The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-13 00:00:00

eil cheer

,
. ~. ,
The representatives of the people of this great empire, how-
ever, were not to be cajoled by proceedings of this description.
They considered that it would be highly prejudical to the
best interests of the country to suffer her majesty's ministers

circumstances, so they
f confidence, which

to retain their position under thes
brought forward the question of a vote
was carried triumphantly in the House of Commons

It was upon that question „and consequent upon

, . .
sugar duties. (Hear.) If we refer to a short' period of the
history of this administration I think it will leave no doubt
whatever upon the minds of those I am addressing that the
position of ministers in the present [late] parliament has not
been in consequence of any recent measures, but in conse-

quence of their policy for some time bac
._sear.) 1 snatt
not follow the example set by the Paymaster of the Forces,
the ex-member for North Cheshire,—(loud cheers)—who, in
his speech at Knutsford, in justification of the administration

,v of wh

to identify the policy of the present administration with the
policy of Lord Grey. (Hear, hear.) I stall not think it
necessary to revert to the policy of Lord Grey, for this plain
and simple reason, that the politics proposed by her majesty's
ministers are diametrically opposite to those professed by
Lord Grey. (Great cheers.) Where are those distinguished
men, the Duke of Richmond, Lord Stanley, Sir J. Graham,
and (Some hisses from the radicals drowned the close of
the interrogation.) Where are those men, I ask, who were
at once the ornament and the essence of Lord Grey's ad-
They are arrayed among the opponents of the

ministration

present administration ! (LOud cheers.) Where are the
gentlemen of property and influence, where are the yeomanry
of the country ? (Renewed cheers.) Where are all those parties
to whose instrumentality the passing of the Reform Bill was
mainly owing, and who supported it only under a distinct
and positive pledge that it was to be the final settlement of
that great question? Where are they? (Hear, hear, hear.)
tie
They are falling off from the ranks of he ajesty's ministers
like leaves in autumn,—they are leavin em as a blackened
and leafless tree to be pointed at wi • scorn and derision.
(Tremendous cheers.) This is a sufficient reason to me why
Mr. Stanley should go into a discussion of Lord Grey's
policy; and it is also a sufficient reason to me to abstain from
such a course. (Loud cheers.) I shall merely allude to
the session of 1539, for I think the point from which
we must start in this consideration, is the attempt upon
the part of her Majesty's ministers to introduce a bill
into the House of Commons, to annihilate the constitution
of Jamaica, one of the most rich, fertile, and important
islands in the British colonies. (Hear.) That bill was in-
troduced into the House of Commons, and I believe had it
passed into law, it would have had the effect of wresting
from the British crown that most valuable island. (Hear,
hear.) That is not all. I believe that if it had passed, we
should have seen the West India islands so many little re-
publics at this moment. modelled upon the example of St.
Domingo. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's ministers carried
that bill by so small a majority, that they deemed it their
i their offices. (Hear.) Their consciences then

