The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-04-02 00:00:00

new administration will be willing to make any sacrifice short
of national degradation to preserve peace with Great Britain ;

t the first communications from our talented and

high-minded Secretary of State to Lord Palmerston will be
of such a nature as to put it in the power of the British go-
vernment to settle all the vexed questions with mutual satis-
faction, honour,'and despatch. God grant it may be so."
Mr. M`Leod was not to be removed to Albany, as was at

one time suggested, but his trial was expected to take place
at Lockport, on the 22d instant ; he himself preferring to be

tried at the latter place, being conscious of his innocence.
The news which the Caledonia and British Queen took out
on their last trips from this country was looked for with the
most intense anxiety, more especially as the receipt of the
failure of the United States Bank reached London before
the sailing of thoso vessets. The commercial aspect of affairs
at New York and Philadelphia :remained- much the same.
Money was extremely scarce. Stocks were fluctucting, but

all other matters were unchanged in aspect since the date of

Exthange on England stood at i to .€3 for

swers in New York, and 6i for southern bills not

•sed in New York, with but little business. There was
emand for specie. In French bills there was an active
less doing at 5 francs 30 cents. The supply of bills was
, being greatly beyond the demand. In the stock mar-

ie sales had not been large. United States Bank shares
at 17 and 18. But little business had been done in cot-

xi the prices were without variation

ssts along the United States had, on the night of
been visited by a fearful storm, which had done
laze to the shipping and property along the shore.
Memphis had been driven on shore at the Hook
'go of cotton, lead, &c. All her cargo was expected
d—half in good condition. The ship would be got

rsonal nature had taken place be-
ng, of Alabama; and, as it was sus-

ly and Mr. Ki

ve.JattltßoyA.L, LivAtoci/

Under tAtb ts
ifanaTe4ar of Mraselittitiff**6l Lessee.

FOR THE BENEFIT OF MR. WALLACK,
And the Last Night but One of his Engagement, on which
occasion he will appear in the characters of Julian St.
Pierre in Mr. Knowles's Play of " The Wife," and Bene-
dick in Shakspeare's Comedy of " Much Ado about No-
thing."
THIS present FRIDAY, April 2, 1841, will be performed
Mr. Knowles's popular Play of

THE WIFE:
A TALE OF MANTUA.
Julian St. Pierre
Leonardo Gonzaga Mr. H. Holl.
Ferrardo Gonzaga.
Lorenzo.. Mr. W. H. Bland. 8art010...... Mr. Baker.
Mariana.
To conclude with Shakspeare's Comedy of
MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.
Benedick Mr. Wallack. Claudio.. Mr. W. H. Bland.
.Leorato.... Mr. Stuart. Dogberry.. Mr. Baker.
Beatrice.. Mrs. W. H. Bland. Hero ..... Miss Cleaver,

TO-MORROW, (Saturday,) the Entertainments will
commence with the Drama of MARY QUEEN OF
SCOTS.—After which, the Comedy of MY AUNT. Dick
Dashall, (his original character,) Mr. Wallack.—To be fol-
lowed by the Farce of the CHILDREN IN THE WOOD.
Walter, Mr. Wallack, (being his last appearance this season.)
—To conclude with the Operetta of NO.
LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-STREET.

LAST NIGHT OF THE SEASON BUT ONE.
MR. RAYMOND'S BENEFIT, FRIDAY, April 2, on
which occasion will be performed a New Drama, writ-
ten by a Literary Gentleman of Liverpool, entitled
THE SERJEANT OF HUSSARS;
OR, INDIAN HONOUR.
Delany Mr. Raymond. I Susan .

After which,

THE NERVOUS MAN Sr- THE MAN OF NERVE!
To be followed by a Performance on the celebrated ROCK
HARMONICON, by the Three Sons of the Proprietor.
Mr. RAYMOND, in the course of the evening, will speak
an occasional Address.
To conclude with a New Farce, never acted here, called
THE MAJOR AND THE MINOR.
. .

Principal Characters by Mrs. Raymond, Miss Browne, Mr.
Tilbury, Mr. Higgie, &c.
Tickets and Places to be had of Mr. FoGG, at the Box
Office, and at the usual places.

Mr. M. JACOBS, the justly celebrated Royal Ventrilo-
quist, Modern Magician, and English Improvisatore, from
the Strand Theatre, andon, has taken this Theatre for a
limited period, and will appear here in his successful Enter-
tainment on EASTER MONDAY.

