The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-06-02 00:00:00

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efforts to sink down the poor of this country still deeper
in the mire of poverty and distress.
The anti-corn law agitators have resolved henceforth
to " dissociate themselves altogether from political
parties, and to adopt the test of a man's promise to
support the total repeal of the corn-laws as the criterion
of his fitness to be supported as a political candidate."
We hope they will act on this resolution. They could
not have hit upon a better expedient for defeating their
own ends: .-

The Stephen Whitney, Captain W. C. Thompson,
which arrived here yesterday, has brought New York
Papers to the 13th ultimo, being one day later than
those brought by the Hibernia. We have been politely
favoured with copies of the Morning Herald and the
,Wally Express of May 13. We learn that the mercantile
affairs of New York showed no symptoms of im-
-proyement when the Stephen Whitney. sailed. The
abuse of the credit system was fast producing its
opposite extreme, and business was confined to the
limited circle of those who possessed a cash capital.
The licentious conduct of the insolvent banks and
merchants was fast putting an end to the remnant of
that credit which, but a few years since, was enjoyed
almost universally. Trade was consequently decaying,
and the interest of money falling. Very little was
doing in the stock market. The shares of the United
States Bank exhibited a trifling improvement ; but the
transactions in the market were of the most limited
character. The cotton market also evinced small ope-
rations without any important changes in rates. The
rate of exchange on England was at 108 per cent.

: In flour the market was dull at New York. The
receipts had not been large since the opening of. the
canal, but the price was drooping. The rate of freight
Was rather declining, which favoured the market.
The Montreal Herald of May 8 states that there had
been a.report prevailing for some clays.that the Special
Council had thrown out the billTOr regulating The- cur-
rency between the Upper and Lower Provinces; and
as the Bank of Montreal had, on the previous day,
declined taking Upper Canada hank notes in toto, it
was presumed that the report was too well founded.
Bank drafts on New York were quoted at :11, and on
London at 10 per cent. premium.
Intelligence had reached New York of fresh outrages
in Florida, on the part of the Indians. A large party
of them had attacked Capt. Rains, of the 7th infantry,
who was returning, with eighteen men, from a scout.
Four of his men were killed, and five wounded, Capt.
Rains himself having also been severely wounded.
Several other attacks had been made by the Indians,
who, in many cases, had destroyed much valuable pro-
perty. There appeared to be every probability that
Florida would suffer for some time longer from the
predatory incursions of the aborigines. This is not to
be wondered at, considering the efforts made to exter-
minate them.

The Baltimore American says that a well-founded
rumour was in circulation at Washington, that Mr.
Kendall, the Postmaster-general, had tendered his re-
signation to the President. It was also rumoured
that Mr. Woodbury, Secretary of the Treasury, and
Mr. Forsyth, Secretary of State, had likewise resigned
their offices.

In the Northern States the season is described as
exceedingly forward. There was every promise of an
abundant harvest. In Ohio there had been a consi-
derable flood, greater than any that had been witnessed
since that of 1832.

Van Rensselaer, who was sentenced to six months'
imprisonment, and fined 250 dollars, to remain in pri-
son until the fine was paid, for his violation of the neu-
rality law, has had the fine remitted by the President.
William Lyon Mackenzie, who was sentenced to 18
months' imprisonment, from the 20th of June last, has
also, it is stated, had the residue of his punishment re-
mitted.

