The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-12-30 00:00:00

LONDON POLICE REPORT.

-U , -- On Saturday, a'great deaIMANSIO oNf laugHOhteSE.r was caused by the de-
tails in the following case:—
An elderly man of respectable appearance, named Poole,
was summoned by a Mr. Bailey, to answer for the misappro-
priation of two separate sums of £5 each.
Mr. Bailey stated, that in the beginning of the last month
be gave to Mr. P.aile a check upon the Bank of England for
£5, and soon afterwards another check for a similar sum, with
directions to him to purchase, as an agent, some articles at
Robin's Auction-rooms. Mr. Poole appointed the 17th of
November, for the settlement at the Auction Mart, when he
was either to produce the goods or to return the money. The
meeting took place, and Mr. Poole exhibited a book in which
some articles were marked down as purchased, but not an ar-
ticle, nor a farthing of money was offered. Witness afterwards
inquired at Robin's, but found that Mr. Poole had made no
purchase there, and he found some difficulty in obtaining another
interview with the gentleman until aided by the Lord-Mayor's
authority.
Mr. Poole, having adjusted his spectacles, stated that he had
for some time wished that this unfortunate matter had been
brought before the Lord Mayor for an equitable adjustment;
but tie feared Isis Lordship's was not exactly the tribunal at
which it was capable of being arranged. His connexion with
Mr. Bailey, arose from an advertisement in "The Times,"
stating that a person was wanted to conduct business for an in-
dividual possessed of capital, and that the former was to have
the sole management of the affairs of the concern, and would
not be required to advance a farthing. The situation appeared
to him to be exactly the thing for him, and an interview
took place, at which Mr. Bailey declared himself to be the
advertiser, that he was a man of property out of business, was
ready to put his money down against his (Mr. Poole's) judg-
tnent in a sort of general trade, and that there should be a
division of profits. The proposition was quite agreeable, and
Mr. Bailey stated that he could command from one to five or
six hundred pounds, and if more was required, his acceptances
were good to a considerable amount, and could be inane avail-
able to the purposes of their commercial enterprise. His (Mr.
Poole's) advice was, that they should purchase goods at auctions,
as he perfectly well understood that sort of trade, and he went
to look out accordingly. The first purchase he made was at
a sale under the Sheriff, where he bought sonic bargains; but,
upon writing to Mr. Bailey, be found that no money was to be
had until dividend day, but the gentleman proposed that this
bill should be discounted. He (Mr. Poole,) took the bill to
several discounters, but every one declined to touch it, although
it was only for £3O.
Mr. Bailey.—That was because your name was to it, which I
was enough to damn any bill.
Mr. Poole.—Very good, very good. At last Mr. Bailey said
that he had a friend who could discount the bill, and he after-
wards told me that he got it done, and put it in the bank, but
if I had had £l5O at the time, I could have made £lO or 5(1
by the sale.
• Mr: Bailey.teiell false.
Mr. Poole.—Very good. Well, he gave me a check for £5
to pay the deposits on the goods I purchased, and he said to
me, "Now, Mr. Poole, you know the amount of our capital,
and don't go beyond it."
The Lord Mayor.—And what did you consider to be the
amount of the capital ?
Mr. Poole.—Something less than the £3O was the whole ca-
pital, although he described himself as able to put his money
against my judgment. (A laugh.)
The Lord Mayor.-41e was certainly wrong. There was
much more brains in the transaction than cash. (Laughter.)
Mr. Poole.— Very good. I went, upon the faith of our capi-
tal, to Robins's sale-rooms, and purchased to the amount of
£l7. 3s. Id.; and I afterwards went to Oxendon's sale-rooms,
and bought more goods, so that the whole amount of the pur-
chases reached £25 or £26; and then I wrote to Mr. Bailey,
calling upon him to clear the lots, but I found myself deceived
again, for he stated that he had not a farthing, as he had been
obliged to pay his rent. (A laugh.)
Mr. Bailey.—What a pack of lies! Why should I give you
more money when I had found you out?
Mr. Poole.—Very good. Well, I thought this very bad treat-
ment from a man who pretended to be possessed of property.
The Lord Mayor.—Certainly; he had made a more correct
estimate of your orains than you made of his money. You paid
the deposit for the goods you purchased, I suppose?
Mr. Podle.—The deposits? Why no, my lord, I understand
business too well for that. (Laughter.)
The Lord Mayor.—He gave you the £lO though to make
purchases ?
Mr. Poole.—Oh, dear, yes; and a great deal of trouble I had
to turn it to advantage to the partnership account.
Mr. Bailey.—Partnership! He was my agent, and has em-
bezzled the money.
Mr. Poole.—There is nothing I wish for so much as an equi-
table adjustment of this very disagreeable affair between me
and my partner. (Laughter.) It has now too long remained
unsettled, arrd I' assure you it is very discouraging to a man
who understands business. (Great laughter.)
Mr. Bailey.—Such a rascally liar I never met. His wife
offered me his bill at two mouths for the amount.
Mr. Nobler.—Hadn't you better take it? Perhaps, if his
name were on a bill without yours, it would be discounted.
(Great laughter.)
Mr. Bailey.—Laake his bill ! I'd see him hanged first.
Mr. Poole.—Very good. I very much fear, my lord, as I
said before, that you cannot settle the unhappy difference be-
tween me and my partner. (Laughter.)
The Lord Mayor.—l am sorry I can do nothing for you, Mr.
Bailey. This appears to me to he a regular joint stock affair.
You and Mr. Poole formed a company, to carry on which you
found £lO, and he found a much larger proportion of brains
and showed that he well understood business. (Laughter.)

