The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-02-23 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE

Another packet from the West Indies has brought
files of papers from Jamaica to the .20th of January,
Demerara to-the 11th of January, and Trinidad to the
12th of January. From Barbadoes the papers are not
of so late a date as those receive'd by the private vessel
which sailed on the 14th of January, and were noticed
previously.

- The municipal elections were engrossing attention at
Jamaica, and were sharply contested. Labour was
more plentiful and cheaper. Accounts from Cartha7
gena, contained in the Jamaica papers, alluding to the
disturbed state of that place, state that the British con-
sul had said that for the protection of British interests
it was necessary there should be vessels of war both
there and at Santa Martha. Business is described as
being at a stand.
The Demerara papers are filled with the proceedings
of the Court of Policy, which had resumed its session
under the superintendence of Sir H. M`Leod, who had
been called in to settle the differences existing between
the colonists and their governor, Mr. Light. These,
as is well known, principally hinged on the civil list,
which was greatly increased, to the annoyance of the
inhabitants of the colony, who refused in consequence
to grant supplies. Through the intercession of Sir H.
M‘Leod, a civil list to last for seven years, had been
passed, supplies had been conceded in addition to a
tax on British imports, to range between 1 and 21- per
cent., as well. as a discriminating duty on foreign im-
ports of 2/ per cent., and incidental colonial duties. to
be co-existent with the duration of the civil list. The
ways and means of 1841 had yet to be provided for,
besides two ordinances relative to immigration, one of
which was to authorise a public loan for immigration
purposes, but it would not be promulgated until it had
obtained her Majesty's assent, and until these measures
were passed Sir H. M`Leod would not retire to his own
seat of government—Trinidad.

JOURNAL OF THE MONEY

MARKET

FRIDAY EVENING.—The English stocks have been gene-
rally firm, although few bargains were made in them. Con-
sols for money were finally quoted 88k, and for the account,
88i to ; 3 per Cents. Reduced, 89 ; 31 per Cents. Reduced,
97i; Long Annuities (expiring Jan. 5, 1860), 13 1-16; Ditto
30 years (expiring Oct. 10, 1859), 12i; and Ditto 30 years
(expiring Jan. 5, 1860), 14. Bank Stock left off 16-1 to 166;
India Stock, 247 to 249 ; and Exchequer bills, 4s. to 6s. pre-

rnium. The foreign securities, with few exceptions, are ra-
ther flatter. Spanish Actives closed 23¢ to i; Colombian,
22 Ito I; Mexican, 274 to 28 ; Portuguese 5 per Cents., 314-
to ; Ditto, 3 per Cents., k 9- to i ; Dutch 2 per Cents., 50;
to ; Ditto 5 per Cents., 99 to 3 ; and Danish, 77 to 81.

" IT'S ALL ROUND MY HAT."—'The following is a copy
of an advertisement which appeared in the last Nottingham
Review :—" A gentleman, aged 27, of good family, who has
a most comfortable home, and an income derived from busi-
ness of £l,OOO annually, and which does not confine him
much at home, is desirous of forming an engagement with
some lady about his own age. She must be good-looking,
amiable, and accomplished, apd possessed of at least £3,000,
which may be settled upon her. Any lady who answers this
advertisement, may rest assured the strictest secrecy will be
observed."

GREAT WONDER IN A LITTLE TIIING.—What a won-
derful thing a seed is ! How wonderful that an acorn should
contain within it a little plant capable of growing up into an
enormous oak which will produce other acorns, capable of
growing up into other oaks, and so on for ever And yet
there are seeds, and one hundredth part as big as an acorn,
which produce trees, almost, if not quite as large as the oak.
Or think of a grain of wheat ; it would be just as useful for
food, if it contained-nothing but a little flour mixed with a
little bran. In fact when it is ground there is nothing else
to be seen ; hilt besides these, it contains a little plant, too
small to be made out by common sight. When one of these
grains of seeds is put into moist earth, it begins, to suck in
water, which softens it and makes it swell. The little plant
inside begins to grow, and in a few days a small delicate root
peeps out from •one end of the seed. The seed is probably
lying on its side, or probably with its root uppermost ; but
the little root, whether it comes out of the top or the bottom
of the seed, immediately turns downward, and grows in that
direction. Soon after a little white shoot comes out of the
other end, which turns upwards and becomes green as soon
•Lnd light ; and thus we have a little plant.
seed spoils and decays—or, as St. Paul
ne hour changes into a kind of guminy,sugar,
.-.;n is sucked up by the plant as its first nourishment ; and
the husk shrivels and rots ; while the plant, grown up, be-
comes ten thousand times as large as the seed, and at last
produces many other seeds, jusst as wonderful as that from
which it grew. In all the work,
of man there. is nothing like
this. A watch is a remarkable invention and a man would
be set down as mad who should think it eould be made by.
chance : but how much more wonderful would a watch be if
it could make other watches like itself ; yet a seed dues
this and every corn field in harvest time contains millions
of seeds, each of which is far more wonderful than the best
watch. The reason is that men make watches, but 0d
makes seeds. It is true that the skill by which men make
watches ceinles from God, and should be acknowledged as
his gift ; but_the -more wonderful skill by which a seed is
made he keeps his own hands that we may know we have
a Maker and Master in heaven,
and may serve hint with re-
verence and godly"fear.