Jr B. HEWITT, SHORT-HAND WRITER and PRINCIPAL
O REPORTER tO the Liverpool Standard, respectfully
informs Professional Gentlemen and Parties interested, that
he purposes to supply accurate VERBATIM REPORTS of
the Trials in the Nisi Prius Court at the ensuing Assizes, on
terms peculiarly moderate.

References permitted to Gentlemen of the highest re-
spectability. _

• Letters:addressed to the STANDARD OFFICE, will receive
immediate attention.

TO CORRESPONDENTS

We have received a long letter from Dr. Molesworth, in
reply to some remarks of Dr. Byrth at the Pastoral Aid
Society's meeting, on Monday night. Had any personal
attack been made upon Er. Molesworth, we would have
inserted his communication with pleasure ; but as the
speakers simply announced their own views of the society's
proceedings, we do not feel called upon to allow any per-
son an opportunity of reply on a subject which has been
sufficiently agitated, and as to which a very gratifying
number of the episcopal bench and the public, lay and cle-
rical, entertain an opinion which does not appear to us to
coincide with that of Dr. Molesworth.
Our correspondents must have patience until the Assizes are
over.

Q 1 he Libtrpool 'taiibarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, APRIL 2, 1841

No subject of agitation - presents greater facilities
than that of the " Corn Monopoly," as it is called, and
we are- therefore not surprised at the number of active
agents employed in its service. What can be easier
than to expatiate on the advantages of cheap food, or
less difficult than to show that high taxation will cause
high prices ? A few striking facts may be easily col-
lected for the nonce, such as the comparatively low
price of corn in lightly taxed countries, the increase of
trade and revenue which not unfrequently follows a
lowering of duty, and so on. These will seem to put
the case on a solid basis of facts, and give an appear-
ance of inquiry and figurative elaboration to the argu-
ment ; and then nothing will remain but to declaim
against the inj stice of depressing and grinding down
the many for the gain of a few ; and to " go it," as we
say, in the style of Mr. Lawrence Heywood, of Yew-
tree, near Liverpool, and talk of "the cruel, dishonest,
and, of course, impoYerishing corn-laws, which are a
national iniquity, devised purposely to create scarcity
and famine prices, reckless of the wide-spread poverty
and destruction of human life
~which such a state of
things necessarily involves."
We are not disposed to speak of the anti-corn law
agitation with the slightest levity. On the contrary,
we think it a matter worthy of the most sJrious atten-
tion. When we consider how extensively and how
perseveringly it is carried on, and the little opposition
it encounters in its own proper field,—and when,
moreover, we consider how essentially the reform bill
has altered our constitution—how defenceless it has
left the proprietory classes against the pressure of num-
bers,—it is a matter of anxious inquiry with us, what
in the end is to prevent such an agitation from gaining
its point ?

It is difficult to come at the agitators on their own
platform, and almost useless to appeal to men who
have ears only for one line of argument—men to whom
the argument of the agitators is readily intelligible,
whilst that of their adversaries seems perplexing and
intricate. The agitators have now pre-occupied their
minds, and, having gained them over, can, by a due
administration of "lectures," cheap publications, and
the occasional assistance of almost all the liberal press,
without much difficulty keep them in the same course.
To attempt the conversion of a multitude so affected
would he a hopeless task. They would most likely
read no publications but such as favoured their own
prepossessions, nor hear any speaker but one who
would confirm them. Orators such as Mr. Lawrence
Heywood having wound them up to the true pitch of
fanaticism, it would, we say, be quite a desperate at-
tempt for others to endeavour to unscrew the pegs
and engage them heartily in a new service. And
here, having mentioned this gentleman a second time,
we will not part from him without giving one more
specimen of his talents and wisdom as an instructor
of the people :
" The crisis is now come," says this great man, " that
sordid legislative restrictions on the interchange of the pro-
duce of labour must be removed from our code of laws, or
tardy retributive justice will linger no longer, but will
avenge the outrage done to our common humanity, by dis-
tressing more fatally our waning commerce, and causing our
wretched operatives to pine away under the two-fold evil of
dear bread and want of employment. The national guilt of
purposely preventing, by legislative enactments, cheap bread
and other necessary comforts and commodities from being
brought to the dwelling of the poor, is now laid bare by the
' Report of the Select Committee of the House of Com-
mons on the Import Duties, with the principal Evidence ;'
and a continuance of them will be a daring and presumptuous
national sin, a direct rebellion against the laws of the Most
High."

