The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-11-20 00:00:00

GREAT ORANGE MEETING.

(From the Dublin Protestant Guardian.)
A General Meeting of Orangemen was held on Wednes-
day the 14th instant, at the Great Rooms of the Conservative
Society, Dawson-street, under the sanction of the- Grand
Orange Lodge of Ireland; Chidley Coote, Esq., Deputy
Grand Master, in the chair; at which representatives from
every county and district in Ireland attended.
The lodge having been duly opened with prayer, the fol-
lowing resolution of the committee was read:—
" Resolved—That this committee du recommend the Grand
Lodge of Irelarato sanction a general meeting of orange-
men, to be held during the November meeting of the Grand
Lodge of Ireland, with a view of
__more pallicty-4,4.4-avreeifr.

tnity'urnit nowlTTreasing grievances of the Pro-
testants of Ireland, and the clangers which threaten their
dearest rights and interests."
A report of the committee of the Grand Lodge was then
read, froth which we make the following extracts:—
" Your committee, in bringing up their half-yearly report,
feel it theim duty to enter into a more than usual detail—a de-
tail which, however superfluous for the members of the in-
stitution, is yet rendered inaispensible, from the circum-
stances of the tacn~s demanding an authoritative exposition
of the objects, Ord a demonstration of the necessity of the
Orange Institution.

