The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-01-07 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

As we have kept our columns open to the very latest moment
practicable, in expectation of an arrival from New York,
we have been obliged to omit our Literary Notices, as
well as several other articles intended for insertion. They
shall appear on Friday.

:i ktberpool &tanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JANCAI?I" 7, 1840.

We have been favoured by a respectable firm with
extracts from private letters from Monte Video and
Buenos Ayres to the 25th of October. From these it
appears that Rivera, by the last accounts, was en-
deavouring to get outside of the Entre Rianas, so as to
gain the open country, in which he would have great
advantages, more particularly as the French Admiral
would keep the town for him with his sailors and, about

1,000 resident Frenchmen, who had received arms. It
was, however, thought that Rivera would not be able

to effect his object, being too closely watched by a su-
perior force; indeed, it was expected, from the best
information that could be obtained, that Monte Video
would soon be beseiged by the Entre Rianas, under
Echague.

From Buenos Ayres the news is far from satisfactory.
It is stated that there was, on the 22d of October, no
more prospect of the blockade being raised than the
day it commenced. Great things were expected from
the Buenos Ayrean forces under Echague ; but if he
should even expel Rivera, the French will not be driven
out of the river by him ; and should Rivera, on the
other hand, prove victorious, a great deal would re-
main to be done before Rosas (the Governor of Buenos

Ayres) could be driven from his post, so that the ter-
mination of the blockade seems to be an event very far
distant.

The quarterly tables of the revenue, which were pub-
ished on Saturday night, furnish us with the follow-
ng particulars :

On the net produce of the revenue, for the year
ending on the sth of January, 1840, there is an in-
crease of £824,395; the total income of the year end-
ing sth January, 1839, having been £44,176,014, while
that for the present year amounts to £45,000,409.
The last quarter, as compared with the previous quar-
ter, shows a very considerable and disproportionate
falling off. The deficiency is in the following items :--
in the Customs a decrease of £75,083; in the Excise a
decrease of £199,919; in the Taxes a decrease of
£1,990; in the Post Office a decrease of £14,000; in
the Miscellaneous a decrease of £17,297; in the Im-
prest and other Moneys a decrease of £83;068; and in
the Repayment of Advances a decrease of £16,826.
The - total decrease is £408,183, which, after de--
ducting an increase 'in the Stamps, leaves a net
decrease of £324,245. This is a very serious de-
falcation, which can only be accounted for, in part,
by the reduc...ion in the rates of postage, which only
operated upon the last 23 days in the quarter. It will
be observed that the principal item of decrease is in the
Excise department. This may be, in some measure,
attributable to the spread of teetotal principles.

The Whigs have to face parliament with a very sorry
account. The longer they continue in office the more
deplOrable do our financial affairs become: It would
appear to be the policy of our present reckless admi-
nistration to bring matters to as bad a pass as possible,
in order to incommode, annoy, and embarrass their
successors.

The subject of immigration into the West Indies and
British Guiana, upon which we have felt it our duty so
frequently to dilate, must force itself upon the early at-
tention of Parliament, during the approaching session.
Its importance, in a commercial point of view, we pre-
sume, no one can for a moment dispute, especially at
the present crisis in the monetary and mercantile affairs.
of this country. The unequivocal manner in which the
ministerial organs have recently spoken out on this
topic is a satisfactory evidence of the manner in which.
the question is regarded at the Colonial Office.
favourable impression has already been made upon
government. It becomes the mercantile classes of
this and other towns to do all in their power to
strengthen that impression. As far as lies in our pro-
vince we shall neglect no opportunity of endeavouring
to further a measure which we believe to be fraught
with such momentous consequences, not only to those
who are directly interested in the colonies and the co-
lonial trade of Great Britain, but to the manufactures
and operatives of this country. It is not, however,
sufficient that the press should urge the subject upon
public attention. Meetings should be held for the
purpose of bringing all the facts of the case more pro-
minently before the country and the legislature; and
petitions should be got up and forwarded for presenta-
tion to parliament. 'We see that the Anti-Corn-Law
agitators are "stifling heaven and earth" to carrY
their monopolising schemes into effect. Why should
the merchants of Liverpool, and others connected with
the colonies, remain dormant ?
As we have already stated, our object in giving such'
prominence to this question is, to urge upon Govern'
went the necessity of devising some well organised
scheme—either, by means of ships of war or transports
under British Commissioners—for affording a free
immigration to our now free colonies from all parts of
the world. This should be done under such a systece,
and under such stringent regulations, as would preclude
the least shadow of ill-treatment of the poor imun'
grants, either on their passage, or after their location.
An opportunity would thus be afforded for rescuing
from starvation, and from the degraded barbarism 01
uncivilised life, hundreds of thousands of our fellow'
creatures, especially in Africa and Hindostm—an or
portunity which would be seized with the greatest
avidity. Those unfortunate creatures would thus be'
come a happy and contented peasantry—living under
the guardianship and protection of British laws—and
consumers of our vast surplus wares and merchandise.