AV?. HARWOOD respectfully informs his Friends the.
111 SIXTH WALTZ and QUADRILLE BALL will
take place at his Rooms, Nelson-street, Great George-square,
011-TrESDA Y next, the 3d of January,
Tickets to be had at the Chronicle-office, Lgrd-street, of Mr.
Ilsitwoon, at the Rooms, and at his Residl6ace, 16, Chester-
street.

•,* The JUVENILE ACADEMY will RE-OPEN on
SATCRDAY, 7th January, 1837.

THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL.

Fifth appearance of the celebrated Tragedian,
Mr. EDWIN FORREST,
Of the Theatre-royal, Drury-lane, and of the American Theatres,
who is engaged for Ten Nights.
THIS present FRIDAY, the 30th instant, will be re
peated Shakspeare's Tragedy of
OTil ELIO.
Othello
(In which character he was received on Monday Evening with
the most rapturous applause.)
lago Mr. Stuart. I Cassio....Mr. W. Howard.
Desdemona Miss Faucit. I Emilia
After which, thr CELEBRATED GALLOP, from the
Grand Ballet of Beniowskv, by Miss Adelaide O'Brvan and
Signor Saxoni, principal Dancers of the King's Theatre,
London.

To conclude with the Farce of
BLUE DEVILS.
Megrim.... Mr. Stanley. James.... Mr. Baker.
Annette Miss Faucit.
On MONDAY next, a favourite TRAGEDY, in which Mr.
Forrest will sustain a principal character. With a variety of
other ENTERTAINMENTS.

