The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-03-31 00:00:00

LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-STREET.

For the BENEFIT of M. TV. J. HAMMOND,
AND HIS LAST APPEARANCE.
ON FRIDAY EVENING next, the 3d of April, will be
revived the Drama of
THE BILL STICKER ; /-
OR, " AN OLD HOUSE IN THE CITY."
Bin Buzzbottle (his original character) Mr. W. . Hammond,
in which he will Sing the Comic Son L-A-W.
DANCING .
7
by Misses Thomassin and Lidia and Madlle. Chevalier.
To be followed by
THE IRISH LION'.
Tom Moors Mr. Raymond.
Mrs. Aurelia Fivrig .
Mr. W. J. Hammond will Sing a New Comic Song called A
Batch of Ballads, in the character of Jenny Nightingale,
as originally sung by him, three times each night, in Mon-
crieff's Opera of the. Ballad Singer.
To conclude with a New Burlesque Burletta, entitled
BEHIND THE SCENES ;
Or, Actors by Lamplight:
Jeremiah Hopkins (a Stage-struck Hero) Mr.W.J. Hammond.
In the course of the Burlesque, A BLANK VgusE TRA-
GEDY, and a Grand Basketical Equestrian Spectacle, entitled
THE TOURNAMENT; OR, AMATEURS OF WAPPING.
Tickets may be had of Mr. W. J. HAMMOND, No. 56,
Seel-street, or of Mr. BuEzE, at the Box-office.

ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.
MR. BATTY begs, through this medium, to observe, in
reply to a censure conveyed by Mr. Ducitow, t "Ough
the columns of the Liverpool Mercury, indicatin ome in-
dignant feeling at the manner of our opening an nnounce-
'tient, that innate confidence in his own reso ces in every
material, &c., independent of his Perfort e so universally
known and highly appreciated, that th nouncernent of
their names, individually and collective) , as the bills testify,
guarantee and indicate the Proprietorship, (thereby disclaim-
ing any dishonest intention,) and responding to the acclama-
tion awarded to them of being second to none in the king-
dom. Indeed, the supporters of the Amphitheatre, who are
• nightly increasing, declare this to be the opportunity of'wit-
nessing a display of true manly Equestrianism in all its rand-
, fications, exciting, as they do, both wonder and astonishment.
Mr. BATTY'S present engagement commenced a full week
after Mr. Ducrow lied entirely closed, which was, as is
usual, specified in the bills, being in the same common sea.
son, would " REOPEN" for a stated time, clearly demon-
strating the assertion, as Mr. D.'s letter has it, of " CON,
'uINUE OPEN" to be utterly untrue, and, therefore, exone-
'rating Mr. Batty from any sinister intention or breach of
that etiquette which should be the standard influence of ac-
tion between all rival candidates for public approbation.

THE LAST WEEK HUT ONE OF THE
NATIONAL OLYMPIC ARENA OF ARTS !
Last Appearance of
Mous. MASSOTA, the Flyina Equestrian!
The splendid Rotation of Entertainments prepared expressly
for MONDAY, March 30th, and two following Evenings.
GRAND SPECTACLE.
SCENES OF THE CIRCLE,
AND OLD ENGLISH PAGEANT !
executed by the extensive Company of Male & Female Artistes,
100 NEW AND BEAUTIFUL COSTUMES,

Superb Troop of Spotted Barbs and Stud of Fairy Ponies
will be brought into action in the course of the
production, including

THU FRENCH, GERMAN, AND BRITISH COMPANY,
so advantageously known in Paris, Berlin, and the Metropo.
litan Theatres, with

THE PROTEAN HORSEMEN, WITH THEIR TRAINED STEEDS
AND INFANT ACTORS! - . .

embracing a Treble Chain ofAmusements, uniting Talent,
Magnificence, and Grandeur.
Front Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Side BoxeS, h. 6d. ; it, Is.;
Gallery, 6d. Second Price, at a Quarter before ' e, to the
Boxes only.

