The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-04-24 00:00:00

GREAT ANTI-SLAVERY MEETING.

. . .
On Vriday, at two o'clock, a meeting was held in the Amphi-
theatre—theeworshiciful the Mayor in the chair—for the pnrpose
of petitioning parliament in favour of the total abolition of
Slavery throughout the British dominious during the present
year. The meeting was called in consequence of a respiisition
to which the names of 176 of the most wealthy and respectable
individuals, of all shades of political and religious reeling, were
attached. The theatre was lighted on the occasion; and the
boxes were filled with elegantly dressed ladies. The other'
parts of the house were densely crowded. On the platform we
observed Edward Cropper, Esq., 'F. Blackburn, Esq., A. Hodg-
son, Esq., W. Kaye, Esq., John Jones, Esq., J. Ityley, Esq.,
Dr. Sutherland. D. llodgitou, Esq., T. Morecroft, Esq., the
Rev._ F. Ould, Rev. Hugh M`Neile, Rev. J. Lister, Rev
Moses Fisher, Rev. J. Carruthers, Rev. J. Kelly, Rev, Win.'
Bevan, and a number ot- othergentlemen.
Shortly after two o'clock his worship the Mayor made his
appearance on the platform, and received a most enthusiastic
reception. He was accompanied by the Town-clerk. 'rhe
latter having read the requisition—
The -MAYOR said they were aware that this was the first
meeting held out of the Sessions'-house. It was an unusual
course, and he relied on the good feeling and good sense of his
fellow-townsmen to justify him in the novel situation in which
ho had consented to place himself in holding a town's meeting
in the Amphitheatre. The subject on which they had met was
most important in itself, and most important to their fellow
creatures ; and he hoped the disctasion would be so conducted
as to skew that they were impressed with the importance of the
subject—to show that a holy and righteous cause needed no
declamation, no violence to support it; but, being founded on
truth and justice, that truth and justice should prevail. It was,
not by misrepresentation, or imputing motives to others, that a
good cause could he successful. Every gentleman who came
forward; whether favourable or unfavourable to the object of the
meeting, should be heard with calmness and impartiality.
The Rev. Mr. CAR nontsas mined the first resolution, name-
ly, " That the meeting deeply regretted the attempt that had
been made to divert the mind of the negro from seeking his im-
mediate emancipation by the introduction of th.e bill of the
Colonial Secretary, intituled `An Act to amend an Act for the
abolition of Slavery iii the British Colonies ;' that, in theii esti-
mation, the provisions of that act are altogether unsatisfactory
and inoperative; and that they* are determined never to rest
satisfied with any measure which shall continue slaiery with
eny modification under the fallacious name of apprenticeship."
Mr. C. said, he would leave it to his esteemed and honoured
friend, the Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society in this town,
to state the provisions of the ministerial measure, and to show
its inadequacy to accomplish the ends of its projectors. They
wished to confer not the name but the reality of freedom upon
those- men, every one of whom had a right to expostulate with
his oppressor, and to say to him,." Am I not a man and a bro-
ther?" This wish proceeded from the conviction that there
was no neutral ground in the question—no medium betwixt the
positious that every man was either a freeman or a slave. Until
the West Indians had voluntary locomotion—until they had all
the privileges belonging to British_subjects—the'v were in reality
in a state of thraldomn. If they would not deny the dictates—if
they would nut resist the demands of justice, or sacrifice the
claims of humanity, or the higher claims of the religion they
professed—if they would not stultify themselves before the
world; let them never rest satisfied with any measure that did
not go to the full and entire liberation of those who in spite of
pledges and promises were still bending beneath an unrighteous
domination.—(Applause.) .
The Rev. Wtestees BeveN, Secretary to the Liverpool Anti-
Slavery Society, said that in rising to discharge the duty im-
posed upon him, it would be necessary to present the bill to
theta passed for amending the abolition act. The feeling of the
country on the question had led to a course of consolidation on
the part of the friends of the negro ; and it was this which hail
caused the adoption by government of a remedy for the evils
complained of. At first that feeling appeared to be slight; but
in a very short period that ground Was admitted on high autho-
rity, and on that ground the measure he was to submit to them
passed the houses of parliament, and received the royal sanction.
