The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-10-18 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

TUESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 18, 1836.

In our Friday's number we freely commented on the
abominably mischievous policy of the present cabinet,
supported by the written opinion of one of its ablest
members, in his reply to a foreign prince, who wished
for his assistance in framing a constitution upon the mo-
del of the English system. We declared that if "we
could form any rationale at all of the system of the whigc,
it was that of perpetual inflection—that it was domocra-
tical without authority—revolutionary without princi-

ple—and oligarchical without wisdom ;" and we feel that
we have successfully maintained these propositions. We
expect, of course, a contrary opinion from thoSe who are
fully opposed to the exercise and retention of the consti-
tutional principle of our governing polity, and who con-
template the destruction of a balance of power therein
as the first medium of their hopes and expectations. We
also deny that Lord Grey ever could have contemplated
such a destruction, under the working machinery of the
reform bill, which we had intended to convey in our ar-
ticle of last Tuesday, and not the " distinction" of a ba-

lance of power ; and " giving him full credit for since-
rity in his various declarations, whilst disputing the pru-
dence of his policy." We earnestly impress these points
upon the serious attention and consideration of our read-
ers; for while we defend Lord Grey's views from prin-
ciple, upon his own declaration, we are constrained to
show, that the policy of the present cabinet is yet far re-
moved from that policy, already so freely condemned by
us; and we have freely declared, that " when we cease
to be honest in this respect, we also hope we may cease

to write." Devotedly attached, like Edmund Burke, to
the independent constitutional principle of 1688, we,
nevertheless, humbly following in the wake of that great-
est of modern philosophers, have in our own politics,
from conviction, allied ourselves to the lofty views of

that eminent statesman,. who, in the beautiful sentiment
expressed by Canning, " lived without ostentation and
and died poor" —that William P,itt,: who, in the words
of the poet's lament," 9d;
74ni70
h"1oIlhi
" Had he but lived, thoup,dl slunw of pow'r,
A watchman on the lonely tow's,
His thrilling trump had. roused the land,,
When fraud or danger were at haudndi ,ti ;iv-104d

It is impossible then, that we can make any .ComPrO-
mise with men, who seem bent upon subverting the rule
—on removing the key-stone of- the political arch from
our time-hallowed superstructure.
Reflecting on the progress of conservatism throughout
the kingdom, we are fully justified in coming to the con-
clusion, that the present ministry is for this conduct
hourly losing its strength in the ranks of the middle
classes, and that even the ten pound constituency, which

has hitherto upheld its interests, is beginning to give
way. Independently of the powerful demonstration
which the conservative associations are now making, a
general feeling pervades the reflecting part of the com-
munity, which does not take an active part in politics,
that the whig cabinet is totally incompetent to the con-
, duct of the public business ; and more especially so in
reference to our foreign policy, wherein the national in-
terests are so deeply involved. It may be asserted as a
truism, that no thoroughly independent man—no one not
directly or indirectly interested in its stability has any
sympathy for the existing government ; whilst it is en-
dured, and only endured, by the SoVereign from a be-
coming deference of constitutional".feeling towards the
presumed veto of an existing majority in the' House of
Commons; but, as for personal confide-ace in the judg-
ment, energy, or discretion of his present responsible
advisers, it is well known, that his Majesty has none. It
is al
s o kn o
known,
that all the speciuus. sophistry with which
Lord Melbourne occasionally urges certain questions of
intricacy is lost upon his Royal Master--that he views
with jealous and dignified distrust the acts of the first
minister of the crown, in reference to the O'Connell
league; and that he takes nothing for granted, without
the most scrutinizing inquiries. What a humiliating po_
sition is this for a British peer to be placed in ! The
King, a conservative, in heart and feeling, distrusts the
government forced upon him by a section of the House
of Commons, deeply imbued as his Majesty knows that
section to be, with a direct feeling of hostility to the
Protestant Church, of which he is no less the sworn
trustee, than the bosom friend !

