The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-03-17 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

DEAR SIR—In consequence of the conversation I had
with you on Saturday, and conformably to the resolution
then formed, I wrote a note to the Rev. Hugh M'Neile,
to which I have now the pleasure of handing you his reply.
That reply is nut only kind and prompt, but fully cor-
roborative of the view which you expressed, and which it
seemed to me desirable to get his authority for you to
announce as correct in your forthcoming notice of the
third edition of his sermon on " The manifested oneness of
the Church of Christ." In the preface to that edition,
the distinguished author declares,
"Touching the proposed Evangelical Alliance, I am per-
suaded that it contained a snare for the unsuspecting Evangeli-
cal Clergy of the Church of England; to lead them into a posi-
tion from which retreat would have been hopeless; and the
only consistent issue would have been a secession, Szc."

I feared some readers of this passage might suppose
Mr. M'Neile charged the promoters of the alliance with
a sort of double-dealing—with bringing forward a pro-
posal for uniting the church as a pretence, while the real
design was to help forward an anticipated disruption in the
Church of England. Such a design 1 have the best reason
to know was not at all in the minds of the excellent pro-
jeet.)rs of the conference, and still less can the imputation
of harbouring it be laid against the members of that con-
ference.
To make this evident, I may be adowed to
state some of the circumstances that led to the conference
being called.
A desire of Christian union having been deeply felt and
widely diffused, meetings for united prayer and brotherly
communion on the part of ministers and laymen of
several Christian denominations e ere held in different
parts of the kingdom. At a meeting somewhat of this
kind, in Edinburgh, so far back as 1813, the late Dr.
Balmer, professor of theology to the united Secession,
enforced a view of Philippians iii., 15,16, which suggested
to a gentleman present, belon;ing to that body, the pro-
priety of getting a series of essays expository of these
verses, with a view to making the churches more aware of
the present lamentable state of defection from the
• apostolic injunction there contained. Accordingly, Drs.
Chalmers, Candlish, Balmer, Wardlaw, Symington, King.
Struthers, and Mr. J. A. James, were requested to pre-
pare essays on distinct departments of the theme, which
they kindly and heartily undertook to do. These were
in due time published, at the expense of the gentleman
referred to, and very extensively distributed and crculated.
As an appendix to the essay on the state of religions parties
in England, the aethor. Mr. James, added a letter he
had received from Dr. Patton, of New York, suggesting
a conference in London of all evangelical denominations
throughout the world. That suggestion being viewed as
important, the gentleman already referred to, and the
Rev. Dr. King, of the church already named, after con-
sulting brethren, put themselves in communication with
men of eminence and weight, bo; h in the Church of Eng-
land and in different dissenting churches. The advice
given was, that a number of Scotch brethren, whose
names and characters were so generally known as to en-
sure attention to their invitation, should convene a con-
ference somewhere in England. Liverpool was ultimately
the place appointed. The re.,ult is known. The conference
was held, and proved a season of refreshing communion,
such as parties who were. present conceive was never paral-
leled since apostolic times. It may have been that the
divine Head of the Church, having great and trying work
for his people to be engaged in, sought to prepare them
by His own blessed presence. Surely, however much we
may sift the proposals made, and test them scrupulously,
we ought humbly to avoid rash and premature censure.
You may rest assured that the sincere aim of the parties
is to promote union and brotherly love on Scriptural prin-
ciples. They feel that the dissensions, the debates, the
suspicions, the animosities, which divide those " whom
God hath joined," are sinful and destructive at once of the
church's peace, its purity, and its progress. Whatever
false hopes many may entertain of the rapid conversion of
the world by an exhibition of Christians living in har-
mony and holiness, these cannot of course be adduced as
arguments against the alliance—the object of which, as
just stated, must commend itself to every Christian. It
is an object ample enough to engross the attention of the
alliance, without the addition of other objects, (such as
opposition to Popish error,) which, however good in their
own place, and at the proper time, are not within the im-
mediate, at any rate the present, scone of our operations,
as a committee seeking union for its own sake.
From Mr. M'Neile's letter it is obvious that his sus-
picions are founded on circumstantial evidence only, to
which can easily be opposed a mass of direct negative
testimony; and the evidence, such as.it is, would proba-
bly never have excited his attention if he had not looked
on the Conference a.: a movement originated by the Free
Church, which the foregoing statement will prove is not
quite the case. And yet, admiring, as I do, many of the
proceedings of the Free Church, I would not be afraid to
stand up, unworthy as I am, in their behalf; but will, ne-
vertheless, content myself with saying, that I believe they
were sincere and honest in seeking Christian union only,
though it is possible some of their ministers previously
held an expectation, nowise, however, connected with the
Alliance, that some see ssion might, in the course of
events, arise to affect the Church of England.
I feel also called upon to state, that at none of the
meetings of the conference, or, I presume, of its com-
mittees, was the subject of such a secession ever mooted.
In conclusion, I must beg Mr. ,M'Neile to absolve roe
from the charge of accusing him that he imputes any base
or dishonourable motives to any of our brethren. If he
will have the goodness to refer to my letter, (of which I
retained no copy.*) he will see! expressed confidence that
he would be glad of an opportunity to clear himself from
the appearance of having done so.
I am, respectfully. &c.
* * * * *
s, We subsequently obtained a copy.—E. L. S.

Bachelor-street, 14th March. 1846.

REV. AND DEAR have the most perfect con-
fidence—little short of knowledge (being conviction
founded on information early and late, and on consi-
derable observation)—that the motives of the excellent
men who suggested, called, and attended the Union Con-
ference were pure, honourable, and EXACTLY wilat the
objects indicated as its purpose might be supposed to give
pr...of of. I was therefore pained, extremely pained, to
find on first page of preface to third edition of your ad-
verse discourse a paragraph which, naturally construed,
seems to show that you not merely doubt this, but suspect
a snare was intended. A very respectable editor in town*
tells me you only mean that danger is involved. It will
give me pleasure if you enable tr e to assure him, and any
of the brethren, that you impute nothing so base, but, on
the contrary, you would scorn to be the accuser thus of
Christ's people, which, however, I fear the natural con-
struction of the sentence most unfortunately makes you
appear to be—a circumstance I point out with the more
readiness because I feel assured you would regret it more
than any other.

