The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-06 00:00:00

U

Mr. PEACOCK moved the next resolution, and congratulated
the meeting upon their prospects of success. He had no he-
sitation in stating that, if the electors of South Cheshire ful-
filled the promises they had made, the conservative candidates
would be returned to parliament by a triumphant majority.
(Cheers.) Knowing as he did the character of the electors,
that when they made promises they were prepared to fulfil
them, he had no hesitation in saying that Sir P. Egerton and
Mr. Tollemache would be returned in the most triumphant
manner. He had canvassed the greater part of this division
with Mr. Tollemache, and found that wherever that gentle-
man went he had been received in the most enthusiastic
manner. Indeed, he could have scarcely conceived such an
alteration in the political opinions of the electors. He had
been asked why object to Mr. Wilbraham ? why not have one
reformer and one conservative? Now that would not do.
(Cheers.) Mr. Wilbraham had deceived them. (Hear.)
When he solicited their suffrages before, he said he should
go into the House of Commons as an independent man ; but
lie (Mr. Peacock) would appeal to the meeting to say whe-
ther the honourable gentleman had acted the part of an
independent man. (Cries of " no.") Had he not voted
with ministers on every measure proposed by them, whether
it struck at the foundations of the constitution, the integrity
of the church, or lowered the national dignity ? (Cheers,
and cries of " yes.") He had gone the whole hog with
them. (Hear, bear, hear.) , Was he the man, then, to re-
ceive the support of this constituency ? (Cries of " no.")
They did not oppose Mr. Wilbraham on light grounds. If
he had acted the part of an independent man, and had aban-
doned the so-called reform ministry when it was left by Lord
Stanley, Sir James Graham, the Earl of Ripon, and Sir
George Sinclair, they should have respected his character,
and have returned him again ; but he had chosen to go with
the ministry through thick and thin, therefore the electors
withdrew their confidence from him. (Hear, and cheers.)
For instance, on the subject of Prince Albert's allowance,
although our expenditure was exceeding our income, be
voted for the larger sum of £50,000 per annum, which the
whig administration proposed to give ; but Sir Philip Egerton
and his party said they would only give £30,000. Mr.
Wil-
braham voted for £50,000: now, in the situation the country
was placed in. was that a vote which would have been
n
by any honest, independent man? (Hear.) When thegi‘e
Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, finding his expenditure m
his receipts. and he began to mistify his accounts, I)e
Mr.r than
Ber-
ries brought forward a motion for returns which would ex-
hibit a bon ic fide state of those accounts. Every independent
man in th,l house voted with Mr. Berries : but Mr. Wilbra-
ham opposed the motion, thus concealing from thei public
the real state of on; finances. (Hear, hear, hear.) He
(Mr. Peacock) did not despair of seeing Mr. Wilbraham in
the house after all. (Hear.)friends might probably
have the satisfaction of seeing him Hishere under the fostering
patronage of Mr. Daniel O'Connell. (Hear, hear.) Indeed,
if Mr. O'Connell did not return him for one of his indepen-
dent boroughs in Ireland, he would prove himself one of the
most ungrateful of men ; for, in nineteen cases out of twenty
—aye, in ninety-nine out of every hundred—Mr. Wilbraham
had voted for Mr. Daniel O'Connell. (Hear, hear.) They
had all along expected that Mr. Wilbraham would not have
gone to the poll for South Cheshire, but that he would have
gone over to Ireland, where, for £l,OOO, £1,500, or •` say
£2,ooo"—(laughter)—he might be returned for some snug
place, which would be better for him, for here he would cer-
tainly be defeated. (Cheers.) Mr. Peacock concluded by
repeating his conviction, that, by zeal and energy a triumphant
victory would result, which would have the effect of prevent
ing a contest in this county for many years to come.
Mr. ROBIN seconded the resolution, which was unani-
mously carried.
