The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-13 00:00:00

1, North, (Tiviot Dale, 4-c.,) William W. Stamp,
3 Westlake. - . -

drt; So

, ( Hill-gate, 4,c.,) Amos Learoyd, James

Mills, Samuel Allen, James Houghton.
0,/y, Abraham Watmough, John Mann.
9n;under-Lyne, John Raby, Samuel Leigh, George

'dhLs, Roger Moore, Robert Dugdale, Charles Howe.
N.B. Brother Dugdale resides at Middleton.
elph, (gaddlezrorth,) Thomas Turner; Luke Heywood,
Supernumerary. Brother Turner shall change on one
Sabbath in every five weeks with the Preachers at Oldham.
olton, William Jackson, John Bedford, John G. Avery,
Nehemiah Curnock ; James Hyde, Supernumerary.
ochdale, Benjamin Pearce, Jarvis Cheesman, Robert M.

N.B. Brother 'Willcox resides at Heywood.
Thomas Powell, John Griffith ; John Philips,

6upernnn►erary.
qry, John Bell, Joseph Heaton, William R. B. Arthy.
rackburn, Thomas Armson, William Exley.
izelingden, Abel Dernaley, Richard Stepney, William J

Leonard Posnett, William J. Shrewsbury.
B. Brother Shrewsbury resides at Longholme.
James Wilson, William Winterburn ; William

M'Kitrick, Supernumerary.
r!litheroe, Joseph Jackson, Thomas 0. Keysell.
Leigh, Jabez Rought ; Richard Smetham, Supernumerary.
Brother Smetham shall change on one Sabbath in every
month with the Preachers at Bolton.
JAMES DIXON, President, Chairman of the District.
EDWARD WALKER, Financial Secretary.
THE NORTH WALES DISTRICT.
(WELSH PREACHING.
Main and Denbigh, William Rowlands, William Powell ;
Owen Jones, Supernumerary.
Llangollen, John L. Richards, John R. Chambers.
Corwen, David Gravel.
N. 8.-1. Brother Chambers shall divide his labours be-
tween the Llangollen and Corwen Circuits.
2. The Superintendents of the two preceding circuits
shall.change on two Sundays in every six weeks.
Llanierst • David Evans, Ist, John Bartley, Henry Wilcox.
N.B.—The Supperintendent resides at Abergelle.
Hoigwelt, John Jones, ;Slethuselsh Thomas.
Mold, Samuel Davies, William Owen.
Llanasa, Rowland Hughes, Benjamin Roberts.
Beauniaris, William Battin, Edward Anwyl, Robert Jones,

L—Brother Anwyl resides at Almwch
on, David Williams, Lewis Jones.
Thomas Hughes.

he Preachers of the two preceding Circuits shall

change quarterly.
Evan Hughes, Thomas Morris

#4. Richard Bonner.
—L Brother Morris shall divide his labours be-
!en the Dolgelly and Barmouth Circuits.
le Superintendents of the two preceding Circuits
change nil two Sundays in every six weeks.
fyllin, Humphrey Jones, Robert Jones, Ist.
Welshpool, Richard Pritchard; David Jones,

ir, near

.8.-1. Brother Jones shall divide his labours between
the Llanfyllin and Llanfair Circuits.
The Superintendents of the two preceding Circuits
shall chanmon two Sundays in every six weeks.
' 'EDWARD ANWYL, Chairman of the District.
JOHN L. ittcuAnns, Financial Secretary.