At length—at the last hour—we are enabled to
gather the sentiments of Government with respect to
the important subject of Irish Registration. On
Thursday evening, Mr. Pigot, the O'Connellite Soli-
citor-General, brought in a Bill, " to remove doubts
with respect to the qualification of voters in Ireland,"
and to create a court of appeal id cases of disputed
decisions. Bearing in mind the object for which alone
this bill was brought in—via., to obstruct the passing
of Lord Stanley's measure—we were prepared to ex-
pect dishonesty in its framing, and that it would, either
directly or indirectly, leave untouched the evil of which
it profeses to be a remedy. In this expectation we
are not doomed to he disappointed. The bill of Minis-
ters is purposely framed so as to ensure its rejection by
the Upper House of Parliament, if ever it arrives there,
as well as to leave open, should it become a law, seve-
ral fertile sources of the demoralization and perjury. in
operation under the present system.
•We shall not at present enter in a comparison of the
relative merits of the two bills. The one—that of Lord
Stanleymerely affects the mode of registration, and
leaves the question of the franchise untouched ; that
of the Solicitor-General for Ireland affects also the
mode of registration, and deals—tenderly, it is true—
with some of the evils of the present system. But,
with true \Vhig cunning, the measure of the learned
Precursor includes a clause, insidiously introduced,

by which, under the pretence of " removing doubts'
as to the qualification required under the Reform Act,
the true construction of that act is' to be declared in
direct opposition to the decision of the Judges—the
franchise to be virtually lowered-7-and the door to
fraud and perjury propped open, by an express enact-
ment, to all whose pliable or seared consciences will
permit them to enter.
The clause in question allows the term " beneficial
interest" to be interpreted, by the voter and the assis-
tant barrister, to be the value which the premises,
after deducting rent, can he proved to be of to the
claimant himself ; not, as at present ruled by the
Judges, the value which any other party would give
over and above the rent reserved. It will be evident
that such ample room would be given, by this interpre-
tation, to hard swearing as to imaginary value, that
one of the greatest evils of the present system—its
reckless perjury—would he increased by being thus, in
effect, legalised. A man has only to swear that the mud
hovel which lie occupies on lease is, together with his
own labour bestowed on its patch of potatoe ground,
producing him £lO per annum, after paying his rent—
that his labour, in fact, is worth £lO a-year—and he
becomes qualified to be on the register as a county or
a borough voter ! Can such an astounding proposi-
tion, which is neither more nor less than an approach
to universal suffrage, be listened to for a moment ?
Of course it cannot; its authors know that it cannot.
And yet, without this dishonest clause—which is the
twin brother . of the celebrated appropriation clause—
no measure for the correction of the gigantic evil,
which demoralizes and degrades Ireland, will be al-
lowed by the Whig Government and the Romish
priesthood to pass into a law !
If it be the fact, as it evidently is in the opinions of
Government, that a £lO franchise in Ireland is too
high,,let it be lowered ; let us have, in Ireland at least,
a franchise which is not expansive according as the
conscience of the claimant is more or less pliable. Let
what is insidiously, or in the Whig-Radical phrase,
virtually lowered, be done by an express enactment, so
that honest men may by law enjoy the privileges which
false knaves are now allowed to snatch. Let the evils
of the registration system be corrected at all hazards,
and then deal with the franchise. But no—listen, reader,
to the avowal of a Whig Minister! Listen to Lord
John Russell. " If he could see that Parliament would
be disposed without reference to party to establish the
franchise on fair grounds, so as neither to diminish
nor abridge the franchise which it was the design of
the Reform Bill to grant, he would assist in framing
a measure for that purpose." If he could lower the
franchise he would do so ; and what is his alternative ?
He fears that he cannot, and he is ready to allow the
claimant to achieve by fraud what he does not possess
by law ! He fears he cannot get a low franchise
accurately laid down, and therefore, is not able to
" recommend his honourable and learned friend to go
any further than he now proposes to do." " Evil, be
thou my good !"
It must be obvious that such a bill is a mere weapon
wherewith to fight Lord Stanley out of committee.
We think the attempt will not be successful; yet,
should this trick fail, the game will be played out of
doors which has already failed within the walls of
Parliament; and it shall be our care that the electors
of Liverpool at least are not misled. Perjury and
fraud in Ireland are the acknowledged aids upon which

alone the Whig faction lean for a wretched and de-
graded existence. They have declared by this bill, and
by the mouth of Lord John Russell, that they will
either have perjury or a popish democracy. Let them
dissolve upon the question, and the Protestant con-
stituencies of England will crush them beneath the
weight of their honest indignation !
DISSOLVE, LORD JOHN—DISSOLVE ! ENGLAND
IS READY!

