The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-06 00:00:00

B. HYAM & CO

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APPEAL
TO THE HUMANE AND CHARITABLE

A CASE OF DEEP AND PECULIAR DISTRESS.
A PERSON who for several years past filled a highly-
ti respectable and responsible situation, has been, through
unexpected and unforeseen circumstances, and trying provi-
dential visitations, plunged, with a Wife and Family, into a
state of deep distress and extreme privation. A prospect of
employment, and a field of usefulness, however, has now
opened to him in London, and he wants but a little pecuniary
means to assist him to enter on it and remove himself and
family to the Metropolis ; but such is his state of destitution
that if one shilling would effect his object he cannot com-
mand it. He, therefore, earnestly and respectfully implores
those christian friends whom the Lord, in his bounty, has
blessed with an abundance of " this world's goods", and
with hearts to minister to the wants of those in distress, to
render him some assistance under these trying circumstances,
which will place himself and family beyond want, alleviate
their present sufferings, and put him in a position not only to
evince gratitude, but, if needs be, minister to the wants of
others suffering under similar providential visitations.
Any sums kindly and humanely contributed will be received
at the STANDARD-OFFICE, where further particulars, if ne-
cessary, may be ascertained ; and also by the Rev. WILLIAM
FALOON, Curate of St. Jude's, 20, Moon-street.
All sums humanely given will be gratefully acknowledged
through the columns of this journal.

THE WEST-RIDING ELECTION

(From the Leeds Inteliigencer.)

The respective candidates have now; completed their can-
vassing tour, and the reception they have met with may be ,
taken as a criterion of the result. " Coming events cast
their shadows before." Lords Morpeth and Milton now
see that they are to be beaten. Honest Yorkshiremen can-
not be again deluded by hollow promises. They are, this
time, proof against Lord Morpeth's tropes and Lord Mil-
ton's arguments. Even the " deep pocket" will fail in a case
whereon constitutional principle and common sense sit in
judgment. •
The nomination takes` place at Wakefield on Monday
nest; the polling will he on Thursday and Friday. We call,
upon the independent electors to give on Monday an earnest
of what they intend to do on Thursday and Friday. Con-
servative electors, come forth, on Monday, in all your
strength ; in the majesty of your overwhelming power ; and
show, too, by your demeanour, that your moral qualities are
in all respects equal to your physical superiority. Let there
be no flinching.' Let the day be dedicated to your great
cause, which is the cause, not of a party or a faction, but of
the country. This is truly the crisis of the constitution( If
you wish to hand it down to your children, buckle on your
armour—put on your political might—teach Lords Morpeth
and Milton, and through them, the unprincipled ministry
whom they wish to uphold in'place, pay, and patronage, that
you are determined upon a change. Come forth and say the
word, and that word will prevail. Your earnest and dearest
interests depend upon it. The first step towards the resto-
ration of the national prosperity must be the brushing away
of the locusts in office. Let us once more have a steady and
honest government, and we shall soon have a revival of trade
and industry. Out with the real monopolists. Down with
the infamous whigs.

The tailors are exceedingly proud of Lord John Russell's
najority of nine; they declare it has made a man of him.

,
DREADFUL MURDER AT HITDDERSFIELD.—Saturday
night, as Mr. Benjamin Whittel, jun., fancy manufacturer,
of Stainland, near Halifax. was walking home from the
Littleborough Railway station, on his return from Man-
chester market, he was shot dead through the head, about
half-past ten, near the Barksland toll-gate, by some villain or
villains, who robbed him of about £9O. Suspicion has fallen
on an individual with whom the unfortunate man was seen in
company when passing through the toll-gate, who cannot
now be found. The police, however, are on the look-ou'.
Mr. Whittel was only recently married.—York paper.
MIDDLESEX ELECTlON.—Wednesday next, the 7th inst.,
at ten o'clock in the forenoon, is appointed by the Sheriffs
for 'the nomination of candidates for the representation of
the county of Middlesex. The hustings will, as usual, be
erected in the Butts, above the Market-place, New Brent-
ford. The only candidates as yet in the field are Mr. Byng,
and Colonel T. Wood, the old members ; the fdrmer well
known as a liberal member of fifteen parliaments, and father
of the House of Commons ; and the latter a conservative,
who about four years ago ousted Mr. Hume. It was, how-
ever, yesterday confidently stated by persons professing to be
acquainted on the subject, that another candidate on each
side will be brought forward on the morning of nomination,
and that the contest will be a most severe one.—Observer.
SOUTH' ESSEX.—At a period like the present, when it is
sought to excite prejudice and ill-feeling between the yeo-
manry of England, and their natural protectors, the landed
proprietors, it is pleasant to record any new proof of their
friendly and even affectionate regard for each other. At the
recent audit of T. W. Bramston, Esq., of Skreens, late
member for South Essex, and now a candidate for the re-
newed confidence of the electors, a candelabrum, valued at
about £l5O, beautifully designed and executed by Broad-
hurst, of Regent-street, was presented to their highly-re-
spected landlord, by his grateful tenants.

