The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-02-09 00:00:00

Ing example of That entily of whose existence the in-
novators had so little notion—namely, a Conservative
democracy; and we challenge the united kingdom to
show us anything better. Whilst Whigs and Radi-
cals flattered and supposed they were exalting the peo-
ple, they did, in truth, entertain a most contemptuous
and unworthy opinion of them. Liberalism, whatever
it may pretend, is a system that tends inevitably to de-
base. A people taught only by such a system might
well be feared as one that would never rest till not a
fragment of all that is venerable in the wisest and best
of institutions should remain ; but all such fears con-

cerning a Conservative democracy—concerning a peo-
ple scripturally enlightened, and imbued with deep re-
verence for the doctrines taught by the Church of
England—are utterly baseless, silly, and absurd.
The changes that threw so much power into the
hands of the people were tantamount to an appeal to
the powers and principles of Conservatism ; and here
in Liverpool at least, she buckled on her armour and
put forth all her energies to meet the difficulties and
dangers to which she was exposed. The battle of the
constitution was in the hands of the democracy, and
so effectually have they fought it that the victory is now
nearly achieved, and ultimate triumph is certain. May
we not say, then, to the Conservative democracy of
other great towns, go ye and do likewise ?

In our remarks last week upon the subject of inland
bonding, we cautioned our fellow-townsmen against
entertaining any hope of assistance in the maintenance of
their interests from that body, which, by a ludicrous per-
version of language, is enabled to style itself " The Town
Council of Liverpool." The proceedings of that body
on Thursday last, upon the motion brought before it by
Mr. Birkett, afford ample proof, if proof were wanting,
that until it shall have been further purified by the
voice of the constituency—until the unwholesome
remnant of Whig-Radicalism which still defiles the
seats of the Council Chamber shall have been swept
out by the active disgust of the public—the Council
itself will never be other than, whet it has hitherto
been, a baneful excrescency fastened upon the town,
hostile and destructive to the real interests of the peo-
ple and prolific only of barefaced and dishonest job-

The Council of Liverpool will not make any effort to
protect the interests of the inhabitants from the injury
which will be entailed upon them by the passing of the
inland bonding measure. The Council, we are told
by Mr. Alderman Evans, " had been neutral " upon
this question, and "ought to be neutral." We know
full well • what the Council has been. It has been
treacherous and venal upon this as upon all other oc-
casions. Mr. Evans and his party, sold the interests of
the people of Liverpool to procure parliamentary sup-
port for their warehouse scheme; and they have now the
unblushing profligacy to tell us that they are justified
in doing so again—that they ought to be neutral upon
a question which affects the interests of a large portion
of the constituency, and which strikes at the prospe-
rity of an important branch of the commerce of the
town. But is it on principle, we ask, that this pure
and immaculate body are so anxious to preserve their
neutrality ? We reply, without hesitation, it is not .1
The Inland Bonding Bill is pregnant with injury,
amongst others, to the owners of warehouse property ;
and the owners of that particular description of pro-
perty it is notorious—and it is rendered more so by
the debate of Thursday—are a class proscribed and on
every occasion insulted by the " liberal" party in the
Council.

