The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-01-24 00:00:00

dation of every class-book on moral philosophy. It is
utterly impossible to teach youth their duties to God
and man without having recourse to the revealed will
of God. We grant that it is possible to carry into
operation a system of national education of an ex-
clusively secular character, in which the Bible may
be entirely dispensed with. But that is not the
question. What we maintain is, that it is impractica-
ble to separate ethical from religious instruction. In
our opinion the -terms are 'convertible ; and so they are
in practice. The editor of the British Farmer's Ma-
gazine has, indeed, tacitly acknowledged the correctness
of the preceding remarks. We infer this from the fol-
lowing passage in his last article on the subject under
discussion :—" The precept of the Saviour, Do unto
others as ye would they should do unto you,' is the
very essence of Christianity ; it is universally acknow-
ledged; all men are agreed in it, the Christian and the
Infidel alike; and is it not the sum and substance of
ethics ? Wherefore, then, would religion suffer by
teaching Christ's precept, and that only, as far as mo-
rals are concerned, in public schools ?" Here we have
an unqualified admission that the only ethical or moral
instruction necessary is a precept of Christianity. How
does such a system "exclude religious instruction ?"
We now come to the practical illustration of our
views. The editor of the British Farmer's Magazine
imagines a difficulty which has no existence, when he
states that there can be no system of national educa-
tion devised by man, including religious teaching, that
shall meet universal approbation, or even the approba-
tion of the majority." To meet this supposed diffi-
culty our opponent suggests a system of ethical in-
struction which, by his own showing, is actually de-
rived from the Bible ! But we have said that the dif-
ficulty which he wishes to overcome is imaginary. We
believe that it is quite practicable to devise a system of
national education which would meet, in the first in-

stance, with the approbation of the majority, and, ulti-
mately, secure universal approbation. A system in ac-
cordance with the Church of England would effectually
answer this end. The doctrines of the church, as set
forth in tier catechism, her liturgy, her creeds, her ar-
ticles, and her homilies, are almost identical with those
held by the great mass of Dissenters in this country.
In those doctrines the great majority of the youth of
Great Britain, that receive any instruction at all, are,
at the-present moment, educated. Those doctrines are
taught to hundreds of thousands of children in
the schools connected with the Church of Eng-
land. They are also taught to hundreds of thou-
sands in Sabbath and other schools which are
not connected with the Church. What objection,
therefore, can there exist to the adoption of a sys-
tem of national education which shall include re-
fikions instruction in the doctrines of the Church of

England, leaving out minor points of discipline in the
case of Dissenters ? We have found no practical ob-
stacle, in our own experience, to such a system. We
have ourselves superintended schools in connection
with the Church, in which a very large proportion of
the scholars in attendance were the children of Dis-
senters.

We never heard from the parents of these
any complaints respecting the course of religious in-
struction adopted. We do not believe that such com-
plaints would be preferred by any but Roman Catho-
lics, Socinians, or infidels. Does our opponent mean
to insinuate that the three classes just mentioned con-
stitute a numerical majority of the population of this

country ?
But we must reduce the question to a still more
simple issue. The great, the overwhelming majority
of the population of Great Britain are undoubtedly
attached to the Church of England. This is a fact
which we believe few will have the temerity to dispute.
A reference to statistical details would irrefragably
prove the correctness of our opinion. Of course, we.
include the Wesleyan Methodists in our calculation,
for, although not actually members of, they claim alli-
ance with, the Church of England. Here, then, we
have the groundwork for a system of national educa-
tion, including religious teaching, which shall "meet
with the approbation of the majority." All we have to
do is, to snake the doctrines of the Church of England
the basis of such a system. If this be done, and if
fdequate means be furnished for carrying it into ope-
ration, we have no hesitation in saying that many
• generations will not pass away, before such a system
of religious. teaching would obtain " universal appro-
bation." fruits•would be too visible and too pre-
cious to admit of any -cavil, excepting from the scoffing
reprobate or the blaspheming infidel.
We trust that, the editor of the British Farmer's
Magazine is not so regardless of the moral character
and spiritual interests of his countrymen as to advo-
sate a system of national education purely secular in
. its character. The experience of all ages proves that
• ,: such a system is productive of nothing but unmitigated
evil. Knowledge, unsanctified by religion, is a curse
rather than a blessing. Learning, elevated and digni-
fied by association with religious principle, constitutes
the only true nobility of our nature. " The fear of
the Lord is the BEGINNING OF 'WISDOM."

