The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1849-06-26 00:00:00

TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 26, 1849.

BY the arrival of the Niagara Mail Steamer,
from New York and Halifax, at an early hour yes-
terday morning, we have news from the formerport
up to the 13th instant. The commercial advices are
favourable, but the season being nearly over the
business men were leaving the south. A fair
amount of orders for manufactured goods has
nevertheless been brought. The cotton crop was
rather backward, and prices were well maintained
and in favour of holders, notwithstanding the
Europa's accounts just received out, were not so
favourable. The exports of bread stuffs continued
on a large scale, 25,000 brls. of flour, chiefly of in-
ferior quality, and 144,000 brls Indian corn having
been shipped to Great Britain within a week.
200,000 bushels Indian corn had been forwarded
to Ireland, which was more or less out of condition.
This article can even at presentbe profitably shipped
to Ireland, so as to be sold under the prices now
ruling.
As was expected, the arrival of the U. S. ship
Lexington, with 250,000 dollars of gold dust from
California, and the Europa bringing intelligence of
the demand for American state stocks, rails, &c. in
London, had created great excitement in Wall-
streat, and roused a speculative feeling in the above
stocks, such as has not been observed since the

memorable days which led to the notorious repudi-
ation of Pennsylvania and other states. Holders
seem desirous to profit by the present plethora of

money to realise at high rates this description Of se-
curities. Exchange was quiet but firm at 9to 91.
As money continues very easy, and large remit-
tances will have to be made in payment of the
dividends due on the Ist proximo, Exchange may
be expected to go higher.

THE difficulties of the past two years, and the
heavy drain made upon the resources of our fellow
townsmen, to meet the aggravated pressure of our
local burthens, have, it seems, affected seriously
the position of three of our most useful public
hospitals, the Infirmary, and the Northern and
Southern Hospitals. These establishments have
contracted a debt to the amount of about £3OOO,
which, unless speedily made up, must greatly im-
pair their working. To prevent such a calamity
to our working and humble brethren, we observe
that an effort has been commenced, in which his
worship the mayor, and his lady, have been
amongst the most active originators, and which is
being effectively aided by most of the leading
families of our commercial aristocracy.
It is proposed to hold, at an early period, under
distinguished auspices, a grand Flower Show, and
fancy fair, champetre, in the Prince's Park, which
has most handsomely been offered for the purpose,
by its worthy proprietor, Mr. R. V. Yates. Several
meetings have been held during the past week at
the Town-hall, for the purpose of making the pre-
liminary arrangements; and sub-committees have
been formed, which proceeded yesterday to elect
their chairmen and secretaries, and to organise
themselves for active work. It has been, we are
assured, most gratifying to observe the alacrity
with which our townsmen, and our fair towns-
women have tendered their services to promote
the success of this excellent effort; and there is
every prospect of the occasion being one of the
most brilliant and distinguished which has ever
occurred in Liverpool. Contributions of every
description have been most liberally promised ; and
amongst them are some from the tradesmen of the
town, which exhibit the possession of a most mu-
nificent spirit. Amongst others, the wine merchants
have volunteered to present, gratuitously, a stock
of choice wines of every description, to be supplied
to the visitors for the benefit of the charities.
Mr. Skirving, the eminent florist, has placed
at the disposal of the committees the use of his
splendid collection of rare plants, with his own
valuable services, in any way they can be made
available; and for the information of other emi-
nent florticulturists, who may be disposed to con-
tribute from their greenhouses on such an occasion,
we may mention a fact given by that gentleman,
and most creditable to the community of Liverpool,
that, at the close of an exhibition of valuable plants
and flowers, held in Mr. Skirving's grounds a short
while ago, the extent of the damage which it was
found that they had received was estimated at
under £s.—Mr. Bird, soda-water manufacturer,
bas offered to supply that article and lemonade on
most advantageous terms.—A printing firm, Messrs.
George Smith and Watts, of Tithebarn-street, have
generously offered the use of their office, types,
presses, &c., in aid of the object of the fancy fair;
but we learn with pleasure that some of their
brethren in the trade intend presenting themselves
to take upon themselves a portion of the burthen.
We shall ourselves, and no doubt the same will be
done by our contemporaries, be happy to afford
our advertising columns gratuitously, and to render
aid by every means in our power; and the com-
mittee will, we dare say, find themselves shortly in
the possession of offers of gratuitous services from
the tradesmen of the locality, which will materially
contribute to the success of their benevolent object.
Happily, for the prospect of such success, that
benevolent object is one in which all may join ; in
the furtherance of which, men of conflicting creeds
and opinion may meet on the ground of a common
humanity. The Infirmary and the Northern and
Southern Hospitals open their doors to all, without
the distinction of class or faith. It is only neces-
sary to be enabled to say that they are suffering,
and relief is promptly afforded to the poorest, with
the same tenderness as it would be to the wealthy.
These are charities which peculiarly appeal to us to
lay aside our petty individual or class quarrels; our