LIVERPOOL PHILHARMONIC CIETY.
►rHE Members are hereby informed, la the OPEN
1- REHEARSALS, during the press QUARTER, Will
take place on THURSDAY next, the 2d April, on THURS-
DAY, the 30th, and on THURSDAY, tli Bth of May.
Doors will be opened at Half-past Six, and closed punc-
tually at Half-past Seven o'clock.
The SECOND QUARTERLY CONCERT is fixed for
THURSDAY. the 4th of June.
WM. SUDLOW, Secretary.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

We had prepared the promised estimate of Knowles's recent
play of " Love," but in consequence of the pressure of
assize intelligence, the postponement of it until Friday is
unavoidable.—Several other articles are postponed for the
same reason.

It ;4,4.
41,1'1

"~~~t`~'

-.- ---_-

Ztherpoot ,tgu

TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 31, 1840.

The triumph of Thursday night may be regarded as
the most important parliamentary event which has oc-
curred since the passing of the reform bill ; and if
followed up, as we trust it will he, with vigour and
success, will be sufficient to repair much of the evil
which the mistaken policy of the last ten years has
brought clown upon us. The emancipation bill—that
ill-starred concession to the demands of treason—first
introduced to the House of Commons a priest-led pha-
lanx, alien in interests and in- feeling to the great body
of the English people ; and the reform bill, which gave
to the rabble of our large towns, which is so largely
admixed with the fettered slaves of the Irish priest-
hood, the privilege of returning representatives of the
property and intelligence of Englishmen, contributed
to feed the power and to swell the arrogance of the
sworn enemies of our liberties and our religion. By
the united agency of these two measures the govern-
ment of the country has been virtually placed in the
hands of one man, the hired agent of a faction which
thirsts for the opportunity of riding, saddle-deep, in
the blood of our Protestant countrymen; the power of
that hranch of the legislature to which is specially
committed the guardianship of the church and the reli-
gion of Protestant England has been wielded by a Po-
pish majority returned by the influence and guided by
the counsels of the Vatican, whilst the declared will of
the representatives of British constituences, expressed
again and again, has been unheeded and despised.
That the registration bill of Lord Stanley will pull
down this Juggernaut which crushes the energies of
our countrymen we trust and hope, for we cannot think
so ill of Ireland as tubelieve that the mercenary crew
who work in the chains and cower beneath the lash of
her mendicant dictator are the representatives of the
property, feelings, and wishes of that unfortunate and
distracted country. We cannot think so ill of Ireland
as to suppose, even for an hour, that, debased, igno-

. rant, and steeped as she is to the very lips in supersti-
N,4. 6;1::;,-,Ainn and priestly tyranny, her merchants, her trades-
,iiimeri; and her yeomanry are
,so abject and vile as to be-
LL
wretch utterly despicable as
ti
con tiwpere tools of a
g *
h.s,,h,tiobiu•is Daniel. O'Connell. We believe that the virtual re-
qi 9dl o 1
.4( • present4tion of Ireland is in the power of a profligate
low priesthood, who hold in their hands the
.out ambit'
'''conscienceland- absolve the perjuries of the drunken
ruffians whom they lead like beasts to the polling booth

to record the oath which sends a beggar and a slave to
the British House of Commons.
And can it be otherwise ? Can it be that after the
expiration of eight years—the duration of the present
Irish registry—the same men, or half, or a quarter of
them, live and still retain the same holdings for which
they originally qualified ? We know that under the
English system of annual registration one-fourth of
the constituency of any borough is deprived, from re-
moval or loss of qualification, of the right of voting;
and are the Irish constituencies exempt from the com-
mon lot of humanity We know that such is not the
case. The people of Liverpool at least are aware that
the wretched yeomanry of Ireland, galled by the ty-
ranny and impoverished by the exactions of their Po-
pish tormentors, are daily seeking in exile a refuge and
a rest for the weary foot and the excoriated heart; and
when we learn that the same men who are now toiling
in the swamps of America are still registered voters for
Irish boroughs and counties, and that the same names
have been recorded as having voted for a nominee of
O'Connell, are we to suppose otherwise than that, un-
der the present system of registration, every election
carried on in Ireland is fought at the expense of reli-
gion and truth, and that every joint of the serpent
which has wound his scaly form around the vitals of
the British Constitution is cemented with perjury and
blackened with the ruin of immortal souls ?

