The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-03-13 00:00:00

IRISH CORPORATIONS BILL.

Yesterday a public meeting was held in the Nisi Prins
Court, in the Sessions-house, " for the purpose of consider-
ing the propriety of petitioning the legislature in favour of
the measure of Irish Municipal Reform now before the
House of Commons." The meeting was called by the
Mayor, in pursuance of a requisition addressed to him for
the purpose.
Precisely at twelve o'clock the doors were opened, and
the public admitted. The Reform Committee entered by
the private doors, and in a few seconds nearly the whole of
the front benches were crowded by their followers. A great
number of conservatives, however, succeeded in obtaining
admission, in spite of the attempts that were made to crowd
the room with the partisans of the other side.
The MAYOR having taken the chair, the TOWN-CLERK
read the requisition in compliance with which the meeting
had been called. There appeared to be about from 70 to 100
names appended to it, at the head of which was Colonel
Williams.
The MAYOR said that, in compliance with the requisition
just read, he had deemed it his duty to call the present
meeting. The only observation he should think necessary
to trouble the meeting with was this, that whatever differ-
ences might arise upon the question which was the object of
the requisition, the truth would best be elicited by calm and
temperate discussion. (Hear.) More he need not say at a
public meeting convened by the Mayor of Liverpool : less
he ought not to say. (Hear.) He claimed for every person
who wished to address the meeting a patient hearing, and, if
it was necessary, he would call upon every respectable inha-
bitant of the town to support him in preserving order. He
called upon Mr. Currie to move the first resolution.
Mr. W. W. CURRIE then stood forward .but for some
moments was unable to obtain a hearing, owing to the confu-
sion caused by parties endeavouring to obtain places. The
interference of the mayor, however, soon procured order.
Mr. Currie then proceeded to say, that he appeared before
them under different circumstances to those under which he
appeared the last time this subject was brought forward.
And he trusted that the excellent advice just given by the
mayor, which had not been attended to on that occasion as it
ought, would at least be observed this day. The circum-
stances of the question were, he was happy to say, somewhat
different to those four years ago. A very great and power-
ful change had taken place in the public mind in favour of
the settlement of this long agitated question. When they
perceived in the present session, that the most distinguished
leaders of that party who had hitherto opposed the bill,
when they saw that those men, distinguished for talent, in-
fluence, rank and power, had on this occasion given way,
and agreed it was time this question should be settled, he
could not help entertaining a strong hope that the opinion of
of that meeting likewise would be in accordance wfth those
sentiments. The requisition was addressed to the mayor to
call a meeting to consider the propriety of petitioning the
House of Commons to pass the bill. The bill had since,
however, passed the House of Commons with the largest
majority, numerically, which had ever been known upon this
question. This was the fourth time the Irish Municipal
Reform Bill had been before the House of Commons, and
there were for it—ayes, 192, noes 34. (Cheers and hisses.)
That bill had since been introduced into the House of Lords
read as a matter of form the first time, and it was to be read
a second time the 30th of this month. It could not have
escaped the recollection of those who took an interest in
public affairs, that this time last year Sir Robert Peel, when
called to take upon himself the administration of public
affairs, confessed that under the circumstances by which he
was surrounded he found Ireland the great point of diffi-
culties, and that which made him dread the future. He
(Mr. Currie) fancied that a failing of that kind had influenced
the Right Hon. Baronet, and induced him toexercise his in-
fluence over those who acted with him, and to that change
he must attribute what had occurred. The subject was
really one so obvious that lie should consider it almost
absurd to appeal to that meeting with arguments in favour
of the measure ; but he must be allowed to say that if those
persons who had hitherto opposed it were wise in their ge-
neration, their example with regard to the church for in-
stance should be followed : that if they were most anxious as
they professed to be for the property of the church in Ireland,
they should be the more strongly induced to remove any ob-
stacle to the advancement and spread of that church. But,
was the course now pursued, connectinc, the municipal cor-
