The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-02 00:00:00

SECOND EDITION OF THE STANDARD

Several further election returns will be received by the
mail this morning, and be published in a second edition
, of the STANDARD at ten o'clock. Amongst the rest
will be Marylebone, and Clitheroe, where our talented
young townsman, Mr. Cardwell, is fighting the battle
of the constitution.

roesareatizismoMlNlMMEM.

cominivsemu

TO CORRESPONDENTS

In calling attention to the letter of Mr. Baylee, which appears
in another column, we must apologise to that gentleman
for the delay in its appearance, arising from an extraordin-
ary pressure of electioneering news from all parts of the
kingdom. The contrast between the mild and gentle-
manly style of Mr. Baylee and the rabid, vulgar tone of
,Mr. M'Crea is sufficiently striking.
" A Friend to the Distressed" is afraid that the election has
entirely put the lamentable state of the friends of the crew
of the President, who are in an extreme state of destitu-
tion, out of every body's head, and suggests the holding a
grand fancy dress ball for their benefit.

tEbt Ettnrpoot Otanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 2, 1841

It was a great acquisition to the Polish wheat and
cheap bread men to have the name of a Peer as a
patron of their favourite project. We have most of us
seen a letter from the Earl Fitzwilliam, advocating the

policy of these gentlemen. The Manchester fraternity
took good care that we should see it, as they had it
printed on a broad sheet, and thrust it into every body's
hand like the advertisement of a quack doctor, at the
time of their descent upon this town. In this way a
copy of the noble lord's epistle came into our pos-

session. We were induced to look it over, but a more

flimsy and contemptible production, in point of argu-
ment, it never was our lot to dip into, and nothing could
be more plain than that it was not the argument, but
the authority, that was valuable in the eyes of the " dic-

tation." It was a grand thing to have a land-owner
and one of the hereditary countenancing the views of
the Anti-Corn-Law league, and the noble lord's letter
was circulated freely at the expense of the club, just to
familiarize the community with the fact. Now we

know not what weight some persons may attach to the

mere name of Lord Vitzwilliam ; but, for our part, we

estimate it at a very small price. He is a Whig and a
Liberal, and a Liberal in religion as well as corn. Now
just take a specimen of his doings in the former ca-
pacity, furnished to us by the Dublin papers of last
week.

His lordship posseSses large estates in the county
Wicklow, and almost the entire of the parish of Car-
new, of which the Rev. Mr. Moore is rector, belongs

to him. There is a school-house in the parish which
was built by an ancestor of his lordship ; but the school

being of late conducted on that new and enlightened
system which Whigs delight in encouraging, and which

refuses to inculcate any particular form or creed in
religion, the Protestant parishioners did not like send-
ing their children there, and craved of his lordship a
piece of ground whereon they might erect a school-
house for themselves, in which, of course, the Bible

might be permitted and instruction given in accord-
ance with their non-liberal Church of England preju-
dices. But his lordship, like a genuine Liberal (who
is generally a tyrant in his own domain), refused. No
ground would he give to such parties. If they would
not send their children to Ms liberal, latitudinarian
anything-arian school, they should have no other.
Well, Lord Fitzwilliam had a right to do as he pleased
with his own. We quarrel not with him on that head ;
but mark the sequel. Mr. Moore, the rector, finding
that there was no ground to be got from Lord Fitz-
withal'', nor any elsewhere more suitable for the pur-
pose, commenced building on part of the churchyard,
comprising a space 64 feet by 30. This he did at the
request of 177 heads of Protestant families out of 202
contained in the parish, and with the consent of the
Ordinary. The Liberal Lord immediately took fire at
this defiance of his will and pleasure; and, resolved to
convince the world of the mild and tolerant character
of Liberalism, filed a bill in Chancery for the purpose
of having the rector restrained from proceeding with
the building. The matter came for hearing before the
Master of the Rolls, in Ireland, and the noble lord's
bill was dismissed—the learned Judge, on giving
judgment, being forced to observe, that "he could con-
" ceive no more odious tyranny than the tyranny at-
" tempted in the case before the court—an attempt to
"force persons to act contrary to their consciences, or
" to debar them any education at all unless they and
" their spiritual guide acted in violation of their religi-
" ous feelings." .

This is a specimen of his lordship's liberalism in
religion ; and it is no bad sample of the true character
and spirit of the system. Professing universal tolera-
tion, and indifferentism towards all sects, it sets up
latitudinarianism as its standard ; but once established,
does it practically act upon the grand article of its own
creed ? Not in the least. Once established, it insists
upon a monopoly in its own way as rigorously and
sternly as Popery itself. It will then bear no rival near
its throne. It becomes intolerant, tyrannical, and per-
secuting; and all who will not worship at its shrine
are made to feel the bitter fruits of its supremacy.
So much for the free-trade peer in the article of
religion. With regard to his Liberalism in corn, we
look upon it as quite a safe speculation. It was an easy
way to gain a little popularity, and there was but little
fear of the project being realised : he could take such
liberties with his order and his class, well knowing that
both would be secure against his indiscretions. On
the whole, we see nothing to boast of in such an
authority, and we shall cheerfully permit the free-trade
folk to enjoy a monopoly in it.

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of Robert
and the
hibmniolmolmination speech on the hustings at Tamworth, on
Monday, he briefly alluded to the subject ; but it is
one which others will gladly dwell upon. With that
unerring sagacity which characterises the mind of a
chomoneouwrahbelne gtehnetlermefoanrmfoerrs-
levatthsatatttehsematnim,
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great
would have little cause to exult in their
own work, and
be as unwilling to regard it as a final
measure, as the
Tories themselves had been to assent to it in the
first in-
stance. His dictum on the occasion was, that the battle of
the constitution must be fought at the registries. me
battle has since been fought at the registries, and now
we may fairly say that it is won. The reform bill, as
the right honourable baroßet has so well observed, ex-
tended the basis .and widened the foundations of the
constitution ; it was for the Conservative party to build,
! on the newly opened ground, and they have done so.
1 Conservatism was stirred up to make mighty efforts;
a strong necessity was laid upon it ; but it replied to
the call. We look back upon the reform bill as a
wild, a rash, a most dangerous experiment. If it were
to be done again, we should deprecate it as much as
now, with all our experience, as we did whilst it was
yet in the womb of time; but the evil has been over-
ruled for good—the end is better than the beginning.
The reform bill gave a wide extension of enfranchise.