The editor of the Mercury is certainly one of the
most slippery antagonists it has ever been our fortune
to encounter. No sooner have we detected a sophistry
or fastened a charge upon him, than, with infinite
cunning, he contr?ves to wriggle from our grasp. No
sooner have we checked his confidential swagger,
plucked him of his borrowed plumage, and left him
as naked as an unfledged gosling, than we find him
pert as ever, gabbling, with undiminished volubility,
a fresh tissue of flimsy absurdities. Blending together
the most outrageous conceit and the most profound
ignorance, his policy is to bully, to quibble, and to
misrepresent by turns, until, by the strange jumble of
incongruous matter which he infuses into his diatribes,
he has managed to bewilder alike his reader and him-

On the last occasion upon which we had the honour
of receiving our contemporary's abuse—and his abuse
is the only honour which he can confer upon us—we
were attacked chiefly upon our own quarrel. We had
in our own behalf alone disturbed the equanimity of
this self-complacent personage. But, unfortunately,
we volunteered to apply the knout for a gentleman
who, had he not been constrained by a thorough con-
tempt for the offender, would, we doubt not, have
spared us the unwelcome task. Yet the Mercury is
angry because we gave expression to this feeling; and,
well aware that no challenge of his could bring down
upon hint such a visitation-, is as fluent in big words
as a bully who has got " a vow in heaven." He has
thrown his slime at the gentleman in question on pre-
vious occasions, and been allowed to crawl on his
obscene path uncrushed, as such a thing would have
been by a meaner tread. He has been allowed to
breathe the same air for a time, and to perpetrate his
vapid impertinences unnoticed ; and, because his min-
gled nauseousness and insignificance have hitherto
preserved him from annihilation, he indulges in the
empty braggadocio of former insults, alike unresented,
and presumes to arrogate equality with a man whose
pursuits are too lofty to permit him to notice seriously
so contemptible a scribbler. Would that we could
convey to the Mercury a sense of his utter insignifi-
carice, as regards every quality of mind and intellect,
when compared with the gentleman in question !
We shall not attempt to follow our contemporary
through the various • windings by which he vainly en-

deavours to creep out of the dilemma into which his
ignorance originally brought him. Our object in no-
ticing at first his slanderous and impudent effusions
was, to shew the false and unfair basis upon which Lord
Stanley's bill was attacked by the Mercury and such as
he. We pointed out the distorted medium through
which its provisions were viewed. We proved that ob-
jections were brought against that bill which might,
with equal reason, be brought against the present sys-
tem ; and that, in many important particulars, so far
from decreasing the facilities of registration to a bona
fide claimant, it had a contrary tendency. These, the
main features of our case, the Mercury has quietly
dropped; and his present diatribe of two columns and
a half is composed of a series of paltry cavils, spread
over. so large a space, and so interlarded with patch-
work of other men's absurdities, that it is hard to find
out which is the original mercurial brass and which
the lacquered ware borrowed for the occasion.
We will give, however, an instance or two of our
contemporary's mode of arguing. We showed him,
_ _

in our last notice, that Mr. M`Neile was, in substance,
correct in stating that Lord Stanley's bill brought the
registry to the claimant's door, and pointed out that
clause in the act by which power is given to the Lord
Lieutenant to provide additional places for holding the
registry sessions. Our contemporary, however, has a