Sir PHILIP EGERTON then rose to address the meeting,
and was received with tremendous enthusiasm. The hon.
baronet spoke nearly as follows :—You have already hears]
read by our worthy chairman a letter from Mr. Tollemache,
expressing his anxious wish to be present upon this occasion,
and assuring you that he would use every endeavour in his
power to be here this evening. (Hear.) In corroboration
of that letter I have to inform you, that Mr. Tollemache
left my roof this morning to fulfil his engagement with the
electors of Audlem, and reiterated to me last night, as well
as this morning, the same expressions, namely, that it was
his anxious desire, if he could possibly complete the canvass
of the district which he had assigned to this day, to come by
railway and be present on this occasion. I know those ex-
pressions were sincere ; I know no word Mr. Tollemache
ever uttered in his life was otherwise ; and therefore I call
upon you to believe that he is actually herein heart, although
not bodily. (Hear, hear, hear.) Fpr myself, gentlemen, I
must beg, in the first instance, to thank you for the very
flattering reception you have given to me this day. I must
also beg to thank those very able orators who have proposed
and seconded the resolutions which have been unanimously
carried by this meeting ; and I must further express my
deep gratitude for the contents of those resolutions. (Hear,
hear.) It was my anxious desire to have quitted the metro-
polis as soon as I ascertained that a dissolution of parliament
was at hand : but from certain proceedings that we saw upon
the part of her majesty's ministers, we were convinced that
their conduct was not sincere. (Hear.) We were assured,
that so soon as the conservative members should rush out of
London to call upon their constituents, that some dirty work
or other would be done—(hear)--and, therefore, a large
body of us determined to risk the censure of our constitu-
ents, rather than forfeit those interests which they had com-
mitted to our keeping. (Hear.) Gentlemen, what Was the
result? The pledge given by Lord John Russell, that no mea-
sure of importance should be brought before the House of
Commons, save and except the money votes for the public ser-
vice, had scarcely been uttered when a bill was brought forward
by which it was intended actually to create two new judge-
ships, and to establish two new courts, with all their subor-
dinate officers, just in order to place these valuable appoint-
ments in the hands of those very ministers who were then
under the ban of a resolution of the House of Commons,
declaring that they did not possess the confidence of that
house. (Hear.) We were resolved that so disgraceful a job
as this should not be perpretrated ; we resisted it to the ut-
most, and the house rejected the bill by a majority of 18.
(Great cheering.) This is the reason which delayed my ap-
pearing among you ; and this is the cause which kept me in
London when I should have been much more agreeably em-
ployed in calling upon you, and which 1 trust will form a
good and sufficient excuse for my Lardy appearance among
you. I am not about to trouble you with any detail upon
the various measures which have been brought before the
house, or of those very important discussions which have
taken place during the last session. (Hear.) More espe-
cially, I am not about to dilate upon the subjects 'more re-
cently placed before you—for this plain, simple, and satis-
factory reason, that they have nothing to do with the issue
between the contending parties throughout these realms.
(Hear, hear.) I have certainly followed the fashion, and in
issuing my address I have alluded to these matters. I have
expressed as concisely as possible the views I entertain upon
the corn-laws, and therefore I feel it is scarcely necessary
for me to enlarge upon them at this moment. I consider
these questions as set before the country as a stalking-horse
of the party ; I look upon them as mere clap traps designed
to deceive the unthinking ; I look upon them as so much
dust thrown in the eyes of the electors ; and therefore I
think it would be more profitable to direct our attention to
the condition of her majesty's ministers, who are now ap-
pearing before the tribunal of the country, than lose our time
in discussing mere isolated matters of commercial policy. I
may, however, shortly recapitulate what I have already put
forward in my address, namely, that upon the subject of the
corn-laws, I consider it, in a national point of view, of the
utmost importance that we should be able to supply our popu-
lation with food without being beggars upon foreign countries
—because occasions may arise that may cut off foreign supplies
—because we, at all times, may be dependent upon their
mercy—and because whatever price they may choose to de-
mand it is very certain we should not be long able to resist.
(Hear, hear.) The other point I have also insisted upon is
this, that the great object of all corn laws must be to protect
the producer, and to provide that, in years of scarcity, the
consumer shall not be liable to pay extravagant prices.
(Cheers.) With these views it is that I support the sliding
scale in preference to a fixed duty. (Hear, hear.) I think
if any one fact would prove the falsehood of the cry of mono-
poly which is raised against the agriculturists, it is this, that
in advocating a sliding scale they are the opponents of mo-
nopoly, because, when years of scarcity arrive, their protec-
tion ceases, foreign corn is brought into the markets, and
the lower orders are enabled to purchase it at a price cer-
tainly not ruinous. (Hear.) But the question of the coin
laws is totally and entirely distinct from the question of cheap
bread. (Hear.) When the question was brought before the
country, Mr. Mentz, the gentleman who represents the great
constituency—l hope he may never again—of Birmingham,
told her majesty's ministers, that the effect of the repeal of
the corn laws would be to the ruin of the agricultural inter-
est, and to throw poor land out of cultivation. (Hear, hear.)
