The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-29 00:00:00

ing denial "

the country—to him an ungrateful one—with his
family for ever "My heart bleeds when I reflect
aptain Drew's misfortunes," says Sir F. Head.
" Whether or not I was justified, in order to defend
her Majesty's territory, in calling in the Queen's name
upon t

naval officers in Upper Canada to capture
troy the pirate steamer the Caroline, is a ques-
'iich it would be unbecoming I should offer
, but there can surely be no doubt that those
obediently responded to the appeal performed a
' •tu, and that they had no reason to expect that
fairly won would be forcibly ex-
changed by their country for a cypress-bough mourning
; and yet such has been their un-

tion on V

noble d

is they so

over their disgrace

Carota

refused all token of favour, or even of
protection, by Government, has been obliged to aban-
don his little farm on the frontier, while several of his
''wring comrades, " who at my call," says Sir F.
left the trading vessels they commanded to
join in the attack, finding themselves discountenanced
by the home Government, have been obliged to give
lest they should be massacred or im-
prisoned in their voyages on the lakes." " Every in-
dividual," he adds, " of Captain Drew's gallant band
ives disappointed and disheartened" !

who, in the attack upon the
t through the body in five places, is

I%Phlorniach,

of Ministerial baseness and ingratitude

He also

Head,

up their crafts,

TO-MORROW, then, Electors of Liverpool ! you will

have an opportunity of chewing your sympathy for
these ill-used men, and your utter disgust at the con-
duct of those heartless and rebel-favouring officials
who have entailed disgrace upon the country by such
treatment of the brave and loyal. Nor are these the
only cases brought under our notice by Sir Francis
Head. There are several more which we have not
time to enter into, but all most painfully and cogently
leading to the conclusion, that the Whigs deem them-
selves constituted as a Government for the praise and
reward of those that do ill, and for the punishment
and dispraise of those that do well ; and that, in point
of fact, it is their highest merit to be in close affinity
with the factious and disloyal rather than with the
peaceable and well-affected. " Leaving all minor
considerations entirely out of the question," says the
gallant baronet, " it now must be for the Electors of
_England, Ireland, and Scotland, to determine whether
her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies is to
continue to be considered in our North American pro-
vinces as the leader of the rebels, or whether, by a
change of policy, the LOYAL are henceforward to look
upon him as their patron, their supporter, and their
friend."

TO-MORROW, Electors of Liverpool ! you will have
to answer this question. The same policy precisely,
you are aware, is acted upon in Ireland ; so, to save
trouble, you may as well put the Home Secretaay
along with the Colonial, and then just ask yourselves,
shall we vote for a brace of secretaries who, in their
respective jurisdictions, are considered " the leaders of
rebels ?" Forbid it, Loyalty—forbid it, Heaven ! No;
we shall rote only for the removal of such pests from
the Council Chamber. "Take away the wicked from
before the king," saith the proverb. Electors of
Liverpool ! we confide in you for the performance of
this good work, To-mouaow ; and so far as lies in
you, we are fully persuaded that you will do it. We
shall not have another opportunity of addressing you,
but we have the greatest confidence in your decision.
VOTE EARLY, and let no man consider his vote of
little consequence.

Admitting as we do the Queen's name to be a tower
of strength, we are glad to find that they of the ad-
verse part neither have, nor pretend to have it on their
side. We take her Majesty's most gracious speech on
dissolving the late parliament as the only index by
which we can judge of her disposition towards either
party in the state at the present moment, and, upon
examination of its terms, we undertake to say it will
appear that the royal address is Conservative—that it
is an appeal to Conservatives, and that Conservatives
alone can give due effect to its proper intent and ob-
jects. Let the Whigs give a better version of it if they
can ; let them take it to the hustings and make speeches
upon it; let them placard the walls with it; we care
not; we still affirm that, upon any fair construction,
the Queen's speech is—what it ought to be—Conser-
vative, and that every elector who desires to comply
with the injunctions of his royal mistress will vote for
Conservative candidates only.