I would be sorry to have this letter published, and rely
on your not doing so, but I would like to have leave to
authorise the editor aforesaid to give a disclaimer.
If it please our Lord to bless the association's humble
attempt to abate the dissensions that divide churches and
individuals—and this is, I presume, all that is aimed at—
we may hope to hail you as a convert to the means, as you
already are a strenuous supporter of the object.
With much respect, Rev. and Dear Sir,
Yours faithfully,
** * *

To the Rev. Hugh M'Neile.
* Editor of Standard.

Monday Morning,.lGth.March, 1846:

DEAR SlR,—Your letter reached me late on Saturday
evening. I lose no time in replying to it. lam sorry
any thing I have written has caused you pain ; but I can-
not feel the justice of your accusation, that 1 impute any
" base" or dishonourable motives to any of our brethren.
I believe that many of the Free Church leaders in Scot-
land anticipated a similar movement in England. Their
own words might be largely quoted to this effect. Dr.
Candl'sh has reiterated it in his speech, in the Free Pres-
bytery of Edinburgh, cited in my preface. I believe that
they would have rejoiced in such a movement among us,
and that they thought " The Alliance" was well calcu-
lated to accomplish this, as well as other good results. I
believe that this was one, among many considerations,
which gave the Alliance a charm in their estimation. M.
Merle D'Aubigne was clearly and strongly of this way of
thinking and feeling, when he came here from Scotland.
In all this, however, there is no imputation of any
improper motive. On the contrary : upon their prin-
ciples it was right and laudable so to feel. They bad
taken a step in which they considered all the highest and
most indefeasible rights of the Church of Christ in Scot-
land to be involved. They were of opinion that the cir-
cumstances of the Church of Christ in England demanded
a similar step. And therefore it was a legitimate exercise
of Christian charity on their part, to wish to see their
evangelical brethren in England follow their example ;
and, by natural consequence, it was perfectly right in
them to rejoice iu any proceeding which promised to effec-
tuate so desirable a result.

Yet, what was so well designed by them, did, I think,
contain a snare for us. Being of this opinion, I candidly
wrote it and printed it. My words, in the passage to
which you refer, are—" touching the Evangelical Alli-
ance, I am persuaded that it contained a snare for the
unsuspecting, &c."—and I see no reason whatever to
withdraw or modify that statement.
Were any man to say, that the leaders of the Free
Church movement in Scotland do not wish to see a simi-
lar movement in England, and would not rejoice in any-
thing which promised to bring about such a movement ;
I think that man might be fairly accused of imputing to
them very base hypocrisy. I cordially give them credit
for such ardent sincerity, that—l feel assured—if" The
Alliance" had led to a Free Church of England, they
would have hailed it as a great and glorious blessing.
As I wholly differ from their opinion, that a legitimate
—i.e. a scriptural—casuy both
.had arisen in Scotland, or
has arisen in England, I am, of course, very glad that all
such expectations as tray have been formed, or half
formed, from the Alliance, have been disappointed so far.
And I do not believe that the Alliance possesses now, in
Scotland, all the attract:on which belonged to it six
nanoths ago.
NVitli part of your letter I fully accord. '' To abate the
disanyiions which divide churches and individuals" is, in-
deed, a blessed work, and truly blessed are the real peace
makers. tut this is a deep vork, involving deep prin-
,:iples, and demanding—for even a small measure of :412-
cess—rouch patience and unobtrusive stlf•tlenial. It is
not to be carried by au experiment like "The Alliance"
rash in its, origin, vague in its objects, and superficial, very
superficial in its coherence.

In reply to your observation about placing my answer t)
your letter in the hands of die editorofone of our local news-
papers, I bez, to request that you will give him this letter
for publication ; and I have to thank you fur affording me
this opportunity of m re fully explaining myself on the
point in question —Believe me, dear sir, with Christian
esteem and respect, yours faithfully,
HUGH 111`NEILE.

Esq.

FREE TRADE IS SUICIDE ON THE PART OF
MR. COBDEN AND THE WEAVI4:IIS.

(From the Scotch Reformers' Gazette.)
On the rrinciple of "hear both sides," we give Mr.lsaac
Buchanan's explanation of, how FREE TRADE IS SUICIDE
ON THE PART OF DJR• COBDEN AND THE WEAVERS,
being now satisfied of Mr. Buchanan's honesty of pur-
pose, and that his single object is to have that legislation
which will give the greatest amount of emglopment to the
labourer in Canada. He thinks that the same legislation
that reduces the amount of labour in Canada will reduce
the amount ofiemployment in the mother country, and he
objects to free trade, as tending to lessen the amount of
employment for the poor in this country as well a; in
Canada

The following, from a London paper, is from Mr.
Buchanan's pen :
In a former number it was shown that free trade must
necessarily, in its very nature, lose us the colonies, be-
cause, the principle of protection abandoned, the colonial
system (which is a mere branch of it) fells also, or, what
is to our mind far worse (and could only ►ast a year or
two), the colonies become a drag on the empire, hating
ceased to benefit the mother country in any way after
they have thrown off the Imperial Parliament's right to
legislate for their trade, and commenced free trade with
all the world.

But we argue for the retention of the colonies only,
because it is the interest of England.
We hold that it were better tor England to lose her
colonies, magnificent though these be, than to forbear
&dog anything which is shown to be clearly in favour of
the oppressed population in this country.
Though we before pointed out that the adoption of free
trade would necessarily lose the colonies (whose markets
there is no reason for us going to the expense of defend-
ing, unless our manufactures are protected there), we do
not pretend to argue that, to save the colnlies, for their
own sake alone, should prevent us adopting free trade in
England, if the greater and more itum.ecli,te interests of
the mother country would be advanced thereby.
Far, however, from this being the case, we view free
trade as tending to reduce the extent of our own manu-
factures, to degrade the condition of our manufacturers,
and thus to secure for the aristocracy by-and-bye a
monopoly of political power in England, as rendering it
in character more an agricultural country than at present!
In fact, we view that free trade is suicide on the part of
Mr. Cobden and the weavers. We cannot suppose any
way by which Sir Itcbert Peel has secured the support of
those independent members of the aristocracy, who are
favourable to his measure, in the face of the scorn of their
friends and the inward contempt of their former political
adversaries, but by their seeing it to be the ultimate
interest of THEIR CLASS.

