The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-12-11 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS

In our description of St. Saviour's, in the last STANDARD,
we were incorrect in naming Mr. Crawford the senior
minister of the church : Mr. Stokes and he are on a per-
fect equality in every respect.
Enough has been already said on the subject to which " An
Impartial Observer" alludes.
" The Parting" has been received.
'We have received a letter from the Rev. John Clark, of
Hunslet, which contains some severe and, in our opinion,
uncalled-for animadversions upon the letter of the Rev. C.
W. Lawrence, in defence of the Pastoral Aid Society. We
have already announced our intention to exclude all fur-
ther communications on the subject, excepting those of an
official character. This alone would have caused us to
abstain from inserting Mr. Clark's letter, even were the
contents of that letter less objectionable than they are ;
but we have a stronger reason for adopting our present
course, when we reflect upon the strange use which Mr.
Clark has made of the name of the Rev. Charles Simeon—
one of the brightest ornaments of which the Church of
England could ever boast. Mr. Clark has insulted the
memory of that great and good man by the frequent use of
the words " Simeonitish Heresy" in his letter. Such
language, from a clergyman of the Church of England,
must strike " nine out of ten of the church-going people
of Liverpool" as exceedingly strange. It would have been
almost as proper to associate the term " heresy" with the
name of St. Paul as with that of the venerable Simeon.

Just Published, Price 45.,
POLL BOOK

FOR THE LAST

MUNICIPAL ELECTION;
Skewing the Duplicate Qualifications of the VOTERS,
and the WARDS in which they polled. The Irists
have been examined with the Polling Papers in the
possession of the Mayor. This publication, which
has been compiled with the utmost care, will be found
of great utility as

A BOOK OF REFERENCE,

and will be found of service to the several Ward
Committees in carrying on the Canvass for the ensu-

zng year.

Printed and sold by LACE and ADDISON, Standard-
eke ; and sold also by other Booksellers.

MEETING OF THE
WHITCHURCH PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION,

The second annual meeting of the Whitchurch Protes-
tant Association was held, in that town, on Wednes-
day last. The meeting was numerously and respecta-
bly attended. Lord Kenyon occupied the chair, and
the proceedings were characterised by the greatest
enthusiasm. The noble chairman and the Rev. R. J.
M‘Ghee spoke at considerable length, and with much
eloquence, on this,. interesting occasion. On Tuesday
next we shall give a full report of the proceedings,
which, we have no doubt, will prove a source of rich
gratification to our Protestant readers in Liverpool.
The length of the important documents read by Mr.
M‘Ghee obliges us to defer our report.

Ebr Rthrrpoot &tzinarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 11, 1840

By the overland mail, which arrived in London on
Monday, we have received intelligence from the island
of Chusan, to the 21st of July; from Macao, to the 4th
of August ; from Calcutta, to the loth of October ;
and from Bombay, to the 21st of October. The same
mail has also brought news of importance from Egypt
to the 25th of November.
The news from China will be read with great inter-
est. It will be seen that the city and island of Chusan
were captured, on the sth of July, by Brigadier-General
Burrell, who forthwith assumed the command of the
island. This conquest was made without the loss of
a single individual belonging to the British forces en-
gaged on the occasion. The expedition, under the
command of Sir J. G. Bremer, arrived off the island
on the 2d of July, and the necessary soundings having
been:taken, anchored in the harbour on the 4th. The
governor was immediately commanded to surrender,
and, upon his refusal, operations were commenced
against the place on the sth. After a short resistance,
from some war-junks on the beach, which was soon
cleared, the troops landed, and began the attack on
Ting-hae-heen, the capital of Chusan, which was de-
fended till a late hour, but on the following morning,
was found to have been evacuated during the night.