In the first place, her Majesty says, " On a full con-
" sideration of the present state of public affairs, I
" have come to the determination of dissolving parlia-
" ment." From this it is plain that her Majesty, hav-
ing at last obtained a thorough insight into the rascally
character of the Whigs, has determined to get rid of
them. So long as they continued to keep her in the
dark—so long as they only permitted her to obtain
partial views of public affairs—she allowed them to go
on with a free course in their folly; but a "full con-
sideration" of the state of things altered her mind ;
she then saw how she had been bamboozled, and she
instantly determined to give the nation an opportunity
of passing sentence upon them. We never enter-
tained a doubt that her most gracious Majesty would
sooner or later become a Conservative, nor that at any
time a full and mature consideration would lead her to
dismiss, and rejoice in being rid of, those evil counsel-
lors by whom she has been too long surrounded; but
we greatly exult in the thought that this hapgy con-
summation is arrived even now. Her Majesty, having
fully considered the state of public affairs, has per-
ceived that the Whigs are everywhere in disgrace—
that their policy was bringing the country to the verge
of ruin—that in parliament they had come to a dead
lock, and therefore that nothing remained to do but
give the people an opportunity of cashiering all those
unworthy representatives who had aided and abetted
them in their evil courses. Wherefore she graciously
complied with the earnest wish of all her faithful Con-
servative subjects both in and out of the great council
of the nation, and, upon " full consideration," dis-
solved the parliament.
But further : her Majesty has condescended to as-
sign certain reasons for taking this step, and from
these also, it clearly appears that Conservatism is the
only clue by which we can find our way securely
through whatever may seem obscure or difficult in the
instrument. The reasons are two : first, " the para-
mount importance of the trade and industry of the
country;" and, secondly, the necessity of " providing
for the exigencies of the public service in the manner
least burthensome to the community."

Her Majesty felt a due and just regard for the
" trade and industry of the country," and therefore
she wisely determined not to allow them to be trifled
with or damaged by her Whig ministers. In the last
parliament she saw that interests of such paramount
importance could not but sustain injury, from the
ruinous measures of her ministers, if they had been
unfortunately able to carry them, and from those who
would propose good ones not being in a proper situa-
tion to originate them. Wherefore she prudently re-
solved to dissolve and break up a complication so every
way disadvantageous. In a Conservative parliament
all this will be changed. Those who with her Majesty
form a just appreciation of the paramount importance
of the trade and industry of the country will constitute
the great majority, and she will have the opportunity of
making up a new government of the best materials.
" Providing for the exigencies of the state in the
least burthensome manner." This her Majesty has
discovered could not be effected under Whig regime,
for two reasons : first, because these Whigs have a
way of creating interminable exigencies themselves ;
and, secondly, because their mode of providing for
each is the most burthensome possible.
Who caused the present financial exegencies of the
state ? The Whigs, and the Whigs alone. Their
commissions and their place-making—their jobbing
and their pensioning—their improvident tampering
with the best sources of revenue—their foreign policy
and their home—their Canada war—their Syrian war,
and almost their French and American wars—their
wasteful extravagance in every department, and their
blundering budgets ;—these are the tliings which have
created the "exigencies ;" and to get rid of exigencies
no choice is left but to dismiss the Whigs. No won-
der, therefore, that her Majesty's anxious concern for
the " trade and industry" of the country should have
had a large share in influencing her determination to
call a new parliament and get rid of the Whigs.
As to providing for exigencies "in the least burthen.
saute manner," she well knew that Conservatives are
the only party to look to for such sort of provision.
The Whig mode—much as they talk of free-trade—
has been found to be a general screwing up of taxes
upon trade and upon everything. That is the Whig
mode of meeting exigencies. Therefore, her Majesty
(long may she reign over us) has done with them, and
is resolved, by appealing to the nation and securing to
herself a strong Conservative Parliament and Ministry,
to repair the damage and provide for the exigencies
caused by the spend-thrift Whigs—" in the least bur-
thensome manner."

Sir Robert Peel, we may depend upon it, is the man
for this. Some of the exigencies, we dare say, he will
provide for by removing them altogether. This we
should expect from his economy, his prudence, skill,
and good management. For others, he will provide,
in the " least burthensome manner." He will lay no
new burthens on our colonial trade, nor deprive any
home interest of its rightful amount of protection ;
he will not favour slave-grown foreign sugar, and
depreciate colonial free ; and above all, he will eschew
the miserable and mean delusion of that sinking crew
who now cry up cheap bread in the agonies of despair
and death. Their death-bed repentance, however, has
come too late. Down they are going, and go they must.
Her Majesty concludes with an appeal to her forth-
coming Conservative Parliament and to all Conservative
electors, to which, we are satisfied, they will cordially
respond. The words are these:—

" In the exeraise of my prerogative, 1 can have no other
object than that of securing the rights and promoting the
interests of my subjects, and I rely on the co-operation of
my Parliament, and the. loyal zeal of my people, for sup-
port in the adoption of such measures as are necessary to
maintain that high station among the nations of the world
which it has pleased Divine Providence to assign to this
country."

Conservative electors ! to the poll, then, for your
Queen ! She calls upon you to support her in the

adoption of "such measures as are necessary to main-
tain this country in its high station." And what mea-
sures are these ? Whig measures ? Oh, no ; but
Conservative measures—the only measures that can
produce the desired end. Give her, then, a Conserva-
tive Parliament; vote only for Conservative candidates,
and you will be complying with this appeal in its best
sense. But we shall use no artifices to quicken your
zeal; we reckon securely upon it.