We are glad to find that the Bishop of Exeter has
given notice of a motion in the House of Lords on the
subject of Socialism, with a view to the suppression of
that pestilent and demoralising system. It is no mat-
ter of surprise to us that the dandified ex-dictator of
Ireland, who now presides over the Home Department,
should treat the subject with indifference. It would be
wonderful, indeed, if any minister, acting under a pre-
mier that introduced Robert Owen and his filthy pub-
lications to the Queen, should feel or evince any anxiety
on the score of public morals. The Marquis of Nor-
manby was quite consistent in treating the questions of
• the Bishop of Exeter with supercilious contempt.
What is it to him that Socialism should spread its
baneful poison throughout the land ? What is it to
• him that a fatal blow should be struck at the very foun-
,., dations of society ? Has he not the example of the
rr.premier to plead in justification of his contempt of an-
pr,tiquated prejudices in favour of morality ? But let Lord
r eNormanby know—let Lord Melbourne know—that
liEnglish fathers will not allow their wives and daugh-
-lers to be blackened and maligned by such a wretch as
Robert Owen. Let them know that a system so utterly
n.subversive of morality, so destructive of natural affec-
tion, so beastly in its character, as Socialism is proved
•,to be, shall and must be crushed—if not by the force
'of public feeling, by the resistless arm of the law. So-
:c!alism must be suppressed; this is demanded by jus-
'lice, virtue, and even common decency.

" The pear is ripe." The day has arrived when it
becomes the imperative duty of the Conservative party
in the House of Commons to endeavour to drive out
+of office the present imbecile, corrupt, truckling, time-
serving, self-loving, hypocritical, and most thoroughly
degraded administration. In this matter, we are happy
to say, endeavouring is all that is necessary on the part
.of ,the Conservative phalanx in the House of Corn-
.4nons..,..They constitute, it is our sincere belief, a
.numerical.majority of the House of Commons, if the
ministers holding seats in that House be left out of the
calculation. The leaders of the Conservative party,
among whom it is a source of pride to enumerate such
men as Sir Robert Peel, Sir James Graham, and Lord
Stanley, are a host in themselves. The House of
Lords is ready to second the efforts of the Conservatives
in the Commons, and to aid them in crushing the
present unworthy ministry. Above all, the country is
impatiently waiting some decisive effort on the part of
the friends of the constitution in the House of Com-
mons. The people of England are utterly sick and
disgusted with the misgovernment, peculation, trea-
chery, and double-distilled knavery of Lord Melbourne
and his associates in office. The people of England—
we mean the loyal, the peaceable, the Protestant, that is,
the overwhelming majority of the people—are eagerly
panting for an opportunity of throwing off the incubus
that now presses upon the springs of this country's
prosperity. That incubus, that paralyzes the body

politic, and holds its energies in thraldom, is none

other than the present pro-Popish, anti-English, and
desperate administration. To doubt the prevalent
anxiety for the downfall of the ministry would argue
a man to be either a fool or a reckless postponer of the.
itruth. We believe there is hardly an individual within
,the three kingdoms that would deny the triumphant
:ascendancy of
.Conservative principles, excepting the
.!_9reat.liar himself,. (we do not mean Satan but O'Con-
_nen), whose denial would only be construed as the
=strongest evidence, of the fact for which we are con-
qtfendingiclow zi &Ad,/ 1119 i