_. ~
The British troops immediately took possession. They
found the city abandoned by the inhabitants, with the
exception of one man, who was holding up a board
with this inscription upon it :—" Save us for the sake
of our wives and children." A great number of guns
were captured, together with numerous stores and a
large quantity of ammunition. The troops are said to
have committed great excesses after their entrance into
the city, having freely partaken of a spirit distilled
from rice, which was found in large quantities. The
loss of the Chinese was estimated at about 30 killed,

among whom was the governor.
In sailing along the coast, the Blonde, sent into
Amoy with a flag of truce, was fired into. The
Blonde, in return, battered down the fort and de-
stroyed the junks there.
Lord Palmerston's letter had been refused to be re-
ceived by all the local authorities to whom it was pre-
sented for conveyance to the Emperor. At Ningpo
the letter was returned opened to Capt. Elliot, who
eventually declared Ningpo, Shanglae, and all the in-
termediate ports to Nankin, in a state of blockade.
It is stated that Admiral Elliot intended to proceed
to Pee-thee-lee, in the neighbourhood of Pekin, with a
part of his force.

The accounts from Canton state that Commissioner
Lin was vainly endeavouring to raise volunteers to de-
stroy our ships of war, by the promise of high re-
wards. Nothing had been done against the Bogue
forts ; and a large fleet of war junks, which, towards
the end of July, once ventured outside, and were at-

tacked by the blockading squadron, fled over the flats,
and took refuge in the shallow water. Several junks,
laden with salt and grain, had been captured under the
forts by the blockading squadron, which consisted of
the Druid, Volage, Hyacinth, and Larne, subsequently
reinforced by the Nimrod and Columbine.
The capture of Chusan, and the action at Amoy,
appear to have caused a great sensation in that part of
China. Great secrecy was still observed respecting the
further objects of the expedition.
The news from India is more satisfactory than that
which was brought by the previous mail. From Alf-
ghanistan we learn that Brigadier-General Dennie had
obtained a decisive victory over Dost Mahomed and
the Wake of Khoolum, whose combined army of 8000
men had been totally routed by a body of 5000 men
of the 35th native infantry, and the Goorkha corps,
with two guns and some cavalry. Dost Mahomed,
who was wounded, lost all his tents, baggage, &c.,
with 500 killed, and about 1500 wounded.
Scinde was tranquil, and the powerful force assem-
bled round Lukkur was not likely to be called into
action before February, when some important expedi-
tion is expected to be set on foot. The Ameers of
Scinde were much dissatisfied at having to pay tribute.
The troops under Major-General Nott were advancing
on Khelut.

Captain Brown had evacuated the fort of Kahun,
by treaty with the Murrees. lie succeeded in reach-
ing Shikarpoor in safety, with all his baggage and
artillery.

It appears that Sir R. Gale experienced a repulse at
a small fort in Kohistan, near Cahul, with the loss of
several killed and wounded. His aide-de-camp, Capt.
Conolly, was killed by his side. The fort was subse-
quently taken.

Aden bad not been again attacked. The European
garrison was in good health, but the sepoys had suffered
severely. The Arabs having remained perfectly quiet
since the last repulse.

The Oriental has brought letters from Alexandria
to the 26th of November. Commodore Napier arrived
there in the Powerful, on the 21st, and immediately
opened communications with Boghos Bey. Captain
Maunsel landed with a flag of truce, and a letter from
the Commodore to the Pasha, informing him that the

Sultan had been prevailed upon to restore to him the
hereditary possession of the Pashalic of Egypt, if he
immediately removed his troops from Syria, and restored
the Turkish fleet, the latter to remain till the necessary
guarantees were furnished. Commodore Napier had
made every preparation for the bombardment of Alex-
andria, in case his terms had been refused. The result
of .his negotiations with the Pasha is said to be a con-
vention, by which the Pasha promises to evacuate
Syria, recal Ibrahim, and deliver up the Turkish fleet.
The official papers have not yet been forwarded, but no
doubt existed as to the fact of a convention.
The following ships were lying at Alexandria when
the Oriental sailed :—the Powerful, Rodney, Revenge,
Cambridge, Ganges, Vanguard, and Carysfoot, and the
Medea, and Vesuvius steamer. The Oriental accom-

plished the voyage from Falmouth to Alexandria in

days and 16 hours. The net time occupied in steam
ing was 318 hours,—less by 111 than on the first trip
and less by 37 hours than the time allowed by con.

Our readers will perceive, from the Gazette of Tues-
day evening, that both houses of Parliament are to meet
on the 26th of January, " for the despatch of divers
urgent and important affairs." What be they ?—we
ask. What be these "divers urgent and important
affairs," which her Majesty's ministers are incapable of
performing, without calling Parliament together a fort-
night before its usual time ?