Unable to conduct the public business, with anything
like palpable effect, .a general feeling is visibly gaining
ground, that the ministry cannot possibly blunder or.
much longer, even with the all powerful support of its
Irish tail, and its new alliance with the " justice" re-
volutionary legion. The strength of Engliph feeling is

hourly becoming too mighty for its endurance. The
cool determination assumed by the existing government
of Louis Philippe, and the state of Spain and Portugal,
superadded to the Irish reform policy, the only peg of
their domestic support, have placed the Melbourne
Whigs in a most pitiable dilemma, to meet the forth-
coming parliament of 1837. From their Irish policy
there is no retreating, and they are entirely paralyzed
with regard to their foreign diplomacy. No one pos-
sesses real confidence in their discretion ; and few, very
few, in their political honesty. We know of no class
sincerely interested for them. The conservatives behold
them with fear and indignation—the radicals despise
them in their hearts—the Irish papists use them as the
mere machines of their temporary purpose; and their
own feeble knot of imbecile dependents, and hangers-
on, cling to them only for self-interest. Their English
strength rests chiefly in the efforts of a hireling press—
the pamphleteering effusions of their Bulwers and their
Taits, and the vapid effusions of their Humes and Roe-
bucks ! We say then, that no class of Englishmen is
truly interested for the Whigs, and that all would freely
welcome a change to a conservative cabinet at once ; but
from a rational apprehension, that as the public or
national feeling is more freely developed, the existing
House of Commons, or rather its Irish popish majority,
which has hitherto upheld, or driven Messrs. Melbourne,
Russell and Co. forward in their ex-partnership contract,
might prove so restive with another administration, as
to produce more than temporary confusion in the state
and embarrassment to a new government.

It is not for us to dictate to the people of England, as
the master of the Whig ministry presumes to dictate to
to the people of Ireland ; but we may be permitted to
express our opinion, how far the apprehension, that an
immediate change would be attended with unfavourable
results, or time to produce a reaction in favour of ultra
revolutionary whiggery, is well grounded.
It may be well to take into consideration how far the
feeling of forbearance, towards an almost universally
admitted imbecile ministry exists, and which we take it,
merely arises from the fact, that the English people,
primarily, dislike perpetual changes; and the sufferance
extended does not by any means arise from an opinion,
that the members of the cabinet are more trustworthy as
professed reforming Whigs, but is entirely dependent
on the circumstance of their being Ministers installed in
office ! There has invariably existed a desire with the
opulent apd intelligent classes in this country to sustain
the government, for the time being, and that upon
strictly conservative principles—upon the cherished re-
membrance, that at the best periods of our national pros-
perity, it was deemed a matter of duty and of interest to
sustain the fundamental rule of the state, as Admiral
Rodney said, " let who would preside at the helm,"
without entertaining an extremely scrupulous regard to
the exact quality 'of the politics held by those in power.
To us, this feeling appears purely national on general
principles; but there may be times and circumstancec
when its indulgence may be attended with the most dis-
astrouspublic results ; and we hold, that such an opi-
nion existing at this time is entirely incompatible with
duty to society in general, and to the state in particular.
Much is it to be lamented, that so disastrous a change
has taken place in the vital principles of our governing
policy—a revolutionary inroad so utterly unconservative
in all its principles and its objects, that, to quiescently
suffer the present Whig government to retain power,
much more to support it, is to propel the machinery of
general destructiveness—to lessen the authority of law—
to diminish respect for religion, and to place life,
property, and order, in peril of being trodden under
foot, by the mad controul of infuriated or ignorant de-
mocracy.

We have a decidedly conservative majority in the
English branch of the House of Commons; and this
fact, for the reasons adduced, shows at once the weakness
of the ministry in everything like a constitutional foun-
dation. No Minister of England, upon old principles,
would or ought to presume to carry on the government
of this country with a less majority than forty or fifty
English members, even allowing a fair excuse to reform
principle, on points of weighty policy, and to give confi-
dence to the decisions of the Peers ; and this if even the
majority in the Peere were not opposed to the general
measures of the government. Out of a house of nearly
six hundred members it is contemptible to imagine, that
Lord Melbourne can consider his packed majority of
twenty-nine Irish members, (without any invidious dis-
tinction) the independent authority of an English House
of Commons!