What was the auswer to him ? That the impulse given to
foreign trade would be such, that the price of corn would rise
in foreign markets, and this would enable the English agri-
culturist to compete with the foreign grower. (Hear, hear.)
. Then here is a dilemma. What became of the cheap bread ?
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It is a dilemma from which
there is no possibility of finding an escape, and it proves
to me that the ministerial cry of cheap bread is got up
merely to throw dust into the eyes of the electors. (Cheers.)
The same is the case with regard to the cry of "cheap sugar.'
I have recorded my opinions upon that subject, by my vote
upon the motion of Lord Sandon ; and I say that ministers
had no intention of carrying that measure, as is proved by
these facts. Last year, when the price of "sugar was exorbi-
tant, and such as if it had continued so something must have
been done, a motion was brought forward for an alteration
of the duties, and her majesty's ministers opposed it. (Loud
cheers.) But now, when we had every prospect of a good
supply, when the West India proprietors are just beginning
to rise from that depression which they experienced upon the
first introduction of free labour, this is the period which is
chosen by the government to introduce a radical alteration in
our financial constitution. (Hear, hear.) I have heard, and
no doubt many of you have heard, that on the other side of
the Atlantic there is an animal called the stunk, which has
, theextraordinary faculty of tainting the atmospheric air, and
rendering it foetid and offensive to the sense. Now really I
can liken her majesty's ministers to nothing more appropri-
ate. (Cheers.) They have tainted and infected the political
atmosphere to such an extent that they are attempting to
hide themselves under their own filth. (Loud and continued
cheering.) It will not be necessary for me to dilate further
upon these questions of the corn laws and the sugar duties :
but I think it will not be lost time to consider what faith you
can place in the promises of her majesty's ministers. That
is the question : will you trust them ? (Loud cries of "no.")
What more sure proof that they themselves know you can-
not trust them than this—that they would not appeal to the
country upon the other side, but that they were obliged to
remain m power, in Lord Melbourne's own words, " until
they had thrown the apple of discord among the different
classes, and shook the social fabric to itsifoundations," and
having raised a tumult in the country, then dissolving in the
hope of gaining some support from the highly heated and
fevered imaginations of the constituency ! (Loud cheers.)
That is sufficient proof to me that they are perfectly cogni-
sant they have not with them the wishes of the constituency
of this country. (Renewed cheering.) But, let me ask,
what have they done for us ? They certainly carried the re-
form bill by the assistance of those parties in this country
who supported them upon the express condition that that
should be a final measure. (Cheers.) I make this assertion
readily, for every borough and county presents appearances
of relapsing into their former politics, and the re-action can
only be attributable to that. (Hear, hear.) I find that all
by whom the reform bill was carried believed filet the reform
bill was to be a final measure ; but when they found her Ma-
jesty's ministers the advocates of an extension of the fran-
chise, of household suffrage, and of a measure in Ireland
which amounts to universal suffrage, they saw
mitnwisasters no loand
n-
ger time for them to help her Majesty's i,
throughout the whole country, those who had the moral cou-
rage to do so, had relinquished her Majesty's ministers,
whom they had hitherto supported, and joined the ranks of
the conservatives. (Hear, hear, hear.) So much for their
reform. (Hear, hear, hear.) We were then told that they
were to be a most pacific government. Peace Was in their
mouth—peace is still in their mouth. (Hear, hear. We
have been at war in Syria, in Affghanistan ; war was threat-
ened with France; we have ssar impending, I may say, with
America ; and we are now at war with China. What is there
very pacific in this ? The pledge has been violated fifty times;
yet these are the ministers that appeal to as the most pacific
administration that ever held the reigns of office ! (Hear,
hear.) Then they are very proud of whig economy—they are
very proud of that ; but look at the state of our finances.