kNCIIESTE

STATE OF TRADE

—There was some demand foryarn on Tuts-

, Russian account ; but the general absence of inquiry
other quarters rendered the market exceedingly heavy,
e prices of the current numbers were generally about
',th of a penny lower than on the preceding Tuesday.
ifactured goods was quite as limited as
~races. continued to droop. Under these circum-
,, it is not surprising that the attention of the spinners
manufacturers should be directed to an abridgment of
hours of labour. We understand that at Blackburn a
eral agreement has been made to work only four days
week; and a similar agreement is talked of amongst the
liners and manufacturers in the neighbourhood of Ashton
tl Stalybridge ; but we believe nothing has vet been decided
on respecting it. We are glad to be enabled to state, that
further failures of importance have taken place in this
wn ;. and the rumours which have been prevalent for some
ays past, of the stoppage of a house of very extensive bu-
ss at Liverpool, are altogether unfounded. We believe
'lad their origin in a misunderstanding as to providing
,)ayment of bills of exchange to a large amount which
st week ; but the mistake was rectified in time, and
.e paid in due course. We are informed that a
-11 we lately received from a correspondent at
effect that the business of Messrs. Stocks
Je carried on for the benefit of the
rect. The works have been in operation
:ptey, but only for the purpose of using up
then upon the premises; and when those are
le hands will all be discharged,—Guardian.
,E FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, AUGUST 9.--
,t to-day has shown some improvement upon that
el. Indeed we have not had so brisk a demand
als since this year came in as there has been to-day,
imnufacturers have obtained a little advance in price.
wool market there has not been much alteration : the
shave asked higher prices, but have taken those of

JCHDA

formanu

s likely to I

DDERSFIELD

MARKET, TUESDAY, AUGUST 10
IleLe was not auite so much business done to-day
Lust
e 43 but still a fair quantity of goods exchanged hands,
;specially in low tweeds and coarse fancy woollens, chiefly
tuqixPortatioo. The demand for superfines and light fancy
goo was, rather flat. Prices, however, are firm, with a
:411444ncy.Rpwavds..In wools there was not much done, the
B.4l4l4.4turefs:not feeling• disposed to give the advance de-
["PCl44O, Employment is, on the whole, better here than in
Inesg3inanufacturing districts. Business in the warehouses
Is 444 mucli,to complain of, if better prices could be re..lised.

Oar military force in Ireland is quietly but hourly in-

creasing.

Rff, MR, NV:MEM:Mei REASONS POR NOT
JOINING THE CO•;•;FERINCE OF MINISTERS
OF ALL DENOMINnIONS AGAINSTrHE CORN
LAWS.

Blenlirim.square, Leeds, August 4, 1811,
Sir,—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 14th ult., and the address to the ministers of all religious

denominations, issued by the committee appointed to conduct
the proposed conference on the corn laws at Manchester.
As 1 entirely concur in the just and beneficial object which
the committee have in view, and yet regard the particular

ng by which they hope to promote it as incx-
te a few of the reasons

kind of meet
peCient, I beg your permission to

which have influenced tne to this decision.
In the first place, the topic for discussion is a national
question, involving the interests and demanding the attention
of all classes of society. Men, therefore, should rn....et to

discuss it on the broad foundation of their common citizen-
ship. No class of professional distinctions should, even in
appearance, he admitted in the discussion of what is no class
question. If the numbers be limited for convenience sake,
they should at least be selected from a wide circle, as intelli-
gent philanthropy, the only quality required, is not limited
to the clerical or any other calling.
In the next place, it is a question of political economy—
one on which the judgment of the divine, as such, can have
in the eyes of thinking men of every party no more gecuine
weight than that of the intelligent and educated layman. And
if, from the principal form in which the topic comes before
us, it appears exclusively a bread question, it is not essen-
tially more so than any other question which relates to the full
and profitable employment of the industry of the country.
This industry is the poor man's property and the poor man's
bread, and in whatever form you restrict its advantageous
exercise (and you must allow there are many ways of doing
this), you rob him of his bread, which is his life. We can-
not, therefore separate the bread question from that entire
framework of political economy to which it belongs, and we
can imagine crises when an ill-judged monetary system, for
instance, may be perceived to be as extensively disastrous,
and therefore as starving, as the existing laws on the impor-