The Foreign-office, under such a profound states-
man as Lord Palmerston; the Home-office under Lord
Nornianby ; the Colonial-office under Lord John Rus-
sell; and the ;Board of Trade under—Mr. Shiel (!)
can want no direction from the people of Great Britain
and Ireland. But they want money occasionally. Mas-
terstrokes of policy in Syria, buccaneering wars in
India, and "little wars" in China, cannot be carried
on, even under the admirable management of a whig
government, without money ; and that money even
whig financiers cannot get without rotes of Parliament !

Hence the unfortunate necessity of breaking up so soon
the elysium of a vacation, and plunging, before the ac-
customed period, into the discomforts and annoyances
of the session.

We are afraid, however, " the monies" will be very
,grudgingly spared just now by those liberal and econo-
mical gentlemen in whom ministers have hitherto found
supporters, both within the walls of Parliament and out
of doors. That national glory, of which Whig-radical-
ism has become so suddenly enamoured, is an expensive
plaything. Fortresses like St. Jean d'Acre are not bat-
tered down for nothing. Chinese islands are not taken
and kept without cost. The demand for a few millions
to be voted by the House of Commons, within a week
or so of the 26th of January next, will be anything, we
fear, but a pleasant foretaste of similar votes to follow
during' the session. Where and how the money is to
be raised is not our affair.

Certain it is, however, that something urgent requires
the meeting of Parliament. But we are really at a loss
to know what urgent necessity could require her Ma-
jesty's presence at a privy council for the purpose of
summoning it—or the holding of a council at all, if
her Majesty's presence is indispensable—within little
more than a fortnight after her accouchenzent ! Inde-
pendent of all considerations as to her Majesty's health,
there are other considerations which ought to have in-

duced ministers to recommend to the royal mother a
little more seclusion from the eyes, even of her privy
council, for a few days longer. It may be that the
manners of court life are different from those of ordi-
nary life—that the former are regulated by a foreign
standard, whilst the other are regulated by a more old-
fashioned pattern, of which external decency is an in-
gredient. It must be gratifying to her subjects to be
assured, by this early assumption of the cares of her
station, that her Majesty, after her late trial, is so per-
fectly recovered; but it would furnish additional gratifi-
cation if her Majesty on similar occasions—of which we
hope to witness many—would be guided a little more
in this respect by the practice of respectable English
mothers ; and at any rate refrain from mingling unne-
cessarily in the affairs of government, until she has
first publicly returned thanks to the Supreme Being
for her recovery, in the mode prescribed by that church
of which she is the national head, and practised by the
matrons of her country, to whom her conduct ought to
furnish the example. We have not heard as yet that
her Majesty has performed this duty.
It may, by some persons, be thought trifling to notice
this circumstance. The enlightened and reformed of
this brilliant age, we know, have thrown aside, with
the old-fashioned opinions and institutions of their fore-
fathers, much of that decency and propriety of manners
by which they were distinguished. But we doubt if it
is good policy for a youthful, and especially a female,
Sovereign, to take the lead in this display of contempt
for prejudices—if they be such—which have still so
strong a hold upon the public feeling. Her Majesty
has subjects who could advise her better ; but the
"friends of her youth" appear not to be amongst the
number of those advisers.

The news from China has given rise to much dis-
cussion in the public journals, and has naturally excited
a powerful degree of interest among all classes of the
community. The war with China we have already
denounced as impolitic in the extreme : its impolicy is
only made the more apparent by the plan of operations
which has been adopted in carrying it on. It has been
remarked by the greatest hero of the age, that " Eng-
land cannot have a little war." The truth of this ob-
servation has been strikingly exhibited in our attack
upon China, The only way in which we can hope to
make any impression upon the ruling authorities in
that country is by an overwhelming display of our
forces, such as would enable us, at once, to strike terror
into the very centre of that vast empire. This cannot
evidently be accomplished by the inadequate and divided
forces which have accompanied our expedition. The
partial advantages which we have already obtained may
be followed up by others equally as great. We may

succeed in destroying the ill-manned junks of the
Chinese, and in battering down their badly-defended
forts ; we may level the towns on their coasts with the
dust; we may compel their timorous inhabitants to
fly before our thunder into the interior; but it is next
to impossible that our present inadequate forces can

garrison the deserted forts, and it is utterly impracti-
cable that they should be enabled to produce any ge-
neral impression upon a population so vast and multi-
tudinous as that of the Celestial Empire. The war, so
far as it has yet been carried on, appears to be likely
to issue in a series of interminable skirmishes. From

such a course we certainly cannot entertain any rational
expectation that the obstinacy of the Chinese will be
subdued. Our desultory assaults, so far from inspir-
ing the government with any degree of awe, will only
lead to exasperate its hostility and to strengthen its
prejudices.