But let us see with what arguments these gentlemen
are prepared to justify their " non -interference" upon
the subject of inland bonding. We are told by Mr.
Evans, who appears to be the ready mouthpiece of his
party whenever any questionable or injurious measure
is to be promoted—that the bonding bill of last session
contained clauses which would render it ineffective;
and that, in any case, the transfer of the warehouse
business of the port to inland towns could not injure
Liverpool. It was very improbable, we were assured,
that warehouses to any extent would ever be built in
Manchester; and yet it was not only just but politic
that the privilege of bonding should be conceded to
that and other inland towns. It might be, we answer,
that the bill of last session was, like other Whig bills,
imperfectly framed; but it would not be difficult, we
imagine, to find, even amongst the corporate body of
Liverpool, a gentleman whose notions of local patriot-
ism would allow him to suggest to the promoters of
the measure the means of correcting that imperfec-
tion. Mr. Alderman Evans and the inland bonding
gentry would not object to hunt in couples, when the
game to be run down was the proscribed property of
the warehouse owners. This argument then, at least,
is not only futile but dishonest ; and little better can
be said of those which rest upon the supposition that
the measure, when once conceded, will never be put
into practice to the injury of Liverpool. Mr. Evans
and his " liberal" compatriots know full well that,
however trifling may be the advantage gained by the
inland towns, the injury to Liverpool will be certain
and great. He knows that the leading object of the
measure is to secure those very warehouses which he
assures us will never he erected ; and that with the
transfer of any portion of the business of warehous-
ing, other and important branches of the commerce of
the port must inevitably be included.
It.is preposterous to suppose that the change medi-
tated by the promoters of the inland bonding measure
can be effected without being attended with serious in-
jury to almost every class occupied in the commerce
or interested in the property of the town of Liverpool.
The owners of the existing warehouses are not, as the
Council•would have us believe, the only parties whose
interests are at hazard. There is not a branch of
trade from that of the broker downwards to the la-
bourer, whose prosperity would not be interrupted by
the measure in question. There is not a description of
property, whether in warehouses, in offices, or in dwell-
ing-houses, the value of which will not be seriously
deteriorated. Is it decent, then, we ask, or is it honest,
to treat the opposition proposed to be offered to it in
Parliament as that of " a party"—as that of the ware-
house owners only ?

Another of the arguments put forth by "the rump"
of whig-radicalism, through their useful instrument,
Mr. Evans, in-favour of their non-interference policy,
is that it will enable the corporation to subdue the
jealousy and ill feeling which is at present entertained
against that body, and against the people of Liverpool
generally, by Manchester and other inland towns. We
do not for a moment doubt that so far as the Corpora-
tion is concerned, the hostile feeling alleged to exist
against it may he subdued. Our neighbours will come
to regard that-venal body with too Much disgust, 'as
the betrayers of the interests and property of their fel-
low townsmen, to allow any feeling of a more elevated
character to exist longer in their minds. The picture
now presented to their gaze, of the once respectable
Corporation of Liverpool stooping to abandon their
position, as the protectors of the local and commercial
advantages of the town, and truckling in abject subser-
viency to the Manchester Chamber of Commerce and
its " visionary" schemes, is not calculated to render
the people of that town enamoured of the possession
of such a body, however effectually it may convert
hostility into contempt.

With respect, however, to subduing the hostility
alleged to exist against the people of Liverpool by the
inland towns, we must confess that we cannot see the
advantage of allaying such a feeling by a sacrifice so
great as the Council now wishes to betray us into.
The town of Manchester is not satisfied with being the
centre of the manufacturing district—the market for
the manufactured goods of Cheshire, Lancashire; and
Yorkshire—but seeks, at an exorbitant expense to the
country, to become also a bonding town, and to carry
away a large portion of the trade of Liverpool. Her
hostility against us is that of the marauder who is de-
sirous of appropriating our property ; and we are not
inclined to appease that hostility by leaving the door
open, or aiding the intruder in his appropriation.
That the decision of the Council upon this question
is calculated materially to assist the object of its pro-
manote_rs we fear is but too certain. It was very justly
ferea i
argued by Mr. Bushell, that th 9 " non-inter-
ynce of the Council would furnish them with the
our;',argument which they could have in its fa-
of such gcl it is not quite clear whether the furnishing
Evans and argument is the only assistance which Mr.
gentleroan, has occasionally
have contracted to render. That
influence boasted of the great parlia-
mentary
their which he and others have at
lit3l3°2alu:lio cord
dock ,warehouse bill •order
to secure the passing of their
know, how much of i:hand it might be instructive to
vice of the Manchester influence is to be at the ser-
vice
agreed upon. Could this
as the quid pro
Mr. Birkett's " is be ascertained, perhaps
—to use the appropriate and