alous demarcations of opposing creeds and une-
qual stations. On the hospital couch the strong
man is often sunk to the feebleness of age ; and
Lazarus and Dives may be found suffering side by
side. Let the movement to maintain the efficiency
of these establishments be equally a labour of love
with all. We should like to see here. at least, the
Protestant and the Roman Catholic, the Presby-
terian and the Baptist, the Wesleyan and the high
Churchman, striving in friendly rivalry which can
most eminently serve his suffering fellow creatures.
We expect to see a fund of many thousand pounds
raised by this well-timed and liberal proceeding.
As there will, doubtless, be numbers of persons
from the towns adjacent desirous of witnessing the
magnificent exhibition which will be provided, no
doltbt some enterprising individual will afford them
an opportunity of visiting the town by providing
cheap trains for their accommodation.
In addition to the contributions to the benevo-
lent object, announced elsewhere, we may mention
the following :—Mr. Cater, of London, through
Mrs. Edward Moon, £lO, and Mrs. Charles New-
man

THIS day will be held, in London, the first meet-
ing of a society, which has for its object the insuring
of protection for the capital and the industry of
the British nation against injurious competition
with the foreigner ; and to any movement in the
direction aimed at by its promoters we have already
expressed our readiness to offer all the aid in our
power. We cannot but feel, however, that some-
thing more is wanted than is proposed by this, or
any similar association, for the formation of a
party sufficiently influential to offer a successful
breakwater against the tide of innovation, which
threatens to overwhelm all that has hitherto been
regarded as stable and valued in the land. There
is a want of comprehensiveness in 'the cry for pro-
tection of British capital and industry. It appeals
too directly to the selfishness of individuals, and
classes whose interests are not identical. Those
who raise it, and rely upon it, are in fact attempt-
ing to hold a sand bank with a mere cable.
Protection to native capital and industry ! 'What
great body in the community can be brought to
hold opinions in common upon such a subject ?
The agriculturist desires protection ; but the manu-
facturing body say " No ; we want cheap bread."
The shipowner desires protection ; but other classes
demand- reduced freights. The manufacturer him-
self will resist any relaxation of our tariff so soon
as it begins to trench upon his profits. Each class
will fight hard in its own defence ; but you cannot
prevail upon one to fight for its neighbour with
any heartiness. What were our agriculturists doing
when the West India interest was prostrated ?
Revelling secretly in the prospect of cheap sugar.
What were some of our shipowners doing when
the native agriculturist was consigned to ruin ?
Glorying in the idea, derived from Adam Smith,
that their own interest was one specially removed
from out of the category of free trade. We have
never yet seen the various branches of our native
industry pulling together for self protection ; and
without some stronger and more sacred motive to
cement it together, than mere self interest, we are
satisfied that we shall never witness in this country
the reconstruction of a truly Conservative party.
We will imagine such an association as this to
have been rewarded with complete success • that it
has arrayed together the agriculturist, the ship-
owner, the colonial and other interests, in a general
and compact phalanx, prepared to resist any further
progress of the free trade system. We will even
concede the formation of a protectionist govern-
ment upon the wreck of the Whig-radical and Peel-
ite parties. Would such a phalanx, or such a
government, be conservative, in the best sense of
the word, of any other than private or class inte-
rests ? 'We suspect not. It would stop short of
protecting all that is really and truly worthy of pre-
servation. The protectionist or country party is
very liberal in some of its notions ; a little lax in
its adherence to the principles of our forefathers
upon questions of religion and morality; and not
scrupulous with respect to the maintenance of the
Christian character of the country's institutions.
Such a party would resolutely enough defend the
temporalities of the church ; the privileges of the
right rev. bench ; and the exterior of our national
establishment; but would it be as assiduous to
protect the purity of its doctrines, and the sacred-
ness of its spiritual character and influence ? We
have no assurance that such would be its policy;
that we should have no more Jew bills and May-
nooth grants; no more concessions to the encroach-
ing spirit of Romanism, on the one hand, or of
mocking infidelity on the other. A great country
party would not aid us in rescuing our unfortunate
poor from the grasp of a despotic poor law ; in ex-
tending throughout the land the blessings of a
religious education ' • or in raising the condition
and the character of our labouring masses.
The formation of a party, powerful enough and
disposed to effect these objects, must be begun by
the recognition of those great principles, from
which, in late years, our statesmen have so fatally
departed. We call ourselves a Christian people.
We profess a national faith, founded upon God's
revealed Word in its purity. The recognition of
that Word in such purity is interwoven with all
our institutions. Yet we have been legislating to
strip away all evidence of the nation's protest
against error in religious faith and practice; and
every step which we have made in this direction
has, been one of danger and disaster. If we hope
to protect the little that is left of our institutions
and liberties, we must begin by an endeavour to
repair this fatal error. We must add to our motto
of "Protection to Capital and Industry," "Protec-
tion to the National Religion and the National
Reformed Church." In such a cause—in a contest
between truth and error—in defence of the church
and the faith of our fathers against the assaults of
an infidel legislation—there are thousands through-
out the land who will rally round any statesman
who will first raise the standard. Nor can any
man deny that it must be raised, and at no distant
date, if we are sincerely anxious to preserve that
faith and that church in their integrity. The
weapons are already forged for their destruction;
and the enemy only waits for an opportunity to
strike the blow.