But even if we should succeed in overcoming the
whole military force of China, we should only be in-
creasing the difficulty of our position in reference to
that empire. It is plain that we cannot compel the
Chinese to enter into amicable relations with us. It is
utterly out of the question that we could force upon
three hundred
.millions of people habits which are
utterly repugnant to their natures. The only rational
alternative by which we could expect to secure these
ends, would be the retention of the empire under our
own government. Then, indeed, if we possessed forces
sufficient for such a purpose, we might expect to esta-
blish our own commercial regulations with the people;
but what would America, and the other powers, whose
merchants are engaged in the Chinese trade, say of
such a proceeding. Would they rest satisfied with
our conquest ? Would they not claim a share of the
spoil ?

In whatever light we view the subject, we are com-
pelled to acknowledge that we cannot divine the end
which our present government has in view in its expen-
sive operations against China.

The Liverpool Times is sadly vexed at the publica-
tion of the Poll Book, which it characterises as " some-
thing altogether new in the history of municipal elec-
tions in this town." If we are not grievously in error
a similar list was published immediately after the first
municipal contest which took place in Liverpool : at
all events a poll-book is far from being the novelty
which the Times seems to imagine, even since the pass-
ing of the reform act. On two occasions after that
event a poll-book was published, without exciting any
remark from the Times as to its obnoxious nature. It
is really laughable to find our contemporary declaiming

with such V ehemence as he does against the publica-
tion of a list which, even on his own acknowledgment,
must be perfectly well known to the several ward com-
mittees. It is absurd to suppose that "intimidation
and corruption" cannot be practised without the aid of
such a list. The recent proceedings of the liberal fac-
tion prove the fallacy of such a supposition. Our
contemporary should remember that the poll-book is
not composed exclusively of a list of voters on one side
only. It does not give the conservative voters any sort
of protection. If this had been done there might have
been some reason for complaining.

We are tempted to recur again to the embarrassments
under which the commerce of the country is at present
languishing, by an article from the city correspondent
of the London Times of last Friday. It appears by a
statement, furnished from Manchester, and quoted by
the Times, that the average prices of two descriptions
of printing calico, viz., 64's and 72's, a staple in the
Manchester cotton trade, were as follows, viz. :—ln
1835...... Bs. 9d. per piece. 1838 Bs. 4d. per piece.
1836 1839 6s. 4d. „
1837 7s. 9d. ~ 1840 ss. 10d. „
the extreme depression in the five years from 1835 to
1840 being 2s. 11d. per piece, or 331 per cent.
A similar calculation, with respect to two descrip-
tions of export yarns, shows a like result. A gradual
depreciation in this article has been going on for the
same period, attended, however, with one very impor-
tant circumstance, viz., that whilst cloth, the manufac-
tured article, has been dull of sale, and has accumulat-
ed in the hands of the manufacturers, an increased
quantity of the yarn has been taken off by the demand
for exportation.
Were it a fact that the raw material—cotton—had
sustained an equal reduction in price, we should regard
the circumstance as of less importance. in a national
view. Our Liverpool readers, however, are aware that
such has not been the case. The descriptions of cotton
from which these fabrics are manufactured, have not
sustained any thing like the same depreciation. It
cannot be said either that any improvements in machi-
nary have materially contributed to reduce the cost of
manufacture, or that any deterioration of quality has
taken place. The conclusion, then—the obvious con-
clusion—must be, that this great staple manufacture
of the country has been, year by year, sinking in the