" The objects of the Orange Institution are few and simple,
being reducible indeed tonne head—the exercise of the in-
defeasible right of self-defence in its widest and most rational
signification—the defence not only of the person but of its
appeitainiug rights—constitutiOnal freedom, both civil and
religious. In this consists the very essence of the Orange
Institution, and there is nothing in its constitution or practice
that seeks to extend further. It contains nothing of ag,gres-
slots. It was the inevitable offspring of necessity; and when
that necessity ceases, its dissolution must as inevitably re-
sult—but so long as it continues, the Orange Institution i.
forced into a permanent existence. *
" The oppressions of the E'rotestants of Ireland, the inse-
curity of their property and persons are facts so uotoi ions,
that your committee would content themselves with referring
tri them as historical truths, were it not that the contrary has
been so often asserted, that while many only affect to believe
the assertion, there are not a few who seem actually per-
suaded of its truth ; and the existence of tranquillity in Ire-
land, a misstatement as gross as was ever contradicted by
facts, is daily applied to as incontrovertible. This is doubt-
less, in some degree attributable to that currency which bold
and hardy assertion too often obtains foruntrut h, but is per-
haps mainly owing to the frietids of truth shrinking from a
cuntroversy with. falseliond. The Protestants of Ireland have
so long been silent under their grievances, that these griev-
ances are treated as non-existent—the policy of quiescence
enforced on them by their leaders, and pushed to the extent
of a compromise with evil, inculcates it. as a duty to suffer
without resistance : and the absence of reaction is adduced
by our enemies as au evidence of the absence of oppression.
We were told that our long suffering and endurance would
earn for us extraneous sympathy; but our very patience has
been made a proof that sympathy is uncalled for. The ex-
periment of quiescence and concession has been pushed to
the uttermost, and its inefficiency for good is an established
result. If ever a system has been allowed to fully tle-
velope its effects, the system. of concession has been
allowed to do so by the Protestants of Ireland. In
compliance with this system the Orangemen of Ireland
consented to abolish their beloved Institution : in com-
pliance with it also every manifestation of Protestant
strength and feeling was-avowedly discountenanced by even
the conservative leaders. It may be well that these things
have been. The impolicy of concession—the inefficacy of
opposing inertness to active and vigorous aggression—is now
an historical tact, and mistaken friends as well as insidious
enemies are at length deprived of the least semblance of a
pretext for counselling the Protestants of Ireland to sacrifice
both safety and principle by persevering in their present
downward course of compromise, inertness, and concession.
The time has indeed come when the question must be fairly
met, and stated on its right grounds. The Protestant insti-
tutions—the Protestant people of this country—are in pro-
cess of extirpation, under the double influence of violent ag-
gression and timid shrinking from defence. There is no
civil or religious right whose enjoyment is left undisturbed—
no constitutional privilege which can be exercised with im-
punity—no duty whose fulfilment does not incur pains and
penalties—the rights of property, whether of landlord or te-
nant, are too often but nominal—the exeicise of our religion
is anathematised,_ the performance of its rights disturbed,
and its professor followed even to the grave with the bitter
persecution of Romish intolerance. The prosecutors and
witnesses in our criminal courts become the objects of out-
rage or assassination; and intimidation, extending its influ-
ence to the jury box, makes the law itself the best shield for
even the avowed assassin—the exercise, of the elective fran-
chise is controlled by the brutal violence of a sanguinary mob,
who visit opposition to their will with the penalty of death—
in the legislature, bold and unblushing Romish perjury
breaks through the feeble protection destined to shield our
Protestant institutions; and the executive, groaning under
the despotism of a ferocious priesthood, have discarded the
repression and punishment of crime from the number of their
duties. Such is the influence produced on our enemies by
our quiescence and concessions. What effect has it had upon
ourselves? The quiescent endurance of persecution has be-
come intolerable, and as already produced the alarming evil
of a stationary if non diminishing Protestant population. The
tine of Protestant emigration bids fair to reduce our yeo-
manry to a truly despicable minority, while the wealthier
amongst us find in absenteeism that safety which Romish vio-
!mice and Conservative timidity deny them at home. The
Protestant representatives keen aloof from the people, and
the people find no fixed point round which to sally, The re-
presentations of the fewness of Protestants in Ireland may
bell gain belief, fur they come not in masses before the public
eye. The fiction of Protestantism in Ireland being upheld
for the benefit of a few aristocrats may.well be credited, when,
from the want of union, engendered by the policy of coneee-
sion the Protestant democracy remains unseen: All tends to
render us powerless: Every appeal must now be made to
England, for the want of confeaeration forces those amongst
us who have still the boldness to speak of Protestantism to
seek in England that sphere of action which the iropoticy of
• c.ances.inn -has deprived Intni-of at home. And thus again is
strengthened the delusion that the Protestants of Ireland are
but the resonant of an expiring faction.
Your committee then appeal to experience as testifying
that some defensive confederation is•called for by the condi-
tion of Ireland; the experiment has been doubly tried, and
the results severally strengthen each other. While a de-
fensive confederation existed, we enjoyed comparative com-
fort and security, and retained something of our just influence
in the commonwealth; when that confederation was dissolved
it was almost affected nut to recognise our existence—not
only was the fact of our intolerable oppressions denied, but
it was attempted to legislate with exclusive referen.ce to
our antagonists, and the executive acted as though they were
exclusively the people of Ireland. On our antagonists them-
selves the dissolution- of the Orange Institution produced
nothing of a reciprocating spirit; our concession elicited no
similar concession from them, they were too well aware of
the strength derived from association, to divest themselves
of an instrument so efficacious in• the furtherance of their
views—uninfluenced by mu concession they unscrupulously
persevered in using for aggression the engine which we had
so weakly abandoned as a defence. Notwithstanding the
perfect organization placed at their disposal by the combined
efforts of their priesthood, their Ribbon associations, and
their popish members of the legislature, and a government
zealously furthering their views, they could not afford to dis-
pense with the additional element of public and popular con-
federation. From the commencement of popish agitation
down to the formation of the Precursor Society in the pre-
sent year, they had an uninterrupted series of associations in
vigorous operation, which have been too successful in attain-
ing many of the objects they professed to have in view.
Others of these objects are now avowedly conceded trethein
in perspective. Every day, as it were, paying fresh homage,
adding new triumphs to the principle of popular confedera-
tion. Has this lesson been read to us in vain? Is the ex-
perience of our strength while united, our feebleness when
scattered, to be treated as nothing? Are we to persevere in
neglecting a means which was once a sufficient defence, and
is now used against us with such fearful effect? It must be
admitted that some defensive confederation, having for its
main object the prevention and repulsion of aggression is
imperatively called, for, the executive having discharged
themselves 'of their most momentous function, and even re-
primanded the magistracy and police fur exercising the chief
duty that falls within their province, the prevention of out-
rage and crime. The active exertion of self-defence, then,
of being a simple right becomes a positive duty, and the
only queston that can arise is as to the shape and form under
which that right and duty should be exercised."
During the reading of the report the secretary was fre-
quently interrupted by loud and continued cheering.
The report having been received and adopted, Sir Amyrald
Dancer, Bart., moved, and James Harvey, Esq., Deputy
Grand Master of Wexford, seconded the first resolution.