Such is the firebrand style in which this gentleman
and an hundred others of his school address the work-
ing classes on the subject of the corn duties; and it is
plain that if their stupid but inflammatory harangues
produce any effect on those to whom they are addressed,
their auditors would have but little disposition to hear

any thing on the contrary part.
Now, previous to the passing of that great act the
Reform Bill, all this might have been endured without
much apprehension. We could then rely on the de-
claration of a minister—" that he considered a repeal
of the corn laws as little short of madness." We
could repose on such a declaration then, because, as a
minister, he had in the machinery of the constitution
a sufficient security against the mere sic volo, sic jubeo
of the masses ; but he has nothing of the sort now,
and to every pressure from without he must yield, or
lose his place, unless some Conservative power, on
which he has no right to calculate, come fortunately
and opportunely to his aid.
Under those circumstances Conservatives have ma-
nifestly a duty cast upon them now from which they were
before in a great measure exempt. The oppidau Con-
servatives might then say, " this corn question is one
between till farmers and the manufacturers—the landed
gentry and the factory folk—and there is no need for
us to interfere, especially as we know that the ministry
holds the balance, and is in no danger of being coerced
against the general good by either side." But the
Reform Bill has changed all this, and made every man
more or less in point of duty a politician. No man
can now say that he has nothing to do with this or al-
most any other great political question; for the Reform
Bill, so nicknamed, has reduced our goOernment to a
sort of wretched republic—such as General Harrison
describes that of his great and glorious countrymen---
which, he says, ‘. a
made, so can it unmake, change, breath of the people, as it has
or modify at will."

Vonikm,oativeti,Niettfore, whether of the town ot the
countrY,'Oebtrilanded, or mercantile and operative, or
whatever other classes, are bound to assist the weak
against the strong—those who have right and reason
—the substantial and endUring interests of the nation
on their side—against mere numbers, who deal in no-
thing but plausible shallowness and ostensible advan-
tages, which would vanish into thin air when the hand
was stretched out to grasp them.

The anti-corn law Radical is a creature with one eye,
and that eye so constructed that he can see nothing
with it but his own selfish interests. If an operative,
he is so besotted as to believe that if bread were re-
duced one half in price, his wages would still continue
the same at they now are—that employers would be so
generous and disinterested as to refuse all advantages
from the change theinselves, and bestow it altoge-
ther, and without reserve, upon their workpeople !
This is one specimen of the working of that humbug in
which the agitators deal, and of the complete delusion
which they contrive to cast around their dupeS. They
never speak of the injury that would he done to the
proprietory and farming classes—nor of those classes
as being the best customer of the shopkeeper, the ma-
nufacturer, and the merchant—never hint at the possi-
bility of a war, nor of the awkward predicament we
might be placed in, if we were to depend entirely on
foreign countries for our daily bread. No ; to " hear
the other side" would be apt to agitate and confound
the agitators themselves, and they prudently avoid that
course. Conservatives, however, should not neglect
their duty in this regard. The leaguers have been too
long permitted to deluge the country with their falla-
cies ; and if there be little hope of recovering men so
far gone in absurdity, there is a danger of their in-
volving others in the same vortex with themselves,
which ought to be guarded against.

Mr. Alderman Evans has put forth a paper of con-
siderable length, which he entitles " Observations on
the present State of Municipal Government in Liver-
pool, and its connection with. the Dock Estate;" but
it might be called " A Plea for extending the powers
of the Town Council." This essay, we are informed,
was suggested by " intimations that attempts from
without, doubtless under cover of a Liverpool and
mercantile mask, are to be made to effect such changes
in the constitution of the Dock government as will not
only separate it immediately from the influence, but
eventually place it in collision with the Town Council."
And upon these intimations the Alderman has drawn
his pen to prove that such changes should not be made,
and to shew that the municipal authority generally is
in so weak and helpless a state, that it needs an aug-
mentation, not a diminution, of its privileges and pa-
tronage in every conceivable direction.