It was singular that it was admitted in one house of parliament
and denied in the other. In six marked and separate instances,
selected from his speeches, Lord Glenelg admitted that the
statements of Lord Brougham were not exaggerated, while the
-under-secretary denied to them that measure of truth. Mr.
Bevan here pointed out differences betwixt the two secretat ies
on various other points. It was rather singular that on groadds
au' diverse, denied by one and admitted by the other, the same
measure should take its stand. The measure was now gone
forth to come into operation in the •West India colonies. To
that measure he should now address himself, and if he should
ho not into declamation, but into statements of facts, he hoped,
e should be excused. 'The rev. gentleman then proCeeded, at
some length, to analyse the several clauses of the act, and to'
point out their detects. He also alluded to the increased penal-
ties which were inflicted on the slaves as competed with those
they were liable to underlhe old system; and to the obstacles.
which the planters threw is their way to the obtaining of their
feeedotn. In reference to the registration of the apprentices,
Mr. B. pointed out, in a striking manner, the crooked and selfish
,policy-of the planters. In March last year a bill on the subject
was sent home by theColouial Legislature, which met the warm
approbation of Lord Glenelet, who congratulated the governor,
Sir Lionel Smith, that a good understanding now existed be-
twixt him and the House of Assembly. This act, however,
existed only thirty days, and Lord Glenelg soon after declared
that he had pronounced a more favourable opinion of the act
than he-was warranted to give. They were met on that ochas
siointhat they might seek such a repeal of that act, atel pf. . all
other acts of the same description, as should leave open the high
read to the emancipation of the negro and his friends. Mr.
Bevan concluded by beseeching the meeting to let a voice i 4
forth frint it and all parts of the country, which should fill the
ears of those who heard it, while the friends of justice maintained
their gtound. They had a cause dictated by justiceeand
,hal.-
lewed by the sanctions of feligion, and which he hoped. vvopld,
be,• ere long;, crowned with an abundant blessing from their
grarsioue God. (Great applause.). ' . ,
The MAYOR said he should now introduce a gentleman who
was to support the motion. The gentleman's name was Mr.
Blair, of Bath. •
Mr. Brent said be very much feared that indisposition, and;
consequent weakness Of voice, would prevent him, as it had
done at Birmingham the day before, from going so fully into
the case before them as he would wish.to do. In advocating a
great moral case of that kind, it was useful to go back to first
principles, that they might be able to. ronounce at all times
fearleshly du the side of truth aud: dut He should now take
the liberty of adverting to one great ndatnental
.principle,
because that was the only ground on which abolitionists should
take their stand, namely, that slavery, in any cpuntry, whether
an Sparta or at Rome, or in the United States of America,
where the clanking of the slave's chains without was heard in
the seatCcit justice, giving the lie to the sound of liberty within
—wherever slave/ y existed, it was utterly indefensible. It was
not a nuisance to be abated, but a crime of the highest dye.
He would not, condescend to go into the discussion of this ques-
tion as a matter of detail ; it was with him matter of high prin-
ciple. It was not with him a question whether the apprentices
were well or ill treated, whether they received their full allow-
ance of corn—whether they rotted on a dunghill, or were pant-
peirri to gratify their owners lustsh-the real and the final
'question was, whether any human being could lawfully have
property in another human being—(great applause)—whether
out, man had a right to the uncompensated labour of another.
man. He maintained that the right of every man to the fruit
of-his own labour was above all other rights, and was one which
no 'power on earth could take away. If this was admitted to
be a sound principle, and founded ou reason and religion, they
go4;firl of one great stumbling-block, he meant that of the alleged
cotripiiet betwixt the planters and the apprentices. For his part
heelieved in no such compact; they had the opinion of the
Chief'b Justice of the Queen's Bench that no such compact
existed,, and he was willing to rest his case on the authority of
that great lawyer. It was, in point of fact, no better hhan a
compact betwixt a band of burglars and thieves.—(Laughter.)