Sir Robert feel may have shown them that, as they
individually are now able to submit to a lots, they should
do so, as this would be the only means of tolling back the
tide of popular feeling in politics, and securing the re-
duction of every interest in the country into the narrow
limit that formerly enabled them to control the govern-
ment of the country.
Sir Robert Peel's measure, in fact, as he well knows,
while he puts all interests down, puts down the manu•
facturing interest more than any other, and will eventually
make it a secondary interest in England.
Sir Robert Peel's measure may deprive the landlord of
luxuries, or even comforts, which an artificial state of so-
ciety has named necessaries, but the weaver will be de-
prived of ACTUAL EMPLOYNIENT (as a weaver): thus,
Ist. The landlords who are not driven to become absen-
tees will not be able to pay for seventy-five per cent. (or
three•fourths) the amount of goods they now take, and a
large part of that diminished quantity will be foreign
manufac:ures.

2nd. The tenants and agricultural labourers, even if
they take as many go'ods, (a thing impossible,) will, like
the other classes of the community, prefer some (less or
more) foreign articles, arid thus a falling off in the manu-
facture of the British article will accrue; but as the
British agriculturists and weavers will both have to com-
pete with foreigners of less expensive habits or modes of
life, who are, in fact, content with coarser food than the
English get in workhouses, and not require the same
amount of fuel or clothing—their views in these respects
must no doubt come down to prevent them starving amid
so cruel a competition (foreigners having the run of British
markets, but not the British in foreign markets.)
3d. The colonies will, in the same wey, take fewer
British goods, under free trade between each colony and
all the world even if their means of buying were not
reduced. It is self-evident, however, that, to the extent
that their wheat, or their sugar, or their timber produces
less money, they must take fewer goods.
4th. The manufacturer will not have all these deficien-
cies in demand from British and hitherto favoured chan-
nels made up to him by a similar or greater amount of in-
crease in the foreign demand. On the contrary, instead
of increasing, the foreign demand will gradually fall off;
governments abroad will, by their duties, prohibit British
goods the more they see that they can in British gold for
their products find for a few years that impulse for their
domestic manufactures which hitherto they have wanted,
but which in a few years would not only create in an in-
creased manufacturing population a great enduring home
market for their produce (enduting if they don't take up
free trade theories), but enable them to compete with
England in other foreign markets, if not in England itself.
So that the independent aristocracy see, that though
the ordeal will be a fiery one to their neighbours whose
lands are in debt, and a more fiery one still to the manu-
facturers, or rather weavers, the final result will assuredly
be. that the landowners will be the permanently predo-
minant and popular or powerful interest, the weavers
having been one-half driven back again to the fields by
want of manufacturing employment. The effect, in fact,
of Sir Robert Peel's measure will be to prevent all pro-
gress in manufacturing, and reduce the whole of the in-
terests of the country into a narrower compass, in which,
in the way we have pointed out, agriculture will loom the
largest, not because large, but because ail other interests
have been made smaller in proportion by Sir Robert
Peel's liberal measure.

Without imputing improper, or rather dishonourable
motives to Sir R. Peel, we ass.lrt beyond the fear of con-
tradiction, that at present he is the means of misleading
the public mind. Towards the end of his great speech on
the evening of the 16r.h nit. he says—
. _

And suppose the tenant said, " But this is a labourer's ques-
tion ?" I should answer, "Then my good fellow if we make this
land which now produces three quarters, produce five quarters,
we shall employ more labourers. There will be a greater de-
mand for labour, and all parties 'will be benefited. The estate
will be benefited ; the guarantee for the rent will be improved;
your comfort will be increased; there will he more labour em-
ployed ; and all this by the application of a little of that saving
which the lion. gentleman says the rich are to derive from the
tariff 1 introducer, (loud cheers).
Those business men who cheered Sir Robert Peel knew
full well, if he did not, that his remark if true of any land,
is only true of the very best land, and that showing that
some lands could grow two-thirds more wheat, is just
showing that the price of wheat wojd be so reduced with
free trade as to make it necessary to throw the poorer lands
(such as would yield no more than the present crops) into
wootis or grass, as being worth no rent at all for purposes
of cultivation.

If the poorer lands are thrown out of cultivation, it will
be impossible to make up the loss out of an increase of
even two-thirds on the better lands, and there will be
nothing like the means in the country to buy manufac-
tures.

Mr. Hudson, in his speech, states—
That the probable average price of corn under the new bill
would be from 355. to 40s. a quarter.

. -
The hon. member's calcu!ation will prove quite correct.
Let us suppose a farm' now let let thus—

100 acres ni X 3 per acre
Produces 3uo quarters at a clear profit of 265. Bd., equal to 400

Remaining to the tenant ....

.elOO

We assume that neither tenant nor agricultural la-
bourer will, till absolute necessity compels it, work for
less than at present; and that the first brunt of this free
trade in corn will come on. the two extremes, the landlord
and weaver.

We think that foreign competition will lead to the fol-
lowing result in the case of the best lends

The acres will now be let for one.half -tl3O
The produce will be raised 30 per cent., so that As. 3d. will

do instead of 51s. lad. (stated by Sir It. Peel to be the pre-
sent average), 450 quarters, at I Is. Id. clear profit

Leaving the same result to the tenant .eioo
But take the case of laud whose yield cannot be in-
creased—

The 100 acres will be let for nothing, or .e 66 13 4
The produce, 300 quarters at lls. Id., clear profit 165 13 4

Leaving the same result to the tenant XlOO 0 0
The 100 acres formerly produced 300 quarters at 51s.
.„ .

.777 10 0
The 100 acres now produce 300 quarters at 365. 3d 543 15 0

The ability of the country trade is reduced, or one
third
_ _ _

But the landlord could not stand by and see his pro-
perty wholly sacrificed, so that this land will be forced
back into grass or woods, as the colonies will be forced
out of our hands by the competition of foreign corn, in-
stead of, as Sir Robert Peel assures us, creating more em-
ployment or labour for the surplus population of the coun-
try ! Yes, the Premier triumphantly concludes—
This is what you have to decide by your vote on this ques-
tion—will you advance or will you recede? Which is the po-
licy best suited to the commerce of this great empire ?
And again—
What should be the motto of a country like this ? Should it
be advance or retrograde ?

Now, we deny that Sir R. Peel has shown bow any one
of the great interests of England is to he advanced, or
how (under free trade with all the world) it is possible to
prevent less or more sacrifice to every great and vital in-
terest in the country.
He talks, indeed, of the trade in feathers! as if the dis-
tress of all the dealers in feathers in Europe were equal
with us to the want f agricultural employment in one of
the 12000 parishes of England, or to the distress of the
little Scotch town of Paisley, which came to a ctisis in
1812 in consequence of the export of gold for wheat, espe-
cially in 1833, reducing the demand for fancy goods or
luxuries.