Look the expenditure. The return to which Mr. Peacock
has a
talluded, that for which Mr. Herries moved, was the first
means of enabling us to ascertain the real state of affairs :
we then ascertained that they had been falsifying their esti-
had been applying to the House of Coin-
mates—that they
mons for grants, with estimates which they knew were con-
siderablir below the amount of money which would be
hear.) We found worse. Sir Robert
expended. (Hear,
Peel, when he resigned office, left an excess of two millions
over the expenditure ; but the whigs have inverted the order
of things, or they
have obtained two millions of expendi-
f

tore over the revenue—(hear, hear)—and we find that this
has been accumulating for nearly four years, till we have
now a deficiency of about seven millions. (Hear.) But
that is not all, gentlemen. They say the public exigencies
required all this ; but they have reduced their own salaries.
A return which I had in my hand this morning, and which
I showed to Mr. Tollemache, and which much surprised him,
shows that they have actually increased their salaries by
£22,000 a-year ! (Hear, hear.) And to crown all, what do
you think of the Plunket job ? (Loud cheers.) What do
you think of a man who has long and ably discharged the
duties of the office—who told the bar in his retiring speech
that he was perfectly competent to discharge them ; that
nothing but the most urgent remonstrances from per.
sons whom he did not dare to refuse had induced him
to resign—being turned out of the office, in order to
put the attorney -general in his place, that he might
secure £4OOO a-year as the retiring pension ? The con-
stituency of the country cannot shut their eyes to these facts ;
they are stubborn facts, and will produce such an effect
when they become properly known, that I believe the whole
constituency will rise against her Majesty's ministers as one
man. (Hear.) I have thus endeavoured to show you that
the political questions of the day are not the real points you
have to decide upon ;. that you cannot believe the promises of
her Majesty's ministers ; I have endeavoured to show you
that you cannot place any confidence in their past career,
and I will now tell you the real point you have to decide
upon. (Hear, hear.) It is this—Shall her Majesty's mi-
nisters continue to administer the affairs of this country or
shall they not ? (Cheers.) That is the question you will
have to answer at the approaching election—that is the ques-
tion which has been already decided in a voice of thunder on
the other side of the Mersey—(cheers)—that is the question
which has been decided by the constituency of London, and
a hundred other places in various parts of the realm ; and
sure I am, when the day arrives Nvhich.shall give you an op-
portunity of expressing your opinions, you will coincide with
that resolution which was moved by Sir Robert Peel, and
carried by the House of Commons, that her Majesty's mi-
nisters have not your confidence, although they still continue
to hold the reins of office, and in so doing they have acted in
direct opposition to the spirit of the constitution of England.
The hon. baronet then warmly thanked the electors for their
cordial reception of him, and concluded, amidst loud cheers,
by moving a vote of thanks to the chairman.
Mr. CASE acknowledged the compliment, and reminded
the electors of their duties next week.
Three cheers were then given for the.conservative electors
of Liverpool, and the meeting separated.

NORTH CHESHIRE ELECTION.

A m lst numerous and influential meeting of freeholders
and w ner electors, of North Cheshire, was held on Friday

last, at Stockport, for the purpose of fo.rwarding the election
of Mr. Egerton and Mr. Legh. After the candidates had
addressed the meeting Mr. Heald, of Parr's Wood, a
wesleyan, delivered the following interesting speech, which
has had a wonderfnl effect upon the body to which he be-
longs. We insert it in the hope that it will have a favourable

tendency also in other quarter's :
Mr. HEALD, of Parr,s Wood, near Stockport, requested
permission to propose a question to the new candidate for
the representation of the Northern Division of the county of
Cheshire, which being granted, he put the following interro-
gatory. Is Mr. Legh upon principle the unqualified and
uncompromising friend of religious and civil liberty? Mr.
Heald farther remarked that he asked the question in this

general form, and before the body of electors now present
from various parts of the country, in order that Mr. Legh's
views and feelings might be publicly recorded in the recol-
lections of all who had then the opportunity of listening to
them, and by their instrumentality circulated throughout the
the entire division. After receiving Mr. Legh's assurance
upon this important point, Mr. Heald added, that he trusted
the chairman and the meeting would excuse his intrusion
upon their notice, as lie felt both the subject itself and the
present crisis too important not to attempt the removal, at
least as far as was practicable, of any and every obstacle to
the successful issue of the conservative canvass. (Hear.)