[stoned vision, which will not allow him to see any-

thing in its natural shape. Accustomed to the shifts
and collusions of whig legislation, he cannot believe
that a clause in an act of parliament can be interpre-
ted in any other than a tricky sense. There is a con-
dition, he says, which we have " carefully kept out of
view, and which nullifies the clause, or, at the least;
renders it of partial and uncertain operation." And
what does our reader suppose is this condition which
we have so carefully kept out of view ? Why, that the
Lord Lieutenant, previous to such additional place of
registration being appointed, must be shown its neces-
sity by a petition from a meeting of magistrates. Lord
Stanley has concluded that wisdom is not intuitive even
in a Lord Lieutenant, and has requested the magistracy
to point out when and how the power given to him by
this bill should be exercised. Had his lordship's bill
said that "it shall be lawful for the priests so assem-
bled, being not less than five, or a majority of them, to
petition the Lord Lieutenant," we should have heard
nothing about the clause in question being nullified by
a " condition ; or, perhaps, it would be convenient for
the barristers to hold their sittings in the chapels at
once, unless that locality is too near the burial places
of some of the Tom Cassidys, whose votes it might
occasionally be convenient to renew.
Again, our contemporary accuses us of falsehood in
stating, that by Lord Stanley's Bill the onus of proving
an objection is thrown upon the objector, and states in
proof of his assertion that " the 21st section requires
the claimant to prove his claim in all cases by the pro-
duction of his title deeds." Why so, we repeat, does
the present Reform Act. Our assertion, as the Mer-
cury is well aware, had to do with parties objected to
and not with claimants, whose position is not at all
altered by the 22d section of Lord Stanley's Bill, so far as
regards the necessity of offering proof of qualification.
The objector is, by Lord Stanley's bill, for the first
time, expressly required to prove his objection. The
Mercury, with his usual trickery, quotes the wrong
section of the act; but that is a small matter in his

way. ,
Having perpetrated a column of sheer cavilling, our
contemporary Hies off at a tangent, and lugs in to his
aid the Spectator, the Atlas, Mr. Sharman Crawford,
and the Northern Whig. Our contemporary is per-
fectly at liberty to adopt as many of other peoples' ab-
surdities as he pleases. We have only to do with
himself, but we cannot omit to notice the ridiculous
idea, which he puts forth as Mr. Sharman Crawford's,
respecting the form of notice required to be sent in by
a claimant under Lord Stanley's bill. " 'We have be-
fore us," exclaims the Mereury, " a notice filled up by
Mr. Crawford, for a £2O leaseholder, comprising no
fewer than 26 particulars ! !" A mighty great curiosity
such a notice must he ! We can only remark that the
very simple one, quoted by Mr. M'Neile at the Amphi-
theatre meeting, is all
,that is required by the ninth
clause for a freeholder; and that with respect to a
leaseholder, the only material alteration required by
that clause, is " the names of the lessors and of the
lives in the lease." It would be easy, by a stretch of in-
genuity, to suppose a claim, part freehold part lease-
hold, for lives as well as for years, which would re-
quire a considerable number of particulars; but to a
great extent the same kind of dovetailed qualification
would require a complicated form of claim under the
present law. The opponents of the noble lord are re-
ally put to sorry shifts when they find it necessary to
resort to such miserable attempts at delusion.
We willingly close here our controversy with the
Mercury upon this subject, and are perfectly satisfied
with the relative position in which we stand towards
him at its conclusion. But we are compelled to say a
few words upon the personal portion of his attack upon
us. The Mercury asserts that he is now confirmed in
his " suspicions as to our identity !" What, we
ask, has the Editor of the Mercury to do with our
identity ? We are no more an " anonymous assail-
ant" than he is. We wear no " mask" which we are
unwilling or ashamed to withdra‘%;, under any circum-
stances; and our identity for any honest object is as
perfect as that of our contemporary.
It is quite possible that the Mercury may wish to
bring to his aid, in any future contest he has with us,
a little of the personality which is, with writers of his
class, the ordinary substitute for argument. In wind-
' ing up his angry tirade, he says, that if our " de-
' tection" "be accomplished, all his revenge will he to
publish our name, with half a dozen lines in ex-
planation." We cannot but despise alike the head and
the heart of a man who is ready to resort to this

despicable mode of warfare. We have, as Editor of
the STANDARD, controverted the false positions of the
Editor of the Mercury. For anythibg that we know,
his name may be " Legion ;" we care not for his name,
and we cannot imagine why he should care for ours.
In one particular we trust he is correct, with respect to
this disputed point. We can, he says, " assume the
tone and language of a gentleman ;" and we have not,
privately, sufficient knowledge of our contemporary's
ability to do either, and his public exhibitions, espe-
cially towards ourselves, would not warrant us in
making the assumption.