Sir Rlbert Peel professes that he is about to remove all
res:rietions fi om the tuod of the people, but he does not
show how that greatest restriction, the want of employ-
ment or means to buy food, or, in other words, how la-
bour is to be supplied.
Like the T tiles, Sir Robert Peel seems to suppose that
fowl is the means of a people, instead of labour being so.
The leading journal, which has been as much or more
the actm.l cause of the attempted repeal of tlie corn-laws
as Sir R. Peel or Lord John Russell, says in one of its
late numbers—

What would have resulted from a deinani for labour, if corn
had not been cheap arid plentiful ? Suppose a nation -it is only
too easy to suppose it—it is only too nee-ssary to anticipate it—
undertaking •' great internal improvements." and rous..d into
great 'activity of trade." with only moderate and average
stock of food in hand. There can be only one result, and that a
very fee; ful one. We should inevitably xhaust that stock too
qui k, and precipitate the nation into the double disaster of
bankruptcy and dearth—iindertaki; gs ended, and food
consumed. In the case of the nation as in the ca-e rl the indi-
vidual, activity is madness and improvements are ruin, the mo-
ment they pass beyond the capital at command. A kingdom
covered with earthquakes in acthe progress, and drawing every
day more large!), on a merely ordinary stock of for d, is. in the
case of the private speculator, who. by the time Ire has half
completed the she:ls of twenty new houses, and contracted debts
to the extent of his cred t, finds he has no, a sixpence left for
daily bread. Demand for labour is not pro,perity ; without food
—without food in hand, or certainly attainable—it is calamity.
The foregoing shews not only that the Times puts food
in the important place of capital, or employment, which
are required before a people can get food ; but that.
though usually arguing that England will easily get millions
of quarters of wheat from foreign countries at a small
price, the Times, when it suits its argument, fi:-..ds out
that with an overwhelming demand for labour, or other-
wise with the ability to pay the largest price, we could not
get our hands on foreign corn!
In the above quotation there is the following beautifully
written but also most beautifully absurd sentence
In the case of the nation, as in the case of the individual,
"activity" is madness, and " improvements" are ruin, the mo-
ment they pass beyond the capital at command.
Did the Times, or any one else, then, ever hear of an
individual with pl' nty of employment, or, what is the
same thing, plenty of money, finding that he could not
find food in England either at ode price or another ?
It is not abundance of wheat, but abundance of the
means of getting, not only the commonest food, but also
the higher wants of man. that constitute the prosperity
and happiness of a people, otherwise we should (contrary
to the decision of our senses) go in with Sir Robert Peel,
and say that the coarsest fed, the worst clothed, and the
worst educated parts of Europe are the most blessed as
having the most wheat.
And why should Sir Robert Peel or any other minister,
degrade the condition of Englishmen by bringing them
into competition with populations on the continent the
most inferior ?

But, Sir Robert Peel is either correct in assuming that
much of the land in England will produce two-thuds more
wheat, or he is not correct in this assumption.
If he is not correct, then the filling off in the ability of
the country to purchase manufactures will be very great,
with a reduced price...

If he is correct in his assumption, the increase in pro-
duction on such lands will still further, by lowering Me
price, render lands whose yield cannot be increased worth
no rent, and thus throw them out of cultivation, and pro-
bahly into woods, as we have shown.
We desire shortly to recur to the subject of colonial
trade to show its infinite s.uneriority over a fureigu trade,
or a merely manufach ring commerce, and we take our
figures from the offici;,! statement of the exports and im-
ports of Great Britain in 1813, not having the later returns
at hand.

In the trade between Britain and her colonies in the
western world, about 60,000 stamen are year;y employed,
for whom the amount of wages and cost of provisions
cannot :be less than :0,500,000 per annum ; and the re-
pairs, insurance, and replacing of capital in ►he ships
i 14,500,00 more.

In the trade between Britain and India and China,
10,000 seamen are employed, and at a similar rate their
wages, provisions, &c., will amount to £500.000; and the
replacement of capital and insurance. £800.000; in all,
£1,300,000. The VI h,lr, or nearly the whole, of the
supplies necessary to maintain these seam-n and tonnage
are the productions of British soil and labour, which, in a
national point of view, shows the superiority of such a
trade over a merely marailcoluriku commerce.
A comparison of the trade of the eastern with that of
the western world, taking the value of imports and ex-
ports wands nearly thus :—From and to China and the
East Indialmut £16,000,000; and from and to Brim
tisb Norttr‘iiserica and the West Indian Colonies,
£14,000,000.
It thus appears that the latter or British American
trade requires nearly five times more ships, tonnage, and
seamen to carry it on than the former, or trade to all
India and China ! thereby affording an incalculebie ad-
vantage to a naval power, and the support of a naval
force, and also to the employment of British labour and
capital. _ _

From the official statement of the exports and imports
of Great Britain to the different parts of the world for
the year 1843, to which we have alluded, we find that the
whole weight of cotton yarn and cotton goods exported
from Great Britain annually is 120,000 tons, and the
value £23,500,000.
It follows, then, that one-half the tonnage employed in
carrying the West Indian exports (value £2,882,441)
would be sufficient to carry the whole cotton export trade
of this country; and as regards the North American trade,
one-seventh of its tonnage would be sufficient to carry all
that cotton trade about c.hich Mr. Cobden has made such
a noise, but whose reel and great intrinsic importance to
the empire no agriculturist nor colonist has ever shown
any disposition to undervalue that we are aware of.
We cannot better finish off this statement than by re-
peating that, while the trade of British America and the
West Indies, stated in 1843 to be only £14,000,000, em-
ploys 2,900 ships of 970,000 tons, and 60,000 seamen, our
trade with the United States, estimated at £22,030,000
(three-fifths being imports of raw cotton, &c.), is carried
in 350 ships, of 233,G00 t ,ns ; and the import from China,
amounting to £5,000,000, is brought in 84 ships of
39,712 tons.

The trade of America when our colony in 1796, em-
ployed, on an average of three years. 1,078 ships and
28,910 seamen, and the value of the goods taken from .
Great Britain was £3,370,000 ; the export of the colony
being £3,924,606.