'We, therefore, firmly believe, that were the adminis-
tration changed tomorrow, the majority of the House of
Commons, as at present constituted, with the solitary ex-
ception of the Irish Roman Catholic members, would, in
the ensuing session, support a new government con-
ducted according to Lord Brougham's recent definition,
as expressed by him to the ultra-radicals of Edinburgh,
on a principle of "not merely repairing, but amending,
and thus preserving and perpetuating our institutions,
by every safe method of improvement, and with all yea-

sociable dispatch,"—divested of course of "heavy blows,"
and ;" great discouragements " to the protestant church
in Ireland, and to the constitutional rule of the land,
vested in the King's justices, and to the independent
'voice of the English people, declared by their freely cho-
sen representatives ! We say, that the truly reforming
English people want nothing more nor less than the con-
sistent rational exercise of reformation laid down by Lord
Brougham,—the institutions of this country cannot be
preserved nor perpetuated by any other means; and if
his lordship contemplated any other, his argument would
nullify itself. There exists no valid reason for supposing
that the entire majority of the House of Commons, as
regards its English constituency, which is now more com-
posed of the wealthier portion of the middle ranks than
in former parliaments, should factiously withhold its sup-
port from a government formed on the principles de-
clared by Sir Robert Peel, in his ever momorable address
to the electors of Tamworth in the early part of the last

year, on his assumption of office; for we maintain that

the people of England, any more than Lord Brougham,
by his own showing, are not advocates for the revolution-
ary " carry out" system, and the " heavy blows " of Lord
Melbourne, but that they are for preservative remedies ;
and even if the present House of Commons did resist,
there would still remain an ample remedy, by a gentil.a -
appeal to the electors; and in the recent feeling of the
country, after what it has experienced during the last two
sessions, from our whig-radical and O'Connellite rulers,

it would be preposterous to imagine, that the people even
of the towns would elect a set of men fit for no other
purpose than to be the obsequious supporters of Lord
John Russell or Mr. Spring Rice. Where is the symp-

torn of such a probability, after the decision of Warwick
and Newcastle? Every independent exhibition of the
public sentiment hitherto gives us an earnest, that the
nation at large has discovered the full and entire worth•
lessness of Whig rule, and that it desires not to remain
under its controul.

Although we are not permitted to know decidedly
what is going forward in the arcana selecta of the whig
cabinet, we are not such novices as to be unable to gather
from its own mantunvring the true nature of its position;
and as for the inflated trash which the treasury organs,
led
the great gun of the morning, the worthless old
g rub:ticle, put forth, regarding the warm affection of the
"reforming people for the reforming ministry," and their
distrust or hatred of the conservatives, it is altogether so
contemptiblf as to be laughed at by every sensible man,
'even those of their own party, who know its emptiness,
save and except as a clap trap for the ridiculous and
weak-rninded. It is hardly needful to argue upon its pal-
' pable falsehood, after our recent proud displays, and in
the face of tire note of preparation making this day; but
we may be permitted to expose its glaring absurdity,
and to exhibit the weakness, the chagrin, and tire fear,
which such meanness of argument displays. The time,
we verily believe, has passed, when any large portion of
our fellow-countrymen may be gulled with the plausible
misrepresentations Of visible sophists, and vain conceited
theorists, dabblers in a science far beyond the compre-
hension of marry of them, who set themselves up as po-
pular leaders ; whilst others possessed of better parts
and understanding, pervert their intelligence, and pros-

iitute their talents, from purely sordid motives of interest
and parasitical depravity, as the panderers to power. It
is not our intention to assert, that the minds of the lower
orders of the people are yet entirely disabused of the
contaminating influences of that specious hypocrisy,
Which has been laid hold of, or that the conservatives can
possibly be popular with thorough-going radicals, or un-
compromising papists; but we fearlessly maintain, that
even the poorer classes in England are generally disgusted
with the conceited extravaganejes which have been held
up to them, as tending to better their condition, by a set
of recreant Whig speculators, vvithout shame, liberality,
consistency, honour, or remorse ; and that even they
would most willingly hold up their hands in favour of
piactical men of long-tried reputation, honesty of inten-
tion, and straight-forwardness of purpose; and, that,
notwithstanding the sapient remark of Mr. Henry Lyt-
ton Bulwer, and his vaunted " Monarchy of the Middle
Classes," that " the whits must be supported and all
power must be taken from the tories," or even the bel-
lowing of the mad roarer of Derrynane, who growls
forth—" down with toryism I " The people of this coun-
try, in spite of all this bombast and liberal coxcombry
must and will, ere long, have a decidedly conservative
government,—it will be for that government to satisfy the
nation of its competency to conduct the affairs of the
state, on something like rational principles, sustaining
reform without destruction, receiving and maintaining
that general confidence from an intelligent public, which
the present ministry hasdeservedly forfeited, by its truck-
ling subserviency to unprincipled faction—its falseness,
and entire destitution of all the essential requisites of a
governing body, for a state like free and independent
Britain.