ATTEMPT OF MINISTERS TO CURTAIL THE
FRANCHISE OF FREEMEN..

We have heard much during the discussion of Lord Stan-
ley's Irish registration bill of the hardship of some of its
provisions as applied to the poorer classes of voters. That
measure was denounced by the factious priesthood of Ireland,
and by their tools, on both sides of the channel, on the
especial ground that its operation would tend to curtail the
franchise in counties, and to throw obstacles in the way of
registration, both in counties and boroughs, which a poor
man would not be able to surmount. We should, therefore,
naturally have supposed that in any alteration of the regis-
tration in England, as well as in Ireland, the same anxiety
would be manifested to foster and protect the rights of the
humbler classes, and to extend, rather than restrict, the
franchise. But mark the futility of such a supposition, and
the dishonesty of this corrupt faction, as displayed in a
measure brought in by Lord John Russell, to the operation
of which we beg to call the attention of our readers, and es-
pecially of those who happen to be freemen of Liverpool !

The bill to which we allude is entitled " A bill for the
registration of .parliamentary electors," and proposes a num
ber of alterations in the present system, very few of which
we think are likely to be adopted by the legislature. Got up,
as the measure is, to obstruct the bill of Lord Stanley, we
were prepared by the Whig lordling's former intimations, to
expect that it would contain an attempt to assimilate the
English to the Irish system, by doing away in some degree
with the necessity of annual revision ; and accordingly we
find that attempt made after ti.e following fashion :
By a clause in the bill just introduced, his lordship proposes
to establish a new class of voters, who, when once registered,
are to be exempt from having their right to vote called in
question before the revising barrister, unless the ground of
objection shall have arisen subsequent to the period of regg-
tration. Parties wishing to obtain this immunity—to obtain
in fact a perpetual right to the suffrage—are required to send

in their claims to be allowed to establish their " qualification
absolutely ;" and in case they succeed in this, no matter
whether on sufficient grounds or not, the revising barrister is
to write opposite to their names, upon the register, the word

"established," which secures their right from any further
attaint, provided they still retain the qualification—good or
bad—for which they have been thus " absolutely" registered.
The object of this clause is, professedly, to prevent
frequent vexatious objections being made to voters already
on the lists. With its policy we have nothing to do. If
honestly calculated to do away with the evil of vexa-
tious objections, we should not hesitate to support it,
and we might believe that it was honestly intended to do so,
had we not cause to suspect a lurking dishonesty in every
measure which comes from the hands of the present base and
shabby crew. But will it be believed that from this boon—
this protection offered to the registered freeholder and the
£lO inhabitant householder—one class of voters is studiously
excepted ? Will it be believed that, from a boon held outby
these " friends of the poor man's franchise," not any fifty
pound householder, or beneficed clergyman, but the poor
freemen of our boroughs, are rigidly shut out ? The free-

holder, the leaseholder, or the householder, once " absolutely
registered," may not afterwards have the value of his lands,
his lease, or his title questioned, whilst the poor freeman is
left to fight year after year before the revising barrister, and
to defend his franchise, as best he may, from the attacks of
an unprincipled objectbr I

