The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-11-22 00:00:00

ELECTION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL AS LORD
RECTOR.

On Tues(lay last Sir Robert Peel was chosen Lord Rector of
Glasgow University by a very large majority. His opponent
was Sir John Campbell, Lord Melbourne's Attorney-General.
At the close of the poll the respective candidates stood as
follows :

For Peel. For Campbell.
Glottiana .145 B9

Loudoniana .54 52
Transforthiana 4B 4O
Rothseiana ..84 5O

It will be seen from this that Sir Robert had a numerical
majority of 100, while nationally, his election was carried by 3
to 1.

We congratulate the community upon the result of this trial
of strength, and for a reason which, in different circumstances,
we should, certainly not attach much importance to—we mean
the extreme youth of the persons through whose instrumentality
this victory has been gained. The parties with whom the
Academical franchise resides are, nearly altogether, young men
of from 15 to 20 years of age; hence it will at once be seen
that the juvenile mind, among the educated classes, is rapidly
assuming a favourable direction. Youth is the period of life
when the powers of reason and reflection maintain an unequal
struggle with warm feeling and ardent passion ; the consequence
of which has been that for the last twenty years the Rectorial
chair has been exclusively filled by men professing whig princi-
ples. From the nomination of Lord Jeffrey to the present
hour, none of its occupants have belonged to the opposite poli-
tical party; now, however, the tide has changed, and the young
voters have spontaneously transferred their allegiance to one
who has pledged himself to support those institutions in church
and state under which Britain became, what she long was, the
greatest nation upon earth. It is this which delights us. The
homage due to the splendid acquirements of Sir Robert Peel,
uo sensible heart could refuse; but it is manifest, that had not
these acquirements, great and wonderful as they are, been united
to public principles of a kind suited to the genius and temper of
the times, he would not have obtained the suffrages of this youth-
ful constituency. The triumph is essentially a political one.
The government has been beaten in the person of one of its
members, and after a long period of exclusion, a Lord Rector
has been chosen from among that body of men, whose political
existence it has been the unceasing aim of their opponents for
the last six years to annihilate • and whose motives, and public
conduct, have been industriously, but, as it would appear, most
unsuccessfully aspersed by the Liberal press. Do we rejoice at
this ? Unquestionably we do, for we see in it evidence of the
great truth that the -young minds of the age are disenthralled
from the bondage of prejudice, and that they are prepared,
when opportunity offers, to assist their elders inifightiegithe bat-
tle of the Constitution, the King, and the Church. That admi-
ration of Sir Robert Peel's personal character,—his worth, his
accomplishments, his genius, and his manly independency,
should have influenced the youthful electors to a considerable
extent,—we can understand, because it is both natural and be-
coming that it should do so; but let it never be forgotten, that
had not this distinguished man added to these the qualities of a
stern and inflexible patriot, as that much-abused term should be
understood,—had he not represented the fixed opinions of a
large majority of the educated gentry of England,—had be not
been the bold and uncompromising enemy of sacrilege, and re-
volution,—his personal claims would not have secured for him
that honour, which, as being all his young friends had to bes-
tow, his noble mind cannot fail to appreciate as highly as it de-
serves to be.

We cannot doubt that the rectorship will be accepted. What
has been so generously offered will not be declined. Sir Robert
will see it to he his duty to respond to the call of his young
countrymen. They have placed him at their head, and have
invited him to preside over that seminary with whose interests
their own are inseparably bound up. They admire that scholar-
ship which so admirably qualifies him for an academical appoint-
ment, and have said, Nil desperandum Teucro duce; but they
have done much more ; by an overt act, originating in their
zealous devotion to the best interests of their native land, they
have sought to identify their own political sentiments with those
of which he is the best, the ablest, and the most faithful ex-
pounder; and they will experience a disappointment, great in
proportion to the magnitude of the the object contemplated,
should their allegiance be rejected.
The reception which Sir Robert will meet with here from his
conservative brethren, we can assure hint, will be of the most
flattering kind. The enthusiasm which his election caused is
proof of this; but we may add, that a requisition has been signed
by many hundreds of the most respectable of our citizens, and
Will be dispatched, perhaps, to-night, inviting him to a public
dinner. Should he accept this nqention, the best blood of
Scotland will rally round him in what has been heretofore con-
sidered a ministerial pocket burgh. Only let him come amongst
us, and judge of the matters wi►h his own eyes and ears, and he
will discover that all that is required to give a new tone to the
public mind of Glasgow, and to ►ut'use fresh vigour into the cause
of conservatism throughout Scotland is his own presence. From
the " belted knight" to the bonneted laird—from the coronet-
ted noble to the humblest member of society—from the wealthy
merchant to the laborious and hard-working tradesman—he will
receive marks of attention 'and expressions of esteem, which
could only be elicited by the twofold veneration which they one
and all entertain for the virtuous man, and the dignified. and
upright statesman.—Glasgow Courier.