If 'A. and B. entere,! the house of C. for the purpose of robbing
him—if they proceeded to accomplish their wicked purpose,
they were liable, by way of compensation, to be hung by ibe
neck. (Laughter and applause.) If they entered into a com-
pact to steal C. then it was a wicked compact, and ought to be
null and void, unless they adopted the maxim which was current
both in the new and the old world, that Stealing h horse was a
crime, but stealing a man was the attribute of a gentleman.
Let them not be told that that right, which the Almighty hail
conferred on every human being, of every clime, and every
complexion, from the equator to the pole, could be set aside by
legislative enactments. No human law could supersede the laws
of God. No compact could make man the property of man,
or interfere with the immutable rights of man to perfect freedom,
. He asserted that the "compact" spoken of by the planters had
been shamefully broken by them ; that greater cruelties than
ever had been inflicted on the negroes, many of which he de-
tailed, and contended therefore that even, on the ground of there
being a compact it was now no longer binding. If he were not
averse to weary them by reading statements, be could show that
these wanton and horribly cruel practices applied as much to
British Guiana; and if a case was made out against Jamaica,
then an equally strong case was made out against British Gui-
ana, which a certain gentleman. Mr. Gladstone, had represented
as the very oasis in the desert, and against which no complaint
had been made, except by some anonymous slanderers. As he
had mentioned Mr. Gladstone's name, he might make a remark
on that gentlemau's appearance in parliament. He was sorry
that Mr. Gladstone had represented himself in the aspect he
had done, and for this reason, that no later than that morning
he had learned that Mr. G stone, in the walks of private life,
exhibited many beautiful is of Christian character. But this
rendered his example the more dangerous. If they found such
a person, setting at nought or trampling under foot the express
injunction of scripture, not to "rob the poor because he is poor"
drawing a part of his subsistence from the unrequited labour of
his fellow man—if they found such a man sanctititing by his
'example the horrid traits of slavery wherever itexisted, then he
(the speaker) trembled for such au individual, and blushed for
the fallacious example of Christianity, which such eunduct re.
presented. If they saw only such an exhibition of Christianity,
they might say that it was not from above,—from the Father of
lights, the Father of all goodness, but from beneath, fiiim the
father of lies. He might say as to Mr. Gladstone's speech, if
ever there was a speech iu which labour was bestowed to make
the worse appear the better cause it was in that speech. It wail
worthy of the pahny days of slavery. It was a speech of the
feed advocate of the wrong doer, the interested and guilty
party. When they remembered that Mr. Gladstone, or his
family, had received eighty or a hundred thousand pounds,
which amount, instead of going into the pockets of:the wrong
doer, should have gone to compensate the slaves for the loss of
-everything _dear to man—(hear, and applause)—he (Mr. B.)
could noh vs_onder that he defended the system.
The Rev.-HUGH NI`NEI LE : I beg ten thousand pardons, but
I must protest against personal allusions of this kind. ( Vehe-
ment at,plause, with some confusion. As there appeared to be
some difference of opinion amongst the auditors, the mayor
arose.)
The Maron.—Allow me to say I will have an orderly meet-
inv.. ,and will be obeyed, or otherwise
.I will dissolve the meetinv..
Mr, lel'Neila has made an appeal very much iu accordance with
my own feelings. (Applause.) ,
..
Mreßeeirt said he ,had prefaced what he had to say of Mr.
Gladittone, with the remark that it might not be in accordance
with their feelingse and be now bowed to their decision. He
did not speak of Mr. Gladstone. as a private man, but only as
his conduct was before the public in relation to the present
question. What he had -spoken of Mr. Gladstone had been
wrung for him, and it was more in sorrow than in anger. What
lie should now say would refer to his arguments. If they were
to assume, with Mr. Gladstone, that the planters in the West
Indies were the most calumniated of men, and that the slaves
there were better off than the poor of this country, then what
was to be said of the contrary statement of his own friends in
parliament? What was to be said of Sir Edward Sugden's
speech, and of the admissions of Lords Glenelg and Sligo, to
say nothing of the terrible denunciations of Lord Bretroham ?
What were they to say of the government bill itself, which was
intended to correct the evils complained of ? Either Mr. Glad-
or his case fell to the ground. When,
stone proved too much,
he drew their attention to British Guiana, he wished them to look
at the punishment which bad been inflicted on the apprentices.