- s .
were more tender than they are now ; they were not then so
reckless of the constitution of the country as they have shown
themselves to be by their late acts. (Hear, hear.) They re-
signed their offices to be sure, but they left their better halves
behind. (Cheers and laughter.) They were resolved to
maintain a crowd of partisans in the immediate presence,
and around the immediate person, of the sovereign, and Sir
Robert Peel was effectually prevented from carrying on his
administration by these means. Whether Sir R.Peel was justi-
fied or not in the course he took. there was a difference of
opinion; but I think those who have considered the tragical
events which followed closely upon the heels of this in the
palace of the sovereign, will agree with me—at all events that
fairer portion of the community, so vilely calumniated by
Mr. O'Connell, and his secretary Lord Morpeth, those
lovely caskets in which is deposited the bright jewels of
modesty and morality will agree with me—that whatever effect
they had upon the political atmosphere of the palace. the
moral atmosphere of it would not be deteriorated by the re-
tirement of those ladies from it. (Tremendous cheering.)
Shortly after this an attempt was made to obtain a grant of
public money for the purpose of promoting education dis-
connected from the religion of the country. That was car-
ried by such a small majority that they relinquished the
scheme. (Cheers.) So closed the session of 1839, and at
the same time the power of her Majesty's ministers to com-
mand majorities of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) The
session of 1840 opened by a motion from Mr. Herries, who
found that the mystification of the public accounts was such
that it was impossible to understand the state of our finances.
(Hear, hear.) He brought forward a motion for a return to
explain these matters, and he carried that motion by a ma-
jority of the House of Commons against her Majesty's mi-
nisters. (Cheers.) The next was a question of patronage.
Mr. Liddel conceived that a case of gross jobbing and patron-
age had been perpetrated to provide for Lord Monteagle, and
he brought forward a motion in the House of Commons, con-
demnatory of that act : that motion was likewise carried
against her Majesty's ministers. (Renewed cheers.) They
next came down to the house, and proposed the exorbitant
sum of £50,000 a-year to support the establishment of Prince
Albert. (Hear, hear.) We considered that a most extrava-
gant sum, and that proposition was also defeated in the
House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) lam happy to see the
groom of the stole to Prince Albert present upon this occa-
sion, and I will take this opportunity of telling him, as I tell
you, that if his distinguished master finds that the sum of
money which he receives annually from the country is inade-
quate to support that state and dignity which, in his position,
he ought to support, or if there is any one comfort and luxury
which he is unable to obtain, I myself am perfectly willing to
acknowledge that I committed an error in opposing the , pro-
s.
osition for £50,000. (Hear, hear.) Shortly after this Lord
nley introduced his bill to amend the system of registra-
ti n in Ireland, and he succeeded on five separate occasions
in carrying majorities against her Majesty's ministers.
(Cheers.) The session of 1841 opened with the introduction,
by Lord Morpeth, of an opposition measure upon the subject
of an Irish registration ; but that measure; upon two sepa-
rate occasions, was defeated by majorities of the House of
Commons. (Renewed cheers.) I now come down to the
topics which are more immediately connected with this elec-
tion. It was the consideration of these repeated defeats that
compelled her Majesty's ministers to believe that something
was necessary to be done by them in order to retain their of-
fices—(hear) ;—and it was upon this account that these cries
of cheap sugar, cheap bread, and cheap timber were intro-
duced. (Applause.) But I ask the people of England to
consider whether, in refusing to obey the verdict of that tri-
bunal before which every former administration has suc-
cumbed, they are not acting in direct opposition to the spirit
of the constitution of these realms ?, (Cheers.) I ask any
rational man to consider whether this course is not likely to
give too much reason to the people of England to imagine
that a collusion exists between the ministers of the crown
and the crown, to defraud them of their just and proper
rights? (Much cheering.) I think, gentlemen, I have suf-
ficiently demonstrated that the position of her Majesty's mi-
nisters, at the present moment, is not one that has arisen
suddenly, but that it is consequent upon the causes I have
enumerated ; therefore I think I am right in saying that the
prominent question for the constituency of this country to
determine is, whether or not they have confidence in her
Majesty's ministers. (Tremendous applause.) Although I
have occupied you for some time, I think I should allude to
those questions of the policy of her Majesty's ministers which
have been alluded to by my opponents. (Hear.) Gentle-
men, I am ready now, as I ever am, to give any explanation
of the course I have taken in public life. Why, it was only
the other day that I received a letter from one of the most
influential and important of Mr. Wilbraham's supporters,
in which he informed me that he approved of my address for
its straightforwardness and manliness more than any of the
addresses issued in this county. In answer to that letter, I
told him that whenever I found it necessary to have recourse
to ambiguity in communicating with my constituents, I
should.consider the period had arrived when it was necessary
for me to resign the trust they had reposed in me. (Hear,
hear.) I give the same answer now to you. (Cheers.) I