Several communications have been addressed to us
with reference to the paragraph which appeared in the
STANDARD of Friday last, as to the petty tyranny of
Sir Joshua Walmsley, who has the impudent effrontery
to ask the electors of Liverpool to send him as their
representative to the House of Commons. It now ap-
pears that not only did our liberal knight refuse to in-
crease the wages of the corn porters—an application
to which all the other employers yielded at once—but
we are informed that he was the actual originator of a
proposal to reduce the stipend of that hardworking
body of men. Such is the man who presents his mo-
dest face as the sympathiser and supporter of the
poor. Away with such cant. Sir Joshua's professions
have always been put forward with the intention of
gaining the object which he is now moving heaven and
earth to effect; but his conduct has always shown that
his own private interests have ever been uppermost in
his mind, and to accomplish these he has never failed
to grind down and oppress the poor creatures beneath
him who had the alternative of acceding to his ty-
rannical demands, or seeking elsewhere (perhaps in
one of our liberal knight's union bastiles) that misera-
ble subsistence which was denied them by this radical
hypocrite. Men of Liverpool, be not deceived by any
vehemence of profession ; draw your moral from the
way in which this precious humbug has behaved to-
wards his workmen; record your votes in favour of
men who will strive night and day to make you more
prosperous and happy. Vote for SANDON and CRESS-
W ELL, and you will never regret it.

The originators of the requisition to Lord Palmerston
seem not to have acted towards the gentlemen who
have been induced to sign that document with such
straightforward honesty as ought to characterize such
an important movement. We have strong grounds for
stating, with the greatest confidence, that the requisi-
tion has never to this moment been presented to his
lordship, and further, that no communication has ever
yet passed between that shifting personage and the
gentry who have so unceremoniously paraded his name
before the electors as a candidate for their suffrages.
We, therefore, ask, whether such treatment as this is
what the supporters of Lord Palmerston had a right to
look for—whether they are not now entirely released
from any pledge which their signatures to the requisi-
tion might be construed to imply—whether they are
not bound to treat the requisition as a nullity—and
whether his lordship's committee, for their deception,
are not worthy of the most reproachful epithets—and,
in consequence, whether the votes of the constituents
would not be properly recorded in favour of Sandon
and Cresswell, as a suitable return for the duplicity
which has been practised upon them.
Lord Palmerston's name has evidently been used as
a manoeuvre, on the part of the Radical aristocracy,
who are highly offended at the obstinate pertinacity
which Sir Joshua Walmsley has exhibited in pressing
forward his paltry claims for the representation of this
town. SUPPORTERS OF LORD PALMERSTON ! your
candidate asks not for your suffrages—his committee
have evidently entrapped you. You might as well vote
for one of the cabbages in the market. Come forward
to-morrow like men, and show that you can reward the
trickery which has been practised upon you in the
manner which it deserves. Vote for SANDON and
CILICSSWELL—men who are amongst you, who are
ready to see and converse with you, and who will sup-
port every measure calculated to ensure your permanent
interest and the nation's solid glory.

We are authorised to state that the document got up
for the purpose of learning the views of the candidates
respecting the Scotch Church question has been unani-
mously withdrawn, on account of its having been
erroneously represented as intended for a political end.
One of our local contemporaries has stated that it
originated with Whig-Radicals. We have reason to
know that only two Whigs had any share in proposing
it, and both of them are reputed churchmen. We
abstain for the present from giving any expression of
our own opinion on this subject, which has caused,
and is causing, so much strong feeling in Scotland
and among the Presbyterians of Ireland. Evidently,
however, the question has no connexion with party
politics, as the addresses of the Conservative candidates
in the parts of the country referred to fully demonstrate.

LORD SANDON AND THE ANTI-SLAVERY

SOCIETY

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD

JUNE 28, 1841

SlR,—Having discovered, in the Mercury of Friday last,
what professes to be a statement of the result of a corre-
spondence which has lately passed between the Secretary of
the Anti-slavery Committee of Liverpool and myself, and
being desirous that the public should have the opportunity
of judging for themselves, I beg to request that you will
have the goodness to insert the whole correspondence, which
I here inclose, in your next paper.—l am, sir, your obedient
servant, SANDON.