calls it,

eantinie, th

Ely. Zibtrpoot &tanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 23, 1841

The organs of American opinion in the States assure
us, without circumlocution, that neither the Caroline,
nor the boundary, nor any other question in which we
happen to be involved with them at present, is likely
to be settled soon, or settled at all, without an arbitra-
ment of the last resort. Now, though we are bound
to make great allowance for the thrasonic style of men
—no great well-wishers of ours at any time—writing
at the moment under the supposition that they had
caught us at a disadvantage, and high in hope of being
able to turn our embarrassments to their own profit—
yet, in a country where every " free and enlightened
citizen" supposes himself as good a statesman as the
President, and the aggregate mass as omnipotent, these
scintillations of the general mind are not undeserving
of notice.

It has not escaped observation that Mr. 111`Cleod
was arrested on the 12th of November, just when the
last intelligence must have been received that M. Thiers
was in full power, and driving on the war system to
the last extremity; and it is a matter of fair speculation
whether that unprecedented and treacherous capture
would ever have been made or thought of, but for the
conjectures to which the then latest news from Europe
gave rise. But when, we may add, have the States
lost an opportunity of endeavouring to improve their
affairs at our expense, when fortune seemed to throw
facilities in their way ? The traitor party within our
Canadian territory have long enjoyed their kindest and
most encouraging regards; and, under the name of
" sympathisers," we know to what lengths they have
gone in imparting an impression of the tenderness of
their fraternisation. With our difficulties the thermo-
meter of American anti-. Anglicanism invariably rises,
and it is easy to suppose how the mercury must have
got up with the news of our Indian, Chinese, Eastern,
and, consequent, Gallican complications. These were
intelligence that seemed to whisper in the ear of the
" citizens" that now was the time to add new border
and boundary questions to the old, to aggravate their
voice, and press onward with demands that had here-
tofore been scarcely mentionable. Such are the neigh-
bours that we possess on the frontier of our colonies
in North America—neighbours whom we can reckon
upon as friends only so long as they are compelled, by
a proper respect for the power of others to restrain
their un-neighbourly propensities, and neighbours with
whom it is evidently desirable to have as few pending
negotiations or controversies as possible. From our
recent experience of their willingness to wound—their
perfect alacrity to take us in the rear when it is their
calculation that we are fully engaged in front—it has
come in a practical and impressive shape to us, that
now would just be the time to insist on a complete and
final settlement of whatever questions we may have
with them. If the boundary question is ever to be
settled—settled in any way—by negotiation, or by the
last alternative—this is just the time for bringing it to
a conclusion. This is really the practical, common-
sense lesson that our late instruction in Americanisms
should have taught us. Whatever rights we have to
claim, or maintain, we repeat, that we may as well
make good their establishment and possession at this
very time. Delays are, proverbially, dangerous, and
may meet us again,in this case as well as others, only
in a worse condition for resisting presumptuous de-
mands, or the maintenance of rightful acquisitions.