The materials of which such a party, setting out
with a determination to cling round our venerable
church, to protect its pure doctrines from contami-
nation and its clergy from insult and injury, would
be formed, present elements of strength and cohe-
sion which no other possesses. They comprise a
large portion of the sterling worth, the intelligence
and the virtue of the land. No flimsy sophistry of
the platform, no sneers of an infidel press, no
threats of brawling demagogues or furious mobs
will shake such men, whose stand has been taken
by the church, the religion and the graves of their
fathers. It was upon such ground, and with such
an impulse to inspirit them, that the old consti-
tutional party years ago maintained an unbroken
front against the combined efforts of disaffection
at home and republican assault from without.
It was with the old rallying cry of " Church and
Queen" that they met the Robespieres, the Dan-
tons, the Hardys and the Einmetts of their day.
They had men amongst them with minds to per-
ceive and honesty to declare that their sure defence
was in the maintenance of that venerated institu-
tion, whose foundations are planted deep in the
rock of truth. But, mark bow different was the
result, and how rapid was the decline in the pro-
tecting power of constitutional principles, when we
had abandoned such a position, and began to rely
upon merely utilitarian motives for legislation;
when we adopted, as the objects solely to be
struggled for, such measures as corn bills and
parliamentary reforms. Year by year the difficulty
experienced by our statesmen in stemming the de-
mands of democratic liberalism became greater;
until, in the fatal measure of 1829, we had stripped
ourselves of the character of a Protestant people.
To that measure—to its effects in breaking up the
great constitutional party, and the introduction
into the House of Commons of a Popish faction,
powerful enough to harass and to check the pro-
gress of sound legislation, we owe how many
disastrous changes ! But for that measure will any
man maintain that we should at this moment have
to lament the withdrawal of all protection from
our agriculture, or any other of the heavy blows
which have been dealt against the national industry?
Should we have to deplore, and to fear, the in-
creased activity of Popery in our land, her perver-
sion of thousands to the embracing of her idolatrous
system, and the planting of her foot over the
threshhold of our church itself ?
We may be speaking what to some professing
statesmen may be unpalatable doctrines. Ours
may seem old-world opinions in the eyes of modern
and expediency-worshipping politicians. The teach-
ings of Malthus and M'Culloch, Adam Smith and
Ricardo, way be preferred to those of the Bible;