[No. I.]
Great George-street, Liverpool June 7, 1851.
My Lord,—On Saturday evening my attention was, for
the first time, called to the report of your lordship's speech,
in the House of Commons, on the night of May 28th. In
adverting to the recent resolutions of the Liverpool Anti-
slavery Committee on the sugar duties, your lordship made
a statement which, with all respect, 1 am compelled to aver
is far from being in accordance with fact. Permit me to
request the authority on which that statement was made, as
it tends seriously to implicate me as secretary of that com-
mittee. Through the whole of my connexion with it, I have
endeavoured to pursue a course moreupright and honourable
than that which is there imputed to me : and I trust that I
shall be able to convince your lordship that the representa-
tions conveyed to you respecting the organization and pro-
ceedings of that body are incorrect. My appeal is to the
minutes, which have been accurately preserved. lam con-
vinced that your lordship will not allow an unjust surmise to
rest on the innocent.

It is a cause of regret to me that I am now constrained to
differ with many whom I respect and venerate among my
own friends ; but, as an honest man, and having uniformly
removed myself from political action, I hold myself free from
the charge of compromising anti-slavery principles, and
foregoing the dictates of humanity and religion, to subserve
any temporary, insignificant, or unworthy party purposes.
I trust, therefore, that your lordship will favour me with
a reply, at your earliest convenience.—l am, my lord, your
lordship's obedient servant,
_____ _ _ _ _ ____ . -.

WILLIAM BEVAN.
[No. 2.]
London, June 8, 1811.
SlR,—Before I can reply distinctly to your inquiry as to
the observations which I made on the 2Sth of May last, in
the debate on Sir Robert Peel's resolution, I should be
obliged to you to let me know in what paper you have seen
them ; for the reports in two which I did see, are mueh at
variance with each other, and neither correct.—l am, sir,
your faithful servant,

BANDON.

[No. 3.]
Great George-atreet, Liverpool, June 9, 1841.
MY LORD,--I am obliged by your lordships prompt notice
of my letter of Monday. While lam desirous that all Ido
may be fairly represented ; I am not less solicitous to receive
au accurate report of the statements of those with whom 1
have to differ. The report of your lordship's speech which
lies before me is furnished in the Morning Chronicle of May
29th—" He had been also taunted with the proceedings of
the Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool. Now, what were the
facts ? The members of that society had long discontinued
their attendance, considering that there was no longer any
object in their meeting; but when it appeared that her Ma-
jesty's government wanted assistance, a few of these gentle-
men met together—there was a collection of the crumbs of
the old Anti-Slavery Society, and the resolutions were
passed. He had letters from the two delegates from Liver-
pool to the last meeting in London, expressing their regret
that the name of the Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool had
been so used. (Cheers.) If he might judge from this of the
mode of operation in other parts of the country, and the way
in which the assent was got up, he should cease to attach any
value to the expression of feeling in favour of an abolition of
slavery by the introduction of slave-grown sugar." I shall
to insert any correction or obliterate any error your
desire.—l remain,my lord, your lordship's
obedient servant,
lordship may

WILLIAM BEVAN
[No. 4.].

Live
Great June 14, 1841.
your lordsh. '
beenletter,
dated M
Tuesdaye—altaosGti I,e °ltrhgee: rBet
rc eeei pt
immediately replied; and 1 phasv e
anxiously hoping for a further communication. The pro-
ceedings of the Liverpool Anti-slavery Committee have ever
been characterized by the greatest integrity and straightfor-
wardness, and I cannot allow the false imputation that now
rests on them to be uncontradicted. The charge has been
groundlessly and publicly made; and I am, therefore, com-
pelled to take this ground. I shall hope for further notice
of the matter at your lordship's earliest convenience, and
remain, my lord, your lordship's obedient servant,
WILLIAM BZVAN.

[No. 5.]
London, June 16, 1841.
regret that you obould not have had au 411514C7

earlier, but I was called into the country soon after my first
letter for a few days, and when I came back, found so much
business on my hands, that I had not leisure until yesterday
afternoon, (and not in time to write fully by the post,) to
look out the Morning Chronicle, to which you referred me
in your secon(