Mit. OASTLtR.—The following is an extract from a letter
addressed by this noble-minded man to a friend in Yorkshire,
dated " The Fleet, June 23, 1841. Every day I receive tes-
timonies of their workings. The most extraordinary is in
the case of Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, Q.C., M.P., who was em-
ployed by Mr. Thornhill against mein the action which
brought me here, and who called here last Sunday week to
offer his services to have me released from this place. Ido
not care how the matter may end, but I am thankful that the
man who must know all about my affairs with Mr. T., has
thus been moved by the perusal of my Fleeters to offer his
kind services. I was an entire stranger to Mr. Kelly, I
never saw him till he called here, excepting in court on the
day of trial."—Hull Packet.

A LONG SILENCE.—A strong instance of resolution has
recently come to light at Menilmanger, in the Calvados,
(France.) A justice of the peace, whilst proceeding to put
the seals on the goods of a deceased lady, as a protection to
the interests of an only daughter, said to be insane, was much
surprised by the appearance of this daughter, who declared
that she opposed the seals being put on, intending not to be
charged with the expense of the operation, adding, '` I am not
mad, as it has been reported ; two and twenty years ago my
mother prevented me from marrying according to my liking,
and locked me up in my room. I then made a vow never to
any one again as long as my mother should live. I have kept
to it, and here lam to look after my own concerns." The
lady appears in no way affected mentally by her long confine-
ment ; but her person is much altered, and she is now in
her fortieth year.

thanis moment
t hem er e sont one
sehtifrlaoaelfs n
falsified
the
eerd
fih trt members
a e aaes
LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND THE CITY ELECTION.-It is
confidently stated by those who have found means of infor-
mation, that Lord John Russell has no more right to be at
th
ltmt
oemb
vegaerij
vrso
ere:
toat
hyrme twehnaeo,
as
b, ciwl
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ethi ytl
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phaoi London,s-f
Bow Bell ; for that the real numbers on the poll have been
crseoonramtpynelstatijittiOreridst.yad ,
The conservative committee unhesitatingly
state that they know this to be the fact. But Low the she-
riffs' casting up of the poll can be erroneous is, at first sight,
a point of difficulty not easily to be got over. Of the
honour and integrity of the two sheriffs themselves not a
shadow of doubt can be entertained ; but it is-just possible
that corruption may have reached One or more of their sub-
ordinates, and that for an adequate bribe an inconvenient
leaf or two may have been abstracted from one or more of
the poll books. We do not ourselves suggest such to be the
fact ; we only repeat what has been the open subject of con-
versation for the last two or three days. We know that Lord
John Russell left this city on Tuesday, with a full impression
that he was defeated: Mr. Grote, we are informed, openly
stated the same; and most persons who had any means of
information thought so too, yet by some legerdemain the
noble lord is seated.—Timex.
CITY OF DUBLIN.-Mr. Hutton has actually come for-
ward as a candidate (the government supplying a certain por-
tion of the money), and we are to have a contest after all.
So much the better. The result will, we pledge ourselves,
oneand man.all th e
peloeoertoirlsaitn.
put an end to the boastings of the Liberals, and the majority
for Wrest and Grogan give them a lesson that they will not
Never, in our experience, was there
soon or easily forget.
dupe as he has been, and
so much enthusiasm or energy manifested by the Protestant
freemenFlat-
ton oh
ne
lConservative
One
a as
reallyupon pitiestinterest h e
present
him.e
Suchoce united a s
aio . nas,
Havingweiank? induced hlm
the
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isrti at nodf i
vs
a intelligiblenity
is el,.
—for will
be,
l human of.nature
powerful ; but to have persuaded him that he was not in-
stilted, and to have prevailed upon him publicly to state that
he was not ill-treated, is incomprehensible upon all human
calculations---" the force of folly can no further go."

TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 6, 1841

We yesterday attended at Knutsford to attend the
nomination proceedings for North Cheshire, a full
report of the proceedings at which will be found else-
where. The friends of the Conservative candidates
mustered extremely strong, and there is not a doubt
that the ministerial whipper-in, Mr. Stanley, will expe-
rience a glorious defeat.