and a nation's religious faithfulness or its lapse to
practical infidelity be treated as exercising no in-
fluence upon its prosperity or adversity. We believe,
however, that God's hand is as surely now exer-
cised in directing the affairs of nations,—that he
visits now with his judgments or his blessing as
certainly as he has done in the times of old ; and
that he will be found with that people, in their hour
of need and tribulation, who acknowledge him
faithfully in their institutions and their lives. Can
we doubt this when we look abroad through the
Christian world; when we see the crash of empires
and the falling of thrones, brought about, no man
can declare how, and to be restored, the wisest do
not presume to say when ?
We require then a party, such as we have de-
scribed,—composed of earnest men, prepared to
adhere to principles ; to recognise, above all things,
the truth, before expediency, and to return to the
occupation of the old ways of the British Consti-
tution in Church and State. Protect the truth;
protect England's protest against erroneous doc-
trines in religion ; and, firm in the truth, we shall
be aided to protect whatever else is dear and valuable
in our institutions and in our homes. We may
have for a while to look round for a new race of
statesmen to carry out such a policy ; new agents
to build up such a party; but they will be provided
to our hands when we have resolved upon our
course.

IT has been, until of late, the generally received
opinion that the long and anxiously mooted ques-
tion as to the restriction of the hours of working
young people in factories was settled. Both houses
of parliament had at length been brought to affirm
the measure ; and its success was hailed with
acclamation by nine-tenths of the operative classes
in our manufacturing districts. Its working has,
from the first, more than fulfilled the most sanguine
anticipations of its promoters. It has afforded to
thousands the means of elevating their social con-
dition ; and this, contrary to the prognostications
of its opponents, without seriously adding to the
cost of production of manufactured fabrics, or
deducting largely from the wages of the operative,
who, it has been proved, works better and more
actively when not worn out by the unreasonable
duration of his labours.

The rnillowners and magistracy—(many of these
owners of, or connected with, manufacturing con-
cerns)—of the cotton districts of Lancashire have
discovered a system by which the benevolent inten-
tions of the legislature may be frustrated, and the
employer enabled to inflict upon his young hands
an amount of suffering much greater than they
were called upon to endure under the twelve hours'
system. The majority of the public conceived that
the ten hours' working insisted upon under the
bill meant a continuous period, interrupted only by
the time allowed for taking meals—viz., two hours
a day—thus making the whole day's work extend
over twelve hours. But the manufacturers of Lan-
cashire discovered that, by the adoption of a system
of relays, they can provide an extension of the time
of working to fourteen or sixteen hours, which
hours can be arbitrarily fixed to occur during any
portion of the day—may, for instance, be five hours
in the morning and five hours in the evening—
thus interfering seriously with the very object which
the bill contemplated,—the securing for the opera-
tive a moderately early close of his daily toil, and
the enjoyment of the comforts of his fireside and
the company of his family. The magistrates of
Lancashire have construed the bill as allowing this
evasion of its spirit, and have refused to convict in
all cases where informations have been laid by the
factory inspectors. The magistrates of Yorkshire
take a different view of the law, and endeavour to
discourage the practice.
Such being the state of affairs, a deputation last
week waited upon Sir George Grey, in Downing-
street, praying to have the question settled by an
issue at law, to be taken by the government. Sir
George, however, remembered that he and his col-
leagues had been beaten upon this question by the
short time committees, and compelled to submit to
the force of public opinion ; and to the astonish-
ment of the deputation, he proposed to them to
reopen the whole question, with a view to its being
finally settled by a compromise, in the shape of an
eleven hours' clause ! A more monstrous insult to
the intelligence of our working classes, a more
impudent and barefaced specimen of Whig jug-
glery, we never remember to have remarked upon.
We trust it will stir up the whole of our operative
classes to a vigorous effort for justice.