It is confessed, on all hands, that this country want°
new or extended markets for the sale of its manufee'
tures. To provide these is the object, at least the
ostensible object, of the opponents of the corn-law°.
But why resort to the hazardous experiment of crush'
ing the landed and agricultural interests of Greet
Britain—the best customers which our manufacturer°
possess—for the sake of conciliating those power°
which have hitherto shown such little sympathy wlth
this country, and which have so niggardly reciprocatea,
any relaxations in our system of restrictive duties'
What guarantee have we that the continental powers
would permit us to reap any of the anticipated beneOts
of a free tr ads in corn ? Have they not manufacture°
of their -own which they. have shown .every dispositiols
to foster and encourage.? . Have they not evinced °4
.
unremitting, o
zeal in excluding the manufactures of tili;
country from every possible competition with those
their own ? If we want secure markets for our wan°

factures—markets which we can even monopolise to
the exclusion of every other nation—markets which
will not
.periodically drain this country of its circu-
lating medium—markets which afford the highest rate
of profits which can any where be obtained—let us look
to our colonies. If our colonies were only peopled
to the extent they ought to be, and which they would
, have been, had they been in the possession of any other
nation than England, (which from her insular position,
and her -vast manufacturing resources, requires colo-
nies for the outlet of her manufactures more than any
other) we might have now been exporting to the West.
IndrieS.alone twelve millions of goods annually, instead
of from three to four millions, If we had able states-
men at the head of affairs this would ere long be the
case. Gross misrule on the part of the Government,
and culpable mismanagement in the administration of
our colonial affairs, have caused the trade with the
West Indies to decline at a fearful ratio : and unless
prompt and effective measures be taken, it will be
speedily lost to this country. It is notorious that our
ships, that formerly were never at a loss for cargoes of
sugar, molasses, rum, coffee, cotton, &c., are now too
frequently compelled to return with sand as ballast, or
to go to foreign colonies to seek for employment. The
carrying trade for the supply of most of our wants is
now in the hands of foreigners, who take off as little
as they can of our manufactures, and will rest satisfied
with nothing but our gold, Foreigners, owing to the
encouragement of every thing foreign, have acquired
such influence over the monetary affairs of this coun-
try as has, within the last few months, paralysed the
entire trade of Great Britain, and caused a stagnation
of business from one end of the land to the other.
The people of England ought not to be in such a
humiliating position. - They have the remedy in their
own hands. Let them encourage, by every means in
their power, the increase of our colonial trade. From
this source we shall never have much reason to fear
any thing like a commercial panic, It is the safest and
most profitable trade in which Great Britain can be
engaged ;- and, what is more, it is exclusively her own.

