claim
ore confidently than this present head of a
our suffrages m
family so long highly established in Liverpool, the junior of
the firm of Boothand Walmsley, corn -merchants, nearly
opposite the Corn Exchange, Brunswick-street ! I venture
to assert, without fear of contradiction, that there is not an
individual who frequents the Corn-market regularly for the
purpose of business,
who does not know Sir Joshua Walms-
ley when he sees him. Such men, so distinguished by sta-
tion, are sure to r'
have had opportunities. and to have im-
proved them, of benefiting the town ill its honour or its in-
terests, and to have laid the inhabitants under lasting obli-
gations by such services.
_lt is not otherwise in the instance
before us. I myself heard a person of credit say, on the
of others, that Sir Joshua Walrnsley, then Joshua
authority
Walmsley, Esquire, beingtom_ayor, would, for the honour of
have consented . be made a baronet in place of a
the town, when e was plain Joshua Walinsley of
simple knight; and
w.ears. came upon him, he was
Brunswick-street, before.the dignities and desires of these
days, which he so
many elear-ju ging persons, no way partial to
worthilyd
deemed by
him, to be a very likely man for churchwarden.
No she who has heard
He speaks with muck propriety.
him, as I have, Vid‘ tkat elPreSSire counter, like the marked
&craw 0 ids estlataattn", WY* 11101111 Mir OA olio