porations bill with danger to the Church of Ireland, likely to
remove those obstacles, or advance the spread of protestant-
ism, and get rid of its enemies amongst the Roman Catho-
lics ? (Har.) He should think not. If the Roman Catho-
lics thought that their civil rights were opposed by the parties
who supported that establishment, it was impossible they
could view that establishment with a favourable eye. (Hear,
hear.) Then with regard to the corporations themselves. It
had been said by a very great authority, whose character was
enrolled in the pages of history already—he meant the Duke
of Wellington—(loud cheering)—that he was against them,
and would deprive them of the system of exclusion ; but that,
as he did not wish in doing away with that system of exclu-
sion in one party to give it to another, he would abolish the
Irish corporations altogether. (Cheers.) Was that fair?
(Cheers, and hisses.) 'Was it fair to say because we could
not approve of them to sweep them away altogether ? De-
cidedly not. But the meeting would observe religion was
not the point upon which corporation reform was based. It
had nothing to do with it. It was based upon those princi-
ples which had induced the legislature to pass the reform
bill for England and Scotland—(hear); but the circum-
stances that gave preponderance in favour of one party did
not alter the principle of justice, for all men duly qualified
by station, property, and character, had a right to share in
the management of the affairs of the community in which
they resided. (Cheers.) The principle was invariable,
although the circumstances might vary. It might so happen
that the preponderance might be on one side to-day, and a
few years hence in another. His opinion was this, that if
this question was settled, so far from being a source of strife
and discord amongst the people, we should have them di-
recting their energies to the improvement of their neigh-
bourhoods ; that we should find religion a matter not to
enter into the management of corporate affairs, but that that
duty must be left to the men, most qualified by their ability
and property, their station and respectability, and who has
been chosen for it. (Hear.) He must be allowed to say, '
and he spoke it with great respect, inasmuch as he saw a
member of that corporation present, that if there were any
one circumstance more than another which rendered it desi-
rable that this Irish municipal reform bill should pass it was
this, that it would utterly extinguish in its present form the
corporation of Dublin. (Cheers and hisses.)
Mr. SHEPHERD.—Three cheers for the Lord Mayor of
Dublin ! (The cheers were immediately given with great
effect, but mingled with a few hisses.)
Mr. CURRIE said the sentiment he had just expressed was
not one coming from him as a solitary individual—it was one
which had been admitted by the great conservative leader in
parliament ; for if they had read the newspapers they must
recal to mind three distinct occasions on which the conduct
of the corporation of Dublin had been treated in no very
ceremonious terms by the leaders of that party. (" Hear,"
from the whigs.) It might he said there was no necessity
for a change in the corporation of Dublin, because the law
since 1829 had placed all persons upon an equality, and en-
abled them to sit in that corporation. (Hear.) But what
was the fact? Whatever the spirit of that law might be, in
practice it had not been acted upon, for since that period
there had not been a single dissenter elected into the corpo-
ration of Dublin. Was it right that this should be so ? or
ought they to be surprised that men of as great wealth, and
in some instances of ten times greater than those who were
in, should feel annoyed at being excluded from that right ?
Certainly not ; and he could not conceive it possible that
anything like harmony could exist in Dublin, so long as this
festering sore was allowed to continue. (Hear, hear.) From
the corporation of Dublin had sprung all that intolerance,
violence, want of kindness, and want of humanity towards
their fellow-subjects, which must necessarily create a bad
feeling in their minds, and render it impossible that the
peace of Ireland could be permanently preserved. (Hear,
hear.) It was now time that these considerations should
be brought to weigh upon the minds of the House of Lords.
He hoped they would at length see that it was now necessary
to close the wound. Mr. Currie then went on to contend
that owing to the state of our foreign relations it was
necessary to have an united population at home ; and
to express a hope that the House of Lords would now
put an end to the question. If they desired peace and
happiness to reign in a distracted country, if they felt desi-
rous that its natural resources should be called out, if they
wished that the superabundance of capital which was