now proceed to the question of the corn laws and sugar du-
ties. Upon the great question of the corn laws, I consider
there are three separate and distinct parties : those who ad-
vocate the sliding scale, those who advocate a fixed duty,
and those who advocate total repeal. (Hear, hear.) Her
Majesty's ministers are endeavouring most studiously and
most skilfully to confound the two latter parties ; they are
endeavouring to lull the agricultural interest into a con-
sciousness of security, in order to ride into power upon the
backs of the total repeaters. (Hear, hear, hear.) The mi-
nisterial organs, the Globe and some others, in accordance
with this trick, describe all those who are opposing her Ma-
jesty's ministers as monopolists, whereas they arrogate to
themselves the title of anti-monopolists. Now it appears to
me that the monopolist, if there is any at all, is he who ad-
vocates the fixed duty. (Hear, hear, hear.) I apprehend
that the man who advocates the sliding scale, which provides
in years of scarcity that the price of corn shall not exceed a
reasonable price, is not a monopolist; but the man who will
support a fixed duty, and, when seasons of scarcity arise,
will maintain it—(hear, hear)—he is the monopolist, and
not he who is the advocate of a sliding scale. (Cheers.) A
fixed duty must be one of two things—either an adequate
protection to the corn-grower, or it must not. If, as we are
led to suppose, the proposal of government will be a suffi-
cient protection to the home grower, let me ask what becomes
of the cry of cheap bread with which they are deluding the
populace ? (Hear.) This is a dilemma from which there is
no escape. (Hear, hear.) Either the fixed duty is a pro-
tection, and, if it is, the cry of cheap bread is a delusion; or
the fixed duty is not a protection, and, if the fixed duty be
not a protection, what is the condition that this great coun-
try will be reduced to? (Hear.) The lands which are now
flourishing with abundant crops of corn will by thrown out
of cultivation ; landlords will be compelled to lower their
rents—(A cry of " Aye, there 's the rub.") Well, gen-
tlemen, as a landlord of this county, I am perfectly willing
to lower my rents (cheers) ; but if I lower my rents, I must
lower my expenses also : I must diminish my establishment ;
I must reduce my charitable contributions ' • and, let me ask,
if this course is forced upon the landlords of this country,
what is to become of those who will be thrown out of em-
ployment by this operation? (Hear.) But there is another
part of the question of great national importance—another
point of view in which to look at this question. Imagine,
for a moment, foreign countries to refuse us supplies, from
war having arisen, or any other cause. (Hear, hear.) Shall
we not become beggars upon foreign countries for the suste-
nance of our people ? (Cries of " Yes," and cheers.) These
are the views which have induced me to advocate a sliding
scale. (Hear.) They are, I think, sound and dispassionate
views, and those who have been deluded by the cry for a
fixed duty or for total repeal, will do well to consider the ar-
guments which I have adduced against them. (Cheers.)
Upon the question of the sugar duties I do not deem it ne-
cessary to go at any great length. This question has been
most fully and amply discussed in the House of Commons ;
it was discussed last year when Mr. Ewart brought it for-
ward; and her majesty's ministers then opposed the very
meastire which they this year introduced themselves !
(Cheers.) If last year, when the price of sugar was certainly
exorbitant, her majesty's ministers thought fit to oppose the
motion of Mr. Ewart, let me ask with what grace do they
come now to this great country and ask them to pass that mea-
sure ? (Cheers.) Are you prepared to give up the interests
of your West India proprietors? (Cries of " No.") Are
you prepared to re-establish the slave trade ? (Great cries
of " No.") Are you prepared to say to the universe, " We,
the people of England, have for centuries struggled to abolish
this impious traffic in human beings, and we have given
twenty millions of our money to effect it ; but see what a
signal failure has attended our efforts ; we cannot supply
ourselves with sugar cheap enough, and we are obliged to go to
countries where it is grown by means of slave labour to sup-
ply our markets." This is the point of view in which I think
those who have any spark of humanity left must look at this
question. (Cheers.) These arc the reasons which induced
her majesty's ministers to oppose the measure at a time
when the price of sugar was extravagant, yet they now come
to ask the country to ratify the very measure which they
themselves then opposed ! (Hear, hear.) The question of
cheap timber has been made a clap-trap upon this occasion.
I consider that this is, at all events, the most inopportune
period that such a question should be introduced. You have
just passed a bill effecting a total alteration in the relations of
the Canadas ; you have united them, and the first parliament
under that bill has only just assembled. I think you must
be aware that it was most ill-judged to have brought forward
this measure at such a period; and notonly that, but, with-
out notice in the queen's speech or any other way, to ask the
House m
eteorfs CI ommons to pass that measure before those whose
interests were materially and deeply affected bad even had
time to know that such was the intention of her majesty's
(Loud cheers.) These great financial measures
of
her ajestyfs ministers were followed up by a resolution
proposed to the House of. Commons, which stated that her
majesty's
Well,e 3tY l
ulrministers had discovered a method of replenishing
the exchequer withouttaxation
may tslictem e time taxations be
ef
robbery,t h e country.
but
robbery is not gentlemen,taxation, and that is the meaning of Lord John
•