A Hull paper says the government contemplates sending out
an expedition again to attempt the north-west passage next
summer.

THE ASTEROIDS.—PubIic curiosity has been strongly excited
by the announcement of a celestial phenomenon, which has al-
ready occupied the attention of learned men. We have gathered
information from a few trustworthy persons; and the following
is the result of their observations during Saturday night. From
eight in the evening to half-past six in the morning 150 shoot-
ea; sob
observed
dseen, n
tae
rivoerr
pyesnr quantityds u other v
t parts
o
relatively to the
of the globe,
and which have been compared to fireworks. The phenomenon
took place in all parts of the
number st
• heavens, but principally in the
constellations of the Lynx, of the Great and Small Lion, of the
Great Dog. Every year, about the 13th of November, the earth
and a mass of asteroid (small agglomerated stars) meet at the
same point at that time; these stars are attracted by the sun
and the earth. The force resulting from the two attractions
brings them into our atmosphere, which they inflame on their
passage. The velosity of their motion, comparatively with that
of our globe, causes them frequently to escape from terrestrial
attraction, on which occasions, shot forth into space, they con-
tinue their way round the sun in a different direction. The
name of aeroliths is given to those which fall on the d grouu .
According to calculations founded on the system of parallaxes,
it has been estimated that many of them must be of equal size
with that of the Val-de-Grace. The largest of all those which
have been examined after their descent fell in America. It
was a mass of iron, weighing 30,000 pounds.—Paris paper.
TION 01? GAMBLERS.—There is
INFATUATION hardly an instance
on record of a person who had become a regular gambler con-
uering his passion for play so long as he had the means of in-
dulging it. I will answer for it, no one ever yet knew any such
person abandon his gambling habits so long as he had the means
of Indulging them. In proof of the difficulty of getting rid of
such habits, I may mention that there are innumerable instances
in which ruinel gamesters have, after disposing of their great
coats, cloaks, and other articles of apparel, in order to raise
money wherewith to play, actually sold their shirts for a few
shillings, to enable them to gratify their gambling propensities.
But perhaps the most extraordinary proof ever furnished of the
difficulty, if not impossibility, of curing the propensity, was that
afforded by a late aide-de-camp to Lord Hutchinson. This gen-
tleman, after having ruined himself by play, went one day, in
the depth of despair, and cut his throat with a razor. It chanced,
however, that the wound though so dreadful that no hopes of
recovery were for some days entertained, did not prove fatal.
Aided by the first surgical skill and care he recovered. Where
does the reader suppose he went on the first day he was allowed
to go out ?—To the very gaming-house in which be had lost the
money, the loss of which had made him fugal the resolution of
destroying himself !—Titc G.-eat Metropolis.

Vat ILiberpool ~tallbalU.

TUESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 22, 1836.