tation of corn.
Again, though the present always has an intenser exist-
ence to us than the past or the future, every one knows that
the bread question is only one battle in the long warfare
which for the last 300 years, the increasing knowledge of ow
true economical interests has been waging against the short.
sighted protective system • and as in the past its victories
have been gained, so in the present and in all future case;
they may be-gained, without calling in the aid of any church
militant, or forming, an exclusive regiment of clergy or mi-
nisters. Let them g ,as the rest of their countrymen, and
enlist, each in his o neighbourhood, and according to his
own legitimate oypor ities and powers, in the general
army, which is to-•fight t ' battles of their country.
Another point that can t fail to strike you in the compo-
sition of the proposed conference is, that it will add no new
element, and therefore give no additional strength, to the
present state of parties. Of whom will the conference con-
sist ? Principally of Dissenting ministers, with a very small
sprinkling of the clergy of the establishment. It will then
be essentially an offshoot of the middle and commercial
classes, just as a meeting of the ministers of the church with
a sprinkling of Dissenting ministers would be of the higher
and landed classes. It will consist of men who, however
conscientious and independent in their own characters, have
nevertheless, as a fact, their interests, sympathies, and opi-
nions, wrapped up with those of that great half of the nation
which on such an occasion they may be said to represent.
And when the meeting is over the monopolist will say, " I
have no more fear to-day than I knew I had yesterday."
For these reasons I cannot see how the ministers of reli-
gion can be legitimately and advantageously separated, even
on so great an emergency as the present, from the common
ranks of their countrymen ; nor how the corn law question
can be legitimately separated from the other bread questions
of political economy.
But I am perfectly aware that these are not the real
grounds on which good is expected to accrue from the con-
ference now proposed. A convocation of men so placed and
circumstanced as the ministers of religion in this country,
for such an object as the circular specifies, must be with the
express design of bringing their religious influence and cha-
racter to bear imon the question. Now, on such a topic this
influence is not legitimate. The question at issue is, indeed,
a moral, and even in its effects a religious question, but so
are all which involve justice and beneficence between man
and man. It is also a scientific question, but the science
involved in it is not that of theology. I cannot, therefore,
see on this ground why a question, moral and religious in
such a sense as this is, should be taken as it were apart from
the wide, moral, and religious heart of the whole nation, and
brought before (what must be confessed, if called after its
distinguished characteristic, to be) a theological assembly.
Nor have I ever found from observation or from history that
divines gained anything in enlightenment, charity, or real
religion, by forming themselves even occasionally into a
separate chamber for general and national purposes. On
the contrary, they appear to me to be as leaven, very bitter
when taken in large quantities by themselves, but rendering
more wholesome the lump of society, when spread, as Pro-
vidence has placed them, equally over the whole.
Though, therefore, the present occasion, if taken by itself,
would be one of the noblest and best in which a band of
religious teachers ever met to interest themselves, it is right
to remember, that the sword thus put into their hands has
two edges. They have been called together virtually by the
laity this time, but they may call themselves together the
next. The laity have chosen the topic for discussion now,
but the divines may exercise their own choice in future.
They may hereafter meet as now, only to exercise their
religious influence; but if 200 or 300 moderate and en-
lightened men can constitute a conference in 18-11, influ-
encing men also of similar character, 200 or 300 hot-headed
and ignorant men may equally constitute a conference in
1851, influencing men also of similar character, and the
firebrands that, while separate, a little local water can ex-
tinguish, when collected in force and numbers, it will require
a very considerable accumulation of the cooler element to
put out. I think the opponents of the corn-laws should
have paused before they called into existence the first exclu-
sively clerical convocation (if I mistake not) that ever met
in Great Britain to pronounce an opinion on the commercial
laws and the economical policy of the country.
I fear to enlarge beyond due bounds the limits of this
letter, or I should say much on the loss of their proper in-
fluence which I fear such avocations might occasion to the
dissenting ministry—of the injury almost inevitably inflicted
on their religious character and temper and their peculiar
pursuits—of the excuse given to our enemies to make dissent
appear what they have always attempted to make it appear—
not what it is, a religious principle, but what it is not—a
political one.
When I had resolved, on the above considerations, (satis-
factory at least to my own mind,) not to attend the proposed
conference, I had no intention of expressing an opinion hos-
tile to it ; but I now find it is probable that muLitudes of
dissenting ministers think and will act in the same way. It
is therefore particularly advisable for them to adopt some
method of making their 'views known, lest such an extensive
absence from the meeting should be interpreted by the public
into an indifference on the part of the men summoned to its
object. It is due to those who have invited the conference—
it is due to the public whose eyes will now be upon it—it is
due to the great question at issue—it is due to our own
characters, as friends of the equal rights of men, whether in
the exercise of that conscience which God has given them, or
those powers of industry and self-support which come from
the same bounteous hand, distinctly to aver, that though we
do not on other grounds approve, and cannot consistently
attend, a meeting of the proposed nature, we are firmly con-
vinced, as inquiring men, that a more equitable arrangement
of the commercial intercourse and laws of this country is
absolutely necessary to its continued, or rather to its restored,
well-being, and that from our daily walks of life, from our
intercourse with the worthy and industrious, but distressed,
working men of land, to bear our testimony to the fact that
the poor are starving for lack of bread.—l have the honour
to remain, sir, your obedien CHARLES WICKSTEED.
To George Thompson, Esq., &c.