I find the substance of the report to be generally correct.
but, as far as my recollection serves me, it would have been
more faithfully given in something like the following terms :7
" He had been taunted with the proceedings of the Anti-
slavery Society of Liverpool. What were the facts ? Many
members of the society had discontinued their attendance
since the Act of Emancipation, conceiving that their work
was done, and that there was no longer any object for their
meeting. The society had dwindled to a fraction of the
original body ; but when it appeared that her majesty's
government wanted assistance, these gentlemen, the crumbs
of the old society, were called together, and the resolutions
passed. He had letters from two of the delegates of the old
society, who expressed their regret at seeing such use made
of the name of the society, and their anxiety that the feelings
of the anti-slavery body of Liverpool should not be mis-
understood. After this statement he did not think that the
right honourable gentleman had much reason to boast of the
support of the anti. slavery party in Liverpool."
This, I believe, as far as my recollection of words, not
very deliberately considered, serves, would be a more accu-
rate statement of what I said ; but there is not much varia-
tion in the substance.
My object was to show, that the resolutions which had
appeared under the title of the Anti-Slavery Society of
Liverpool were not to be considered as representing the feel-
ings of that numerous party which had made the abolition of
the slave trade, and the emancipation of slaves within the
British dominions, their special care, but merely of a section
of that party ; and this I supported by a statement that a
large proportion, and some of the most active members of
the original body, had ceased to take a part in its proceed-
ings, and that I had letters from two of the delegates of
1233, expressing their regret at the transaction. I have since
referred to two of the letters of the Rev. Dr. Tattershall and
Mr. A. Hodgson, the gentleman alluded to ; one letter I
have mislaid, and I find that they bear me out as to the facts
of the statement. To the warmth of tone I must plead guilty
as my own ; and if it has been unjust, lam sorry for it. I
may not have been justified in attributing the resolutions ra-
ther to a desire to support her Majesty's ministers than to a
simple expression of anti-slavery opinion, and I may have
expressed myself with more tartness than the occasion called
for ; but I spoke under a keen sense of the injustice of the
charge of hypocrisy which had been brought against me, and
of the hardship of having the name of the Anti-Slavery So-
ciety, as representing the anti-slavery feeling, of Liverpool,
thrown into the scale, as I conceived, unfairly, in such a
cause.

I confess, also, I was labouring under a feeling of surprise
that the opinion of Anti-Slavery Society, in favour of the
admission of foreign slave-grown sugar into competition with
that of our lately-emancipated colonies, as the best encou-
ragement of their industry, and the most effective discou-
ragement of the foreign slave trade, should have been long
withheld ; nay, that from all previous demonstrations, the
contrary had been so long left to be inferred, and that this
unexpected disclosure should have been reserved just for the
moment when her Majesty's government most needed sup-
port. _

These feelings, certainly, made me warm ; perhaps they
made me unjust. At any rate, being regarded as unjust by
respectacle men, such as those who compose the present
Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool, I certainly withdraw the
imputation, which I confess I did mean to imply, that, in the
resolutions alluded to, they had more in view the support of
a political party than the advancement of the special object
of the society of which they were the organ.—l am, sir, your
faithful servant,

SANDON,

[No. 6.]
Great Georqe-street, Liverpool, June 19, 1841.
Mr LORD,—Your lordship's letter of the 16th instant I
duly received, and am obliged by the explanations it con-
tains. Permit me to express my satisfaction at the with-
drawal of the imputation cast on the Liverpool Anti-Slavery
Committee, and to remind you that their resolutions of the
12th ultimo contain no reflections or charges against any
person or party entertaining opposite visws ; but simply an
honest statement of their own deliberate convictions, on the
great question now before the anti-slavery communities and
the country at large.
With respect to your lordship's information concerning the
organization and transactions of the committee, it is due to
your lordship, and to them, that I should furnish my reasons
for having affirmed that representation to be incorrect, and
far from accordant with fact. Your lordship will at once
see that the retirement of a few individuals from active de-
votion to the cause, for the promotion of which a committee
is constituted, does not necessitate the dismemberment of the
body. Such has been the case with us. They who remain
pledged to the consummation of the work (forming, too,
the great majority) are competent to act, and to claim to have
their procedings regarded as those of the body, whose exis-
tence they have sustained. _

The purposes which the Liverpool anti-slavery committee
have had in view, have respected not merely the emancipa-
tion of slaves in British dominions, but throughout the
world ; and until the last fetter is broken from the last slave,
they will continue in ceaseless activity. If, therefore, any
who once co-operated zealously with them remove from the
ranks, they cannot admit that the acts of the many who re-
main are rendered void by the defection of the few.
Your lordship will remember that, after the introduction
of the apprenticeship system into our slave holding colonies,
the nation was aroused to the consideration of its impolicy,
inefficiency, and injustice. On that occasion the committee
and friends of the Liverpool Anti-slavery Society were con-
vened, under their late excellent president, James Cropper.
In November, 1837, delegates were appointed to confer
with other deputies in London, on the means to be 'adopted
for speedily terminating that system. For a similar purpose,
public meetings were held on the 19th and 30th of Decem-
ber, at the second of which a discussion was held with Wm.
Smith, Esq. Petitions were presented to parliament; a full
digest of the parliamentary papers published ; and the ad-
jacent towns were visited by the officers and deputies of the
committee. In the process of the debates on this question,
the committee frequently met, and announced their opinions,
in resolutions, which were advertised in metropolitan and
provincial newspapers. The reality of their existence could
not then be doubted ; and the legitimacy of their acts was
not once questioned. _ .