In our-last paper we put forth a declaration, that we
would, at some future time, demonstrate, that the reform
bill had not produced, and we now further gratuitously
add never can produce any sensible melioration in the
condition of this country, as regards the happiness or the
welfare of its people. Some might think this a piece of
florid declamation, the overflowing of political frenzy,
uttered without any serious intention on our part of ever
following it up with the demonstration promised. But
we are accustomed to use words with more mental col-
lectedness, and our readers will perceive, bye and bye,
that what we affirm we believe, and are, at all times,
ready to add proof to assertion.
Before we proceed to our demonstration, let us briefly
consider what circumstances preceded the reform bill,
and what were the prevailing sentiments of the country
just before this abortive boon was conceded to it. From
some cause, but what it will not be necessary now to in-
quire, a great and almost universal pressure had, for
many years, been gradually increasing among every
class of the community. Manufacturers found their
warehouses groaning under accumulated stocks of un-
saleable commodities—the artisan was obliged to submit
to lower wages, and irregular employment—the merchant
could not find markets to keep his counting-house and his
vessels in activity—in fine, a fatal stagnation had partially
paralysed the hand of industry—and what was equally
remarkable, though not now a point of consideration,
every country, with which we had intercourse, seemed to
partake of the same commercial indisposition. So gene•
ral a state of depression perplexed men's minds, and the
more so as no evident cause was at hand to explain the
difficulty—but explanationi of difficulties are almost al-
ways sought and are generally found—sometimes, as on the
present occasion, not over-encumbered with proof. Every
eye was turned towards the government—thence, it was
believed, every mischief sprung—the greatness of the
evil, and the universal influence of political measures,
were thought to be just commensurable with each other;
and, hence, every tongue became clamorous to reform
those abuses in the state to which all their grievances
were now referred. We heard a universal cry for the
reduction of taxes—complaints of the prodigal expendi-
ture of the public money, to maintain political influence
in the House of Commons—charges of official pecula-
tion in every department of government—of a profligate
multiplication of sinecurists—of the corrupt appropriation
of national funds to support rotten boroughs—in fine,
every theme of waste, malversation, and robbery had be-
come common " household words" in the mouth ()revery
declaimer in the kingdom—and when the vast items of
public expenditure were made the subject of calculation
every one concluded, that out of so many millions a-
, year, it would be easy to spare sufficient to alleviate all
the distresses of the country ; for, very much after the
manner recommended by Swift, in his advice to servants,
each considered the entire amount as applicable to the
necessities of his own section. The first attempt, there-
fore, was to abridge taxation, judging that what was not
paid to government, must remain in their own pockets.
Petition succeeded petition, and the press, and almost the
very walls of every town and village, groaned with the
burden, " No Taxation." But though they thus urged
their demands with a vehemence which seemed to threaten
violence if what they asked was not conceded, yet Par-
liament turned a deaf ear to all their arguments—not
because Parliament was reluctant to meet the wishes of
the people, or had shut up the channels of sympathy, but
because what was demanded could not be granted ; and,
moreover, if granted, would have left the evil unmitigated.
But it is in vain to reason with passion. The people be-
lieved otherwise, and as they fancied the then existing
Parliament, the only obstruction to the consummation of
their wishes, they determined upon its reorganization
upon a more popular principle. The people, they said,
were not represented. Merchants, and manufacturers,
and agriculturists could be heard upoa any question in the
Senate, but the people had no advocate within its walls.
It was a pitiable delusion, and much as we may lament
the fatal issues to which it led, we can find some excuse
for the more ignorant portion of the community under
its influence. But we k•iow not bow to make an apology
for those in higher stations who were not prompted by
the like necessity, and whose ,better judgments ought to
have secured them from such false reasoning. But to
the issue. Petitions, backed by intimidation, procured
the Reform Bill ; and under its benign influence the
country has still continued to experience the same vicis-
situdes of depression and prosperity with which it was
alwa►s acquainted. We shall not deal in bold general
assertions, nor make an appeal to the credulity of our
readers, but avail ourselves of a column, in the third
page of the Times, Nov. 15, (a journal which, for ability
in its leading article, and fidelity and importance in those
subordinate, stands fat above all competition.) We there
read, that uo‘v " the condition of the fustian cutters is•
still as deplorable as ever, the want of demand causing