. .
The population of the United States is now nearly ten
times what it then was, without any great permanent
increase in our exports to America (causes crer which we
had no control, brought them down in the year 1842 to
£3,528,807).
In our colonies, on the contrary, we have the control
of their laws affecting trade and the currency, so that
there is a progressive increase with little or no FLUcruA-
TION, and did no toiler difference show itself between
colonial and foreign traf.le, this alone were a strong argu-
ment in favour of the colonial system, especially when we
also take into account that the profits of the colonial trade
remain in and aggrandise the empire, generally coming
home to be spent in the mother country.
And when we coolly reflect on the facts of this case, we
cannot attribute it to any cause but a most morbid ex-
citement of mind, leading him to overlook not only his
own interests and peace of mind, but Close operatives
whom he influences, that a generally shrewd man Ilk, Mr.
Cobden should prefer foreign to home and colonial trade;
for he knows well—he cannot but know—that all his
money was made out of that moderate but steady pro-
fitableness of the protected home and British colonial
markets, which no foreign trade whatever can aspire to.
Let that gentleman, then, and his associates of the
League, think of the respom-ibility they undergo of con-
tinuing to place in a more favourable light before the
working men of Lancashire the foreign than the British
or colonial wheat grower, although the former of these
takes gold for his produce, which is the same as it he took
the raw materi:-.1 of cotton from Liverpool, as compared
with the British or colonial agriculturist taking that same
cotton from 11Ianchestcr, after it has been doubled, or in
some cases trebled, iu value by highly-taxed British
labour.

And, let the members of the Anti-Corn-law League be
prepared (once free trade is established and our system of
national interests and credit put down) to be able to
suggest to the British Government answers to make to
the colonists in British America when they ask, as they
naturally will do, before risking their lives in an Oregon
war :—What mare interest or connection Canadians now
have in the British empire than the Americans have? and
what obligations can remain on them to defend a govern-
ment which has denuded itself of ail permanent character,
having set constitutional public opinion at defia::ce, and
allowed itself, more than the Congress of the United
States, to be made the mere tool of whatever parties in
the State brawl the loudest?

Free trade, however, cannot be of very long duration it
it is shown to produce the public calamities that we pre-
dict, or if England intends to continue to pay the interest
of her national debt, whose only permanent security lies
in TILE EMPIA,YMENT OF OUR OWN P3OPLE.

A line of packet ships has been determined upon
to run between Baltimore and this port; sod two New
York and Havre packets, together with the Roscoe, have
been purchased for that !flirt we.
ADMISSION OF INDIAN CORN.—Orders have been re-
ceived by the custom-house authorities in this port to ad..
mit maize, Indian meat, buck wheat, and rice, at the no-
minal duty of Is. per quarter : the parties to whom they
belong giving bond to pay the higher duties, if the govern-
ment measure should be thrown out.

BONAPARTE'S BROTH ER IN LIVERPOOL--Amongst
the passengers by the Cambria steamship, on Saturday,
from Boston and Halifax, wss Joseph Bonaparte, the bro-
ther of the distinguished Napoleon Bonaparte. Joseph,
who was at one time King of Spain, and whose proper
title is now the Prince dt.,. Musiguano, is about sixty years
of age, and very much resembles his renowned brother is
height, expression of countenance, and general appearance.
His manners are very unassuming. lie was accompanied
only by his secretary, Mons. Mailliard, and after staying
at the Adelphi Hotel until Sunday morning, he started for
London.

THE LIBERTY OF THE SUBJECT.—On Saturday, Police-
officers, 61, 310, 434, and 627 appeared before Mr. Rush-
ton, to answer a complaint made against them by Mr.
Benjamin Sullivan, a clerk, residing in Kent-street, of
having unwarrantably interfered with him on Thursday
night last. Mr. Rushton in suspending three of the offi-
cers, gave the particulars of the case. He said the officer's
conduct had been marked by a total want of propriety.
The facts of the case were exceedingly simple. A respee-
table man was going borne wi•h a bundle of cloth, and he
complained about the annoyance be was receiving from
some females, who ought to have been .dispersed by the
officers. If the officers had suspected anything, they
should have stated that they Ind received information of
something wrong in the neighbcurhood, and that, though
they were sort y to interrupt, yet they wished to know who
he was. /f, then, be gave his name and address, it was
easy to find out whether he gave it correctly, as be said
he lived in the same street. But there was no evidence
to justify them in stopping the man at al; ; and vet, not
only had they stopped him, but they had detained him in
the street while they t x;, mined his
parcel. and they bad
said that he must go to hridewell it the bill wassnot pro-
duced, or if it did not correspond with the contents of the
arcel. They should not hate done anything of the kind.
'They had manifested a total want of discretion; and, in
fact, the case was one of these which made police-officers
appear worse than useless. It was a serious and most an-
noying interruption, for which officers 61, 434, and 627
must be suspended. As officer 3CO did not appear. to have
said or done anything, he war ordered to be continued
in
the force.

G-- - -~

Eittraturr.

NOTICES.