The important case of " Stockda!e versus Hansard"
is likely to occupy the attention of Parliament at a
very early period of the approaching session. Its
settlement will, no doubt, prove a matter of some dif-
ficulty. .The question at issue is one which very
seriously involves the liberties of the subject; and it
will require great prudence and discretion to adjudicate
upon it in a manner satisfactory to all parties. While
we cheerfully accord to the House of Commons the
exercise of such privileges as are consistent with con-
stitutional principles, we cannot concede to its mem-
bers the right to set aside the laws of the realm. The
House is not competent, in our opinion, to contravene
the legislative acts which it has passed, concurrently
with the _ House of Lords, and to which the regal
sanction has been given. The resolutions of the House
are not to be considered as superior to the law, how-
ever necessary those resolutions may be to support the
dignity of Parliament and to uphold its privileges.
Strictly speaking, indeed, the question to which we
have alluded is not one of Parliamentary privileges :
for Parliament consists of Lords and Commons, and,
it has been remarked with much truth, " the Lords do
not seek or claim the right to set aside the laws, and to
libel their fellow-subjects with impunity." When we
take this circumstance into consideration, the question
will appear to assume a two-fold aspect. It is a ques-
tion between the people and their representatives, in
the first instance, and in the next, it is a question be-
tween the House of Commons and the co-ordinate
branch of the Legislature, together with the Crown.
Our contemporary of the Newcastle Journal remarks,
in reference to the two latter, "it is a question whether
a single branch of the legislature shall exercise a power
which the constitution vests in the three states con-
jointly." As respects the people the question lies in a
nutshell : it involves the following point—whether the
representatives of the people have a right, by simply
passing a string of resolutions, to injure any one or
any number of their constituents " by abrogating both
common and statute law in the publication of de-
famatory matter." This is the matter at issue. Is
the House of Commons invested with authority to
abrogate laws which they cannot make without
the concurrence of the House of Lords and the
Crown ? Can they confer any privileges upon them-
selves without the acquiescence, implied or ex-
pressed, of their constituents ? Can they consis-
tently exercise a privilege which, by their own acts,
they have declared to he unlawful in the case of any
individual not a member of the House ? Has the
House of Commons the privilege of libelling people
at its pleasure, and of nullifying the laws of the realm?
If it has this privilege, it is incumbent upon the mem-
bers of that House to chew how and when they were
invested with it by the people, and how and when it
was ratified by the other branches of the legislature.
One of the most important features in the case of

" Stockdale versus Hansard" is, the collision which
';11 has taken place between the House of Commons and
the judges of the land. If the House should persist
in the exercise of its tyrannical privilege, it will dis-
tinctly convey a warning to the judges that they are
not to presume to enforce the acts of the three estates
of the realm, whenever such a course of proceeding
interferes with the self-arrogated privileges of the
Commons.

It is impossible to reflect upon this question without
recurring to many similar acts of tyrannical interfe-
rence with the privileges of the subject exercised by
the reformed House of Commons. The haughty de-
meanour of the majority of its members has, on many
occasions, extorted, even from the Radical press, the
confession that Liberals are not always the most con-
spicuous for liberality. The truth is, that your prating
Liberal, whose harangues on the hustings are all in
favour of liberty, when he is invested with authority,
becomes the most arbitrary despot in existence. The
many inquisitorial proceedings, for which the reformed
House of Commons has obtained such an unenviable
degree of notoriety, afford a striking illustration of the
truth of our remark. If Joseph Hume and the " phi-
losophical Radicals" had their own way, we should
ECM be without any law but the irresponsibly exer-
cised will of the House of Commons. Thanks to the
good sense of the electors, the arrogant pretensions of
this class of legislators have already suffered an effec-
tual check. Another election will deprive them of all
remaining power to do mischief.

The events of each succeeding day serve to strengthen
the conviction that the Melbourne ministry are totter-
ing to their downfal. The rabid declamations of O'Con-

nell in Ireland contribute to fortify us in this belief.
He is evidently in a state of absolute desperation. His
creatures m the Cabinet are fast sinking under the ac-
cumulated load of infamy which they have brought
upon themselves. Their unpopularity is the true secret
of O'Connell's increased virulence and malignity. The
language of the Whig-Radical press in England
is another proof of the approaching dissolution of the
present Cabinet. Finding that the prospects of their
employers are utterly and irretrievably hopeless, the
venal organs of the ministry have latterly had recourse
to the most unblushing slanders—the most gross and
palpable misrepresentations—and the most " enormous
lying" that ever disgraced the most corrupt and liber-
tine press in any age or country. We venture to say
that if all the lying devices and slanderous charges of
. the Whig press, within the last twelve months, were
collected together, they would form a volume to which
no parallel could be furnished, which would be per-
fectly unique in its atrocity, and which would leave the
ingenious figments of Baron Munchausen at an im-
measurable distance in its contemptuous disregard of
facts. We do not, however, wonder that the ministe-
rial organs resort to such expedients. They are the
only defence left the present degraded ministry, whose
very existence seems to depend upon the facility with
which the characters of their political opponents can
b 2 blackened, their motives misconstrued, and their
language tortured from its true and legitimate mean-
ing. _