Within the space of two most lis,.one man in every live of the
negroes had been punished. They (the abolitionists) had been
ilisappeiuted as to the punisbmetitinflicteg on the negroes.
Though used :n a somewhat different 'manner, they still found
all the old aecempaniments of slavery. The whip, chains, and
tread-milt, end 'fres:pent mulcts of the apprentice, when his
time w" for tile benefit of his master, which held out tempta-

tions to that master to prefer complaintsagainst his apprentices.
Should they, wh,, were affording au asylum to foreigners of
every name who were flyiug from oppression; they who were
ready to spill their blood in defence of freedom 7--should tlicy
look on and behold the in2ictiun of tortures onthe naked bodies
of humau beings,. which would subject the offenders to the pe-
nalty of the law if iudicted on beasts in England? ( Hear,
hear.) The bill against which they professed, wits as likely to
be evaded as any former bill, or, as that which it professed to
amend He would say, if he might borrow, without irreverence,
the words of Scripture, it was like putting a piece of new cloth
to an old garment, by which the rent was made worse. That
bill would produce more annoyance and vexation in the West
Indies than the righteous measure they wished to introduce.
Its provisions would be considered insulting, and as interfering
with the rights of the planters. Away, then, with all tinkering,
and patching, and mending; let them lay the axe to the root of
the evil, let them lay the moral upas-tree level with the ground.
If parliament turned a deaf ear to the.nation's prayer, his hope
and prayer was, that the great and gracious Being, who inter-
posed to deliver his oppressed people from bondage, would
arise in his, might,, break the yoke of the prisoner and the bands
of the oppressor, and let the oppressed go free. Mr. Blair sat
down amidst great cheering:
The resolution was unanimously adopted.
.ADAM HODGSON, Esq. said he had great. pleasure in moving
the following resolution:—" That this meeting regard the en-
deavour to set aside ,the motion, of Sir George Strickland, and
the advantage taken of that oppprtunity to press forward the
bill then before the House of Commons, together with the abrupt
termination of the debate, when the partial statements of the
advocates,of the.colenists were in a great measure unanswered,
as manifestly calculated to prejudice the decision of the ques-
tion, in opposition to the prayer of numerous petitioners; and
that the further discussion of their claims for the speedy and un-
conditional abolition of the apprenticeship, is, therefore, len-
dered absolutely necessary." lie was happy that it would not
require many observations for him to insure the cordial concur-
renee of the meeting with that resolution. It was not for him
to enquire into the particular parliamentary tactics that induced
the course alluded to. The nation had only just awoke to a full
apprehension of the true state of the cases They seemed to
have been perfectly secure that all they had wished was accom-
plished, Though they had been roused, they were not yet fully
aliyeto the whole iniquity. If they now suffered their feelings
to subside and the question to rest where it was, they would be
guilty of tiagrant injustice to the cause of the oppressed negro.
The morn the question was discussed the more the obscurity
that hung aboutthe minds of members of Parliament respecting
this important subject would be .dispelled, and they would be-
come convinced that the compact haul been broken and the
ground left completely clear for.fresh legislatorial interference.
He could not sit down Without stating that nothing ought to
satisfy the consciences or feelings of the people of England but
immediate and unconditional emancipation. (Cheering.) As
an abolitionist of twenty years' standing, he should be sorry if
any thing happened that be could not look back to with comfort
some time hence when' the question was settled, and he was
.convinced that it was very near its settlement. (Cheers.)
The Rev. Mr. SeuaNce seconded the resolution with great
cordiality. Ile brought a warm .heart to the cause. Negro
slavery he regarded as the darkest, and foulest, and blackest
spot that ever stained the character of the British nation. No
man had a right in the. person of another; every man was born
equally free; and he who has been deprived of that freedom
which is the natural birthright of every human being,. is the
only party entitled to compensation for the loss which he has
sustained, (Great- cheering.) , lle knew that many differed
with him on this subject—some of them friends of the negro
race. They faired that unconditional emancipation, which we
advocate, ought not to take place before the expiration of the
apprenticeship term. But justice ought to sepersede. every
other con,ideration —.fiat justitice, ruat ccelum. It was objected
that we ought not to make those who have fulfilled the terms of
their contract, suffer with those who have not. But he would.
remark, that the humane individuals who have treated their ap-
prentices as they ought to be treated, .are.not the persons who
make objections to immediate emancipation. (Cheers.). The
benevolent and the humane have no.fears teethe liberation of
the negro. They (the meeting) were engaged in the cause of
truth and righteousness; and they had the example of some il-
lustrious melt to encourage them :—Whitfield and Wesley,
among others, the. two great lights of Methodism. The rev.
gentleman concluded by reading a letter written by the Rev.