scale of profit ; and we believe we are not far wrong
in stating, that, for the last two years, it has been car-
ried on at a positive and a heavy loss to the parties
whose capital is embarked in it.
This, however, we fear—had as it is—is not the
worst. A mere reduction of the value of the article,
even to a point below the cost of production, might
have been caused by circumstances temporary in their
effect. What we regard as the most dangerous fea-
ture which these statements display, is the fact that the
article, in which alone we have an increased const.imp-
tion, is that in which the smallest proportion of human
labour is employed. The home market and the foreign
markets have alike decreased in their consumption of
our cloths, whilst the latter continues to increase—and
that only at a miserable price—in the consumption of
the lowest quality of our yarns ; and the deduction
which we are compelled to draw is, that manufacturing
industry is decreasing at home and increasing abroad.
This, we are well aware, is a sore and a dispiriting
confession; yet how can we escape it? The utter in-
efficiency of the present government to regulate the
commercial affairs of the nation has, we doubt not,
been instrumental in destroying the profitable nature
of our manufactures. T,,vo successive deficient har-
vests have seriously injured our home market ; and
our various embroilments with foreign states have put
a stop to a large portion of our most valuable export
trade. But not even these causes are sufficient to ac-
count for the fact that the trade which we do possess
is precisely that from which the country derives the
smallest advantage ; and that that trade is increasing
whilst every other is declining. On no other ground
can we account for these circumstances, than by con-
ceding that the foreign consumer is becoming daily
more capable of manufacturing for himself; and that
if supplied with our yarns, in which at present we pos-
sess a superiority over him, he can dispense with our
cloths.

We know well what will be the whig retort to this
statement of facts. We shall be told that it is the
corn law, and the corn law alone, which renders us

unable to compete in manufacturing with our foreign
rivals. But, we ask, have we not here sufficient evi-
dence of the mode in which the repeal of the corn law
would operate ? 'We dare say that such a measure
would give a temporary stimulus to the export demand.
But that demand would not be a demand for our ma-
nufactured goods. It would not be a demand for our
calicoes, our prints, our fustians, or our catnbrics ; but
for yarns, to be wrought into these commodities by
foreign hands and by foreign machinery, paid for by
the gold iniquitously and dishonestly wrung from the

property and the labour of the British agriculturist.
The foreign manufacturer wants only capital to enable
him to compete with us in every market of the globe.
Such a measure would supply him with that capital.
He wants a home market,—by which, primarily and
chiefly, all manufa-cturing industry is supported,—and
the prosperity thus conferred upon foreign agriculture
would furnish him with such a market.

Admitting then that an increased foreign trade would
result from the abolition of the protection afforded to
the English grower by the present corn laws, can such
an increase, when its object is an article into which so
small a portion of labour enters, be weighed for one
moment against the diminished consumption of our
finished fabrics at home by the British agriculturist ?
We imagine not. Such a trade might enable the spin-
dles of some few of our overgrown manufacturing ca-
pitalists to run more merrily. It might furnish more
freights to some few of our trading vessels; it might
replenish the exchequer of a few continental states and
elevate a few petty foreign landowners to the possession
of a decent menage to match their absurd pretensions
and preposterous titles ; but upon the great body of
the English people it would be a gross fraud. To the
agricultural interest it would bring utter ruin, and to
the manufacturers themselves certain disappointment
and injury.

It is a mere folly to suppose that the manufacturing
states of Europe can be induced by any concessions on
our part to abandon those pursuits by which they have
witnessed England's growing, and, we may add, en-
vied greatness, maintained in past time. We may
flatter ourselves with a millenium of reciprocity to
arise from our abandonment of the interest, call it
selfish if you will, of our agricultural population. We
may lay the "flattering unction to our souls" that by
throwing our population upon the mercy of Europe for
food, we shall be their specially retained purveyor of
manufactures in return ; but we shall deceive our-
selves. So long as human nature is, what it ever has
been, interested and selfish, we shall deceive ourselves

if we expect any preference as a commercial nation,
except that which we can fairly command by the supe-
rior cheapness of the wares which we furnish.

And here at length we come to the gist of the anti-
corn-law argument. Will the reduction of the import
duty on foreign corn enable us to undersell our foreign
rivals in their own markets ? It may, we reply, for a
time. And how ? The Times, which has furnished us
the text upon which we are commenting, gives us at
the satne time a solution to our question. We must
lower our wages to the continental standard. The ave.