It is a fact no less singular than instructive, that the
Whig-Radical papers have nothing of a positive cha-
racter to say in defence of the present ministry. They

cannot he praised on account of either their foreign,

their colonial, or their domestic policy. None of their
acts, if narrowly scrutinised, can be alleged as consti-
tuting a title to public confidence. Far from it. The
treasury hacks are too cunning to dwell upon the me-
rits of the ministry. It is a much easier task to abuse
the Tories—to describe them as disloyal subjects—to
impugn their motives—to garble their statements—

to denounce them as bloody-minded traitors—to work
upon the fears of the Queen and the court by pointing
the Tories out as unnatural monsters, who are longing
to embrue their hands in the blood of a royal victim.
All this it is very easy for these lying journals to do;
but it is evident that their object in giving currency to
such outrageous falsehoods is simply to make an appeal
ad niisericordiam on behalf of the ministry, They
wish to impress the gullible portion of the public with
an idea that the Whigs are the only personal friends of
the Queen—that their presence at the Palace is abso-
luiely necessary, in order to ensure her personal safety
—that the Tories are plotting for her destruction—and
that the plot will be consummated as soon as the Mel-
bourne ministry are turned out of office.
From the desperate expedients to which the Whig-
Radical journalists are thus driven, it is quite evident
that the downfal of the ministry is an event almost
daily anticipated. The very first division in the House
of Commons may possibly seal their fate. But they
will not resign until they again try the chance of a ge-
neral election. It therefore behoves the Conservatives
in every direction to he on the watch, and prepared for
the approaching emergency. Committees should be
formed, candidates should be chosen, and an active and
general canvass should be carried on in every part of
the country. No county, city, or borough should be
left uncontested. With timely preparation the Con-
servatives are sure of the victory.

Our contemporary of the Bolton Chronicle has fur-
nished us with another instance of the palpable inca-
pacity of the Marquis of Normanby for the office with
which he has been invested. We scarcely know which
most to admire—his ignorance or his impudent as-
sumption of authority. It appears that some busy
body, who was probably anxious to ingratiate himself
with the Narcissus of the Home Office, informed that
"pink of fashion" that Mr. Addison, the venerable
chairman of the Quarter Sessions, at Preston, was in
the habit of inquiring from the Chaplain of the Gaol,
respecting any confessions made to him by the prison-
ers committed for trial. Lord Normanby immediately
put Mr. Addison on his trial, and challenged him to
acquit himself of the charge brought against him,
without even taking the trouble, as the Bolton Chro-
nicle very properly remarks, to ascertain the real cha-
racter of the calumniator. Mr. Addison naturally re-
pelled the accusation, and told Lord Normanby that he
had committed an egregious blunder in supposing that
he (Mr. Addison) was his Lordship's subordinate.
This unpleasant exposure of his Lordship's ignorance
seems to have disturbed the equanimity of his mind,
and to have roused him to thoughts of "dire revenge;"
for we find him in the next place holding out a threat
that Mr. Addison's insulting letter should be laid be-
fore the Lord-Lieutenant, that the magistrates acting
with Mr. Addison might have an opportunity of visit-
ing that gentleman with a vote of censure for daring
to take such a liberty as to inform the ex-Viceroy of
Ireland that he had no jurisdiction over the county
Palatine of Lancaster ! The conduct of the magis-
trates, in vindicating Mr. Addison, is highly honoura-
ble both to him and to them. For the particulars of
this case we must refer to the article from the Bolton
Chronicle, which appears in another column.

We have given insertion, in another column, to a
memorial, signed by 212 mercantile firms in this town,
on the subject of the trade with the River Plate, to
which is appended the report of the deputation which
was appointed to wait on Lord Palmerston. The me-
morial very lucidly and forcibly states the case in all
its bearings. We regret that we have not space to en-
ter fully into the merits of the question urged upon the
attention of government ; but we shall feel justified in
recurring, in future publications, to a subject of such
vast importance to the commercial interests of Great
Britain. We earnestly hope that it will be taken up
by some spirited member of the House of Commons.
The hardships imposed upon the merchants trading to
Buenos Ayres demand an instant inquiry and a prompt
remedy. But, alas ! what can be expected from the
present reckless administration ?

FROM THE REV. HUGH M`NEILE TO MR.