the masters to reduce their stocks ; and the necessities of
many of the cutters forcing them to offer their labour at less
than the list prices." In another place, the very next para-
graph, is added, " we regret to observe that there are
indications of extensive, and we fear protracted, turns-
out, among portions of the work people in the manufac-
turing districts." Still darker forebodings gather as we
advance. At Manchester " there is so much gloom pre-
vailing amongst the commercial classes altogether that it
is impossible to predict what is to come. There can be
no doubt we are on the eve of a great commercial crisis,
the end of which may be much more calamitous than that
of 1825-6." At Middleton " plain sarcenet weavers, who
have been without work a month have no probability of
getting any at present. Those weavers who have work
are bound to be six weeks in weaving it, and they then
have to wait some time before they get another piece."
At Bury ,4‘ many hands in the batting business are totally
without employment, and others have scarcely half work."
At Leeds " in the warehouses less business has been done
than for some years past at the same period." All these
quotations, collected together in the Times, are taken
from local authorities, where there cannot be mistake,
and is no temptation to mislead. What ! (we ask) is this
cloud of distress possible under the blessed sun of reform?
A remodelled House of Commons !—aye, and, to hoot,
the municipal corporation reform bill ! Why " the be-
soul of destruction." put into the hands of a reformed and
reforming parliament, we thought, was to have swept
away the Babylon of all political and social evil. To the
operative community we, therefore, say, "Lend us your
ears," and " season your admiration for a while," and
we will present to you truths, "strong as holy writ," to
prove the fully of those hopes you placed upon reform.
This shall be our demonstration. You were in distress
before the passing of the reform bill you are equally in
distress now, three years after it has passed. If some
benighted child of reform, wandering in the darkness of
his own imagination, should say that this is the seed-
time only of reform, and that the harvest is yet to come,
when taxation will lose its cyphers, and purity pervade
the state, we venture to tell him—we desire to throw
;this ray of truth over him, that there was a time,
and that within our recollection, when we paid almost
20.000.000 a-year more in taxes than we now pay, and
we then heard nothing of distress—no clamor for reform,
or if any utterance were given to the wish, it was in the
soft breathings of theoretical desire only. Review, con-
sider, digest this fact. We paid almost 20.000.000 a.year
in taxes more than we now pay, and scarcely felt, and
certainly murmured little, under the burden. We care
not what may be ascribed to the transition from war to
peace, with all its concomitants. The fact remains indis-
putable, that taxation and national prosperity do not gra-
duate together ; and a mistake of this has been the grand
error that led astray, and is still leading astray, vast
multitudes into the interminable road of reform, which
in its tortuous windings is ever raising hopes of some
new and pleasant prospect, but is ever disappointing them
with a path having " a wall on this side and a wall on
that side." If we had no other argument beyond this
fact, it ought to be sufficient to petrify the blood of the
warmest reformer. But our demonstration does not end
here. What, fellow-countrymen, for we deeply sympa-
thise with your sufferings, what do you ask, what do you
expect from reform, even when carried out to its utmost
limits ? Reduction of taxes still ? Why, what says the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to you—a man of your own
political complexion—one steeped in the very Styx of
radicalism, so as to become invulnerable to every assault
of reason. He tells you—he, your head, says to you
the members—" the state cannot bear it—we have nar-
rowed the stream of revenue to its smallest channel—the
necessary machinery of government will be stopped if we
lessen by the smallest fraction the pecuniary movement
upon which its action depends." Give us, you say, a por-
tion of the tax upon malt. Mr. Spring Rice tells you, it
cannot be granted ; and prate as you may upon.. he topic
of a reduced revenue, all your words will " pass by him
as the idle wind which he regards not." Do we blame the
Chancellor for this ? We blame him not. We know that
what he says is true. Retrenchment and aeronomy have