The bill of Lord Stanley proposes to assimilate the
system of registration in England and in Ireland, and
to give in disputed cases an appeal from the court of
the revising barrister to the judges of assize. That a
measure thus calculated to produce a real constituency,
to diminish the temptation to perjury in the persona-
tion of absent, dead, or disqualified voters, is resisted
by the whig-radical and Popish party, and by the mi-
nistry which exists upon their sufference, and that it is
attacked and misrepresented by• their hired press, will
not he matter of wonder. It is called an attempt to
limit the franchise in Ireland. It is so. It will restrict
the franchise in Ireland to those upon whom alone the
law intended to confer it. It will restrict the franchise
to bona-fide holders and owners of the soil, who alone
ought to possess it. It will restrict the franchise to the
living, and not allow the ashes of the dead to be pol-
luted in their graves. It will withdraw the bonus
which is held out for perjury, and confiscate the stock-
in-trade of the Popish ruffians who hold under the
fear of their anathema two-thirds of the constituencies
of Ireland. Lord Stanley's bill will do this, and the
prayers of the great majority of the empire will be
offered up for its success.
But the mendicant dictator who pulls the wires of
the puppets who inhabit Downing-street threatens that
if this bill is carried he will once more agitate for a re-

peal of the union. Let him. Let the monster who,
in his brutal rage, could assert that a nobleman like
Lord Stanley would experience a pleasure in standing
by the bedside of a dying parent,—let such a wretch
do this or any other thing. We trust that in despite
of him, or of the imbecile crew who feed upon and
are supported by the venom that drops from his slan-
derous lips, Lord Stanley and the conservative mem-
bers of the House of Commons will persevere, firmly
and watchfully, in carrying out the bill through every
detail. Let O'Connell agitate for repeal if he likes.
The Protestant people of England will no longer be
governed by Popish Ireland. Let him raise his 500,000
fighting men, and every hill and valley of our country
will ring with the cry Of—ENGLAND, TO THE RES 7
CUE

The Liberals of Liverpool are in a most awkward

dilemma. They are still unable to come to any agree-
ment as to the gentleman to be proposed as a candidate
for the representation of Liverpool, on the Reform
interest. It is true, as the Albion of yesterday remarks,
'that " a very numerous and' a very influential body of
Reformers have made a significant demonstration in
favour" of Joshua Walmsley, Esq. This influential
body is known to consist of the plebeian ranks among
the Liberals, with a sprinkling from those classes of the
shopocracy which are one or two degrees removed from
the " great unwashed." But it is equally true that
" another very influential party among the Reformers
are less favourable towards Mr. Walinsley's claims."
That is to say, the reforming "gentlemen on 'Change"
—the broadcloth of the party—wish to " rule the
roast." They wish to have the selection of a candidate
entrusted into their own hands ; and they conceive that
the " fustian jackets" are guilty of intolerable im-
pudence in presuming to interfere with so important
a matter. From'these premises it is quite clear that,
unless the aristocrats give way, Mr. Wahusley will not
consent to he put in nomination. At all events, the
Conservatives have no reason to fear any very
formidable opposition from any quarter. If united,
the Liberals may be beaten any day; but if disunited,
as they are at present, there will be still less trouble in
achieving the victory. Our opponents content them-
selves with .talking about bringing forward one can-
didate only. The most sanguine among them never
dream of starting two. This betrays a consciousness
of weakness. But our Conservative friends must not
be too confident in their own strength and resources.
They must not " lay the flattering unction to their
souls" that the representation of the town will be re-
signed into their hands without a struggle. The most
energetic preparations must be made for a contest.
Above all, the registry must be carefullyllooked after.
The agents of the Popish " Protector Society" are
diligently at work, and ought to be met by counter
exertions on the part of the Conservatives. We have
no reason for indulging in fear ; hut it is well to be
cautious and ready.