wouldlng' tome satisfaction to men's bosoms ; a man would only
have occasion to put his hand into his pocket for an ar-
gument, to convince himself of the reality of all he
heard; he would only have to look abroad in the retired
lanes and dark alleys of his town, to find abundant proofs
of the truths of these facts—his day-book, or his "till,"
or his bank -book, or his iron chest, would furnish demon-
stration enough of his happy state; whilst every news-
paper into which he looked would tell him of manufac-
turing production labouring after insatiable demand—of
parishes rejecting the poor-law amendment bill, as if
they had no poor. Hold ! we do not mean that these
evidences justly quadrate with present times. We have
spoken, as the radicals do, by way of anticipation—of a
millenary or two of years to come ; and for such "always
to be" expectations deluded multitudes are content to
deprive themselves of the blessings they might enjoy,
under institutions which have raised their country to its
proud pre-eminence. But why, we iterate, why does I
my Lord Spencer beat about the bush of refoim without
starting any game ? Mr. Smith touched, with very
gentle hand, the rugged topics of reform, and, finding
them rather scanty, gave us the same sort of tete et queue
advance, which Earl Spencer seems to have thought best
suited to the zig-zag minds of Northampton reformers.
He said he believed "if they looked at the conduct of
flie administration since they came into office, there would
be no reason to be dissatisfied. Parliamentary reform
had been carried, and then—and what then ?—why, face
about, says Mr. Smith, and "look still farther back."—
" Catholic emancipation passed—the test and corporation
:lets repealed—slavery abolished—corporation reform—
the liberty of the press." Why these radical reformers
must themselves be a corporation, endowed with the ad-
junct of royalty—it never dies—and, as in royalty all
power and dominion acquired by ancestral virtue descend
to and belong to the reigning monarch„ so the whigs in
the ascendant shine with all the glory off' their predeces-
sors. Well we are content to receive these radical re
formers placarded round with all these BILLS, and we
then ask, do they not cut a most ridiculous figure ? If
these be all the services they can boast for two or three
generations of men. we can extinguish the lustre of their
fame as easily as Quinbus Flestrin put out the flames of
the palace of Laputa. We do not deny that the aboli-
tion of slavery is a positive good—no, we heartily re-
joice in it; but that triumph became a garland to the
whigs by one of the most dishonourable artifices that
parliamentary craftiness ever employed. Charles James
Fox, the leader of the whigs, robbed the indefatigable
advocate of the negro, Wilberforce, of a wreath which
his unwearied zeal had so justly entitled him to wear—
aye, and which he will wear; for history will snatch it
from the brow of the spoliator Charles James Fox, and
place it upon the temples of William Wilberforce, the
conscientious champion of insulted and injured man—the
Aft ican slave. We concede that the repeal of the test
and corporation acts was a positive good ; but neither of
these measures has afforded that good after which radi-
cals are seeking. The first was a vindication of the
rights of- humanity—the second a removal of politica
barriers to power; and radicals want plenty of money—
like Lovegold, they must "touch something real." But
what good has the Catholic emancipation act effected? It
has rendered every one of the " qualified" in Ireland
eligible to Parliament, and every one of the wretches of
that priest-ridden land, equally eligible, when he can ac-
quire the qualification—and soon, perhaps, if their Go-
Halt shoUld prevail, they will, with no qualification at all,
be acceptable members for parliamentary honours. Happy
privilege ! The starving Irish peasantry may be mem-
bers of Parliament. Catholic emancipation for ever !
But to be serious. Does not the present condition of
Ireland give the lie direct to all this vaunting declama-
tion about the blessings of Catholic emancipation ? Oh
that we had power to open the eyes of the radicals ! They
are as blind as moles. Why do they not perceive, that
all the reform measures that have been passed, and all
those which are in posse, germinating in the hot-bed
brains of their agitators, are every one calculated to be-
nefit not the poor radical, but the wealthy radical ; not to
give the wretched artizan employment, but to get the
rich radical Roman Catholic or the radical dissenter an
office or a title; not to relieve the unfortunate poor—no,
for them more rigorous measures are prepared in Eng.
lend, and All belP refused for Ireland. What has reform,
with Catholic emancipation on its forehead, done for the
starving Irish—the hundreds of thousands of destitute of
that faction-oppressed country ? It has brought into
Parliament some fifty men, whom, before, you " would
have disdained to have set with the dogs of your flock."
Add, if you please, the Irish municipal reform bill,
and who will be benefited ?—the destitute Irisii ?
No; those selfish wretches who are above want, and
only ask for power—the poor Irish do not covet the
honours of town-councillors, aldermen, or mayors—they
cry for food, and, in return, O'Connell promises to get
for them, if he can, a reform in the corporations. Ask
the unemployed weavers in the manufacturing districts
what they want, and they will tell you work ; and against
what do the radical leaders, with whom Earl Spencer
here identifies himself, direct their complaints ?—Church-
rates, to which they do not contribute, but of which a few
political dissenters wish to get rid, as a stepping stone to
further spoliation. It is clear to demonstration that
every one of these radicals is looking " for his gain from
his quarter." My Lord Melbourne and Lord John
Russell pledge the glory and the security of England for
office ; Mr. O'Connell sacrifices his country for tribute ;
Corporate Towns prostitute and ruin public peace to be
the municipal pageants of an hour; Dissenters violate
the charities of life and degrade the character of' Christi-
anity for secular rivalry ;—and what do you think the
poor radicals want ? Will they be content to be num-
bered in the field on the day of action, and be satisfied
without any of the spoil of vietory ? Are the poor
radicals clamorous for nothing but the glory of their
leaders ? Oh, no ! We will tell Earl Spencer what they
expect, and we will further tell him how they will obtain
all they expect—they want no partition of your empty
honours—they care not a straw how the Irish tithe ques-
tion is settled—it concerns them not who are English
councillors or Irish mayors. No; disguise it as you
will, or even hidden as it may be from many of them-
selves, all they want is money, or money's worth. When
they make the welkin ring with their cries for reform, it
is only because they think it is a golden deity which will
" scatter plenty o'er a smiling land"—when they join in
the chorus of universal suffrage and vote by ballot, it is
because they expect their representatives will carry a
bill through parliament that shall order a weekly pay-.
Meta' ttrbt paid to each of them, commensurate with his
Wants—and vet how. true the words of the poet—
" How small, of all that hurnanlearts endure,
That part which laws or kings can cause or cure !"
But let us pursue this reasoning to its natural con-
clusion. We will suppose, through intimidation created
by an array of the physical force of the country, that the
House of Lords is reformed, or abolished, if you please
—that universal suffrage and vote by ballot are parts of
the law of the land—that Ireland sees the Roman
Catholic Church erected upon the ruins of Protestantism,
and all the former revenues drawn off into Papal chan-
nels—every corporation Papal—what then ? Perhaps
the greedy stomach of ambitious radicalism may be
satiated, and reform may stop her hand from the want of
objects of destruction; but where are the poor deluded
millions of radicals by whose threatening aspect we have
supposed the constitution to be overthrown, all order de-
stroyed, religion made a bye-word—where are they ?
Their leaders and orators have provided for themselves;
but what advantage has been gained for the poor ? Will
they join in the 10-paian of victory which brings them
nothing but the remembrance of wasted hours, misdi-
rected rage, and painful disappointment? We beg to
tell Earl Spencer, and we tell every. one who is madly
putting on the armour of reforn-4 that he is. preparing to
conduct a power to combat, which, Leviathan-like, is
incapable of contrenl, and which may, like a troop of
elephants of old, " laden with war," . turn and spend
its fury upon its leaders ; all the animating harangues
and ample promises made whilst the war of reform Was
undetermined will be remembered when its end is ac-
complished ; and if Eat! Spencer, or any of his colleagues,
thinks that the physical force of England is mere muscle
and bone, we tell him he errs greatly, for there is united