It would not be possible for us in a single article to
dispose of all the topics introduced in this paper, and
we shall for the present content ourselves by a brief
notice of one or two only. And, first, we would be
glad to suggest to our pensive Alderman, when we
find him, like another Scipio at the ruins of Carthage,
bewailing the fallen estate of the municipality, that it
is easier to destroy than to build up—much less diffi-
cult to lay an ancient institution prostrate in the dust,
than to restore its former, or anything like its former
imposing aspect or utility. The ancient corporations
were sacrificed to democratic ambition, and were yield-
ed up on the levelling cry of monopoly and excess ;
they were broken up to take power, and place, and
authority out of the hands of the few, and distribute
them among the many ;—and now Mr. Alderman
Evans comes forward, the representative—and a very
able and efficient one, we admit—of this triumphant
democracy, to complain that the reformed municipality
is in a most miserably shorn state, and bare of retinue
and patronage nearly as poor King Lear, when he had
given away his kingdom. Such are the triumphs of
democracy, and such the lamentations to which they
lead, within so short a period after the shouts of vic-
tory have ceased to vibrate on our ears !

The Alderman goes back upon the history of the
reformed municipalities, and argues that the fault of
this low and distressing state of things is attributable,
not to the democracy, but to the jealousy of the aris-
tocratic classes. The Tories, we grant, were unwilling
to commit the patronage. of the " Church" to the in-
coming party ; but in most other instances where our
author complains of the reduced and impoverished
condition of the municipality, he has to settle accounts
not with the Tories, but with his friends the Whigs,
and that absorbing and centralising ambition of theirs,
by which they have been led to draw so,much power,
and by which they are still instigated, if possible, to
draw more, from the provinces to the main citadel in
the metropolis.

But not to dwell on these points at present, we
would pass to the main question at issue, which is—
Are we to admit the plea that the Town Council is too
weak, and ought to be strengthened; and that, as a
small contribution to that end, it should be favoured
with an extensive share in the management of the
docks and new warehouses ? The Alderman attri-
butes the unwillingness to concede increased powers
to the municipality, generally, as we have remarked,
to what he calls aristocratic jealousy; and he endea-
vours to meet this feeling by contending that increas-
ing the patronage would not be increasing the political
influence of the municipal body, but rather the re-
verse : but he is completely mistaken on both points;
indeed, the fundamental error on which all his reason-
ing is built lies here. The contest is one between

SOUND CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE AND ITS
OPPOSITE ; and not merely one, as the Alderman
supposes, between aristocracy and democracy. The
objection is not to give adequate support and power
to the municipality, but to give them to men whose
principles we do not approve of. This is the turning
point in the controversy ; and we tell the Alderman
that, until either he and many of his associates in the
Council very much improve in their doctrinal notions,
or until their places are supplied by better men, the
same jealousy of municipal ascendancy that now exists
will continue to exist, and leave the local government
in possession of little more than the empty honours of
" Town-hall, mace, and 'sword of state."

As to the question of comparative fitness as between
the Dock Committee men appointed by the Council
and those elected by the Dock rate-pavers, which the
Alderman discusses at great length, we must defer its
consideration to another opportunity. It is, however,
not the primary question ; that is what we have stated;
and while such an obstacle remains, we cannot con-
ceive how too much vigilance can be exerted to keep
the local government in that very condition of which
Mr. Evans speaks so feelingly. It is only natural and
reasonable that men should withhold power from those
of whose principles they do not approve. It is quite
right that they should do so. The Whigs formerly
attempted to separate the Dock estates from the "old"
Corporation ; and why ? Because the Corporation
was Tory. And we do not blame the attempt; it was
quite consistent in itself. Well, that order of things
is exactly reversed ; and why now should Whigs blame
Conservatives for practising the lesson themselves have
taught ? Let us have a Conservative Council, and we
shall be found more tractable ! We like plain speak-
ing—and thus it is. Let us, we say, have a Council
of good Conservatives,—of men who will support
Church and State in a fair, above-board fashion—men
who will show no favour to Popery, Papists, or Revo-
lutionists ;—and as we conceive there would be no
danger, so we shall he not unwilling to entrust such
men with the most ample powers; but whilst the
present regime continues, it is only prudent to perse-
vere in an opposite course. Mr. Evans speaks of
jealousy of the Council, as if it were only some vague
feeling of " aristocracy" against " democracy"—and
talks of an aristocracy actuated by views " inimical to
the independence and political consequence of the
town"; but this is altogether an hallucinatim of his
own brain. There is no such thing in existence. Those
who are averse to confirming a Whig ascendancy in
the Council, are just as careful for " the independence
and political consequence of the town" as Mr. Evans
or any of his friends ; but they feel that the. time is
not yet come when the wounds and injuries inflicted
by the reform bill and reformers can be thoroughly
healed; but they look forward to it, and confidently
believe that though it tarry, it will come at last.
As to the Alderman's argument that patronage has
hisno tlevnodresnhcy i p to
really consolidatemust
tellthepower
that
st of h o
ry ,t
to e
the Council,
ma-
rines" ; for our part we entirely discredit it.