John Wesley when on his deathbed, addressed to Mr. Wilber-
force, exhorting him to persevere in advocating the cause of the
injured African, and assuringliim that success and the blessing
of Divine Providence would await his exertions.

Mr. Scorns next presenied, himself to the meeting, and was
received with applause. A sense of duty had brought him 250
miles to attend on the present occasion ; for he thought it pro-.
liable that some persons there would have contradicted the
statements he had made at the late Exeter Hall meeting in
London, and he seas there to confirm them. It was true that
abolition had sustained a temporary defeat. Not, however, on.
account of the badness of•their cause, but on account of the
formidable interests arrayed against them. The opinion which
the people of England expressed in their favour was, bold and
decided:. there was not one man in the land who would say,
that they were wrong in advocating the cause of the negro.—
Various had been the causes assigned for their defeat. Some.
say that:lord Brougham was the cause. That nobleman was
net solicited to take the lead in the House of Peers in favour of•
the present movement to emancipate the negro; for the friends
of abolition make no distinction- of men- in the great object•
which they have in view. Others, again, attributed this tem-.
pomp: defeat to the great Irish agitator having come forward
to aesist but Ilse would say of Mr. O'Connell.what he bad said
of Lord Brougham—they knew no distinction of sect or party;•
they were glade° receive the assistance of any man vehoevouldi
see justice done to the negro.—(Cheers.) . '1
-heir defeat, how-1
ever, arose:from no want of energy on, their part; and he might.;
truly.assert, that no-cause bad ever before been honoured with
the exercise of so much virtue, intelligence,- and talent. What '
filled that theatre, and brought together the great masses of peo-
ple he saw before him ? Why, a feeling to see justice done to the
negro.,-(Cheers.) The issue of their present meeting would not
be without its effect .on the country and both houses ofparlia-
ment. It had been said, that while treating this subject, their
mouths must be shut with respect to individuals. He-would
not, however, separate the dice from the gamblers, the sinner
from his sin, or the oppressor-of humanity from the system he
supported; and he much marvelled that an individual celebrat-
ed for his virtues and talents (Mr. M`N.eile) should maintain
that we have no right to deal with individuals.—(Great cheering
and confusion, in the midst of which Mr. MeNeile came for-
evard and attempted to be heard.) . • •
The 1\1Alr01: interposed,. and expressed his belief that the
cause they were met to consider was much too holy to be made
the snore; of tumultuous or personal couflice. .
Mr. 51`Neies wished to set. himself right"from an uninten-
tional misrepresentation. He did. not .saye that they were not
to deal with individuals; but to dilate upon the personal and
private motives of individuals was net the best way of serving
their glorious cause. (Cheers and confusion.) fie yielded to
no man in England in a desire to carry forward the views of the
meeting; but for the sake of the cause he would net enter-into'.
the private feelings of individuals; nor would he attribute hypo-
crisy to them in religion, and mercenary motives in their con-
duct. (Cheers and confusion renewed.)
Mr. Scoees wished only to deal with, ndividuals in their.
public character; but there was a passage. of Scripture which
said, °by their fruits ye shall know them." (Great cheering.)
The colony of Demerara has been held up by. the government at
home, and by Mr. Gladstone in the. House of Commons, as a
perfect pattern of a colony, where all was purees unsunned snow.:
Mr. Gladstone bad said, that the law of British Guiana, with
reference to the apprenticeship system, was the most complete
that had been passed by the colonial legislature, or sanctioned
by the crown. But the fact was, that the apprenticeship ordi-
nance there was most defective. It contained none of the pro-
visions, of the, old slave law, for exempting from hard labour
old, sick, or ,infirm negroes, or women in a state of preeuancy.