Liverpool having done itself immortal honour by

the return of Conservative members with so much
eclat, we feel no scruple in admitting that the triumph
is owing, in a very great degree, to the agency and,
operation of that religious principle of which we spoke
in our last. We have not only no scruple in admitting,
but we feel peculiar pleasure in proclaiming the fact,
and in commending the example to universal imitation.
It is more easy to speak in the abstract on such a
topic than to go into details; but to any one accustomed
to reflect upon the subject there is nothing more intu-
itively certain than the connection, the intimate con-
nection between church principles and political Con-
servatism. We are so perfectly persuaded ourselves
of the proposition, that where we hear of Radicals being
returned, we assign as the moving cause, that Church-
ism is low in that quarter. There may be second
causes—second causes well worth looking after ; but
' this is a first cause—this is the grand cause—that cause
of all others which demands the largest share of at-
tention. There are many who unfortunately associate
in their minds with this decided preference of the re-
ligious principle either some gloomy idea of ecclesias-

tical authority, or some other equally unlovely imagi-
nation of cant and hypocrisy. But thiS arises from
having taken a partial and limited view of the subject.
When we speak of church principles, we do not
contemplate merely the ecclesiastical order, nor are we
at all the admirers of an ecclesiastical despotism ; no-
thing at all of the sort. We hold in view simply the
Church of England as it is now by law established,
and such as it is esteemed, regarded, and construed to
be both in doctrine and discipline by the most discreet,
the most learned and moderate, yet liberal men. When
we speak of church principles, we mean also the Chris-
tian religion both in faith and practice as it is inter-

preted and taught by the Church in her formularies—
and viva voce by her evangelical bishops and minis-
ters; and the dissemination of these principles through

;he nation, we hold to be a matter of primary—vital

importance to the nation's welfare. • We know that
we here stand in an impregnable position—that our
ground is as a rock that cannot be moved. We should
be glad to know if there is any even professing mem-
ber of the Church of England who would controvert
our proposition ? We cannot suppose that there is even
one. The proposition is admitted ; but it is commonly
said, "this may be true, but you cannot bring it to
bear. It is too abstract for us ; we want to go right
ahead. A little plain Conservatism—political Conser-
servatism that goes at once to business, is sufficient for
our purpose. This Churchism you speak of is too
remote, too speculative a thing : we leave that to the
clergy." This appears to be the common error among
Conservatives and professing members of the Church,
and it is a most dangerous one. It is dangerous, be-
cause, with such an idea, it is, evident that the gross
delusion is cherished, that the English constitution can
be preserved without the Chnrch--•—or that the religious
principle of which we have spoken is not essential to
its existence. Never was there a more egregious and

miserable delusion ! Kingdoms have risen and fallen—
flourished and decayed—and the time may come when
some New Zealand artist may sit upon the last re-
maining arch of what once was London-bridge,
sketching the ruins of what once was the capital of
one of the mightiest of nations; yes, England may
fall, as other nations have fallen ; but upon the strength
of whatever is true in history, scripture, or philosophy,
we make bold to say that her Church will have fallen
long before, and that if she had maintained her Church
by maintaining her Church principles, this ruin would

not—could not have come upon her.
The Conservatives to whom we allude do not per-
ceive the connection between the religious principle of
the Church, and a political support of the Constitution;
and yet, if they will inquire, they will find that all good
members of the Church invariably, or with a few
exceptions, range themselves on the side of Conserva-
tive legislation and good government, whilst the ranks
of Radicalism are as invariably made up of Dissenters,
Papists, or Infidels. This is a fact, and as a fact it
should suffice, even if it were impossible, which it is
not, to trace out the modes operandi of the religious
principle, and exhibit those secret links by which it is
connected indissolubly with constitutional policy of
action. Men do not gather grapes off thorns or figs
off thistles : let the religious principle-be sown, and,
depend upon it, the fruit will not be Radicalism. On
the other hand, if the soil be neglected, weeds will
spring up though unsown ; or though you neglect it,
there will be others ready to cultivate after their man-
ner, and the enemy will possess your fields and fill
them with tares. We need not dwell upon anything
so obvious. We shall notice one other objection.