Mr. Legh would properly estimate his motive—it was not for
any personal satisfaction (which he Mr. H. required) for tkat,
he had received already in private, but that the attempts
which had been made in this division, to prejudice Mr Legh's
canvass, might be defeated by his own open and manly and
straight-forward declarations upon the subject. He put the
question as embracing the principle upon which the policy of
the Church of England, as well as the security of the rights
of the wesleyans, could with anything like perfect security
rest, and he preferred it too in that form, for the convenience
of a public meeting, rather than fetter and swamp it by
wordy explanation and detail. Mr. Legh had given him
prompt and satisfactory and public answer, and upon that as
the word of a man of honour and consistency he felt fully
satisfied to rest,—(hear, and applause)—and he would take
the liberty of adding, that it was the well-known principles
and simple and undisguised statements of them, on occasions
like the present, and not upon a profusion of promises, often
given and obtained to meet a particular purpose, that electors
must expect the only pledge worthy of them to receive, or a
candidate to bestow. I want no other assurance for my own
part (continued Mr. Heald) than what I have now received
from Mr. Legh, because under any similar circumstances, I
should disdain to add any thing where my simple and
upright testimony was for a moment doubted. Mr.
Heald proceeded, Having therefore now accomplished
the object for which I rose, will you excuse me, sir, if
I trouble you and the electors with one or two additional ob-
servations—l think it would not be " news" to many, if
any, of the gentlemen here present, were Ito say, that I am
a Wesleyan, and that while I believe no one can charge me
with an offensive intrusion of the particular sentiments and
views that I hold in such a relation, yet that I have never
shunned to appear at all proper times in my own character.
(Hear.) I make this allusion, now for the sake of such con-
servative Wesleyan electors as are present, or who form the
constituency of this division, in order to invite their valuable
co-operation in promoting the successful canvass of Mr.
'Patton Egerton, and Mr. Cornwall Legh. (Loud applause.)
The points upon which we agree are so many and important,
and those upon which we differ so comparatively limited and
unimportant, that it appears to me no consideration would
justify us withholding our cordial and unanimous support to
the Conservative cause, at this important juncture of our na-
tional affairs. (Hear and cheering.) Upon this view of the
case, I tell you, my brother electors, I am prepared to act,
and although it may be very little, yet to give it all the sup-
port in my power. I have seen my name placarded upon the
walls of this town very lately as a Tory, but the person who
described me as such, did not know his man—l neither am,
nor ever was a Tory, and happy am I to think, that the days
and doctrines of intolerance and exclusiveness are for ever
gone by, so far as consists in any advocacy of them in the
councils of the empire or application of them, to our own
civil and religious liberties. No, sir, I have never been seen or
heard as the mere partisan, but I will tell you, sir. and my
brother electors what I am, and that is, a thorough Con-
servative ! (Great applause.) Let us make what we have safe,
that is worth keeping, and then we are in a position, but not
until then, to administer the affairs of this great country with
a large and expansive liberality. These two views comprehend
the basis of my political creed, and no man in the queen's do-
minions, sir, would rejoice more than I should, to see our
civil and religious Institutions, cemented together as they
have been by the wisdom, and piety, and valour of our an-
cestors, graced by this high and enviable distinction. For
when we are safe, we can afford to be both tolerant and
generous. (Hear.) Apply these views to the National Es-
tablishment of this country, to the principle of which I am
as fixed and unalterable a friend, as any gentleman around
met, who is more immediately within its pale. (Hear, and
applause.) And, sir, lam satisfied that the establishment
can afford to cherish and inforce a liberal policy. She has a
strong hold upon the affections of the people of this country.
and it' true to her own principles and the elevated position
she occupies, and in which I for one always wish to see her,
she need not and will not fall by any hostile hand without.
I wish ever to remember:that her principles are not to he
judged of by the acts of individual members who violate
them, no more than those of any other section of the Chris-
tian hurch, and as a Wesleyan I feel bound to add, that
whatever may be her faults and failings, I should deprecate
it as the day of most evil omen to the best interests of this
country, either to see her foundations subverted, or the po-
sition she occupies as the established church of these realms,
transferred to any other section of the Christian church—
not even to my own, and much less to any of declared and
hostile principles. (Reiterated plaudits.) Let her toleration
be ample, her institutions be made efficient, and let faith-
fulness to her calling and influence characterise her—
and she will become a more extensive blessing than I can
describe. But, sir, I am induced to offer these hasty re-
marks to you and my brother electors from another consi-
deratton, and that is, a desire to see the administration of
our public affairs transferred from the present occupants of
office and power to other and more able hands. (Hear.)