The old law enacted that none of those classes should work
more than thirty piece-hours a week for their masters; but the
ordinance of fltitish Guiana compelled the negroes to work i
forty-five hours per week, and con_ tained no enactments res-
pecting the quality of the labour. (Hear.) The imperial act.l
says that the planters who feed the negroes with rations from
their owo stores, shall have forty-five hours of their labour per
week, but the ordinance of British Guiana spreads the forty-
five hours over the six days of the week, and on the seventh
there is the Sunday market, which the late Sir James J. C.
Smyth said was necessary to enable the negro to make his mar-
kets. (Shame.) The planters there,-before the Ist of August,
11333, met to draw up a tariff of labour, and this tariff exalted
71 hours a day from the apprentice, as much as the planter had
ever been able to exact from the slave before the passing of the
'lmperial act, with the aid of the cart whip. He asserted that
the amount of labour exacted from the slave was now quite as
much as formerly. Mr. Gladstone attributed the.great increase
of produce in the colony to the genial seasons since the passing
of the ahrrery abolition act ; but the truth was, it was caused by
the tariff of labour, (nut nothing else. With respect to the
quantify of food, it had been reduced about one half below the
quantum in the days of slavery, and upwards of 10,000 had
been thrown on their parents for a requisite supply of food. ?1 r.
Scoble here referred to the importation of Hill Coolies into
British Guiana from the East Indies. If they looked through
the parliamentary papers, they would find that two-pennyworth
of rice would support a Hill Cooly, and the Guiana planters
wanted to reduce the negro to the level of the Ilindostan.
(Shame.) Was it not lamentable to reflect that men, who had
acquired princely revenues through the sweat and toil of their
victims, should use their-wealth and power for the purpose of
oppreSSilitz and grinding, in every possible way the poor negro
who had put them in possession of it ? Did the people of Eng-
land imagine, when they paid for the freedom of the slave with
i 200 tons of gold, that such a result would follow.? (No, and cries
of "shame.") The statements made in the
.House of Com-
mons by Mr. Gladstone, had been applauded to the echo; but
if the honourable ..members of that house had consulted their
own blue books, tbe parlianientary documents, they would have
that the punishments in British Guiana_ exceeded those in Ja-
maica by nearly 11 per cent. Mr, Gladstone, on the occasion
in question, stated that he did not indulge in exparte statements.
Neither were the statements which he, Mr. S. made exparte.
The, speaker here entered into. some details. respecting the
cruelties which be had seen practised in British Guiana towards
females of a brutal and horrifying nature. Women in the last
stage of pregnancy, and aged females, were compelled to work
like athletic men. In consequence of the treatment which the
women experienced, there was great mortality amongst the .
children; and a far greater number died under the present than
the former system The planter had formerly a life interest in
the preservation of his human cattle; hut he is now actuated by
other motives. He Scoble) had visited the sick houses,
accompanied by ie special justice. In one of these houses he
found the males lying on the bare floor, without food or light,
and in another the women were incarcerated, the most wretched
objects which it was possible to conceive. In another house he
found fifteen deceased inmates, seven on raised boards, all of
whom were locked up, from . morning to night, many of
them haying contagious diseases. (Shame.) Their food was
five or six boiled plantains—no wine, no nourishment. He
ought to tell them that the Wine Which was imported into the
colony for the use of the sick. duty free, always found its way
to the table of the planter: (Shame, cheers, and laughter.)—
Frauds of every kind were practised on the negro. In Ber bice,
he found that when the negrocs came to claim their little debts,
they were generally defrauded out of one half of the amount ;
for the planter got their tickets in his hand for the presumed
purpose of having them examined, and he generally mulcted
them of one half, destroying the ticket before their eyes, and
thus taking away their power of redress. If they did justice to
themselves as Englishmen, and to their country as a Christian
land, they would put down the power of the planter, and pre-
vent him from practising his frauds on the poor negro—they
weald terminate the, barbarities be had stated, and release suf-
fering humanity from the frightful evils he had described. Mr.
Scoble resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic cheers from all
parts of the theatre.