flowing to foreign countries should be attracted to Ireland,
if they desired to scatter peace and plenty over a smiling
land, he trusted they would feel that they resisted long
enough, and that the time was come when the measure ought
to pass. With that view he begged to move the first reso-
lution. (Cheers and hisses.)
Colonel WILLIAMS rose to second it. He spoke as fol-

lows—l am sorry to find that lam not quite so popular a
character in this meeting as the Lord Mayor of Dublin,
whose cheering I cannot make out. (Hear and laughter.)
I beg you will attend to the Mayor's injunction to be silent.
My name was read at the head of the requisition. lam not
an inhabitant of Liverpool, but I will tell you what I am. I

am brother to a great many of you in the Lack ground there,
I believe (hear, hear) I am a Liverpool freeman, gentlemen.
(Cheers.) lam one of the old freemen, gentlemen. (Con-
tinued cheering and laughter.) I belong to that virtuous
body of which you have present among you the most con-
spicuous representatives ! (Hear.) Well, gentlemen, are
not we of the old fraternity to call upon the legislature to ex-
tend the blessings which we enjoy to Ireland? And why
not ? What is the opinion of the illustrious Duke ? (Hear.)

The illustrious duke is a great man in his way—a capital
soldier, but as to his politics, I hold them very cheap.
(Cheers.)
Mr. SHEPHERD.—Three cheers for the Duke! (Nine
tremendous rounds of applause were the answer to this ap-

peal.)
The MAYOR, having found some difficulty in restoring si-
lence, pointed out the disadvantage and interruption created
by calling for cheers in the midst of an address. He put the
question whether they would allow it in future, and the meet-
ing decided by a show of hands that they would not.
Colonel WILLIAMS proceeded. Are you, he asked, pre-
pared to listen to any body but yourselves ? Nothing can
be so inconvenient as this cheering for one man and then

another. It is unworthy of a delibe-rate assembly, but I shall
say no more upon that point. Let it be recollected that this
is -a
great question—a question not to be frittered away by
trifling exclamations and cheering. The municipal system is
the system upon which all our freedom and all our wealth has
proceeded ; out of the corporations has arisen the liberty and
the wealth of England, and it is for that reason this country
has taken the lead of all the civilized world. Well; are we
not to grant the same blessing--are we to deny, to Ireland—
that miserable, ill-fated island, so unhappily placed in our
hands that she cannot stir unless we let her—are we, I ask,
to deny to that discontented country the means of raising
herself in wealth and civilization and freedom also? (Hear,
and cries of " No.") What is the resistance contemplated
to this measure ? I thought, at least, the opposition would
be confined to what is called in the houses of parliament
"in doors." (Hear, hear.) Who ever expected, before,
the people of England to resist the right and the prin-
ciple of representation ? (Hear.) It is the principle of local
representation we are contending for • and that representa-
tion, whether it exists scattered up and down in the island,
or is concentrated in St. Stephen's Chapel, has still the same
influence and the same consequences—to ensure to us our
liberty. Oh, it would be endless to enumerate the blessings
arising out of the system which we derived from our Saxon
ancestors ; and are we to prefer the Normans, who took our
estates from us, who laid four towns waste for the purpose
of making hunting grounds—are we to listen to those Nor-
mans, that refuse to give us the blessings we derived from
the Saxons? Having mentioned that, I will now call upon
you, when we have a Saxon Prince of some influence among
us, and who knows the blessings derived from his country,
to invite him to co-operate with us in extending the blessings
of freedom, which can only be done by the representative
system when in co-operation with the representative system
of the House of Commons. I will take up no more of your
time ; but be it understood, that if the House of Lords
should again reject this bill, it will be because we have not
enough of liberal men in the other house. (Cheers.) I se-
cond the motion.
Mr. NicnoLAs ROBINSON was one of those who, so far
from experiencing the satisfaction described in the motion at
the passing of the bill through the House of Commons, re-
gretted that it had done so—(hear, and some uproar)—for
his opinion was that if it became law, it would throw the
whole of municipal corporations of Ireland into the hands of
the Roman Catholics. (Cheers and hisses.) If there was
to be a petition at all to the House of Lords upon the sub-
ject, he should say, " let us petition the House of Lords to
throw it out." (Great uproar from the whigs.) As Mr.
Currie had very properly and truly said, it would change the
corporation of Dublin. (Hear.) Yes, it would make this
alteration, it would drive out the Protestants and put in the
Roman Catholics. (Cheers.) For this reason he should,
without any further observation, oppose the motion.