with them a discerning mind; in days of the grossest
ignorance, a victorious people have always known how
to extend their strength; it is a question of sense, not
of mental deduction ; and, whenever this country shall
arrive at such a crisis, the baronial demesne of Earl
Spencer will not be worth seven days purchase—England
may perhaps be lighted up with a few conflagrations such
as those of Nottingham Castle and Bristol Cathedral, as
demonstrations of victory; but the needy multitude of
reform will soon find that, howeversuch exhibitions might
gratify their revenge, they did not satisfy their wants,
and, under whatever character they have worshipped the
demon of reform, they expected ease and plenty to be
returned for their services. But with what ease or plenty
does Earl Spencer propose to repay the numerous
followers of radicalism ? Will he wipe off the national
debt? Why that, though it might prove ruinous to
thousands in the land, would not meet the greedy ex-
pectations of starving reformers—they will, on the day of
settlement, demand prompt payment, and leave no
arrears ; but the national debt is not hard cash, and to
tell them that the abolition of taxes will make them easy
would only provoke a smile of contempt, since they know
that after the remission of twenty millions a year, in
taxes—to which amount they have been reduced since the
peace—they are in more distress than when they paid
those twenty millions. No, no; the mad-blind non-
calculating leaders of reform, deceive themselves as they
may, will assuredly find that when they have accomplish-
ed all their impolitic designs—rased our noble and
venable constitution from its base, extinguished the
light of the Protestant religion, and annihilated the
chartered institutions of learning—the people, who have
given them the power to effect all these things, will have
one design more. We once heard the speculative mur-
mur spreading in this kingdom of unalienable natural
rightl—of the world being a common inheritance—of
which the doctrine of and dominicum were the
usurped innovations of tyranny and oppression. Men
will not require much persuasion to induce them to be-
lieve this; and, infuriated as they now are with false
hopes of illusive blessings to be derived from reform, ex-
pectation will only stimulate a keener appetite to de-
mand unlimited spoliation to satiate their wants. This
will prove the inevitable terminus of radical reform.
Whether ministers, as Earl Spencer denies, are proceed-
ing to this extremity " too fast" or have advanced " too
far," it much more concerns his lordship to determine
than us; that they have gone " far" towards it, is be-
yond all question—that they have not gone further, we
must thank the House of Lords—that they may go no
further, we now ask of our countrymen for a firm de-
claration of public sentiment, vindicatory of British rights
from the reckless hands of an oppressive government.
If such consequences be, as the noble earl affirms, the
necessary results of " carrying out their principles into
effect," then we demand of the good sense and patriot
feeling of England to check the career of destruction,
under the mis-called title of reform, and, by the most un-
equivocal expression of their sentiments (especially at
the next election) to convince his lordship and his
colleagues, in his own language, adding a slight ad-
verbial negative, " that the enlightened state of the
country will never enable them to carry them." We
close our observations upon the sentiments contained in

the speech of Earl Spencer, delivered at Northampton,
and the strife-perpetuating harangues of Earl Fitz-
william and Mr. Smith, in the sound and penetrating
words of Sallust alia mens est, quum res
atque pericula nostra considero, et quum sententias non-
nallorum mecum ipse reperto.li milli disseruisse vi-
dentur de pcena eorum, QUI PATRI/E, PARENTIBUS, /IRIS
ATQUE POCIS BELLUM PARAVEHE: res autem monet cavere
ab illis magis, quam, quid in illos st3tnatnus, consultare.
Nam cetera, turn persequare, übi facta sunt ; HOC, NISI
PHOVIDERIs, NE ACCIDAT, HAI EVENIT, FIZUSTRA JUDICIA

:IVtPLORES."