their maximum limit, and we have probably reached it.
Of what, then, do we complain ? Why, first, that the
present government and its partizans continue to deceive
the people with false hopes of meliorated circumstances
from political measures, which can in no way answer the
promise. The people " ask for bread," and ministers
4' give them a stone." They seek relief from pecuniary
difficulties, and they receive crumbs of reform. They
complain of distress at home, and they are amused with
the promise of the spoliation of Church property in Ire-
land. But we stop not here. Our demonstration is full
even to superfluity of proof. What the financial circum-
stances of the country refuse—what the Chancellor of the
Exchequer pronounces to be impracticable, we will
cheerfully grant. We are ready with an argumen-
tativ-e spunge to wipe out any tax which radical re-
form may require for the consummation of its wishes
—not a million or two only of the malt-tax, but we
will suppose the whole of it remitted—is this a mor-
sel not large enough and sweet enough to fill and
luxuriate in the mouth of reform? What would follow
such an abridgment of taxation ?—of taxation which is
thought to be peculiarly oppressive to the artisan ?—ad-
mit that 5,000,000 are to remain distributed over the
country which now run through the fiscal ducts of the
government into the treasury ? There are 20,000,000 of
persons contributing to the payment of these five mil-
lions of taxes, so that if an equal division of them were
made, there would remain to each individual just five
shillings a year, or a fraction more than ONE PENNY A
WEEK; but this is grounded upon the supposition, that if
that tax was abolished, the poor man, whose whole weekly
expenditure does not exceed from 12s. to 20s. a week, and
and in many cases hardly half of such sums, would derive
as large a benefit as his rich neighbour who has an in-
come of £20,000 a-year. If we give every allowance in
the calculation to the side of the labouring man, and con-
sider his family to consist of five persons, the whole be-
nefit he could by possibility receive from taking off the
entire duty upon malt, would not be threepence a-week,
perhaps not half the sum ; and is it, we would ask, about
threepence a-week that all this outcry is raised—is it
whether an artisan receives threepence a-week, more or
less, that he is raised to comfort or is depressed in penury
—happy or miserable—arid yet, to secure even this three-
pence a-week, we have been obliged to annul a tax of
5.000.000 a-y ear, and that at a time when the Chancellor
of the Exchequer tells you lie cannot reduce any part of
the revenue. Is this not demonstration, that reform is a
mere word more senseless than the jabber of " tongues"
in the mouth of crafty men, to abuse public credulity !
We call upon the operatives of the kingdom to open their
eyes to these obvious incontestible proofs—to stretch for-
ward their hands and handle these tangible arguments.
And be not amused with the bugbear of municipal re-
form, whether as in operation in England, where it is a
hot-bed of contention, or as demanded for Ireland, where
it will serve to maturate rebellion. Your interests have
nothing to do with these questions. But do not hence
conclude that we ask you to abandon the constitution, as
if it deserved not your veneration and protection. No.
Under that constitution, for generations, your forefathers
were happy. Many of you experienced comfort. But
we say, do not any longer deceive yourselves, nor suffer
others to deceive you, with hopes which can only disap-
point your expectation. Do you—we fearlessly ask the
question—do you find one single blessing secured to you
by all the government and municipal reforms which are
made such themes of exultation, that you did not before
possess ? Are you in the enjoyment of one right, civil
or political, that has added an iota of comfort to your-
selves or your families ? We know that you have not ;
and if you will still place your dependence upon that
" broken reed," your folly will not only bring its con-
dign punishment, but almost place you below pity. We
have many more things to say to you upon this subject,
and in due course we shall return to it again; but, surely,
we have already said enough to excite distrust, and to
rouse inquiry. One word, by way of recapitulation, we
however feel compelled to add. Whenever the leaders
of radicalism are declaiming before you on the benefits
of reform, to stop their eloquence, ask them why the
" fustian cutters of Manchester are now is as deplorable
a condition as ever"—why "so much gloom still prevails