,mWe have said that " the pear is ripe." The country
is waiting for some movement which shall imperil the

existence of the present ministry. We rejoice to add
that that movement will take place on the 28th instant.
On Thursday a motion will be made in the Commons,
declaratory of their want of confidence in the administra-
tion, unless, indeed, the Whigs should determine upon
a dissolution in the interim. Sir J. Y. Buller's motion
will, unless it is baulked and shirked by the expedient
to which we have alluded, bring the strength of the
ministerial party to the test. We are glad to find that
the leaders of the Conservative party are determined
to support the motion which will be brought forwards
on Friday next. This is as it should be. The Fabian
policy has been pursued long enough. The country
has been brought to the verge of a fearful revolution.
All our national interests are fast approaching ruin.
England, under the rule of Whiggery, has been
degraded in the scale of nations. The time has come
when the vessel of the state must be rescued from the
hands of the present crew, before it is dashed to pieces
on the rocks of perdition. There must be no shrink-
ing from the impending contest. If the leaders of the
Conservatives are found at their posts—and of their
disposition to be so we have every assurance—it is no
.less the duty of every other Conservative member in
the House of Commons to record his vote in favour of
Sir J. Y. Buller's motion. We shall narrowly examine
the list of the division, and point to it as an infallible
test of the sincerity of those who have been returned
to the House of Commons, on the strength of their
Conservative professions. That list will be of incalcu-
lable use at the -approaching general election. From
it the Conservative electors will know their men, and
know how to act when any of them again claim their
suffrages. We may be accused of expressing ourselves
strongly on this question. We do so because we feel
strongly. We feel that any dereliction of duty on the
subject of Sir J. Y. Buller's motion would be an act
of treachery—treachery towards the Queen—treachery
towards the constitution—treachery towards the Esta-
blished Church—treachery towards the vital interests
of the country.
Until the results of the pending elections are ascer-
tained, it would be premature to speculate upon the
probable majority on the division which may follow
Sir J. Y. Buller's motion. The elections now in pro-
gress will, in a great measure, determine the majority.
We do not, however, forget that there have been defec-
tions from the ministerial ranks. We do not forget
that Lord Howick and Mr. Wood are now sitting, in
sullen silence, on the cross-benches. But, whatever
may be the result of the approaching struggle, the
Conservatives must not quit the field, after once
throwing down the gauntlet. They must worry Lord
Melbourne out of office, as the Whigs worried Sir
Robert Peel. They must compel them to dissolve Par-
liament, and then—the country will look after the
rest

The case of Stockdale versus Hansard, about which
so much time has been lost in the House of Commons,
has assumed additional features of interest since our
last publication. The sheriffs have been committed
into custody by the Commons; while the Court of
Queen's Bench has fairly thrown down the gauntlet, by
making the rule absolute for the payment of the money
to Stockdale or his assignees. The House of Com-
mons and the Court of Queen's Bench are thus in
open collision. The whole circumstances of the case
are painfully humiliating. What have the sheriff's.
of Middlesex been committed for ? The plain and
unequivocal answer to this question is, they have been
committed for refusing to disobey the Queen's writ, and
to violate their oath of office! This is the plain matter
of fact. Again, we would ask, what is the privilege
set up by the House of Commons, under cover of
which so extraordinary a committal has taken place ?
The direct answer to this is, the House of Commons
have claimed, and, as far as lay in their power, asserted
the privilege of giving its own arbitrary will the force
of law, and of superseding the constitutional tribunals
of the country! Such is the construction put upon
the proceedings of the House by the whole Conserva-
tive press of Great Britain. Such is the view taken
of the matter by the great majority of the most learned
lawyers in the realm. Such is also the opinion of the
Judges of the Queen's Bench.