We 1. hall hazard a few further remarks at another

Opportunity, but we cannot forbear noticing the man-

her 14 which tl Dock Warehouse Bill is_ pressed for.
ward, We understand that the Chairman of the
Parliamentary Committee has been desired to sit to-
morrow (a most unusual proceeding); and we there-
fore advise all who are interested in the subject to be
on the alert.

How happens it, we may ask, that a change of trust
is now never hinted at ? The letter of Lord Sandon,
which forms the basis of the present bill, expressly
urged this stipulation as a sine qua non. Let our mer-
chants lose no time in demanding this, for we are in-
formed that the bill will be in committee THIS DAY.
We speak advisedly when we say, that a fair repre-
sentation on the subject will obtain such a reasonable
request. The docks will never be worked well so long
as the Corporation clique have such a preponderance
in the trust; and this evil will be increased tenfold
when the working of the warehouses is added.

We agree in the opinion expressed by Sir Robert
Peel, a short time since, that if a war were to break
out, England would want neither soldiers nor sailors
to join her standard in Ireland, notwithstanding the
dark insinuations of Mr. Daniel O'Connell to a con-
trary effect.

We assent to this statement, but without compro-
mising our opinion touching that disloyalty and
treachery of which, we believe, the said O'Connell is
truly the organ.
We believe that a plentiful enlistment might be car-
ried on in Ireland—not because Papists are more loyal
than O'Connell represents them to be, but because
there is a numerous Protestant population in the coun-
try whom we are too apt to overlook, and because there
is a mass of persons whom the influence of neither
demagogue nor priest can reach. From such classes
a numerous army might be easily raised, but it would
.be raised, be it observed, not with the good will or ap-
probation of the priestly party, but in spite of it—not
with their consent or sufferance, but in direct oppo-
sition to it. So far as Sir R.. Peel's 'statement can be
regarded as in express contradiction to Mr. O'Con-
nell, we confess it does not meet with the assent of our
judgment; for, in this sense, it would imply that
O'Connell had libelled his co-religionists, and that
they were far sounder and more loyal men than he
had represented them. But on that point we consider
O'Connell a better judge than Sir R. Peel. Surely he
must know his own people best, and he says that the
Papists would not fight for England if there were a
war, unless they obtained their own terms. This piece
of information, given by O'Connell in the House of
Commons, gains confirmation from a speech made by
his well-known aid-de-camp, Mr. Steele, at a meeting
of the Popish Association held in Dublin on the 22nd
ult., who, we learn, after a lengthened speech, in allu-
sion to the present position of England with regard to
foreign powers, said that—

" As the head pacificator of Ireland, he felt bound to ex-
press his opinion as to the part which he thought the people
of Ireland should take, if called on to enlist in the British
service. He would say that they (the people of Ireland),
while they acted peaceably and legally towards England,
should also act peaceably iowards the enemies of England.
(Cheers.) He should give it as his opinion that no Irishman
should enlist in the British army. That the man who did so,
while such injustice had been done to his country, should be
let go forth without the tears or farewell of his family and
friends, without the prayers of his clergy, and with the male-
diction of his country. Mr. Steele sat down amidst loud
cheering."

These are the sentiments of the fidus Achates of the
pious O'Connell, and he, also, ought surely to know
something of the matter.

O'Connell says the Papists would not fight, and his
bosom friend strenuously advises them to be very
peaceable towards the enemies of England—and his
advice is received with acclamations of joy. Under
those circumstances we cannot go beyond such emi-
nent authorities ; but while we believe that treason
would do its work, so far as priestly and demagogue
influence could reach, we do believe at the same time
that there would yet be no lack of men in Ireland
to recruit our army for the reason we have already

assigned

It is the principle of our humane laws that a man
is to be presumed innocent till he is proved to be
guilty—and it is, we think, a fair maxim congenial
with this principle, to give people credit for what they
profess till they give us some reason for disbelieving
them.

Now, we know of no reason for discrediting Messrs.
Steele and O'Connell when they foretell disloyalty, and
preach it up, however discreditable the fact may be to
themselves, and the morals of Popery. We really
believe them very implicitly when they talk out in this
way; but feel thankful at the same time, that Popery
is neither so potent nor so universal in Ireland as to
make their predictions and sedition so extremely dan-
gerous as otherwise they would be.