_
rage wages of continental factory labourers, we are
told by the limes—and although a conservative jour-
nal, the Times is an advocate for the repeal of the corn
laws—is six-and-ninepence per week, whilst that in
England is ten-and-sixpence. Let the corn-law re-
pealers tell their poor deluded dupes in the manufac-
turing districts what is the fate which they are
prepar-
ing for them. But when was dishonesty so frank ?

The Manchester Guardian of Wednesday has an
article on the subject of the supply and price of sugar
.. . __

which calls for a few observations. It is a singular
fact that those journals in which the repeal of the corn
laws is most strenuously advocated are uniformly cha-
racterised by their bitter hostility to the West India
colonies. These advocates of free trade would seem
to take a sort of malignant delight in the ruin and de-
struction of the British colonies, while, with that pa-
triotism which is always a distinguishing mark of your
modern liberal, they are indefatigable in promoting the
interests of foreigners. This is precisely the policy
which the Guardian has consistently pursued. The
conductors of that journal little reck what direful con-
sequences may befal the West Indies, so long as our

foreign trade is promoted—a trade which is the lea
profitable of any to this country,

The Guardian remarks that " the average of brown
or Muscovado sugar, in the two years between October
1838 and October 1840, rose from 31s. sd. to 575. 6d.
per cwt. in bond, or upwards of 80 per cent. The
present duty on British plantation sugar is 245. per
cwt; and on Brazil and other foreign sugars, it is no
less than 635." With this discriminating duty it fol-
lows that, under ordinary circumstances, foreign sugar
must be excluded from the home market. The Guar-
dian laments this exclusion, or,. in other words, it ex-
preSseS its regret that the ave-grown produce of
foreign countries should not be allowed to supersede
the free-labour produce of our own colonies. If we
are not much deceived, we venture to say that nineteen
out of every twenty of our fellow-countrymen do not
share in this regret. After the noble sacrifices which
have been made by the people of England, for the pur-
pose of extinguishing the very name of slavery in our
own colonies, it is by no means likely that any atten-
tion will be paid to the representations of those political
economists who are desirous of perpetuating the bonds
of slavery in foreign states. Nay, we feel convinced
that the people of England will submit to any priva-
tions rather than undo what has been so nobly done in
the cause of abolition.

The Guardian exclaims, " will the people of Great
Britain long submit to be thus fleeced, for no advan-
tage to the public revenue, nor for any object to , the
government, but simply for the private profit of a few
West India proprietors ?" We emphatically deny that
the discriminating duties are unprofitable to the reve-
nue. The contrary is notoriously the fact. What !
does not the government derive between three and four
millions per annum from the importation of colonial
sugar alone ? Is this no source of advantage ? Does
the Guardian mean to insinuate that it is " no object
to thegovernment" to preserve our colonial possessions?
It is obvious that those colonies cannot be preserved
without protecting duties. We cannot, under existing
circumstances, contend with foreign states in which
slave-labour is devoted to the cultivation of sugar.
But if the people of England will only have a little
patience, and devote their energies to the promotion of
free immigration. into the West Indies, we have no
doubt that the day is not distant when we shall be able
• to procure a cheaper supply of sugar from the West
Indies than can now be procured from the Brazils.
We pass by the.sneering allusion to the " private pro-
fits of a few West India proprietors." Those proprie-
tors have found the cultivation of sugar, within the
last two years, even at the great advance which has
taken place in the British market, any thing but pro-
fitable. They are disposing of their estates in every
direction, and frequently at a ruinous depreciation in
value. The diminution in the quantity of sugar culti-
vated,.and the great increase in the cost of production,
have rendered the sugar properties in the West Indies
hardly worth retention. This is a fact too well known
to need any further remark necessary on this head.
The Guardian assumes, on the authority of Mr.
M`Gregor, that " the duty reduced on British planta-
tion sugar to 15s per cwt., and on foreign to 30s,
would produce a revenue exceeding the proceeds of the
present duties by no less than £3,000,000 per annum."
This estimate is a monstrous absurdity. At present
there is scarcely any foreign sugar admitted for home
consumption. Indeed, the quantity -is so small that
we may safely leave it out of our calculations. Taking
the quantity of colonial sugar entered for home con-
sumption at 3,200,000 cwts. per annum, and the duty
at 245, as at present, the revenue from this source would
he £3,840,000. Supposing the duty to be reduced
to 15s per cwt., it would require a consumption of
9,120,000 cwts. of colonial sugar to produce a revenue
of £6,B4o,ooo—that is, an increase of £3,000,000 in
the revenue. It would he manifestly absurd to expect
such an increase in the consumption of colonial sugar
at a reduction in price of only 9s per cwt. It is true
that a considerable increase might be expected to take
place in the consumption of foreign sugar ; but if the
whole £3,000,000 of increased revenue could be de-
rived from that increased consumption, it would still
require stronger reasons than any advanced .by the
Guardian to prove that such an increase of taxation
would be of any advantage to the people of Great
Britain. It is useless to argue that slave-holding coun-
tries would consume -a much larger proportion of our
manufactures. Whatever increase might take place in
our exports to those countries, it would be more than
counterbalanced by the diminution in our exports to
our own colonies, which are now compelled to take our.
manufactures in exchange for their produce.
It is evident, from the whole tenour of the remarks
which the Guardian has offered on this subject, that
one of the grand objects sought for by the anti corn,
law agitators is the introduction of slave-grown sugar
for home consumption in Great Britain. This, we con-
scientiously believe, the people of this country will
never tolerate. Such a measure can only meet with
countenance from tyrannical whin cotton-lords, who
have done all in their power to reduce the operatives
of England to the condition of slaves. What care
these men whether their fellow--creatureS be consigned
to perpetual and hopeless bondage, so long as they can
aggrandize themselves ? It is ;perfectly disgusting to
hear men prate about humanity who, for filthy lucre,
would thus offer a premium upon the continuance of
the slave-trade.