The more we reflect upon the recent proceedings of
the House of Commons, the more satisfied are we that
our original opinions on the subject were perfectly cor-
rect. The privilege claimed by the House is diametri-
cally opposed to the principles of the constitution, and
utterly subversive of the liberty of the subject: Well
might Lord Denman exclaim that " the opinioti of the
House of Commons, whatever it may be, and however
it may be expressed, could form no ground whatever for
arresting the course of justice, or preventing the Court
of Queen's Bench from rendering, through the means
of the Queen's writs, that justice which they were bound
to render to every one of their fellow-subjects." This
language is worthy of the unsullied, uncorrupted, and
independent character of the British Judge. The Jus-
tices of the Court of Queen's Bench have done honour
to themselves by the unflinching manner in which they
have asserted the supremacy of the law and the dignity
of their office.
The Sheriffs of Middlesex have also acted in a man-
ner becoming officers holding so responsible a trust.
They have done their duty nobly and conscientiously.
They have earned the sympathy, as they have entitled
themselves to the gratitude, of every true patriot. The
sacrifice of personal liberty to which they have sub-
mitted, rather than they would violate their oath, has
already been more than repaid in the warm congratu-
lations which they have met with from their fellow-
subjects. Their levee, if we may so call it, in the
prison-cells of the House of Commons, was attended,
on Wednesday last, by nearly a hundred of the most
distinguished members of the Commons, as well as by
a host of the civic officers and citizens of London.
They have reserved for them the proud triumph of
having dared and overcome the self-assumed authority
of the House of Commons.

There can be no doubt as to the opinion of the
people of England on this question of privilege. The
people• will support the Judges in their honourable
career. They will not allow the laws and liberties of
free-born Britons to be trampled upon with impunity.
They will not suffer the arbitrary resolutions of the
House of Commons, unsupported by any legislative
enactment, to assume the force of laws. Thank God,
we are not come to that pass yet ; though there is very
very little doubt that the Liberal (tough!) portion of
the Commons would be very glad to establish such a

The conduct of Sir Robert Peel and several of the
leading Conservatives in the Commons, on this ques-
tion, has given rise to much discussion. Some of our
London contemporaries are sadly puzzled to account
for his defection, in this instance, from the great ma-
jority of his supporters. Perhaps there is more in Sir
Robert Peel's conduct titan meets the eye of a cursory
observer. The event will probably justify our suspi-
cions. We question the policy of resorting to such
means for precipitating the downfal of the Ministry. .
We shall anxiously await the result of Mr. Richards'
application yesterday for a writ of habeas corpus on be-
half of the Sheriffs of Middlesex. The issue of this
application may render an immediate dissolution of
Parliament a probable event. There is no other alter-
native excepting a prorogation; and by a prorogation,
for the sake of liberating the Sheriffs, the House of
Commons will show that it has been forced to succumb
to the majesty of the law.

The elections now in progress are exciting an extra-
ordinary degree of interest. Upon their issue, in very
great measure, depends the fate of the Ministry. If
only five of them are won by the Conservatives, the
Ministerial majority will be annihilated, if not converted
into a minority. The result of the pending elections
will also afford a tolerable indication of the state of pub-
lic feeling, and thus exhibit the chances which Mini-
sters will possess in the event of a general election,
consequent upon a dissolution. We must, however,
protest against any general conclusion from the result
of the struggles now going forward. Circumstances
are greatly in favour of Ministers in almost every one
of these elections.

Newark, of course, is the principal centre of attrac-
tion at the present moment, and the greatest source of
anxiety to the ministry. The loss of Serjeant Wilde,
Solicitor-General, would be of greater consequence to
ministers, than the mere deduction of a vote from their
side of the House. We are not, therefore, surprised
that the most strenuous and unrelaxing efforts are being
made to secure his return. The means resorted to for
this purpose, while they indicate a strong determi-

nation to carry the field, per fas aut per nefas, show
also the desperate condition to which the ministerial
faction is reduced. We are informed that "if the fate
of the Ministry itself depended on this election, no
greater efforts could be made to obtain success."
•Treasury gold is said to be abundant in the town.
This accounts for divers and sundry sudden and ex-
traordinary conversions which are said -to have taken
place there within the last few days. Intimidation is
also unscrupulously practised by all the Whigs who
have the slightest influence. Combinations are also
entered into by the liberal workmen themselves, to ex-
clude their fellow-workmen froin being employed, sin-
less they vote for the Whigs. Owing to these unjusti-
fiable and tyrannical measures the race may be much
closer than was anticipated : but we have no doubt of
the patriotic fidelity to the constitutional cause of the
great mass of the Conservative electors.