It is a melancholy fact when an English minister is
ignorant where England's real strength lies, and seeks
to fortify her by that which, if a little more powerful,
would be her bane. Strange it is that England still
cherishes a viper in her bosom which no longer dis-
sembles its deadly purpose. What infatuation is here.
Her faithful, her loyal, her devoted subjects in the sis-
ter country,—men whose fidelity no ill-treatment can
shake,—are frowned upon, cast in the shade, and in
every way discouraged; whilst traitors, avowed traitors,
are had in hopour, embraced, favoured, and exalted.
Verily, the " O'Connell compact" is a monstrous
union, and produces a numerous brood, whose fea-
tures are all strongly indicative of the unholy alliance.

WALSALL ELECTION COMMITTEE-DEFEAT OF
THE ANTI-CORN-LAW CONSPIRACY AGAINST
MR. GLADSTONE.

The Coppock conspirators against the return of Mr. Glad-
stone as member for Walsall have been, we are glad to per
ceive, defeated at all points, and that gentleman has been
declared duly elected ; the committee accompanying their
decision, however, with a special report that " considerable
treating had taken place in the borough before and during
the election, although they were unable to connect that

treating with the sitting member or his agent." As it is
possible that some of the " pure" and " liberal" party in
Liverpool may crow unduly over this admission of the com-
mittee, we will briefly refer to the history of the proceedings
upon which it is founded.

Upon the nomination day, and in fact for several days
previous, it is notorious that a system, of intimidation and
violence was resorted to by the hired mobs of the anti-corn-
law candidate, with a view of deterring the timid amongst
the constitutional party from exercising their right of voting.
On the nomination day, and on the night previous to the
polling, several attempts were made to carry away the voters
by force, and several were actually carried off. Attacks
were made upon the committee-rooms of Mr. Gladstone,
and upon the houses of his friends ; and early on the morn-
ing of the polling day a desperate effort was made by an
armed mob to break into the " New Inn," an hotel in 'Wal-
sall, where Mr. Gladstone's committee sate, and where a
considerable number of his supporters had been driven, by
the lawless proceedings of the opposite party, to take refuge.
It was at this inn, and upon the night in question, that

he alleged treating, relied upon -by the Coppock conspira-
tors to make out their case, took place. Any one at all
:onversant with contested elections would concede, that,

under the circumstances of a body of individuals being
brought together for protection, and kept through the night,
refreshment must be supplied ; and yet it was distinctly
proved that such refreshment was supplied, not only without
the sanction, but contrary to the express orders, of Mr.
Gladstone's agent. The only witness which the petitioners
could produce, to prove even the shadow of a case, was a
fellow who is strongly suspected to have been from the first
a hired agent of the celebrated Mr. Coppock, and who had

succeeded in palming himself upon the credulity of the land.
lord of the inn as an authorised agent of the conservative

The Columbia, Halifax and Boston mail-ship, will start
on the moaning of Sunday next, the 4th instant. At half-
past eight on the morning of that day a steamer will be in
attendance at the Egremont slip, to take off the passengers.

THE PRESIDENT.—This vessel has not yet arrived, and
her delay so much beyond her expected time of arrival, has
naturally excited considerable anxiety. Captain Cole, of the
line-ship Orpheus, which sailed on the Nth ultimo, at noon,
reports that the President sailed two hours before. As,
however, according to all accounts, severe gales have been
prevalent for some weeks on the Atlantic, it is not impro-
bable that in encountering them she became short of coals,
and (as did the Liverpool steam-ship on one occasion) put
into Fayal for a fresh supply of fuel. On the 27th ultimo
the Orpheus passed the Acadia, in lat. 43 deg. 30 min., long.
26,—the wind blowing hard from the W. N. W.

MARINERS' CHURCH YOUNG MEN'S SocIETY.--We
understand that.on Sunday morning next a sermon will be
preached in the Mariners' Church, for the benefit of this so.
ciety, which has now been established for some time, and has
i been found eminently useful in disseminating sound nforma-
tion amongst that much neglected class of our population_
seamen. Since the formation of the society it has distributed
30,000 tracts.

CONCENTRATED CALVES' FEET.—A very capital article
has just made its appearance, bearing this title, by Which
excellent and nutricious jelly can be obtained at the rate of
'bout tenpence per pound, including sugar, wine, and lemons.
We can recommend it to notice.