IRISH TRANQUILLITY.-ONE OF LORD NOR-
MANBY'S APPROVERS.

In Tipperary a protege of Lord Normanby has just been
figuring as approver. He was some years ago under sentence
of transportation, but his lordship, with that liberality which
distinguished all his " gaol deliveries," ordered him to be
released. The man was as worthy as the other objects of
his lordship's patronage, and so well has be requited the
obligation, and illustrated the wisdom of the policy which
prevailed in Ireland during the golden days when Normanby
was Vice, that, had justice its due, he would have been hanged
for murder.before now.
Rightly, however, to estimate the obligations under which
Ireland lies to that much-derided nobleman, it is necessary
to know a little of the history of the hero of Tipperary. His
name is Lysaght, and he was one of a party concerned in
setting fire to the house of a comfortable farmer named
Walsh—in fact, it was he who lighted the match, and raised
the boy who applied it to the thatch. The persons charged
were named Edmund, Pat. Darby, and John Ryan, with one
James M`Carthy, and Lord Normanby's friend certainly did
his best to convict them. The jury, however, refused to find
them guilty on such evidence, and the judge, (Torrens,) who
in charging had described Lysaght as "a miscreant let loose
upon the world," concurred in the propriety of the verdict,
remarking that, had he been one of them, he should have
come to the same conclusion. Now for a portrait—not a
full-length one, however—of the " miscreant," and, that he
may have ample justice, we shall give it from his own hand.
At the close of his examination, he was questioned respecting
the murder of a man named Noonan. We shall quote here
from the report of the Tipperary Constitution :
" I knew Brian Noonan who is dead, and I knew how he
came by his death.
" The Court—Did you murder him
" Witness—No.
" Witness—l was at the murder,—
it wasn't I that murdered him.
" His Lordship—l say you are his murderer, for you w•er
concerned in it. How many more murders were you in?
" I don't say that I murdered any one else.
" Mr. Hatchell objected to his stating anything about this
murder, as it had no reference to any of the prisoners.
`• Cross-examined by Mr. Hatchell—l was convicted for
posting a threatening notice and firing shots, and sentenced
to be transported, but 1 was pardoned by the government; I
had a brother called the Caravat,' and I don't know where
he is.
" The Judge—And the reward you gave the government
for pardoning you was to murder a man.
To Mr. Hatchell—l knocked Noonan down with the
butt-end of a blunderbuss, and helped to carry him into the
heath to hide him. I was present when Leonard, the smith,
was murdered, but I didn't strike him myself. I was in
the party that shot Mat Hayes when they attacked his
house. I was looking at the party murdering Denis Mahony.
(Sensation.) I remember Michael Griffin, Lord Stradbroke's
herd, who was murdered, but I defy any one to say I was at
his murder; I didn't hear my brother `the Caravat ' was
suspected of this murder; I was with my uncle running away
with a young woman, and he was transported for it ; my
brother committed a rape, and another of my brothers held
the woman while he assaulted her. (Sensation.)
" His Lordship.—Did you ever commit a robbery of cattle?