Lord Melbourne and his truly deep-thinking col-
leagues, the self-elected and self-represented " Talents'
of 1836, have, very reluctantly, been compelled to yield

obedience to the conzmands of the first personage in the
state, on the subject of the government of Jamaica. It
was not possible that his Majesty, who is deeply im-
pressed with the recollection 15f early sympathies and
associations, arising from his personal intercourse, when
a subject, with nearly all our West Indian possessions,
should remain insensible to the constitutional voice of so
large and influential a portion of his loyal subjects, con-
veyed as it was to his ear, by that document on which we
have had the pleasure of commenting some few weeks
past. The memorial of the House of Assembly of Ja-
maica, signalised alike for its deeply penetrating exposi-
tion of the principles on which our colonial government
and the monarchy of England are strictly formed, rami-
fying through all the machinery of its vast possessions,
as for its moderate yet dignified tone and strength of ar-
gument, has had due effect. So firm-and explicit an il-
lustration of the entire departure from those principles
in the colonial policy of the whig administration, and
carried beyond the limit of endurance by a society of free,
enlightened citizens of the state, ably represented in their
domestic legislature, could not fail of making a powerful
impression—of creating a warm interest in the heart of
our patriot King, and the immediate recall of Lord Sligo
has been the inevitable result.

The glaring injustice and folly of the unconstitutional
attempt to bear down, to trample on the judgment and
opinion of a body of educated gentlemen, of English
birth and descent, and any one of whom proved a match
for Lord Sligo under his erroneous proceedings, was tri-
umphantly exposed by that address, which would not have
disgraced the pen of Edmund Burke or George Canning,
and which has put an extinguisher on the wisdom of our
whig radical administration, and taught the home go-
vernment a practical lesson without a parallel in the his-
tory of any one cabinet, that has assumed to itself the ca-
pabilities of ruling this mighty empire, or guarding the
complicated interests of its vast possessions in every
quarter of the globe.
It has been exceedingly fortunate for our governing
Solons, that a man of Sir Lionel Smith's compass and
moderation was at hand; it has been a saving to them in
this instance, which they had no pretensions to claim and
no hope to expect, after the labyrinth of discord, doubt,
and perplexity into which Lord Sligo, acting of course
upon the spirit of his instructions, without the exercise
of ordinary prudence, had thrown the possessors of pro-
perty in the island of Jamaica.

We were some time since apprised of the determina••

tion of his Majesty to pay due attention to the appeal of
his loyal West Indian subjects, or our voice would again
have been raised in their behalf in accents not very grate-
ful to our friends of the Colonial Office in particular, and
of the whip cabinet in general, having been furnished
with most ample materials for the purpose. We regret,
that the multiplicity of the various topics of home inte•
rest pressing on our attention at this time, prevents our
discussing at length the dispassionate and sensible ad-
dress of Sir Lionel Smith to the House of Assembly at
Barbadoes, upon his appointment to the government of
Jamaica. Its reception by that intelligent body stamps
is value, both in a practical and moral point of view.
What a contrast is here presented to that of the departure
of the Marquis of Sligo from the latter island ! How

little must the ministers of the crown feel within them-
selves on reading this farewell address and the reply
thereto, whilst the further reply of Sir Lionel to the ad-
dress of the assembly of Barbadoes contains, in the se-
cond paragraph, a most severe although indirect rebuke
of the personal conduct of the late governor of Jamaica.
" It is therefore, a source of great triumph to me, that your
honourable house has recognised my faithful exertions to admi-
nister this government with justice to all parties. Whatever
may have been the difficulties you have had to contend with, I
have always believed that the time would come when you would
feel, that a governor is but the humble instrument of higher
authority; yet it has never been the design of such authority,
that he should irritate by any bitterness of spirit those, who, by
the great voice of the people of England, are doomed to risk the
rights of property !"