It may he said that, granting the truth
of the pro-
position; the Conservatives as a party, or in the mass,
cannot remedy the evil of a defective churchmanship.
That must be the work of the clergy ; the laity have
nothing to do' with it. This is another error. The
Church as a body does not consist of the clergy
only,
but of laity and clergy ; and in this matter the laity are
quite as much concerned is the clergy—the sheep of
the flock as the shepherds. Parliament can do much—
the Sovereign can do much—the bishops and clergy
can do much; but the laity as a body can also most
powerfully assist. Have we not many pious laymen
who do give most powerful aid in upholding and dif-

fusing Church principles—by• word,,by example—by
unbounded liberality. Assuredly we have ; and where
is there an instance of such labour being in vain ? "We
are no advocates for a starch. puritanism or an hypo-
critical pietism ; we wish to keep everything in its
place, and to assign to every work its proper season.
Our proposition, simply stated, is, Religion the basis of
Conservatism—the Church of England the foundation
of her Constitution—an enlightened Church-going
democracy the grand support of the State. This is
our proposition—a proposition not at all speculative
not at all remote from practical effects ; but the very
reverse. "Wherever the Church is in a healthy state,
Conservatism triumphs ; wherever it is dead or inac-
tive, Radicalism is in the ascendant. Let a Conserva-
tive Government and Parliament then look to this.
`What shall we say to the democrats of Bath, and their
cry of "No national debt" ? Shall we be told, that
the religiouS principle, or rather the want of it, had
nothing to do with this ! Monstrous absurdity. It is
at the very source and well-head of all such matters.
Let governors then look after the governed—the upper
after the inferior classes—the ecclesiastical body after
the flock committed to their charge—and Conservatism
will he strong, powerful, and predominant. We shall
advert again to this most important topic.

The City of Dublin Election takes place this day,
and the Conservatives, we rejoice to learn, are confi-
dent of defeating the arch-demagogue, and his associ-
ate, Mr. Hutton, and of putting in two good men in
their room. The Carlow County nomination is fixed
for Monday next, and from that quarter also the
reports are favourable. The priests have not acted
with their usual good generalship on this occasion ;
they began too soon ; and the Conservatives being
thus forewarned,' are now, in fact, forearmed. The
general opinion in the county is, that the Daniel
O'Connell put:in nomination is not really Young Nick,
the incognito in France, but Old Nick himself, who is
likely to want the seat, as his rejection in Dublin begins
to be spoken of as nearly a certain thing. Be this as it
may, the priests hate been making most diabolical
efforts to relieve themselves from the grasp of the gallant
Colonel Bruen and his party, and the wretches have
committed every sort of barbarity, in the hope of ac-
complishing their object. The houses of voters are
attacked by their.orders and in their presence, and the
men carried off, tied on cars, and kept prisoners a long
way off. Altar-cursing, bludgeoning, and brutality of
every description form part of their tactics, and are all
in full exercise. A. respectable woman, the wife of one
of the conservative electors, was met with at some dis-
tance from her own house, by one of the priests' ma-
rauding mobs : the wretches immediately seized her,
and having stripped off her clothes, drove her before
them in a state of nudity, vowing that they would
murder her hereafter if she did not compel her husband
to vote for the Liberator, Mr. Daniel O'Connell ! This
abominable and unmanly outrage is reported in the
Carlow Sentinel of Saturday, and furnishes such a spe-
cimen of the system put in motion by the priests, as we
think must fill all good men with disgust and abhor-
rence at their savage ferocity and ruffianism. The
pious O'Connell lifts up his eyes when these holy men
are spoken of as anointed scamps and surpliced ruffians;
but are they anything better ? Do not their acts pro-
claim them ? We believe they will be beaten with all
their diablerie at the coming election. A strong mili-
tary and police force has been sent into the county;
order is now restored, and the Conservatives are in
high spirits.

Well, we have nearly come to the end of the first
chapter of Free Trade versus No Confidence, and we
expect the Ministerialists find themselves all at home,
and quite right ! We must remember that the disso-
lution was a move made by themselves to improve their
condition, and now we may perceive how much they
are likely to amend it ! To think of Lord John Rus-
sell smiling and bowing to the electors of London, as
though he had made a hit—his lordship having barely
escaped being put out himself by a majority of nine—
and the result of The election being a loss to the Radi-
cals of two votes in that one constituency ! Look
again to Westminster, Leeds, "Wigan, Hull, Black-
burn, and other places, and see how complete has been
the failure of the Whigs to make any impression, or
direct attention from themselves by their last despe-
rate trick of free trade. The .boroughs—their strong
hold—their great bulwark—have returned a majority
against them ; and thus, instead of reversing the de-
cree of the late House of Commons, confirm it. Con-
demned by that house, the culprits—to gain a little
time—appealed to the people, and the people have al-
ready re-affirmed the sentence. We cannot be per-
suaded that the condemned had themselves any idea of
a different result. They must have read their fate in
the different elections which took place from time to
time, previous to the dissolution—they must have had
it whispered to them by an internal monitor—by that
" conscience which makes cowards of us all ;" and by
that respect which they still must have felt, and which
a career of iniquity, however long, would not entirely
obliterate, for the tribunal before which they were
about to submit themselves. They well knew what
was before them, and yet they had the amazing pre-
sumption and effrontery to retain their places, and ap-
peal to the nation, as if they expected it to place them
in a better position. Such a proceeding could only
have been resorted to first, for the sake of a little de-
lay ; and secondly, for the purpose of making their
future opposition to a Conservative ministry as de-
structive and formidable as possible—a proceeding
which we esteem to be, in their case, as mean and