This evening the grand attack upon the agricultural
interests, or in other words upon the prosiperity of the
country, is to commence in the House of Commons,
unless Mr. Villiers should fail in screwing up his
courage to the sticking point. Of the fate of Mr.
Villiers' motion there can be no doubt; but we fear.that
the majority will not be so large as on former occasions.
There is reason to apprehend that the Ministry, and a
great body of their non-descript supporters, will
sacrifice their consistency, and give the lie to' their oft
repeated declarations, by voting for the repeal of the
corn-laws. This they will do in the hope that they
may secure some degree of popularity among the
middle classes in the large towns. To a certain extent
they may succeed in obtaining this object; but it will
be at the expense of every honourable feeling, if such
a feeling can be supposed, for one moment, to animate
the breast or to influence the conduct of a Whig-
Radical.

We confess that we cannot contemplate the prospect
of a diminished majority on the subject of the repeal
of the corn-laws without some degree of apprehension.
It will afford encouragement to renewed agitation on
the part of the manufacturing interest. On this ac-
count, we should heartily rejoice to find that our fears
are groundless, and to congratulate the agricu!tural
interest upon such a majority as would at once quench
the hopes of the anti-corn law agitators.
There is much practical dishonesty in this anti-corn
law agitation. This dishonesty will, no doubt, meet
with a full and searching exposure in the course of the
approaching debate in the House of Commons. In the
mean time, it may not be amiss to put our readers once
more on their guard against the trickery to which we
have alluded.

The anti-corn law agitators have acted with con-
summate dishonesty in their appeals to the working
classes. They have endeavoured to persuade the latter
that the present system of protection causes bread to
be dear, and that a repeal of the corn-laws would cause
bread to be cheap. A greater fallacy was never uttered.
The terms " cheap" and " dear," as applied to any of-
the necessaries of life, are of a purely relative character.
Bread, for instance, may he, and has been, as dear
when wheat was selling at one shilling per bushel, as it
is now when the price is eight shillings a bushel. What
can it signify to the labouring man, or, indeed, to any
one else, whether the weeks' supply of bread for his
family cost one shilling or eight shillings, if there is, in
one case, as much difficulty in obtaining one, as there
is in earning eight shillings, in the other ? It is, there-
fore, utterly false to say that the corn-laws raise the
price of the poor man's loaf. The poor man's earnings
constitute his means of livelihood; and these earnings
are governed by the state of the market. The
manufacturers do not like, for- obvious reasons, -to
grapple with the question of wages, and its connection
with the corn-laws. They find it to be their interest
to avoid the discussion of this part of the subject.
The cry of the manufacturers to the Legislature has
ages re-
been " We cannot afford to pay the high w

quired by the present price of corn. The price of the
loaf is raised, not upon the poor man whom we em-
ploy, but on us, who must pay him wages proportioned
to the price of the loaf. Bring down the markets for
agricultural produce, and then we can compete with
the foreign manufacturer, by lowering our workmen's
wages." This is the constant plea of the manufac-
turers, when their case is brought before the House of
Commons : but they tell the operative a different story.
They tell him that his loaf would be cheaper, concealing
from him, as far as possible, that his wages would also
be lower. On this subject we quote the following
apposite remarks from our excellent contemporary the
Dublin Evening Mail :—" There would be no advantage
to the manufacturer in. repealing the corn-laws, if the
effect of that repeal were to make the loaf really a penny
cheaper to the artisan. The advantage he expects is
the opportunity of lowering his artisans' wages, which
is no cheapening of a loaf lowered in the same propor-
tion. He cannot now, he says, compete with the
foreign manufacturer, because the price of provisions
is so high that he cannot employ men to do his work
under a ruinously high rate of remuneration. Say,
then, that we had brought down the price of provisions
—that we had cheapened the loaf to half its present
value—that we had made every shilling worth eighteen-
pence—what good will that do to the manufacturer, if
he must still pay his workmen at the rate he pays them
now ? None in the world. And if the manufacturer
Iowa: his workmen's wages in proportion to the in-
creased value of money, what good we beg to ask, will
that lowering of the markets do his workmen ? None
under heaven. The food will really be no cheaper;
the wages will really go no farther." These arguments
cannot be set aside by all the sophistry in the world.
They strike at the very root of the case got up by the
manufacturers.