The whole spirit and letter of this reply are strictly
constitutional yet liberal; and the conclusion, which ex-
presses the grateful sense of his Majesty's favour, is par-
ticularly feeling and impressive ; and we cannot refrain
from congratulating our many friends in the island of Ja-
maica, on a change apparently so conspicuous, and calcu-
lated to promote the peace and prosperity of the island.
As with the reform bill of England, the slave abolition
bill of the West Indies is the law of the land; so it is
necessary that the authority of the imperial parliament
should be duly sustained with equity and power, by a de-
sertion of the first principles of our home government,
which are not entirely oligarchical nor democratical, al-
though attempted to be rendered so for general purposes
of expediency, in breach of all sound judgment, learn-
ing, and discretion. We feel perfectly assured that the
possessors of property in the island of Jamaica will be
duly grateful for this marked attention to their interests
and their feelings, as having arisen from the manly de-
termination of our gracious Sovereign, in warm response
to their own dutiful and energetic appeal.

The approaching municipal election, and the public
manifestations which have been made on more than one
occasion, have caused our liberal ccrporation to begin the
unpleasant work of setting their houses in order. For
this purpose Mr. Walrusley has prepared a luminous ora

tion, which has been published in the daily prints, and
which we are to consideras a sort of King's Speech at the
close of the session. It may probably prove to be the last
dying speech of some of those very liberal gentlemen
whose flaming addresses ten months ago promised such
great things for the good old town.

As the house of Walmsley has not as yet produced any
sparkling orators, with the single exception of Mr. James
Mulleneux, whom we all must admit is a first-rate
speaker, though in his case it is said Walmsley finds the
grain and Mulleneux only finds the spirit. So the worthy
representative of Castle-street Ward, diffident of his own
powers, stood before the council, a la Canning in attitude,
but instead of holding the folded parchment in his hand,
and going off at a canter, he coolly unfolded his apology,
and commenced reading his speech. It is not our purpose
to follow this worthy councillor through his harangue,
for it is before the public, and needs no observations.
Mr. Walmsley is a very respectable man, and, as a corn
merchant, ranks high ; but he is a weak man, though
well-intentioned, and has what the Scotch call, a " daft
place in his head." We can, however, wake every al-

OCT. 18, 1836.

lowahce for a gentleman who has been dragging along a
miserable existence for the last year—who has only now
and then spent a night within his own curtains—who hie
been night after night in bridewells, until the very keep-
ers have been sick of seeing him there—and who, for his
country's good, has submitted to abuse and indignity in a
thousand shapes, in dram shops, in rows, in station-
houses, in , but here we must stop, we really
cannot accompany the gentleman any further in his pere.;,
grinations.

Well, the council being popularly elected, and having
made huge promises, which the electors readily swallowed;
and being about to present themselves and their accounts
before the electors, they have delegated, to the most will-
ing drudge of the* body, the thankless task of apologising
for their misdeeds—of course nothing was to be said
about the splits and quarrels in the committee rooms—
.the worse was to be made to appear the better reason—
and so we find from the luckless orator, that no man had
been appointed to a public situation under the council
from motives- of personal favour.

' There, gentle readers, swallow that if you can. Of
course when an honourable man like Mr. Walmsley says
it is the case, we must believe it; but it is very odd that
Mr. Radcliffe should have been the corporate aggressor.
in old times, and was particularly intimate with Mr.
Rathbone, Mr. Bolton, and others, and who had, no
doubt, a long bill against these worthies for services bad
and performed. It is also very odd that Mr. Crook
should just have been selected for deputy town-clerk—
a young solicitor, hardly known, but who happened to
have been solicitor to the Reform Association. It is also
rather odd that John Wybergh, who was chairman of the
aforesaid association, should just have been the fittest man
for treasurer; and that Mr. Hall should have been the
fittest man for magistrate--Mr. P. F. Curry the fittest
man for coroner—and Mr. W. S. Roscoe the very fittest
man for the situation he was last week elected to occupy.
Mr. Walmsley says the offices were made for the men,
and not the men for the offices. Every body knows this.
Some of the offices were made to their hand, and the men
in shoals were ready made too, and only wanted fitting in.
Why does Mr. Walmsley suffer himself to be dragged
through the mire by men who only laugh at him for his
stupidity ? How must Rathbone and Bolton have laughed
in their sleeves at such assertions. Has not Mr. Rath-
bone exercised all the power of the council; and when
Mr. Bolton brought forward his motion the other day for
non-payment of church expenses, except they were obli-
gatory, where was Mr. Walmslcy, a churchman ! that he
did not oppose such a paltry dishonourable motion, as a
disgrace to the mover and insulting to every churchman
in the council chamber.