In April, 1838, another delegation was sent on the same
errand, and in that month a further meeting was convened
by his worship the mayor, on requisition, i❑ the Amphithe-
atre. In May, delegates were commissioned again to repair
on the same service to London.

These efforts being crowned with success, the committee,
with their friends, celebrated the termination of the negro
apprenticeship at a public dinner, at which his worship the
mayor presided, on the Ist of August, 1838.
The attainment of this result, however, did not lead to the
dissolution of the committee. They assembled on the 22d
of that month to determine on future operations in behalf of
the negro ; and again in April, 1839, to deliberate on the
plans of the provisional committee of the British and Foreign
Anti-slavery Society. They resolved to co-operate with the
members of that institution, but to preserve their own inde-
pendent existence and original name as the " Liverpool
Anti-slavery Committee."

In February, 1840, the committee expressed their ap-
proval of the intentions of the society in London, in calling a
convention of the advocates of the slave ; and on the 10th of
April appointed their representatives, some of whom took no
small share in the business of that assembly.
During the intervening month the venerated president of
the society passed from the scene of his labourers to his re-
ward, and the majority of the committee having obtained the
permission of his family joined the funeral procession in their
collective and official capacity.

About this time, also, they entered into the subject of the
deportation of the Hill Coolies from India, and by their
officers contributed to the success of the efforts which issued
in the prevention of a new form of slave traffic and slavery.
On the 16th of April, the committee called a public meet-
ing, to report to their friends the condition of the emancipated
negro, and the state of slavery and the slave trade in other
lands. At this meeting a discussion was raised by R. Semple,
Esq., which was continued in the local newspapers for some
subsequent weeks.
In November, the committee were placed in circumstances
requiring the expression of their sentiments, with reference
to the proposals of Sir T. F. Buxton for the abolition of the
slave trade. They accordingly passed a series of resolutions,
a copy of which, I believe, your lordship at that time received,
and another copy of which I now enclose.
Precisely six months afterwards, the committee met on the
business which now engages the attention of almost all the
anti-slavery committees of the land, and which has led me
into correspondence with your lordship.
From this brief review of the more public proceedings of
the committee, it will be at once apparent that your lordship
has been misinformed as to their dissolution. They have not
ceased to act; they have not acted in secresy ; nor are they
scattered as " crumbs" at the foot of the table.
As I declared myself convinced that I could demonstrate
that your informants were mistaken, I deem it my duty to
place these facts before your lordship. We do not consider
our work done, while slaves in millions are groaning beneath
the galling yoke.

My lord, the resolutions which have been recently adopted
are before the world as the declarations of men, some o
whom, at least, are not now known for the first time in anti-
slavery matters. The first is a delibezate record of our
principle, as anti-slavery men, and, with the anti-slavery
arguments of the succeeding, frees us from the stigma which
your correspondents would fix upon us.
Again, allow me to express my satisfaction at the conclud-
ing terms of your lordship's letter; and as the statement to
which they refer was publicly made, to request your lordship's
permission to publish the correspondence entire. This is a
matter of justice, no less to your lordship than to myself.
I should have acknowledged the receipt of your lordship's
letter at an earlier opportunity but for ministerial engage-
ments, in connexion with our Missionary Society.—l remain,
my lord, your lordship's obedient servant,

WILLIAM BEVAN
[No. 7.]
Liverpool, June 22, 1841

have no objection whatever to the publication of
our correspondence ; but, in communicating this permission,
I beg to say that I do not see in your statement that variation
between the facts and what I stated, which you seem to
discern. The fact substantially remains the same, that the
proceedings of the committee of the present Anti-slavery
Society'were not entitled to be considered as expressing the
opinion of the abolitionists of Liverpool upon the. question
of admitting slave-grown sugar. In the report of what I
said, which I have sent you, I see nothing materially at
variance with the evidences of the continued existence of the
society, which your letter undoubtedly furnishes. My in-
formants from Liverpool stated, "that many of the individuals
composing the Liverpool Anti-slavery Society had withdrawn
from it, and that the resolutions were the resolutions of only
a section of the abolitionists of Liverpool. Of this fact surely
there can be no doubt.—l am, sir, your obedient servant,
SAND ON.