The Manifested Oneness of the Church of Christ, with
some Reasons for not joining the proposed Evangelical
Alliance; a Sermon prs ached by the Rev. Hugh
Al• Neile. Third Edition, with a Preface and Appendix
not in former editions. Hatchards, London; Lace and
Addison, Liverpool.
The call so speedily made for a third edition of this val-
uable disc,urse proves that us contents have been duly
appreciated by this public. The reverend author has
given in this edition more than double the quantity of
matter in those previously issued. In the preface to this
edition, Mr. Nl`Neile enters at length into a variety of
arguments to show that the proposed Evangelical Alli-
ance, from recent exhibitiens of its promoters spirit,
as well as from its avowed principles of action, is " a
rash experiment, the very terms of whose proposal
contained the seeds of its own inevitable failure."
At the outset, the reverend gentleman states his per-
suasion that the Alliance " contained a snare for the un-
suspecting evangelical clergy of the Church of England,"
and, with his usual honesty, gives the following as his
reasons for entertaining the opinion :
" The idea was, that being grieved by the disastrous
spread of Tractarianisun in our own Church, and hopeless
of any real amendment by authority—nay, rather, dis-
gusted by the fact that authority, while softly disapprov-
ing of excess, was substantially nourishing and cherishing,
and of course propagating, the fatal heresy—we would be
found ripe and ready for a recoil, and captivated b; a
Prospect of true Christian union, on a basis which made
light—or rather invited us to make light—of all secondary
ecclesiastical considerations ; that some among us, in the
loving-kindness and open generosity of our hearts, would
join such an alliance without a serious thought about any
ulterior consequences ; some, with a strong conviction
that, in so doing, they were in no way whatever compro-
mising their standing or their principles as members of a
national Episcopal Church ; and it was felt that there
were many, both clergy and laity, who, to use the lan-
guage of one of the many pamphlets of last year; rather
than see their country deluged by superstition, and a con-
tinuance of the shameful scenes which have been lately
enacted, would consent that all connexion between Church
and State, however hitherto held dear, very dear to their
hearts—should be at once and for ever cut off.'
" That such views and expectations existed, and in the
quartet from whence the original invitation to the Alli-
ance conference emanated, is not a matter of mere con-
jecture. The writer was put into possession of it as a
matter of fact, in the most emphatic, because the most un-
suspecting manner possible, by a distinguished foreigner—
himself an ardent and conscientious opponent of the con-
nexion between Church and State—who paid us a visit
last summer. Immediately precious to his visit to Liver-
pool, he had been in communication for some time with
Some of the most active, talented, and influential mem-
bers of the Scotch secession ; and one of his primary ob-
jects of inquiry, on coming here, was the character and
probable time of our approaching secession in England.
He was evidently surprised by the tone in which all
thought of any such secession was disclaimed, and even
resented. He possessed too much Christian feeling, and
gentlemanlike courtesy, to press the subject ; but the im-
pression was made ; and by the convener's invitation to
the Conference two months afterwards, the impression
was revived."
It is no marvel that such reasoning and such
honest avowals as these should have occasioned considera-
ble feelings amongst the admirers of the alliance, and that
feeling has been manifested already. It will be seen,
from a letter in another column, that Mr. Mc. Neile, in
reply to a communication from a highly respectable gen-
tleman in this town, has had an opportunity afforded of
explaining himself on the point adverted to in the pre-
ceding statements.
The following is a powerful, and to a steadfast friend of
the Established Church we deem an unanswerable, argu-
ment against the basis of the Alliance :
" The case would be essentially different, if the pro-
posed Alliance were really and bond fide a great Protes-
tent Confederation, with the avowed object of guarding
the Protestant Laws of England against any further Rome-
ward alterations ; and not only so, but of recovering the
Protestant ground which has been lost in our statute book.
If Churchmen and Dissenters could join in one body for
this national object; without on either side, taking or
wishing to take advantage of the occasian, for driving for-
ward any ecclesiastical or denominational objects ; the
union would be intell gible, and as I think, most lawful
and right. Such a confederacy was anticipated in the
Anti-Maynooth conference : and had it been bond fide
Such, the result might have been very different to the na-
tion. Soon, however, it became too apparent that it was
not such. :The question is, can such a Confederation be
formed? :an the provisional committees of the Alliance,
when they meet in London, assume this strictly and ex-
clusively national aspect, in defence of our national Pro-
testantism ?
" My conviction is, that they cannot; and my reason for
so. thinking is; that our national Protestantism as it is,
and as it was, gives precedence in many things to the Es-
tablished Church. Of course to aim at maintaining it as
it is, or recovering it as it was, would be to aim at giving
permanence to that precedence. This is what multitudes
of Dissenters cannot do. They do not think it lawful, or
right, or Christian. English Protestantism, as by law es-
tablished, has hitherto contained something, which neither
accords with their taste or their principles; and if they
enter into a Protestant Confederacy, a part of their ob-
ject must be to get rid of that something. But that
something is a national Church. This seems to be for-
gotten by those who speak of the dangers which threaten
'Our Church ; and then refer to a union with Dissenters,
as any refuge from, or strength under, those dangers."
In the appendix we find a large body of scripture truth
adduced in support of the following "conclusions."
"First, against the extravagant expectations held out of
-converting the world ; and, secondly, against the applica-
tion to present efforts, however combined, of the Lord's
prayer, in the seventeenth chapter of St. John." The argu-
ments on these subjects are foo continuous to enable us
-to extract with satisfaction any portion. We may obser re
that the evidence is derived chiefly, though by no means
exclusively, from the parables of our Lord. We cannot i
refrain, however, from reprinting the following eloquent
and justly deserved tribute which Mr. IVl`Neile advances
to the attachment of the evangelical clergy to our vene-
rable establishment :
"Secession ! Let Tractarians secede, condemned as they
are by the scriptural standards of the Church : and in
proportion as they learn to add to their heresy,
honesty ; they will secede. Let those secede who re•
quire subscription to our Articles, and then encourage,
by promoting, the violators—or the eiders and abettors of
.the violators—of those Articles. The Church, as such,
disowns them, while she groans under their partial mis-
rule. Let Antinomians secede, who reject as their rule
that holy law which the Church reiterates as the mind of
Him who in Christ Jesus is love. Let Anti-Episcopalians
secede, and accidental Episcopalians. who can recognise
nothing more sacred than human management in the or-
ders of the Christian ministry. Let the votaries of a world
that lieth in wickedness secede, the frequenters of its re-
velries of gaiety and its purlieus of sensuality ; condemned
as they are by their baptismal vow to " renounce the
pomps and vanities of this wicked world, and all the sin-
ful lusts of the flesh." Let Formalists secede, who not
content with the spiritual worship of the Church, desire
to revive the altars and postures, the dresses and decora-
tions of mediaeval corruption. But who are they who
cannot secede? Who are they whose sentiments and lan-
guage are most cordially and constantly in harmony with
the standards of the Church ? Who are they who cite
con more the words of the Reformers ? who delight in,
and as far as circumstances admit, imitate the deeds of the
Reformers? Who are they, who declare it to be the duty
of the civil Ruler to know the good from the evil, the
truth from the falsehood, and " to rule," as well as live,
"in the fear of God ?" Who are they, who maintain the
authority of the Ruler, whether civil or ecclesiastical, as
based upon the Bible, and limited by the Bible ? Who
are they, who urge, by both example and precept, that se-
paration from the world to which the Church pledges all
ber children ? Who are they, in a word, who are living
samples of Church of Englandism, so that in leaving that
Church, they would be, as it were, leaving themselves ?
The truly enlightened and impartial observer, will at once
reply—the Evangelical portion of the English Church."

• BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY.
London: Henry B. Bohn.
RO.7COC'S Life of Leo the Pnth. 2 Vols.
Robert Hall's illicellaneons Works.
Schlegel's Philosophy of History.
Mr. Bohn has so far fulfilled every engagement announ-
ced in the prospectus of his Standard Library. Our read-
ers will at once perceive that the works—not limited to
any particular class of literature—are of a deservedly esta-
blished character, with a view of presenting which to the
educated public the series was undertaken. They are ac-
curately printed in a new and elegant form, and every
work is edited or translated by competent scholars, and is
illustrated with portraits, engravings, &c. The series is
published monthly, in volumes of about 500 pages each,
which are handsomely bound, and will be an invaluable
adjunct to any library. Of course it is too late to say
anything as to the intrinsic merits of the works themselves,
but the manner in which the typographical and all the
other departments of their publication have been executed
merits every praise, and will, no doubt, meet its reward
by a very extensive sale, which we are persuaded must be
very great indeed, to remunerate the publisher for his
large outlay.

Lecture; on the principal tip's of the Old Testament.
Vol. 1. By the Rev. J. Jones, incumbent of St. An-
drew's Church. Hatchard and Son, London.
We some time since received the first volume of this
work on a deeply important branch of divine truth, and
ought to have noticed it earlier. The reverend author in
these discourses has brought together a vast mass of scrip-
tural evidence in his interpretation of the typical portions
of Holy Writ, and has evinced his usual desire to make
the whole, of practical utility to every Christian reader.
,Mr. Jones rightly ot-serves, that in too many instances
•' the types have been so minutely interpreted, or rather
misinterpreted, in particulars of the most trifling nature,
as ofttimes to destroy their grandeur and sublimity ;" and
thi . led to a very general disregard. of their proper use
and application. '.l hey are nevertheless " shadows of good
things to come," and cannot be too highly prized as recti-
fiers of any false interpretation of new testament doctrines.
Having been " made according to the pattern shown to
Moses in the mount" (that pattern being the everlasting
Gospel), the typical illustrations become of paramount
value ; because we have just reason to suspect the correct-
ness of that exposition of divine truth which does not
dovetail with the Mosaic institutions, of which the gospel
was at once the antitype and pattern.
After a beautifully clear definition of the characteristics
and scriptural method of interpreting the types, our au-
thor adopts no artificial arrangement of his subjects, but
takes them exactly in the order in which they are pre-
sented to us in the Word of God, commencing with the

'ype of the first man, Adam. He exhibits with much
power and with wise discrimination the various striking
coincidences wherein the things prefigured answer to the
things prefiguring them, and loses no opportunity of press-
ing on the readers attention how eminently the whale are
calculated to confirm our faith, enlarge our hopes, and
enliven our affections. _ _

We perceive that a second volume will be ready in a few
months, to obtain which, we are persuaded, a perusal of
tie pages before us will beget a very general desire.

VARIETIES.

THE CHILTERN HUNDREDS.—There is a certain por-
tion of the high land of Buckinghamshire known by the
name of Chiltern Hills. Formerly these hills abounded
in timber, especially beech, and afforded shelter to nu-
merous banditti—
". Under the shady greenwood tree
We merry archers i own !"
—To put down these banditti, and to protect the inhabi-
tants of the neighbouring parts from their depredations,
an officer was appointed under the Crown, called " the
Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds." As it is an office
under the Crown, any member accepting it, ipso facto va-
cates his seat in Parliament.

A PRIMI i IVE POST OFFICE.—A party that bad landed
from the Alligator found a box upon the island, which an
insciption upon a board erected above it designated as the
Post-office.' Several letters were found therein, ad-
dressed to the masters of some of the ships that were ex-
pected to pass throughout the strait by those who had
preceded them ; and a book, in which the names of the
various ships had been entered, was carefully deposited in
one corner. From this it appeared that the Essington
had passed about a fortnight before 119, having spent some
time in trading among the Murray and Darnley Islands.
She had gone on to Port Essington to land the frame of a
church intended for the use of the settlement which form-
ed part of her cargo. We also learned that the William,
another vessel that had been fitted out to trade with the
islands, had been wrecked on Cockburn Reef.— Tropical
Australia.

GEORGE CANNING'S MOTHER.—Mr. Canning's mo-
ther having, at the death of her husband, been deprived of
the £l5O a-year, sought an independence on the stage, for
which she appeared adapted by talents and personal quali-
fications. Through the influence of Queen Charlotte she
became known to Garrick, and made her first appeal ance
at Drury lane in 1773, in the character of Jane Shore.
Her failure was discouraging. and she accordingly went
into the provinces, played Julia in the " Rivals," at
Bristol, and shortly after married Mr. Reddish, of Drury-
lane Theatre. She suffered many bitter trials from this
marriage, for Reddish was a profligate, and ended an in-
famous career in the York Lunatic Asylum. After his
death she still continued in the provinces, playing at Bir-
mingham, Hull, and other places, but especially at Ply-
mouth, where she was a great favourite, and where she
married a third husband, a Mr. Hunn, a respectable silk
mercer. Hunn failed in business and died, leaving his
widow with two daughters and a son. Throughout all
these vicissitudes she was cheered by constant proofs of
the affection of her son George. He made it a sacred rule
to write to her once a week, and afforded her every assist-
ance in his power.

TUE PRESS.—The amount of intellect which is now
brought to bear upon the public press of England, forms
one of the striking features of our age and country.
Whether as regards the lucubrations of the quarterly and
monthly periodicals, or the more rapid productions of the
weekly and daily journals, where is the Englishman who
does not feel elated at the reflection, that all this array of
talent, this exhibition of mind, is concentrated within his
own native isle, and is, for the most part, constantly oc-
cupied in efforts to advance its literature, its science, its
religion, and thus to promote its true glory and its endu-
ring greatness ? Such, indeed, is the reputation of the
public press of Great Britain, and such the weight of its
political influence, that it has, although imperceptibly,
virtually introduced a new element into the constitution—
a fourth estate. So that not only is it now necessary to
the enactment of a new law that it should have the high
sanction of Queen, Lords, and Commons, but also that
the measure should previously have had the concurrence
of the public press, as the organ of the popular mind and
will, enlightened, moulded, and directed mainly by its
intelligence and power. Public opinion, informed by and
expressed through the press, now really governs in Eng-
land.