The election for Southwark is also looked to with
considerable interest. It will afford some criterion of
the state of public feeling in the Metropolis. The tri-
ttiph of so independent a gentleman as Mr. Walter
would indeed be a " heavy blow and great discourage-
ment" to the cause of Whiggery. Whatever may be
the issue of the Southwark election, we believe the day
is not distant, when the Conservatives will obtain the
ascendancy even in the Metropolitan districts. Mid-
dlesex is .a sure card in the hands of the Conservatives.
If fair exertions are made, we believe that the city of
London also may be wrested from the hands of the
Radicals. Marylebone already returns one Conserva-
tive member. We hope to see the representation di-
vided, at least, in the Tower Hamlets, Lambeth, Fins-
bury, Westminster, and Southwark, whenever a general
election takes place.

The election at Birmingham possesses compara-
tively little interest. The Conservatives have been too
quiescent on the subject. They ought to have taken
the field at the moment Mr. Attwood's resignation was
made known. Perhaps they thought it more prudent
to reserve their strength and their resources for the
approaching general election.

At Devonport, and Penryn and Falmouth, despite
of government influence, we think the Conservatives
will carry the day. Conservatism has been astonish-
ingly on the increase in the West and South of Eng-
land. The recent Chartist disturbances in South Wales
have, no doubt, had the salutary effect of still more
effectually weaning the people of Cornwall, Devon,
Somerset, Wilts, Gloucestershire, &c., from liberalism,
of which Chartism is only the full type and develop-
ment.

The election for the county of Rutland, we fear, will
give the ministry an additional vote. Lord Barham's
influence is very extensive in the county. The vacancy
has, indeed, been created for the very purpose of
strengthening the ministerial ranks. The conservatives
have been taken too much by surprise in the county,
to allow of any adequate preparations for a contest.
We entertain very little doubt of the result of the
election at Ripon. The chances are strongly in favour
of a Conservative candidate. Indeed, throughout the
whole of Yorkshire Chartism has had its beneficial
effects. The peaceable electors have been terrified at
the ultimate workings of Reform. Good has thus
sprung out of evil.

At Edinburgh there is no opposition to " the man
wot dines with the Queen," and dates his notes from
Windsor Palace. Auld Reekie is doomed once more
to be rode rough-shod over by a thorough-going Whig,
in the person of Mr. Macauley. What are the Con-
servatives about ? We hope that our contemporaries
of the Evening Post, Advertiser, and Scottish Standard,
will not cease to agitate until the Modern Athens has,
at least, the honour of possessing one Conservative
representative, to prevent any further Whig jobbing in
that part of the kingdom.

We perceive that a deputation, representing the in-
terests of British Guiana, consisting of Mr. M‘Garel,
Mr. Robertson Gladstone, Mr. Rainey, of Glasgow,
and Mr. Colville, transacted business at the Colonial
Office, on Friday last. We presume that the object
which they had in view was, the promotion of immi-
gration into that important Colony—an object in fur-
therance of which we have already used our humble
endeavours, and in the prosecution of which we shall
not relax our efforts until it is accomplished, and jus-
tice is done to British Guiana, as well as to the other
Colonies in the West Indies.

The subject of immigration into the West Indies,
and especially to British Guiana, is one of urgent and'
para Mount iniportance: The West India Colonies are
rapidly sinking into ruin. The planters are unable to
carry on the cultivation of their estates. The crops
are diminishing every season. There is no time to be
lost. Labourers are wanted, and must be had, if those
Colonies are to be preserved. Labourers are to be
found, in hundreds of thousands, ready, willing, anxi-
ous to be employed. All that is wanted is permission
to transfer them from their present state of abject
misery, to the plenty and happiness which awaits them
under the protection of British laws.