contemptible as it is certainly unconstitutional.
The ministerial journals, no longer able to disguise
the actual state of affairs, have at length laid aside their
thunder, and begun to sing small. Their sole conso-
lation is, that Sir Robert Peel will not have so large a
working majority as the Conservatives would wish him.
He has only gained, they say, six or eight on the bo-
roughs—and Ireland will, as heretofore, be a set off
against all that lie can'expect from the counties. This
is the staff they lean upon, but we scarcely think it
will support them. We have every confidence in the
counties, and county electors of England. They should
know that Protestant England now looks to them as
the great bulwark against revolutionists. They are
placed in the gap to defend her against her own
Radical towns, and the Popery of Ireland—and they,
the truest of her sons, will not, we are satisfied, desert
her on this trying occasion. If the counties do their
duty, the triumph of Conservatism is certain—all the
tricks of the enemy will have been frustrated, and the
well as accession of a Conservative
Government secured.

permanence a

LIVERPOOL ELECTION.—" We know of nothing in the
entire history of the conservative party more glorious than
the verdict which Liverpool, the northern metropolis of com-
merce, has pronounced in their favour, by returning Mr.
Cresswell in preference to the more favoured of the whig
candidates by the immense majority of ONE THOUSAND ONE
HUNDRED AND THIRTY-EIGHT VOTES, and leaving Lord
Palmerston, Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, at the bottom of the poll, When we consider what
Liverpool is, how vast its trade, how wealthy its merchants,
how intelligent its population, how numerous its constituency,
how thoroughly qualified to decide upon all commercial
questions ; when we remember that it is a commercial question
on which the pseudo-government has appealed to the people,
and when we reflect upon the desperate efforts which must
have been made to rescue Lord Palmerston from the degrad-
ing position in which he stood at the close or the contest, we
may perhaps appreciate the importance of this result. Who
shall dare to say that the commercial enterprise of England
is upon the whig side when London, and Liverpool, and
Westminster, and Hull, and Bristol, and Bradford, and
Blackburn, have each returned conseruative members to,
parliament by decisive majorities, and at the head of their
respective polls ?"—Times.

A HINT TO LABOURERS.—The manufacturer who bawls
for the total abolition of the corn laws really means nothing
more or less than reduction of wages; and the conclusion
must be come to, at one leap, that if bread stuff' values are
to be equalized with the current rates of continental Europe,
so also mast the rate of wages be. If 1,000,000 of rural
workmen were ejected from land upon the manufacturing
market for labour, would not the necessary effect be starva-
tion wages to all ? Beware of the monied traitors, who wish
to fill their own pockets by reducing the physical condition
of the English artisan to the squalid wretchedness of the la-
bourers in Russia or Prussia. When it is said the corn is
cheap—(mark this!) money to you is, or may be, the nominal
price of corn ; but labour is the real price of corn. Never
forget, also, that the foreig❑ is only one-seventh of the home
and colonial consumption of your manufactures, and that as
land and labour are the only real values, agriculture and
manufactures must stand still or fall together.
COMMITMENT.—At the police-court, yesterday, a woman
named Ann Robinson was charged with having taken from
her master's house several articles of wearing apparel, his
property. It appeared that the prisoner had been servant to
Mr. Harrison, furniture dealer, Stanley-street. On the 21st
of June, Mr. Harrison's wife was taken ill in the night, and
on his getting up and procuring a light he found the prisoner
had decamped, taking with her the articles of female clothing
in question, 'including several silk and other dresses, a Tus-
cany bonnet, &c. When apprehended, some of the things,
also money, pawn-tickets, &c., were found in her possesiion,
and others were traced to various pawnbrokers. She was
committed for trial at the sessions.