The King and Queen of the Belgians arrived at Woolwich
on Wednesday.
LIVERPOOL REGISTRY OF SIIIPPING.—We recommend
all shipowners and masters of ships carefully to peruse the
rules and regulations of the Liverpool Registry Book of
Shipping. They will be found to contain a complete manual
of shipbuilding, and of great service to those not practically
acquainted with the intrinsic and lasting qualities of the
various materials used in the building and repairs of ships.
A. subscription of- two guineas annually to the register
book constitutes a member of the society, and entitles the
subscriber to vote for members to serve on the committee;
may vote by proxy,
absent and non-resident membersNo
new rule, or alteration in any existing rule, affecting
the classification of ships to be made retrospective, to the
prejudice of ships previously built. The fees are reduced
more than one-third of the sum charged by the London
Society of Registry. The rule for spacing the beams of ships
is clearly defined together with the fastenings. required.
In all cases where an owner is dissatisfied with the classi-
fication of his vessel, the committee will, on• application, ap-
point a special survey, to be held by competent persons ; and
on their report being received, the classing will be reconsi-
dered, and such a character assigned as the vessel may appear
in justice to deserve. The establishment of the Liverpool
registry will facilitate contracts for building new ships, as the
shipowner has only to decide on the hull for a twelve, ten,
down to a four years' ship, and then to agree about the price
with the builder, only requiring to add, " The ship to be
built according to the rules and regulations of the Liverpool
Registry Book." Thus long specifications will not be re-
quired, and each party will know what is doing, without fear
of the London committee having to interpose their mische-
vous legislation, driving, as has frequently been the case, the
contracting parties into a lawsuit.

SECOND EDITION.

Standard-qffice, Three o'clock.

THE NOMINATION THIS MORNING

SPLENDID DEMONSTRATION OF CONSERVA-
TIVE FEELING.

SANDON AND CRESSWELL FOR EVER!

This morning at an early hour, the town throughout gave
demonstration of the extreme interest taken in the event of the
coming contest, and of the active preparations made by both
of the contending parties. Flags and colours were seen
borne along to the various places of rendezvous, and bands
of music, and drums and fifes, were heard to sound " the
gathering of the clans" in every direction. The weathef
was exceedingly fine, and the inhabitants, young and
old, of " the good old town," were " wide awake" two or
three hours before their accustomed time of bestirring them-

selves. Anon, flags were displayed from numerous club-
houses, inns, private dwellings, yards and works, indicative
of the political opinions of the inmates, and all presenting a
highly animated appearance of bustle and enthusiasm, which
continued to increase in interest as the day advanced, and
formed to those who made the circuit of the town a pano-
ramic first scene of a contested election. The colours of the
conservative candidates were observed by every person greatly
to preponderate.
Commodious polling booths, so far as temporary wooden
buildings could be so constructed, were erected in the diffe-
rent wards,' and one of these, of somewhat larger dimensions
than the others, though all too small for the accommodation
required, was, as usual, in front of the Exchange, to be used,
in the first instance, as a hustings for the nomination. The
police force, lest the temporary ebulition of party feeling
might rest:4in some affrays, in consequence of the belligerent
feeling recently displayed by the Irish supporters of the
Liberal candidates, were reinforced, appointed, and instructed
by the head constable. It was arranged that the friends of
the respective candidates should meet them and accompany
them to the hustings. They accordingly assembled at their
places of meeting in the several wards, and proceeded to the

two houses in which the respective candidates domiciled for the

time--the conservatives to Sir T. Brancker's, Rodney-street,
near the top of Leece-street, to meet Lord Sandon
and Mr. C. Cresswell ; and the whig-radicals to Ranelagh-
place, where Sir. J. Walmsley, with the invisible phan-
tom of Lord Palmerston, awaited their arrival. We
need scarcely say —and we say it without a tincture
of partiality—that the turn out of the Radicals was paltry,
poor, and poverty-struck, both in person, and in numbers, as
compared with the rank and file of the noble army of Con-
servatives, who greeted with loud acclaim their respected old
favourites, who arrived on the ground in continuous bodies
from their several wards, with banners flying, and numerous
bands playing patriotic airs. They occupied nearly the whole
length of Rodney-street, though from six to seven deep, and
included, besides vast numbers of well-dressed operatives,
nearly all the " broad-cloth" of the town. The others,
with spectators to boot, did not above half fill the little
triangular space opposite the Adelphi Hotel, and exhi-
bited a most pitiful account of conscript recruits of the
working classes, and a mere sprinkling of the whin-radical
noblesse par excellence. The comparative demonstration as
respected wealth, station, and talent, was ten to one on the
side of good old Church and Queen. It is almost impossible
to describe correctly the appearance and numbers of the
supporters of the respective candidates without some appa-
perent partiality, so extremely marked was the difference in
favour of the constitutional cause.