Of course this is the whig version of even-handed justice.
The enslaved bogtrotter, whose conscience and vote are car-
ried in the pocket of a Maynooth priest, to be used for the
vile purposes of a vile faction, must be protected in his frau-
dulent franchise—be allowed to put his own interpretation
upon the meaning of an act of parliament—personate dead
men, or qualify out of a mud hovel not worth as many pence
as he swears it is worth pounds : but the freemen of England
will receive no such protection from those liberal gentlemen
who claim to be, par excellence, " friends of the poor man's
franchise.:: The lower classes of the £lO householders of
England, who are especial favourites with the whig faction,

-0 •
must be protected from the annoyance of being told that
their £lO beer-house, for which they qualified, is not worth
£lO a-year after being converted into a dwelling-house ; but

the freeman, whose title to a vote is inalienable, may be
dragged before the revising barrister by any provincial Cop-
pock, any given number of times, although he may have
proved that title over and over again. The poor freeman is
no favourite of whig radicalism, and therefore he receives
none of its protection.
Let our townsmen—let the freemen of Liverpool and of
England—ponder upon this despicable and shabby attempt
to withhold from them the privileges offered to other classes
of voters. Let them add this to the catalogue of former in-
sults received from the whig faction ; and when one of that
base and dishonest crew attempts to beguile a freeman of his

judgment, with hollow pretensions of respect for the con-
stitutional rights of the poorer class of voters, let him point
to this measure as a damning evidence of the cowardly and
treacherous malignity which rankles in the heart of a whip,
whilst plausible and false professions are upon his lips !

CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY.—We are happy to notice
that a meeting of planters is convened in the metropolis for
the following important purposes :—To submit to them the
important services rendered to the island of Jamaica by the
Church Missionary Society in extending religious instruction
amongst the population there—the very heavy general expen-
ture made by the society—the very large proportion of it
incurred in Jamaica—their consequent inability to continue
that expenditure upon the same scale—and the necessity of
withdrawing their mission unless assisted by the body of
Jamaica proprietors.
ST. SILAS CHURCH, PEMBROKE-PLACE.—The foundation
stone of this church, about to be erected thro' the liberality
and exertions of the congregation of St. Jude's' will be laid
this morning by the Rev. Rector Campbell. The site se-
lected is the vacant ground adjoining the large house lately
occupied by Mr. Muspratt, on the north side of Pembroke-
place. Some delay has taken place in the arrangement of the
preliminary steps, but we understand that the whole will now
be proceeded with to completion, and the poorer inhabitants
Of the district have now a prospect of shortly worshipping
together in the church of their fathers, as we are informed a
considerable proportion of the seats will be free.
List of cabin passengers per Stephen Whitney, Captain
W. C. Thompson, from New York :—Mrs. Sarchey, D. C.
King, Henry Livingston, J. Q. Aymar, Augustus Aymar,
Peter Sharpe, H. S. Sharpe, New York; William Apple-
ton, Albany; Col. Hare Powel, Mrs. Powel, Saml. Powel,
De Veaux Powel, Baring Fowel, Hare Powel, John H.
Powel, Miss Julia Powel, two servants, M. J. Miller, Phil-
adelphia; Dr. A. Hume, W. N. Lucas, S. H. Lucas,
Charleston, S. C. ; George Tiffany, Mrs. S. M'Kenn, Miss
Gill, Franklin Bowley, Baltimore ; Mrs. Jas. Sewell, Que-
bec ; Seth Sprague, N. P. Annes, Mass ; E. S. Jopey,
Boston; P. H. Stowell, Isle of Man; J. W. Allwood,
England ; Jas. Edgan, Canada; William Pratt, Miss Pratt,
Liverpool; S. W. De Rantgon and Lady, Stockholm, Swe-
den ; Lieut. Mills, K.D.G.•, Lieut. B. B. Lassett, 71st
Regt. Mr. R. S. Cannon 63. d Regt.
AN AUSTRALIAN WOLF DOG.—There is now in the pos-
session of Mr. Jackson, commercial naturalist, Clayton-
square, a female of this species, the only carnivorous animal
found in that country, and characterised by zoologists as
very savage and untractable. The present specimen, how-
ever, from its intercourse with man, and probably, in some
degree, from its having two fine cubs, whose she is an
English pointer, appears to have lost its native ferocity, and
suffers itself to be handled and even teazed by its master,
without further murmur than a sort of low growl or snort-
ing, which appears to be peculiar to its breathing. Bewick,
who furnishes a very faithful likeness of this " dog of the
woods," thus describes it :—" The New South Wales Wolf
has been called a dog, but its wild and savage nature seems
strongly to point out its affinity to the wolf, to which, in
other respects, it bears a strong resemblance. It neither
barks nor growls. but when vexed erects the hairs of the
whole body, and appears extremely ferocious. It is fond of
rabbits and poultry. Its height is rather less than two feet,
and its length two.and-a-half feet. The ears are short and
erect; the tail long and bushy (like that of the wolf.) It is
a pale (or brownish) white, and lighter on the belly." The
feet and legs, we may add, are white, and the eyes of a
bright light amber colour. Bewick's description is correct
as regards the animal in question, with the exception of its
having become tamed; though, we rather think it is not
much to be trusted. The cubs are exceedingly strong and
healthy, and it is supposed will have a superior scent. They
partake of the carnivorous appetite of their parent, which is
fed on raw meat, and dislikes any thing cooked : when a
piece of meat is thrown down to them, the " tug" of the one
to take it from the other, is like " Greek meeting Greek."
THE TWENTY-NINTH OF MAY AT WALTON.—Thurs-
day last, being the anniversary of the restoration of King
asiargeeteai
ddtnanonaewadns
nsds suitable
netaardbnv
neighbourhood,el
excellent
cienlprofusion.lemmannernt
r sw dinner
Stanley'so
ma
tpro
at
ttr
the number
:eoGauf gee Blackebgu noes
rr
Charles the 11. to the throne of these realms, was comine-
tmoti
loireomomarr aebss
accus-
tomed about
ts
Inn,
ftatnywtti
he:Walton
ortvyef l
ably presided, and was well supported by Mr. Manning and
Mr. Chubb; the vice-chair was occupied with equal ability
by Mr. Sbakspeare, who was supported by the Rev. Mr.
Wilson, curate of the parish, Mr. Birkett, and several gen-
tlemen of the township. The room was appropriately
decorated for the occasion with branches of oak, flowers, &c.
amidst which were seen, a picture of King Charles when a
youth ; an engraving of Sir Robert Peel, a full length figure
of the Duke of Wellington, and a bust of the late Mr.
Canning. After a repast, including many of the delicacies
and abundance of the substantials of the season, the usual
loyal and truly constitutional toasts were drunk, including,
amidst immense applause, the health of Sir Robert Peel,
and the first and gallant captain of the age, " the Duke."
Conservative and convivial sentiments were intermixed, and
the afternoon was spent in the most agreeable manner, and
with a unity of feeling demonstrative of the stability of those
principles e
hi
siele mustiich look for redemption from the hands of
a the country owes so much, and toevous administration, and the prominent
v Nlwi ical to
which
establishment of her national dignity and happiness.
THE MICROSCOPE.—The attention of naturalists and
philosophers has recently been drawn in a peculiar degree to
this invaluable instrument, and many are the secrets of nature
and science, which its use and study are daily bringing to
light. We were struck with an instance of its power the
other evening, when a paper being produced, containing ap-
parently only a series of waving lines, it displayed, when
placed beneath the microscope, an inscription of the most
minute, but beautiful character. As this exquisite produc-
tion of the burin of Messrs. Perkins and Bacon is fully
detailed in au advertisement which appears in our publication
of to-day, we can only say, that is designed for the especial
protection against fraudulent imitation of " ROWLAND'S
MACASSAR OIL," which words are repeated, nearly 1500
times, comprising nearly 30,000 letters.—See advt.