To pass, however, from these broad and observable
eventuations of fact, to speculations less potent, but
scarcely less interesting—let us inquire upon what
principle we are to account for that rancorous animo-
sity so manifest in the spirit of our kinsmen of the
states—an unhappy and, we must add, unnatural dis-
position towards this country, which seems only li-
mited by its capacity, and not by its inclination, to do

mischief? To answer this question satisfactorily, we
should ask how we account for unsatisfied desires and
restless ambition in individuals, who, if regarded in
connection with outward circumstances, seem to have
no sort of justification for tormenting either themselves
or others with wants which spring only from an un-
restrained imagination, or the wanderings of a lawless
cupidity. A nation is but a multitude of individuals,
and we may apply the same rules in forming our esti-
mate of the one which we do in judging the other.
As it is with individuals, so is it with nations.
Now war is a dreadful evil, and a war wantonly and
unjustly commenced is a national crime of the deepest
dye. Are the United States of America ignorant of
these positions, or, knowing them, do they not confess
their truth ? What interest of theirs would it serve,
or rather, which of their interests would it not be most
injurious to ? We hear every day that the world has
grown more enlightened, more intellectual—and on all
sides, war is, (speculatively at least) repudiated as a
barbarian ; and yet the vastly, the pre-eminently en-
lightened citizens of the American States, lagging woe-
fully behind on this point, talk lightly of engaging in a
war with England, make sport of its prospective hor-
rors—of the suffering and woe, the waste and carnage
that must follow in its train—and all this upon no bet-
ter ground, and for no better cause, or causes, than
those which they are now able to allege. In the case
of an individual, we would attribute conduct that might
be deemed analogous, to the obvious truth that such
an individual was not under the guidance of principles
that we could recognise as either pure, or efficacious;
and we draw the same conclusion of a State, more par-
ticularly when that State acknowledges no religious
principle to which we can refer as the standard of its
actions. The Americans talk of their governing ma-
chinery as the " model" republic ; but the nations of
the earth, it is to be hoped, will desire to see a little
more of its performance before they take it as an ex-
ample for imitation. It is a boast of their "model'
that it possesses neither King nor Church; but they
should not omit to tell us that it has in their place
Lynch law, slavery, and fanaticism in abundance. As
to the rest, we can judge for ourselves, An Esta-
blished 'Church, we conceive, would have been no bad
security for the better faith, and honest dealing, in ge-
neral, of the Americans, and we even suspect that they
will yet find its absence the sorest loss of all, because
that of all others the most difficult, if not absolutely
impossible to be hereafter supplied. As to a King—
they may easily convert their President into one when-
ever they please—and, perhaps, to prevent a " repeal"
of some of their " unions"—and a dismemberment of
the confederation, they may find it necessary to do so
at no distant day.

There appear to be others who, like her Majesty's
Attorney-General, consider the practice of duelling
necessary " to maintain a man's reputation as an
officer and a gentleman." In a metropolitan contem-
porary of Friday, we find the following :

" DUEL.—Yesterday a hostile meeting took place between
Colonel Patterson, of the East India service, and Robert
Mark Marsden, Esq., of Park-lodge, Regent's-park. The
parties met in a field at the back of the Eyre Arms Tavern,
at day-break, and exchanged shots without effect. The se-
conds then interfered, and endeavoured to reconcile the
gentlemen ; but not succeeding, the parties were again placed
on the ground. At the second fire the ball front Mr. Mars-
den's pistol took effect on the right wrist of the gallant Co-
lonel, which was severely shattered. The affair then termi-
nated."

We cannot wonder at such results as these if the
doctrines laid down by the chief law-officer of the
crown are practically established. The speech of that
functionary is perhaps one of the most disgraceful
effusions which ever fell from the lips of any man in a
similar position—characterised from first to last by the
most abject truckling to vicious custom, and the most
reckless disregard of all moral and religious principle._
The majesty of the law is throughout made subservient
to the distempered and diseased practice of society. A
crime which the legislature, of which that very Attor-
ney-General forms a leading member, but three short
years ago made penal, and defined to be murder, in all
but its successful completion, is declared to be attended
with no moral turpitude, the accused, in committing
that crime, having only complied with what is deemed
necessary by the usages of •societyl The only object
of Lord Cardigan, we are told, in wantonly breaking
the law and risking his own life and that of his oppo-
nent,. was to maintain his reputation as an officer and
a gentleman ; and under these circumstances it would
have been considered, if death had ensued, A GREAT
CALAMITY, AND NOT A GREAT CRIME !