Nov. 22 1836.

there, aim! a great courrneraial crisis is expected, more
calamitous than that of 1825-6"—why " the hatters of
Bury are destitute of employment."—aye, anti the "turn 7
outs" are so general and so numerous, that we hear of
military movements, troops of horse and regimeuts of
infantry kept in readiness to repress a spirit of insubor-
dination. Will any reform obviate these evils ?—the
expectation is fatnitous.

In anticipation of the discussion which is expected to
take place, in the Common Council, to-morrow, on the
motion of Mr. Councillor Birch, that the Corporation
Schools be offered for sale, we make this appeal—perhaps
a final one—in favour of Scriptural Education, and ear•

nestly invite the attention of our town councillors to
the arguments which we shall adduce in defence of our
views. We repudiate the charge, so frequently made,
that we are influenced by any malignant feeling towards.
those who differ from us in opinion, and we shall. only
give a passing notice to the gross calumnies which are
so liberally bestowed upon the advocates of Scriptural
Education. The assertion that we resort to the most un-
worthy artifices, to falsehood, and to scurrility, in the ad-
vocacy of our principles, is contradicted by the concur-
rent testimony of thousands who- read and judge for
themselves. Modern liberals have made the wonderful
discovery that zeal for the cause of God is the result of
a disordered mind; they regard the faithful and solemn
warnings of Christian ministers, who are set for the de-
fence of the Gospel, as mere clap-traps to deceive the
ignorant, and advance the interests of the party they es-
pouse. In the prosecution of the duty we have under-
taken we are influenced by no other feeling than a dis-
position to advance the religious and moral improveient
of the Community ; and this we believe' cannot be
effected in any other way than by making religious
principle go hand in hand with moral and intellectual
improvement. Thus, whilst the intellect is cultivated,
and the mind stored with useful knowledge, those
vital principles are imbibed which improve the life,
The subject for discuSion to-morrow is one of the
highest importance, not only to the community of
Liverpool, btlt to the nation at large. It relates to the
first attempt made in England to introduce what is called
the " Irish system of education," ostensibly for the pur-
pose of reconciling conflicting creeds and allaying party
animosity. At the time when the Education Committee,
appointed by the Town Conncil, recommended the adop-
tion of this system, it was agreeably with the spirit and
design of the contrivers, namely, that the Bible, as a .
school book, should be carefully excluded. In accord-
ance with the resolution 'agreed to, on the report being
received, the Bible was excluded from' the Corporation
Schools, and it was not until public indignation had •
aroused the fears of the Council, that they ever
thought proper to contradict the allegation -Preferred
against them. We speak advisedly, when we say
the Bible was excluded, and might easily strengthen •
our argument by a reference to the speeches delivered
in the Common Council when the subject was under dis-
cussion, proving, beyond controversy, that the intention
of the Council was to exclude the Bible, and introduce
the selections. The Reverend Hugh M'Neile has ad-
dressed a powerful letter to the Town Council upon this
subject, in which he clearly shows, upon the authority of
Lord Stanley, that if the Irish system be introduced, the
Bible is excluded, if the Bible is not excluded, then the
Irish system is not adopted. We look forward with some
interest, to the !proceedings of the Council to-morrow,
and anticipate, with mingled feelings of shame and sorrow,
the sophistry and jesuitical craft which, we doubt not
will be resorted to, in order to extricate themselves on'
of this dilemma. We are prepared for bold assertions
and violent disclaimers ; but we prophecy that the argu-
meats in Mr. M'Neile's letter will not be answered, nor
the chairman of the Education Committee exculpated front
the charge of carrying his boasted liberality to the extent
of practical disregard of all truth, exhibited in Ins profession .
of Unitarianism and his teaching of Trinitarianism. Our
contemporary of yesterday, appears exceedingly anxious
to convince the public that the Bible never was excluded
from the schools ; and charges his opponents with the
most reckless audacity, and unblushing effrontery, in
asserting what was utterly false. Now, in Spite of these
weighty charges, we mattatain our opinion, and leave it
to any man of common understanding to jadge if we
cannot make good our assertion, by the line of defence
adopted by our contemporary. He tells us, and, we
believe, very truly, that he went to the schools, and,saw •
with " his own" eyes, and heard with " his own" ears,
and then formed " his own." judgment. He found the •
Bible there; but where think you, gentle reader, that he
found it ? You shall have his own words. "We ap-
proached the end of the room occupied by the Protestant
children ; they were reading—we listened-1T WAS.
THE BIBLE, IT WAS THE AUTHORISED VER.
SION," and lest there should be any mistake, he adds,
" we looked at it more closely," (mind, reader, with " his
own" eyes,) "and found it to be an edition put ferth
by the centre of orthodoxy, the CHRISTIAN KNOW-
LEDGE SOCIETY." We would just ask our respect-
able contemporary, if he entertained the idea for a mo-
ment, that any man of education would not detect the
jesuitism, and low artifice here resorted to. Is it thus
that the majesty of truth must be sacrificed to promote
the ascendancy of party ? " Oh, shame where is thy
blush ?" The Irish system provides that an hour shall
be set apart for religions instruction, during which the
ministers of all denominations may come and teach
the children of their respective creeds, the Bible or
..
anything else they please. Every man who is acquainted
with the Irish system, knows that such is the fact ; and
it is allowed ou all hands, that in this sense the Bible
was not excluded. But in this, the system only gives
permission to ministers, it secures nothing to the children.
Our contemporarychose THIS HOUR to visit theschools,
and found the Protestant children reading the Bible And
from this circumstance he would attempt to persuade his
readers, that he had met the argument, and established
his own position. We intend also to visit the schools, ''"

but it will be in what are called " school hours," and we
shall then very probably indulge our readers by letting
them know what we have seen with our own eyes, and,
heard with our own ears.

We have now, we hope, satisfactorily disposed of the
question, whether the Bible is excluded or not, and would
appeal to each member of our Town Council, and ask,
whether the course they are pursuing, is becoming the
high character for honour, and integiity, which they,
ought to sustain ? Do they approve this special plead-
tbis jesuitical artifice, or, in other words, do they
encourage the fraud which is perpetrated upon the pub-
lic ? Mr. Councillor Rathbone has denied publicly, and.
privately, that the Bible was excluded—" he has read it
himself—he has explained it himself"—and in the sense
in which the clergy of the establishment understand it."
Mr. Councillor Walnssley also says, that the Seri Aires are
not excluded, but whilst they give to their words a par-
tial, and a restrictive weaning, they are deluding the