We perceive, from our Birmingham correspondent's
report, that Sir Charles Wetherell has been nominated
as the Conservative candidate for the representation of
that important town. A better choice could not have
been made. His powerful understanding, fervid
eloquence, and sound attachment to constitutional
principles, eminently qualify him for the successful
discharge of the duties of a Member of the House of
Commons. His return would prove a source of im-
measurable mortification to the ministry. We shall
endeavour to procure a statement of the polling for our
second edition.

Every true-hearted Conservative must look forward
with no ordinary degree of interest to the result of
Sir John Buller's motion in the House of Commons,
which comes on for discussion on the 28th instant.
Th4t the Government have lost, in the fullest sense
of the word, the confidence of the country, is a matter
so notorious, that even Ministers themselves cannot,
and dare not, attempt to deny it.
It is not improbable but that it may be desirable to
call a meeting of the Conservatives of Liverpool at an
early period, to express their distrust and entire want
of confidence in our present rulers; a course which,
we have reason to believe, has already been adopted
in Glasgow, and will no doubt be speedily followed in
every part of the kingdom.
Let the Conservatives of Liverpool, therefore, be
ready ! They have a duty to discharge to their coun-
try—to themselves. We say again, " Watch and be
ready !"

WRECK OF THE WILLIAM HUSKISSON-THE
HUDDERSFIELD-THE CITY OF DUBLIN
COMPANY.

The following letter, addressed to Messrs. Charles Hors-
fall and Son, by Mr. Perry, the agent of the City of Dublin
Company, is highly creditable to the company, and must be
gratifying, not only to the owners, but to the captain and crew
of the Huddersfield :

Water-street, January 18, 1840.
Gentlemen,—ln reference to the unfortunate loss of the
William Huskisson, steam-vessel, the directors of the City
of Dublin Company have been anxious to express their ac-
knowledgment to Captain Clegg and the crew of the Hud-
dersfield, for their valuable and efficient services in saving so
many human beings from a watery grave ; but, as it was ne-
cessary for the subject to be brought under the consideration
of a board of directors in Dublin, it was not until yesterday
that this could be done.
I have now the satisfaction to state, that the directors have
instructed me to place in your hands the sum of fifty guineas,
which they request you will have the kindness to hand to
Captain Clegg, as a small acknowledgmet of his valuable ser-
vices in the cause of humanity, and an additional sum of fifty
guineas, which you will be pleased to divide amongst the crew
of the Huddersfield in such proportions as you may think
proper.
Had the company not have experienced the loss of the
vessel, but had been successful in getting her into some port,
the directors would have felt themselves at liberty to more
adequately reward the captain and crew of the Huddersfield ;
however I trust Captain Clegg will receive the acknowledg-
ment conveyed to him through your hands, in the same
spirit with which it is given.-1 am, gentlemen, yours very
respectfully,

SAML. PERRY,
Agent to the City of Dublin Company.
Messrs. Charles Horsfall and Son.
The subjoined is a Copy of Captain Clegg's letter to Mr.
Perry :

Liverpool, January 21, 1840.
Sin,—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of fifty guineas,
which I have received from Messrs. Charles Horsfall and
Son, in accordance with your letter to them. May I request
that you will do me the favor to convey to the directors of the
City of Dublin Steam-packet Company my warmest thanks
for this liberal mark of their approbation of my conduct on
the recent loss of the William Huskisson. Having upon
that occasion done only what it was my duty to do, and what
every man actuated by the common feelings of humanity would
have done, under similar circumstances, the satisfaction to my
own mind, in having been, under Providence, the instrument
of saving so many of my fellow creatures from a watery grave,
was in itself a sufficient recompense for my trouble, and the
danger or anxiety which I experienced.—l remain, sir, your
obedient servant, JOIIN ARDEN CLEGG.
Samuel Perry, Esq.

The actual expenditure of the United Kingdom for the year
ending October 10, 1839, exceeded the revenue by the sum
of £803,463 175.. 4d.