I feel this to be a most important crisis in our history, and
perhaps as much, if not more ominous of its coming weal
or woe than any other we have known. (Hear.) I have
been taught from my youth up " to honour the powers
that be, knowing that they are ordained of God," and that it
is the duty of all good and loyal subjects to refrain " from
speaking evil of dignities," and I have endeavoured to pur-
sue this course. But the time is come when it appears to
me that forbearance would be a sin ; for, so to speak, our
gracious Sovereign has placed her ministers and their general
policy, as
country,
nasthe measures which now more particularly
agitate
theyh,etbheefor roerunso,
notthat we
b
weeliemvaeythheamvefittheany
oppor-
tunity of saying w
lon-
ger to be entrusted with the management of our affairs
—(hear, hear) ;—and, therefore, if my views are at all in
sunisoneak o
wuit. I regard th
with yours,
we shouldpr present
ebnetadministration,
untrue to
to
pas
the most imbecile, inconsistent, vacillating, and he
therefore
dangerous one that has held place or pension in this country
for a long period of time, and I hope to see them supplanted
by one which shall be experienced and wise, united, and
therefore powerful, representing all interests worthy of re-
presentation, and governing the country by principles con-
servative, simple, steady, and liberal. (Hear and long con-
tinued applause.) For, sir, no government can be respected
or respectable that is not powerful, and power placed in abey-
ance will either degenerate into tyranny on the one hand, or
issue in rebellion on the other. And what is the secret of the
present government's powerlessness ? From that desire for
change which has come over our country to an alarming ex-
tent, and their readiness to meet every fresh turn and form un-
der which, and as soon as it is presented. And, sir, is not this
sufficient to account for a great portion of the embarrassment
under which we labour ? Property is unsettled and therefore
insecure, and uninfluential—political strife and animosity
take the place of the kind and social intercourse that ought
to bind society together—the charities of private and domes-
tic, as well as public life, are in danger of being dried up at
their very fountain head—the dependent and employed are
ready to conclude, if not actually taught, that the middle and
higher classes enjoy all their distinctions at their cost, and to
their deprivation. (Hear, hear.) Such a state of things is
deeply to be deplored, and whatever other remedies may be
applied, one appears to me indispensable, that of a powerful
and patriotic Government. Such a one I believe the conser-
vative party alone can furnish, (hear, hear,) and my hope and
ardent wish is, that the result of the present elections may
induce and justify her most gracious Majesty to summon to
the council of the nation men that are able and willing to
serve her and the country, and with whom the honour of the
Crown and the interests of all classes of society will be safe.
Then, and not till then, shall the vessel of the State, piloted
by a skilful helmsman, and manned by a good and patriotic
crew, be conducted once more into peaceful waters, and
under the blessing of a gracious Providence, prosperity again
return to our shores.
The meeting here gave three times three for Mr, Heald's
noble address, and separated.

We are glad to hear that honest Northumberland is about
to do its duty, and, after long forbearance, to achieve its in-
dependence by the overthrow 2f a cast-off member of the
Melbourne administration. The former constitutional repre-
sentative, Lord Ossulston, and Mr. Baker Cresswell, (a
brother of our excellent representative,) are the chosen in•
struments of the noble undertaking.
14raEsisNTATioN OF NORTH CHESHIRE.—The various
districts in North Cheshire are being visited by the respected
candidates for the suffrages of the electors. Wm. Tatton
Egerton and George Cornwall Legh, Esquires, are m the
field on the conservative side ; •and the Hon. E. J. Stanley,
her Majesty's paymaster of the forces, is endeavouring to
obtain a renewal of the confidence of the freeholders. But
his return for this part of the county is now very question-
able. A numerous and influential meeting of the freeholders
from this and the adjoining townships took place at the
National School, Stockport, on Friday afternoon, Joshua
Bruckshaw, Esq., in the chair, when the conservative candi-
dates addressed them. The recent accession of the Wes-
leyans to the conservatives has gken an interesting impetus
to the electoral exclusion Mr. Stanley. Thtelection is fixed
for Thursday and Friday next.

REPRESENTATION OF