It is all very fine in Mr. Walmsley talking about the
benefit of free education to all classes. If he means that
it is the duty of the Council to teach all classes without
di)tinction of creed we agree with him, but with this re-
servation, that no fundamental principle should be con-
ced which can by any means be construed into an aban-
donment of protestantism. That in education truth, and
not error, should be taught, and Mr. Walmsley knows as
well as we can tell him, that the Council committed what
has been called " a political blunder" when they so far
presumed upon the ignorance of the people of Liverpool
as to make a motion, and carry it too, that the scriptures
should be virtually expelled from the corporation schools.
Are they not now in such ill savour for their conduct,
that in the analysis of education, they find it necessary to
place the scriptures prominently forward as a part or
every day's teaching, as if the unitarians, and to their,
disgrace be it spoken, many of the members of the church
being councilmen, care one jot whether the scriptures
are ever used or not. Five-sixths of the children now
taught in these schools are papists, and the priests know
full well that it is policy in them for the present to wink
at the use of scripture lessons, because they see that
though the Council are blind enough to their intentions,
the people of Liverpool are vigilant, and aware of their
machinations.

It is more than probable that many of the liberal coun-
cillors have begun to find there is more danger than ho-
nour attached to their situations. Many of them would
be much better .filling their duty as members of society if
they would "go and mind their own business."
It is no wonder that both parties find it difficult to ob-
tain respectable candidates at the next election. Few
gentlemen will be found to submit to the indignity of a
seat in the reformed Council; a sense of public duty only
causes them to accept it. The bickerings, the quarrels,
the scenes exhibited since December last, must neces-
sarily shut out our first merchants and others ;—and the
town need not to be informed that the old and respectable
whigs are as sick of the Council as any of the conserva-
tives can possibly be, and that ere long it is not impro-
bable Mr. John Langan may be a candidate, and as he
is, in the common parlance of the day, a highly respect-
able and industrious man, and has fought his way to
wealth and honour, we may confidently hope to see
him, cheek by jowl, with Mr. Rathbone and Mr. Earle,
and he will be very serviceable there to keep order, which
the present Mayor is unable to do, and will be at hand
to inflict summary punishment on any unfortunate con-
servative who may happen to oppose the majority of the
Council.

LIVERPOOL CONSTITUTIONAL DINNER.—This day is des-
tined to witness our constitutional gathering. The men of
Liverpool, who are consevatives from principle, are about to
assemble for the the purpose of recording their opinion—of giv-
ing their public decision on the conduct, moral and political, of
the "great blow" administration. Protestants in feeling and in
sentiment, and Englishmen at heart, they have resolved not to
he behind with the mighty spirit of preservation now progressing
through our highly-favoured land. Influenced by the love of ra-
tional liberty, the choice inheritance transmitted to them by the
warm devotion of honourable christian ancestors, they wish to
preserve to their posterity unimpaired those blessings of civil se-
curity and religious freedom which they themselves have enjoyed
unalloyed with the corrupting associations of a feverish, restless,
and intractable democracy, and uncontaminated by the tyranny
and superstition of an apostate and falsely-declared infallible
church. It is the spirit of christian conservatism which prompts
them to stand by their rights as men and as freemen, and which
animates their exertions. What shall resist this spirit ? They
know and feel, in the words of the never-dying Burke, that "by
preserving the method of nature in the conduct of the state, in
what we improve we are never wholly new—in what we retain
we are never wholly obsolete. By adhering in this manner and
on these principles to our forefathers, we are guided, not by the
superstition of antiquaries, but by the spirit of philosophic ana-
logy. In this choice of inheritance we have given to our frame
of polity the image of a relation in blood, binding up the consti-
tution of our conntry with our dearest domestic ties—adopting
our fundamental laws into the bosom of our family affections—
keeping inseparable, and cherishing with the warmth of all their
combined and mutually reflected charities, our state, our hearths?
our sepulchres, and our altars !" What can we say more?