ALDERMAN EARLE.

perceive that my gentlemanlike treatment of you
has been unhappily thrown away, and as I cannot condescend
to the species of treatment which your last letter deserves,
I must leave you in undisputed possession of the field, and
in the exulting enjoyment of a fourfold victory. You wear
the laurels (such as they are) won by Mr. Blackburn, by
Mr. Ewart, and by Mr. Rathbone, in their respective con-
troversies with me : and also (though last, not least)_ the
tastefully-adopted calumnies of an anonymous Press in the
matter of a poor, ill-treated man, who was, and I doubt not
still is, ready to confirm on oath the accuracy of my state-
ment, on receiving a sufficient guarantee of his personal
safety.

You are not pleased that I should " read you a lecture"
upon the gravity and dignity of your future speeches ; yet
my suggestion is disinterested, since it is most likely that
as you have already raked together all you could find worthy
of comment in my history, and made harmless use of it, you
will in future honour me with silent neglect, which is beyond
question yOur better course.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

Jan. 6th, 1840.

HUGH APNEILE.

THE NOBILITY AND COMMONERS OF THE
CORPORATION ESTABLISIINIENT.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.
" Mr. G. H. LAWRENCX understood that Mr. Okill cared little or
nothing about the money. The money was of little consequence
to him, but he would like an increase of RANK in the scale of cor-
poration officers."—Vide Council Proceedings, Jan. Ist, ift4o.

Sin,—Musing over this remark, it occurred to me that
your readers might be gratified with the following table of
the nobility and'commoners of the corporation establishment,
as they may now be fairly ranked :

PRINCE OY THE BLOOD ROYAL
The Town Clerk

Per ann
. £2OOO

DUKE.

The Stipendiary Magistrate l3OO
MARQUISSES.

The Receiver of Town Dues .
The Clerk of Committees (not yet confirmed)

EARLS.

Magistrates' Clerk..
Magistrates' Clerk..
The Head Constable

VISCOUNTS.
'The Deputy Town Clerk
The Commissioner of the Court of Requests
The Clerk of the Court of Requests
The Surveyor

BARONS.

The Recorder
The Assessor
The Architect
The Treasurer
The Commissioner of Police.

THE LESSER BARONS.
The Sergeant-at-Mace
The Deputy Registrar
The Governor of the Borough Gaol. ..
Superintendent of St. John's Market
Inspector of Weights and Measures
Inspector of Weights and Measures
Inspector of Weights and Measures
Treasurer's Clerk, with care of the Wine Cellar,
Town-hall .

700
700
700
700

525
500
500
500
500

TILE COMMONALTY, et id genus onsne.
Treasurer of the Court of Requests.
Keeper of the Town-hall
Superintendent of Graving Docks
Superintendent of St. James's Market 2OO
Surveyor of Buildings, N. D.
Surveyor of Buildings, S. D.
Superintendent of St. Martin's Market.
Principal Draftsman
Assistant Draftsman l5O
Assistant Draftsman
Assistant Clerk of Committees.
Clerk to Magistrates' Clerk l5O
Clerk to Magistrates' Clerk l5O
Clerk of Prosecutions at Sessions l5O
Five Superintendents of Police each 150
Chaplain of the Borough Gaol l5O
Bridewell Keeper.
Inspector of Town Dues llO
Keeper of Sessions-house and Judges' Chambers 139
Assistant Collector, Treasurer's office
Outdoor Assistant Draftsman l2O
Sword Bearer
Surgeon of the Police Force llO
Inspector of Coaches llO
Superintendent of the Chain Cable Trial Machine 105
Superintendent of Baths
Engineer of Baths lO4
Leavclooker of Markets. .
General Collector, Treasurer's office lOO
Billet Master...
Surgeon of the Borough Gaol ..
Clerk at the Weighing Machine lOO
Collector of St. Martin's Market lOO
Outdoor Inspector of Weights and Measures
PROMOTIONS PROPOSED, AND THE RESULTS, DURING THE.

LAST TWELVE MONTHS.
Surveyor, £5OO to £ioo. Cause—all his time required.
Deputy Registrar, £250 to £350. Cause—recommended by
Town Clerk.
Chaplain of the Borough Gaol, £l5O. Refused. Cause—
being a clergyman.
Clerk of Committees, £7OO to £9OO. Cause—stinginess of
late corporation.
Head Constable, £575 to £750. Cause—recommended by
Watch Committee.