When sentiments such as these are found issuing
from the lips of the government prosecutor, and when,
in addition, the whole of his address in laying down
the abstract law of the case is couched in a strain of
apology for the crime which that law is designed to
check, it is scarcely too much to suppose that the law-
officer who professes such tenderness with respect to
the degree of "moral turpitude" which attaches to the
prisoner, would willingly lessen the degree of danger
which at the same time attaches to him. Let the At-
torney-General say what he will, a crime is not divested
of its inherent moral turpitude by the frequency or
impunity with which it is committed ; nor does crime
cease to be crime, when the criminal is countenanced
by the usages of society.
Another just cause of complaint against the law-
officers of the crown is the egregious bungling which
has been manifested in proving the technical require-
ments of the law. As we have said already, the pri-
soner's counsel was justified in availing himself of the
point of law which was raised on the trial, but the
break-down on the part of the government prosecutor
would disgrace any common country :Atorney's clerk
of two years' standing; and yet Sir John Campbell is
her Majesty's Attorney-General !
The following letter on this part of the subject ap-
peared in the Times of Saturday :

" Sir,—The Attorney-General, in his opening speech upon
the trial of the Earl of Cardigan, alleged as a reason for the
non-attendance of Captain Tuckett, that certain ulterior pro-
ceedings might still be taken against him ;—meaning, I sup-
pose, that it would be fruitless to have attempted to make
him a witness, by which course he must have criminated
himself.

" Did it really escape this learned functionary's penetration,
that if Captain Tuckett's attendance had been enforced, the
case against the Earl of Cardigan would have been made out
without examining Captain Tuckett at all? The witness
Dann would have proved him to have been the person fired
at. The witness who deposed to his name would have tes-
tified to its being rightly laid in the indictment.

" As the Attorney-General did not suggest that Captain
Tuckat's attendance could not be procured, must the pub-
lic consider this as an intentional oversight on the part of the
officers of the crown, or a blunder of a piece with that of
Monmouth, into which the lowest Old Bailey practitioner
would not have fallen ?"

Coupling this feat of Sir John Campbell with ano-
ther similar one (which, however, was not quite suc-
cessful) in the case of John Frost, the public are a
little inclined to think that that great legal functionary
exercises quite as much jesuitry as legal acumen in the
discharge of his public duties as her Majesty's chief
law-adviser. It was undoubtedly an object to save the
life of the Newport draper, the " old correspondent"
of Lord John Russell ; the only object of allowing
James Thomas Earl of Cardigan to slip through the
meshes of the judicial net was to raise an outcry against
" his order"; and both schemes have alike signally
failed.

It is not surprising that in Liverpool, in whose popu-
lation there is so large an admixture of strangers, the
pro-popery Irish should be numerous enough to form
a party, and that they should even venture to exhibit
in one of our public squares, when there is an object
so interesting to them at stake, as the passing of Lord
Morpeth's registration bill; but it is really lamentable
to perceive Englishmen who call themselves Protes-
tants, and members of 01(1 England's national church,
mixing themselves up with their proceedings, and
giving them all the support in their power—sts true is
it, that party, like misery, makes strange bed-fellows.
These English gentlemen, unfortunately, allow them-
selves to be called Liberals, and under that title receive
compliments and flattery very soothing perhaps to their
vanity, and persuasive to a mistaken ambition, but not
at all evidential of the correctness of their perception,
or the soundness of their principles. There is but one
excuse to be made for such conduct, which would be
otherwise criminal in the highest degree, and that is,
that the parties really do not know what they are about;
The adoption of the Clayton-square petition by a
few Protestants of Liverpool is just a proof of the
lengths; to which men may be led when once they de.