—(great sensation)—bu

" Witness.—No.
" Mr. Hatchell.—Oh, that is too light an offence my lord,
altogether beneath him ; we have several classes of bolder
offences, such as house-burning, murders, abduction, rape,
and a long list of others, too tedious to go through. (Sen-
sation.)
To Mr. Hatchell.—When we set fire to the house, we
didn't mind how many persons were burnt in it. (Great
sensation.)
" Mr. Hatchell.—l 'll not disgust the public with any fur-
ther recital of his villainy.
" Mr. Rolleston was about to cross-examine him on the
part of another prisoner, when his lordship said, disgustingly,
` Oh, let the wretch go.' He was then sent off the table."
Has not Lord Normanby reason to be proud of him ? When
he wants a character for his commutations, what has he to
do but send for his friend Lysaght ? Lysaght is entitled to
some acknowlegment, and is there no appointment in his
household with which he can reward him ? Ireland will be
nothing the poorer for the loss of both the master and the
plan.

Duzi..—On Thursday morning a hostile meeting took
Pace on Wormwood Scrnbbs, between Henry Launcelot,
Be!q., Baker-street, Portman-square, and Captain Anthony
ngrave. Stamford-street, Lambeth. The hostile parties
fired without either shot taking effect. The seconds inter-
fered, but without success. They fired a second time, when
Captain B. received his antagonist's ball in the fleshy pert
of the right thigh? and fell to the ground. In ten minutes
the ball was extracted, and Captain B. was conveyed home,
previously to v?hicli the two combatants shook hands. The
cause of the meeting did not transpire.

KA.b.,l

LORI) ritANCY;,

4Gra4ToN AND Tim LAI
t:EIRE YEOMANRY.

We have hitherto abstained from alluding to tip reportt,
vhich have been in circulation, to the effect that Lord Francis
!]gerton was about raising an additional corps of yeomanry ;
riving good reason for believinz they were very incorrect.
A'hat the real facts are his lordship has stated in the follow-
ng letter addressed to the editor of the Standard :
Worsley, Manchester, August 6, 1811.
Sir,—From a paragraph in your paper of yesterday, I infer
hat remarks have lately appeared, in other publications of
Atensive circulation, on my recent acceptance of a corn-
nission in the Lancashire Yeomanry, which attach a most
endue importance and a most erroneous construction to that
proceeding. lam reluctant to trouble your readers or your-
self on such a subject ; but, as the absurdity of the conclu-
sions on which you have commented is partly attributable to
a misconception of the facts, you will, I am confident, not
object to apply a further corrective in the following state-
ment. .

Some months ago, Colonel Ilraddyl, the late commandant
of the Duke of Lancaster's yeomanry, announced his inten-
tion to retire. The officers of the corps did me the honour
of desiring that I should succeed to the vacancy ; and, with
my consent, the appointment was effected in the usual course,
by the recommendation of the lord lieutenant to her majesty.
My eldest son at the same time also received a commission in
thF corps. When the latter appointment was made known in
this neighbourhood, some forty or fifty of my neighbours and
tenants, unsolicited on my part, expressed to me a desire to
form themselves into a troop, in the hope that my son might ob-
tain the command of it. The present establishment of the
corps, consisting ofthree troops,being smallin comparison with
the force in other districts, I should have had little scruple
in recommending this proposal to the consideration of her
majesty's government; but, believing that the estimates for
this branch of the public service had been made up for the
year, I was unwilling to trouble the Home Office with an ap-
plication which could have no immediate result. I have,
therefore, in fact, neither raised a troop of yeomanry, nor
taken any positive step towards the raising one. It would
appear that these ordinary and most unimportant occurrences
have been magnified into a measure for the special protection
of my own property, or even some more objectionable pur-
pose. Whether they can reasonably bear such a construction
the public may judge.
I do not trouble you with any observations in defence of
the yeomanry force, or my connection with it, as I do not
gather from your observations, that the mere fact of my
joining it is objected to. If it were so, I should be inclined
to leave our defence to the many Whig gentlemen who, much,
in my opinion, to their own credit and the public advantage,
and, I am confident, under no absurd or selfish apprehension
of danger to their own property„bear commissions in the
yeomanry, and take an active interest in its efficiency.—l re-
main, sir, your very obedient servant, F. EGERTON.