At a few minutes past nine o'clock the conservative pro-
cession—(which was received throughout with the strongest
demonstrations of attachment, when in ward bodies, in the
various streets through which they passed, and particularly
when en masse, in Rodney-street—the " west end" of our
town—with unusual marks of approbation by " fair ladies"
and others, from windows and " house tops")—moved on-
wards, in gay and splendid array, towards the hustings,
by Leece-street, Bold-street, Church-street, Lord-street,
and Castle-street, amidst the universal acclaim of all who
saw them. A more respectable and gratifying display of
well-clad artisans and workmen, and individuals of the
first station and distinction in the town was never before
witnessed. The few astonished whig-radicals—we eyed them
from corners of streets and recesses—felt that wholesome
humiliation which assured them that they must "hide
their diminished heads." The balcony and windows of Sir
T. Brancker's house, in which were " our worthy represen-
tatives," that were and are to be, were crowded with ladies
and gentlemen ; and all the houses in the line and opposite
were equally peopled with the elite, and decorated with
flags, while handkerchiefs and flags of brilliant silk were
waved by the fair hands of hundreds whose hearts were en-
thusiastically warm in the cause.

Lord Sanaon and Mr. Cresswell appeared in an open car-
riage and four, with two postilions, in blue and red. They
were accompanied by Sir Thomas Branckcr, Ackers,
Esq., N. Robinson, Esq., and several other gentlemen. They
both stood uncovered, to avoid the necessity and toil of lifting
their hats, on the continuous and hearty salutations with which
they were greeted on all sides by male and female. They
looked remarkably well,—like men who knew their duty,
and had the heart and the hand to perform it. Throughout
the whole line of streets they were received with, if possible,
increased enthusiasm.

The flags and banners carried in the procession were nu-
merous, beautiful, and appropriate ; and, we may add, many
of them were new. Amongst them we observed one bearing a
full-length likeness of "the phantom candidate,"in his native
character of Jim Crow, who had " jumped" with mountebank
agility through no fewer than nine administrations ' • also
one of the same notorious individual as a weather-cock. In
this he is represented bestriding a dung-hill cock, and racing
on toward the goal. but he can make no way in consequence
of the conservative gale that has set in against him,
allegorically conveyed by a figure of Lord Sandon, blowing
him back frem a cloud above. The motto is to the effect—
" I can't come it this time ; but I may at the next Autumn
meeting." Amongst the much admired flags, was a repre-
sentation of Nelson, and en the obverse, the death of that
naval hero ; the " Liverpool Arms," grouped with flags,
&c.: a picture of the Custom House, &c. Amongst the
emblematical devices carried (independently of flags and ban-
ners), we observed a scraggy bone of beef, with a very small
quantity of dry and shrivelled flesh upon it, illustrative of
the " nourishing," plentiful aliment provided by the whig-
radical poor-law, for those who are necessitated to throw
themselves upon its tender mercies. On passing the
Conservative Newspaper offices, the members forming the pro-
cession hailed them by repeated and prolonged cheering. We
are proud to acknowledge, that at the STANDARD Office, from
which were pended two small royal standards, and several
other flags, the ladies and others at the windows were most
enthusiastically cheered. We can meet the debt of gratitude
we have thus incurred only by our increased and cheerful toil
in the furtherance of that cause which we shall ever conti-
nue to espouse.
The arrangements made in Castle-street to avoid con-
fusion, and avert any hostile contact of the two parties,
were admirable. A barrier was erected along the middle of
the street, against which policemen were stationed on either
side. The conservatives passed to the hustings on one side,
and the radicals on the other.

We should add, that a considerable body of the police
force (no doubt picked men), were; mounted on horseback ;
accompanied the van of the two processions, more effectually
to clear the way, and afterwards remained on duty to pre-
serve order. The whole arrangements in this department
appeared to be judiciously planned and carried out.
The procession of Sir Joshua (solus as a candidate), was in-
deed a " phantom,"—miserable and transparent in numbers
and respectability. The " worthy" candidate appeared in a
carriage, accompanied by his subservient guide and fugleman
Mr. T. Atkinson, and a few of his diminutive knot of friends.
An estimate may be formed of the comparative strength of
the respective parties by the fact, that Lord Sandon and Mr.
Cresswell's procession occupied a period of 25 minutes to
pass our premises, and that of Sir Joshua only fifteen
minutes ! The numerical result of the voting at the election
to-morrow will, we doubt not, exhibit a comparatively popu-
lar triumph for the conservatives.
The crowd in Castle-street and the adjoining approaches
was, as might be expected, excessive. The conservative
members reached the booth at about ten o'clock, and poor
Sir Joshua at half-past.
During the delivery of Lord Sandon's and Mr. Cresswell's
addresses Mr. Tinpot Atkinson placed himself in a conspi-
cuous station in front of the hustings, and interrupted, in
the most brutish manner, whatever came from the respective
candidates to offend his vulgar taste.