viate from the straight line of consistency. That short
hut precious composition, which now lays before us,
is just, in our mind, one unbroken tissue of false as-
sumptions and misrepresentations, and so little scru-
pulous as to facts or truth, that no man, with a mind
unclouded by Popish delusion, who paused for a mo-
ment to consider its several clauses, could, as a Pro-
testant, conscientiously put his name to it ; or if, with
a full knowledge of the consequences, he did so,—why
then we have no doubt the same individual would to-
morrow put his name to a petition praying that Popery
might be made the established church of Ireland, and
restored as soon as possible in England.
True, the question is only about a registration bill,
and a £5 franchise, in name ; but consequentially, and
in substance, and in its most important aspect, it is
a question turning upon the vital point of Popery
against Protestantism. The Liberals complain that
Conservatives are too fond of treating Irish questions
as if they all involved, and were quite inseparable from,
the interests of religion ; and they have reason, for the
procedure must be highly incovenient to them. Leave
out the part of Hamlet, and doubtless they would get
through the play to admiration. Say nothing about
Popery and the priests, and, to a certainty, they must
appear irresistible orators either in Clayton-square or
the Town-hall. Let us apply the principle to the peti-
tion which last week received such numerous signatures
by anticipation from all the sweepings of our cellars,
quays, ships, and docks,—from the lame, blind, and
halt, the very old, and the very young, and as many
as were willing, whether they could or could not write.
The petition asserts that the provisions of Lord Mor-
peth's bill are " calculated, in the opinion of the peti-
tioners, to give a sound constituency to Ireland." But
what is a " sound" constituency in their apprehension
of the term ? Are we to make no inquiry as to the
religion of the new constituency, or the vast accession
of power which Popery would derive from the enfran-
chisement of this new race of electors—the £5 house-
holders ? Oh, not a word upon that subject, say the
gentlemen of Clayton-square; there you become illibe-
ral ; we never trouble ourselves upon that point at all.
JITe mean sound and secular principles only. But even
there, good Sirs, you are most grossly mistaken. Only
think of the secular independence of " Michael Cas-
sidy"—with his £5 domicile cut out of the turf bog—
rated, indeed, but paying no rates whatever to the poor,
the parson, or any body else—a character so admirably
and so truly described by Mr. M‘Neile, with his usual
felicity of illustration, in his speech at the Amphitheatre
on Friday. Michael Cassidy may stand as the repre.:
sentative of the family ; and we ask, can there be a
more rank or heedless assertion, than to say that the
taking into the electoral body of a multitude of that
class would be to convert the whole into a " sound
coustituency ?" Why, apart from all religious con-
siderations, and viewed merely and purely as a temporal
and political concern, there never was anything more
absurd and monstrous than to say that a provision of
this sort would impart soundness to the constituency of
Ireland.
But we cannot consent to exclude the other view of
the matter for the accommodation merely of Liberals.
We should like to know, if a £lO qualification be not
high enough to exclude the serviles of the priesthood,
how the letting down of the standard to a £5 rating
will he likely to mend the matter. Why, the conse-
quence of so altering the franchise would just be, to put
the returns of every popish town and county in Ire-
land into the hands of the Popish priests—to overbear
the Protestant gentry and electors so completely that
nowhere would their voices be heard or their influence
be felt ; and that the power of the worst enemies of
our church and institutions would be most seriously
augmented within the very citadel of the constitution.
But what care the Liberals of Clayton-square for all
this ? They declare their utter ignorance or indifference
on the subject in the following terms. The penultimate
paragraph of their petition stands thus :

" That as the law now exists it is obvious that the people
of Ireland have not a sufficiently extensive right of voting at
elections, and that it is dangerous as well as unjust to with-
hold from the Irish people rights which they ought to enjoy
in common with ourselves. We know no good reason why
the representation of Ireland should not be as extensive in
all respects as our own."

There is a jumble in this paragraph which would very
much remind us of an "Irish stew," but that the stew
is a good.dish, and we cannot say, so:much-for this li-
terary composition. We are told that it is unjust to
withhold from the Irish—" rights which they ought to
enjoy in common with ourselves ;" but as we have no
£5 household franchise, how can it be unjust to with-
hold from the Irish rights that we do not possess our-
selves ? Is it not rather unjust to ask us to concede to
them rights That we do not claim—rights that we are
satisfied to dispense with on our own part ? But
worse again, it is sought to dragoon us into this con-
cession. It is " dangerous" as well as unjust—say
these petitioners, to refuse the boon enveloped in Lord
Morpeth's bill. Now we will leave it to any jury com-
posed equally of English and Irish, and a proportion
of Scotchmen—if this be not what is vulgarly called
bullying ? But let the gentlemen of Clayton-square
compose themselves. Their sense of the " dangerous',
we cannot agree to adopt exactly as ours ; and sure
we are, that neither will the people of England allow
it currency as theirs. In a word, we venture to assure
them that if they have nothing better than bullying to
rely upon, it won't do.