A conviction seems to be rapidly spreading in
quarters from which, until recently, we heard very
different doctrines, that there is something wrong
in the working of our present monetary system.
Our bullionist advocates are puzzled to explain why
we are not just now doing a flourishing business;
and sideway hints are let out, in mysterious para-
graphs, at the possibility that the pet measure of
Sir Robert Peel has something to do with our com-
mercial disorganization. Tbe Times has exhibited
misgivings as to the effect of the supply of Califor-
nian gold upon our present standard of value ; and
our contemporary, the Manchester Guardian, has,
in two or three brief effusions, betrayed himself
rather ill at ease upon the subject.
The able writer of the Commercial Intelligence
in the columns of our contemporary, the Liverpool
Albion has taken a candid course, and boldly
acknowledged his convictions. A few weeks ago
he stated distinctly the conclusion arrived at by an
intelligent portion of the mercantile community of
Liverpool, that free trade and a contracted cur-
rency could not work together; and last week he
announced the probable approach of a state of
things, arising out of the oscillation of our mone-
tary system, which cannot be contemplated without
serious misgivings. We shall quote his remarks
upon this subject entire:—
" Apart from European politics, the commercial position
of this country is improving, while, in regard to monetary
affairs, there is everything to cheer us. Not only is the
strength, as it is termed, of the Bank of England being
continually augmented from ordinary sources, as her
weekly statements show, but Russia is again increasing
the basis of our circulation by remittances of gold, while
the prospect from California is more encouraging than
ever. The effects both of a redundant and contracted
circulation are so familiar to us all from what has occurred
within the last five years that it is- unnecessary to prove
acknowledged truths, but the question nevertheless forces
itself upon us, what is to be the effect upon our trade and
commerce of an increasing circulation when we already
have a superabundance ? As yet there is nothing to direct
us to an answer ; for speculation, which is its natural
fruit, is almost in abeyance; yet it may be expected to
come upon us some of these days both suddenly and vio-
lently. When this period arrives cotton, no doubt, will
receive the earliest and greatest attention ; for looking to
the present low price, the extensive consumption, and
hazard to the growing crop from frost and floods, as well
as to the comparatively light cost orholding it, the attrac-
tions it possesses forspeculators are unequalled by any other
article of produce. We do not wish to be misunderstood ;
we are dealing with the subject solely and exclusively on
the principle of a highly redundant circulation. The pre-
sent redundancy, even without any allusion to Russia or
California, is proved by certain facts with which none are
better acquainted at the present moment than the Liver-
' pool bankers. Redundancy, then, at present, is acknow-
ledged ; its augmentation is the hypothesis on which we
are proceeding. Some may advert to our remarks as
specially directed to the improvement of cotton. We
will at once convince them of their error by referring to
an article the very opposite of cotton, in as great a degree
inattractive as that is attractive : we allude to tea. If
our theory be right an improvement in price will be wit.
nessed here also, especially as the value of the whole
stock now held in England is so moderate that it is not
30 per cent. above that of the cotton known to be on its
way from America, which is estimated below at 165,153
bags. Sugar is another article that will be materially
benefited by cheap money, though it seldom commands
much attention as one of speculation, from the expense
incurreil by holding it ; in fact, we may take each item
in the brokers' circular. It is not. however, to the pro-
duce market alone that the effects of this superabundant
circulation will be confined ; it will increase the value of
every kind of property except fixed annuities."
We may be excused if we travel a little beyond
the evidence of our local contemporary, and cite
the remarks of the London Times, of Friday, bear-
ing upon this subject. Our contemporary says
" At the present moment the capital of other countries
is flowing into England, and those philosophers who were
lately predicting the drain of our money are now at their
wits end to account for the fact that there is a flow, not
an ebb, of the metallic stream. We are more likely to
suffer a conjestion than an exhaustion of gold. Foreigners
are investing in our funds from a sense of their greater se-
curity and steadiness. In so dcing they contribute to the
capital of this country, and increase the public confidence
which is necessary to the full use of our powers. We
have no objection to see all Europe crowding to our Stock
Exchange, and by that channel to our railroads, our ma-
nufactories, and our ports. There are other signs of re-
turning prosperity. The great towns in the north are re-
gularly if not busily employed. From the returns of the
Board of Trade it appears that the consumption of neces-
saries and comforts of life imported from foreign coun-
tries is steadily increasing, indicating of course an equal
export of our manufactures taken in exchange. We are
not inundated with foreign manufactures, though even
that would have its compensations in the continual circuit
of commerce ; and there is every prospect of a healthy
trade both at home and abroad ; and thoogh the calarai.

THE LIMPOOL STANDARD.