WATER IN NEW YoßK.—The Croton River is brought
to the city of New York by an aqueduct 40 miles i❑ length.
It is received into two reservoirs, one capable of contain-
ing 150 millions of imperial gallons, and the other 21 mil-
lions, at the height of 115 feet above tide. There are 150
miles of mains, four miles of which are three feet in dia-
meter. The water is kept at high pressure in all the
streets, at all times, so that it is always on, and the inha-
bitants have a constant supply night and day. When the
New York report was printed, only a short time had
elapsed since the opening of the works; but even then,
6000 houses and manufactories, out of 30,000, had taken
the water, at an average rent of 14 Collars, which, of
course, would decrease as the number of consumers aug-
mented. All who cannot pay for water are supplied by
public fountains and hydrants, of which there were 600 ;
and the number has now greatly increased. "It is im-
possible to say how much water is supplied per annum,
as the hydrants and fountains are in constant use," and
"the water is used for ail purposes." Fires are chiefly
extinguished by a hose attached to fire plugs in the mains,
the water being thrown up by the head pressure ; and
since the Croton water was introduced, the losses by fire
have diminished one-half, and insurance premiums have
fallen 25 per cent. Philadelphia is supplied on similar
principles.—Health of Towns' Advocate.

_
CHAT Moss.—Within a couple of hundred yards of this
fertite.valtey, but separated from it by a ridge of manly
hills, commences the great waste known by the names of
Barton Moss, Chat Moss, and Astley Moss, of which from
two to three thousand acres, or perhaps about one• third of
the whole, are situated in the township of Barton. This
moss, or bog, as it would be called in Ireland, is in many
places from twenty to thirty feet in depth, and though the
genius and enterprise of George Stephenson have bridged
it over by a railway, for a length of upwards of four miles,
it is still so wet in many parts as not to be transferable by
foot passengers without great danger. The readers of ro-
mances will remember that this moss is the scene of a
tragic adventure in Ainsworth's history of Guy Fawkes,
where the officers of justice are swallowed up and lost in
pursuing the heroine of the story. At the present day,
houses, gardens, and woods stand upon the scene of this
supposed adventure; but we know from Camden's Bri-
tannia that a few years before—that is, in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth,—this great moss burst, and discharged
enormous masses of mud and water into the Irwell, killing
the fish, and in its course overspreading many acres of
fertile land. There is no historical document from which
it is possible to ascertain precisely the point where this
catastrophe occurred, but from the direction of the land
and the course of the streams, it is most probable that it
occurred near the point at which Ainsworth supposes the
above-mentioned catastrophe to have happened—that is,
at the hollow which crosses the Manchester Road, on the
Baystrocre farm, where a thin coat of dry moss is still to
be found within 130 yards of the river.—Times.
A VISIT FROM AN ALLIGATOR.—One of the men em-
ployed, while sleeping in a hammock suspended between
two trees, was disturbed during the night by something
dragging away The blanket that covered him, and on look-
ing over the side of the hammock he discovered, to his
intense horror, that the intruder was a large alligator.
His shouts alarmed the animal, which retreated in great
haste into the sea. The man's story was not at first cre-
dited by those who came to his assistance, but in the
morning, sure enough, the blanket was found on the
beach half immersed in water, and the animal itself was
shot a few nights afterwards, the ball striking the forehead
above the eye, and splintering off a portion of the skull,
thus exposing the brain. He did not die, however, until
after a violent struggle of many minutes, during which he
lashed the sea around him into a foam. Some of the men
returned the compliment he was supposed to have in-
tended for their companion, by eating a considerable por-
tion of his remains. From the knowledge that we subse-
quently gained concerning these animals, I very much
dOubt whether the one in question really intended mis-
chief. The natives, whose encampments are generally
close to the beach, are never carried off ; and the alli-
gator is such a cowardly animal that it very rarely ven-
tures to molest them even in the water, which may be
considered as its proper element. Certainly, upon one
occasion, a woman and seven children were attacked by
an alligator as they were leisurely swimming towards the
shore from a vessel in the roads. It came up behind
them unperceived, and endeavoured to seize the woman
with one of its claws, but it soon desisted, and the entire
party succeeded in escaping to the shore. I had been
alarmed—as was the case, I believe, with all the people in
the settlement—by their screams, and arrived on the
beach as they were landing. The woman was terribly
scratched upon her shoulder, but the greatest sufferer ap-
peared to be a poor little girl about eight years of age who
stood upon the beach the very picture of paralyzed terror.
Tropical Australia.

UNHANDSOME CONDUCT.—Many years ago a counsel,
yet living, I believe, and enjoying a pension granted on his
retirement from a high office, to which he was subse-
quently elevated, was a celebrated leader on the circuit. It
happened at one of the assizes, a cause of ejectment, if I
remember rightly, was set down for trial, and the plaintiff's
attorney, anxious to secure his assistance, not only sent a
special retainer, but a brief with a satisfactory fee, at least
three weeks before the circuit commenced, and conse-
quently, while the learned gentleman was in town. He
had thus an opportunity, of which he availed himself, to
study the plaintiff's case. On his arrival at the assize
town one of the defendant's attorneys called at his lodgings
with a brief for the latter, when he was apprized by the
clerk of the pre-engagement. I should mention, that this
attorney with his partners formed an influential firm, hav-
ing a superior business, and being "good" and constant
clients of Mr.—, while the solicitor on the other side
was nearer the reverse in all respects. Blaming the clerk
for not writing to them in the first instance (though there
was no general retainer) to learn in what cases they re-
quired his master, the attorney immediately bad an inter-
view with the latter, in which he urged the necessity of
abandoning the first, and undertaking the second case.
There is no doubt his arguments were convincing, for, at
a late hour of the evening, the plaintiff's attorney was in-
formed, that by neglect of the clerk, a prior retainer (which
had no existence) by the defendant, had been overlooked,
a'd consequently that Mr. P—could not be his counsel.
His brief and fees were therefore returned, another coun-
sel was engaged within a few hours of the trial, and the
ill-used plaintiff lost that verdict of which he felt himself
secure, probably more by the knowledge which his adver-
sary's advocate had obtained of both sides of the question
than the merits of the case, while the clerk was obliged to
endure all the obloquy. His master, howeve6, avoided
offending a " good" client, who might otherwise have been
"good" no longer, and, this object being attained, it mat-
tered not who suffered. I must add, by the by, that none
but a senior could have achieved this exploit without ser.
ious consequences.—Hood's Magazine.