But again, we are told in this most ridiculous hash-
up petition, and in this very identical most curiously
peppered and mixed of all 'paragraphs, that the people
of Ireland have not " a sufficiently extensive right of
voting at elections." Sufficiently extensive—for what
purpose ?we should be glad to know. If they mean
not sufficiently extensive to overbear us altogether—
not sufficiently extensive to satisfy the Popish priest-
hood—we grant it may be so ; but for every other pur-
pose we say that it is quite sufficiently extensive, and
perhaps with the latitude allowed for polling dead men,
and other trifling advantages enjoyed under the exist-
ing registration system, a little too much so.
But we come at length to a close with this gem of
petition,—a splinter, we doubt not, in some way from
the first "gem of the sea" itself—and this nonpareil
of paragraphs :—" We know no good reason," say the
Irishmen, "why the representation of Ireland should not
be extensive in all respects as our own." And being
thus ignorant, they certainly come forward with consi-
derable advantage to petition stoutly in favour of Lord
Morpeth's bill..

It is quite manifest that the petition is the concoc-
tion of Papists; the last sentence we have quoted,
clearly proves it; but we end as we began by once
more expressing our sense of shame and,grief at Eng-
lish Protestants attaching their signatures to such an
instrument, and forwarding the designs of a party who
avow that the dismemberment of the empire is their
ultimate object, and who, in- the-meantime, threaten us
with a rebellion if they arc not placed, not on a footing
of equality with, but of decided superiority over their
Protestant fellow-subjects.

The Radicals had a turn-out yesterday in Clayton-
square, and so shy an affair we have not seen attempted
for some time in Liverpool. What 'need they had to
expose their delicate persons to the cold air in this still
wintry season—(and many of these poor Radicals are
pthisicky fellows, with most weak hams, and church-
yard coughs)—what need they had, we say, of the
square, when a small tavern room could have easily
accommodated the whole company, we really cannot
imagine, unless they wished to give further proof to
the whole world, (what for our part we should have
freely granted without), that in Liverpool they compose
but a very small and select few, There might have
been in the nook where the assembled audience looked
up at the orators on the balcony—somewhere about
300 persons—not more than we have often seen col-
lected to witness the amusing performances of Punch
and Judy; but of these we venture to say, that not
even one-half were Radicals, but good Conservatives
who came to laugh at old Williams and Rathbone
squeaking, and screaming like a frog with a quinsey,—
and view the contortions, generally, of all the talents'
in the shape of Radicalism that Liverpool can boast of.
The failure yesterday was altogether pitiable. The
square gave back the hoarse voices of the orators with
a hollow sound, (for it was almost empty), that must
have appalled them. The very cheers were dolorous.
But worst of all was the oratory, Each man stood up
to speak of the bill; but 10, and behold, of nothing
could he think or speak but the Rev. Hugh M'Neile
Alas, alas, the spear of Ithuriel seemed to have passed
through and through every one of them, and to have
so wounded them in some vital part, that instead of

oratorising to excite and animate the mind of their fel•
lows, they did nothing but howl and abuse to ease the
pangs of their own.

And he these our gidnts—the "giants of Clayton-
square ?" Henceforth rather let us call them pigmies,
denizens of Lilliput, anthropophagi, or any thing at all
but "giants"—to which they have forfeited all right
and title whatsoever.
There is no man who knows better how to estimate
the contemptible slanders, the spleen, spite, and slaver
of the Dnlys and others of the spare than the Rev.
Hugh M`Neile, and therefore we do not feel the slight-
est apprehension that such despicable means will turn
him from his course, or deprive our cause of his ines-
timable services. Such unanimity in yelping is a
proof of the power that has produced it—and for the
rest, the censure of some men, all the world allows, is
the highest praise. But we gladly avail ourselves of
this opportunity to declare that all that is respectable,
intelligent, and truly estimable in Liverpool, are proud
of the gifted, the eloquent, the pious, and the fearlessly
zealous Minister of St. Jude's, and regard the day as
fortunate in which he was induced to become a resi-
dent.

The attacks of such orators and such politicians
as we have heard yesterday in the balcony corner, will
pass by Mr. MeNeile as the idle wind. The storm
that rives the lesser trees of the forest, but consolidates
and roots more firmly the noble oak. This we know ;
but at the same time we would not have others think
so lightly of the matter. To be thus used—is in fact
to be prosecuted, and to suffer in a good cause ; and
the more vilely a good man is thus treated, the more
he is entitled to the sympathies, and the more he should
be endeared to the feelings and affections of all the
good. The Conservatives of Liverpool will make it
appear, we trust, that the foul tongues of the quadrate
Radicals have produced no effect upon their mind, ex-
cept to make them estimate and appreciate more
highly than ever the uncompromising character, and
the admirable services rendered to the cause of truth,
both religious and political, and of genuine Christian
benevolence by the Rev. thigh M!Neile.