public, and disgracing themselves. Let them meet the
question boldly, and tell the public at once whether
the Sacred Scriptures have as free, and unrestrained a

circulation amongst all the children attending the schools,
and at all hours of the day, as they had prior to the Irish
system being introduced ? This is the real point at
issue. It has been repeatedly affirmed, that the great-
est praise is due to the Town Council, inasmuch
as they have given occasion for the exercise of
Christian benevolence, and by this means increased
the facilities for educating the infant population. But
whilst we gratefully acknowledge that good has resulted
out of the apparent evil, we are not disposed to concede
any share of the praise to our liberal and enlightened ,
Town Council. Have they just cause for pride, that the
unprecedented liberality of a Christian public has counter-.
acted their wicked intentions ? Have they cause for
joy, because Providence has overruled their evil designs,.
and made them subservient to the advancement of truth ?
They sought to restrain the use of the Sacred Scriptures
—they attempted to shut out the light of Revelation
in
order to conciliate the popish party ani secure their as-
sistance in the furtherance of party objects. But the
attemut has signally failed. We willingly allow that
many of the advocates of this sy stern have been actu-
ated by the purest motives; but it is impossible to to-

NOV

concile ti

beral eon
port this

Prejudice
the Gosr

setUinate

to eoli►i .
ledge of
does a „.

disposal
'want
apostal

Can inve

of our II

21111 of I
huckliN
%ult. .41

and the

oppositi
Ream:ft
cernfitui
we say,
faithful,
resolut(
lurefatt

To. I.

GRNI
°Lie or ,
the gel;
Wedne
The
hie app
Neat t

intri
felt iny
for dire
I !nay,
COnseqi
It athim

it 1:
again
them
tt`l.l4
exelu
made
the v
the e,
, ing el
Mete
atteuti

1 83 6,

xpected, more
the hatters of

Ind the " turn-
hat we hear of

regimeuts of
rit of insubor-
eViis ?—the

is expected to
norrow, on the

e Corporation
)peal—perhaps
ttion, and ear.

councillors to
defence of our
!quently made,
reeling towards.
we shall. only
ties which are
!s of Scriptural
to the most un-
ility, in the ad-
by the concur-
and judge for
the wonderful
is the result of
Liul and solemn
set for the de-
to deceive the
party they es-
ire have under-
ing than a dis-
d improveient
eve• cannot be
king religious.
nd intellectual
et is cultivated,
lwledge, those
?rove the life,
is one of the
community of
relates to the
e what is called
ly for the pur-
allaying party
on Committee,
inded the adop-
t the spirit and
the Bible, as a
In accord-
e report being
e Corporation
ndignation had
3at they ever
Men .Preferred
when we say
ily strengthen
eches delivered

was under dis-
t the intention

, and introduce
'Neile has ad-
uncil upon this
he authority of
introduced, the
luded, then the
ward with some

Icil to-morrow,

me and sorrow,
we doubt not
themselves ou'
bold assertions
that the argil-
; answered, nor
exculpated front
ty to the extent
in his profession
tarianism. Our

dingly anxious
:r was excluded
unents with the

effrontery, in
n spite of these
on, and leave it
to lodge if we
line of defence

Is us, and, we
:hoots, and,saw •
his own" ears.
He found the •
teader, that he

ds. "We ap-
the Protestant
ned-1T WAS
RISED VEIL
istake, he adds,
der, with " his
tion put ferth
'IAN KNOW
,sk our respect-
idea for a mo-
not detect the
to. Is it thus
:ed to promote
where is thy
t an hour shall
ing which the
)me and teach
the Bible or
0 is acquainted
the fact ; and
ense the Bible
.em only gives
to the children
i*it theschoals,
the Bible And
to persuade his
sod established
sit the schools,

fours," and we
iers by letting
own eyes. and'

isposed of the
not, and would
uncil, and ask,

becoming the
y, which they
special plead-
words, do they
upon the pub-
d publicly, and
he has read it
gad in the sense
Enderstand it."
Scripitires are
r words a par-
deluding the
them meet the
once whether

un estrai ned a
ng the schools,
for to the Irish
real point at
that the great-
mil, inasmuch

e exercise of

!ans increased
pulation. But
Id has resulted
sed to concede
id enlightened
pride, that the
lic has counter-.

they cause for
it evil designs,
inent of truth ?
;red Scriptures
RevelatioU in
ecure their as-

eds. But the
fly allow that
ave been actu-
p ossible to Le-