Mr. M'Net LE with cordiality responded -to the wish of the
committee, that he should move the third resolution.. "That
this meeting consider the flagrant violations of the imperial act
of 1433. which are admitted by the noble lord the Secretary for
the Colonies to have occurred both in colonial statutes and in

the conduct of many of the planters, as again requiring them to
press the termination of a system so liable to perversion, and so
fraught with occasions of oppression ; while the experience of
the colonies in which the full mei sure of freedom has been en-

jawed, and the confidence of those proprietors who have or-
.dered the lit,eration of their apprentices, abundantly prove the
propriety of the demand, since the negroes are prepared to ap-
preciate and improve a state of perfect liberty." He need not

. • , .
attempt to add tO, the evidence that the imperial act had been
flagrantly violated. lie would refrain from making any-allu-
sion to the past. He Was in the habit of separating, the sinner
from his sins, remembering Him who has said that " as far as
the east is from the west, so far bath lie removed our transgres-
sions front us." We are tout that to speak against slavery in
the abstract is to do nothing. Our opponents say if it were
proved a question of slavery or no slavery they could express
their disapprobation of toe former; but as it is one of
compact involving the fidelity of the national faith, they
are bound to abide by the compact. But every bargaiu has two
sides. Who has violated the national compact? Who has per-
petuated the atrocious violations against the letter and the spirit
of the imperial act? The planters—not the nation. But it is
said that all the planters did not thus act. His answer was that
there are different degrees of guilt. Silence gives consent. A
charge of silence rests against every one who does not raise his
voice in this matter, and still more against those who apologise
for it. Those who were silent were particepes criminisas the
lawyers say—partakers of the crime. (Hear, bear.) It has
lseen alleged that the. male and female negroes will not here-.
after labour so as to render the estates productive. But why
was not this discovered before the payment of the twenty mil-
lions? If the planters had set up this plea originally—if they
had said the compenSation was not sufficient; but to receive
the compensation, and to requite the labour as before,--what
should they say to that? They had beard of a merchant, not
of Liverpol. or of Jamaica, or of but of Venue—(a
laugh)—who was offered compensation; but what did he say ?
His reply was—lf every ducat in six thousand ducats
Were in six parts, and every part a ducat,
I would nut have it—l would have my bond."

(Loud cheers.) But, to take the ducats, and then to refuse
compensation, was beyond the conception.even of Shakspeare.
(Protracted cheering.) The planters ougst not only to lose the
unexpired years, but also the remaining unpaid share of the
twenty millions. The rev. gentleman proceeded at great length
to denounce slavery, but our. limits will not permit us even to
glance at the remainder of his speech, the close of which was
loudly applauded. •
The motion was seconded,bv Mr. BLACKBURN in a brief and
effntive speech.
The Rev. DAVID KING, of Glasgow, proposed the next re-
solution :—" That this meeting are. rejoiced to learn that Sir
Eardly Wilmot has been so far restored to health as to place
upon the books of the house notice of a motion, in which the
principle embodied in the petitions presented to parliament is
fully recognized; .and they call upon their representatives,
whenever that motion shall be brought forward, faithfully to
express by their vote, the sentiments so strongly declared be a
large body of their constituents, who, casting aside every differ-
ence of opinion on other matters, are unanimous to their
solemn purpose to rest satisfied with no enactment which fails to
confer forthwith entire freedom on every negro subject of the
British empire."
The resolution was simply seconded by the Rev. JAMES
LISTER, (owing to the lateness of the hour,) and carried nem.
con.
The next resolution was very briefly proposed by the Rev.
Mr. Kelly, seconded by the Rev. Dr. -RAFFLES; it is as t,l-
-lows:—" the petition now read be signed on behalf of this
meeting by the Worshipful . the- Mayor, and that Sir Eardly
Wilmot be respectfully requested to present the same to the
1-]Huse of Commons." . .•

The petition having been read by „the To.wn-clerk, the motion
was put and carried without any opposition.
A vote of thanks to the Mayor was then moved, seconded,
and carded amidst loud applause. •
The MAYOtt briefly. returned thanks, and complimented the
auditors on. the orderly ,and good-humoured manner in. which
the. proceedings had passed off—The meeting ended at seven
o'clock. .

nu LIVERPOOL STANDARD.