If the people of England want cheap sugar, let them
encourage free labour in our own colonies. This will
be a sure means of permanently benefiting the revenue,
n d of giving an unparalleled stimulus to our manu-
facturing prosperity.

The recent election in the county of Carlow is, per-.
haps, one of the most important which has taken place
during the last three years. The triumphant return
of Colonel Bruen, by the overwhelming majority of
167 votes, has afforded a demonstrative proof that the
domination of the popish priests in Ireland is rapidly
declining. Every possible exertion was made by Father
Maher and his coadjutors to cajole and intimidate the
electors ; but all to no purpose. Their feelings of
attachment towards their natural protectors, the land-
lords, proved stronger than their superstitious -fears of
the power of the priesthood.

The radical journals are resorting to every species
of ing-enious device in order to account for the triumph-
ant majority obtained by Colonel Druen. They have
the hardihood to assert that " the people" have been
disfranchised, and that the tenantry have been exter-
minated, in the county of Carlow. A simple reference
to figures will soon set this matter at rest. We find
from
,our able contemporary, the Dublin Evening Mail,
that the numbers polled at the present election were
1,277. Besides these, there were 50 struck off for
want of being re-registered in time. These, added
to the numbers polled, make a total of 1,327. In
the last contest for Carlow, when every man in
the county was polled, the gross number amounted
only to 1,373. What, then, becomes of the ab-
surd plea of disfranchisement ? The truth is, that
the success of 'Colonel Bruenitnust be attributed to a
healthy reaction among the electors—a reaction which
will cause O'Connell to tremble in the seclusion of
Derrynane, and which will cause grievous misgivings
among the tenacious occupants of the Treasury benches
in the House of Commons. The people of Ireland
begin to find out that they have been warring against
their own interests by listening to the insidious and
mischievous advice of the meddling priesthood, and to
the deceitful persuasions of the arch-demagogue.
The result of the Carlow election must be considered
as a "formal "notice to quit" to our townsman, Mr.
John Ashton Yates, the other member. The electors
of Carlow have shown their determination not to be
sold, as they were to Mr. Raphael, for " a thousand
pounds—say a thousand pounds." They will no
longer submit to be made subservient to the agitator's
selfish purposes, by replenishing his exhausted ex-
chequer.

We may now look forward to the event of a general
election in Ireland with feelings of confidence in the
strength of the conservative cause. The , partial ex-
purgation of the registry has made a serious difference
in the amount of -O'Connell's forces., His influence
vanishes in proportion to the return of the people to
their senses. His days are now numbered, and he will
soon be consigned to the execrations of an insulted
nation.