We rejoice to find, from a report of the interview
betweeen the anti-corn-law delegates and Lord Mel-
bourne, which appears in the Morning Herald of
,yeSterday, that the premier is determined to resist the
repeal of the corn-laws. He said that their repeal
" would create great disturbance in the state of the
country, and would violently change our present con-
ditiOn"—Ahat, even with a free trade in corn, " prices
would fluctuate"—that the manufacturers would "never
get into the markets of the Continent,• whether the
corn-laws were repealed or not"—that " Governments
there would never relax their prohibitory enactments
in favour of this country"—and that " the general
opinions of the world are against free trade, 'and
particularly so on the Continent."

TRADESMEN'S CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION-
MR. CRESSWELL, M.P., & MR. SHERIFF EVANS.

A special general meeting of the members of the Trades-
men's Conservative Association was held on Friday evening,
for the purpose of meeting the hon. and learned representa-
tive of the borough—Mr. Cresswell. It was also announced
that Mr. Evans, the sheriff of London and Middlesex, whose
arbitrary incarceration by the House of Commons continues
to be the theme of general discussion, would be present, he
having received an invitation to that effect. The meeting
was held in the large room in Tarleton-street attached to the
York Hotel, and the place was completely crowded by a loyal
and respectable auditory.
Shortly after eight o'clock Mr. Samuel Hohne, president
of the association, entered the room, accompanied by Mr.
Robertson Gladstone and several other influential conserva-
tive gentlemen.
Mr. HOLME, on taking the chair, stated that Mr. Cress-
well was dining with the Judges and the Mayor, but that he
would arrive by nine o'clock, or earlier if possible, accom-
panied by several gentlemen influential friends of the con-
servative cause. (Cheers.) He was sorry to have to inform
them that he had received a letter from Mr. Sheriff Evans
explanatory of the reasons of his absence, which he would
take the liberty to read. They were aware he had been
liberated by the House of Commons only for a short time
in consequence of the state of his health ; and as he would
have to go again into the custody of the sergeant-at-arms on
the Gth of next month, he (Mr. Sheriff Evans) had conceived
it right not to attend any political meeting for the present,
for obvious reasons. With these remarks he would read the
letter, which was as follows :
" Adelphi Hotel, Liverpool, March 26, 1840.
"MY DEAR SIR,—I feel particularly flattered by the ho-
nour of having my name connected with that of your highly
esteemed member, Mr. Cresswell, to meet the gentlemen of
the Conservative Association to-morrow evening, and which
under the circumstances would have afforded me the highest
gratification. I have not, however, since my liberation, en-
tered upon any public duty, considering myself on my parole,
and virtually in the custody of the Sergeant-at-arms. You
will therefore, I trust, allow me respectfully to decline the
honour of being present on the occasion ; and to assure the
gentlemen of the Liverpool Conservative Association, how
sensible I am of the compliment intended me, and that I
shall duly appreciate the sympathy they have been pleased
to express towards me in my late incarceration.
" I have the honour to remain,
" My dear Sir,
" Yours most faithfully,
" J. H. W. EVANS,
" Sheriff of London and Middlesex.
"To Samuel Holum, Esq.

" &c. &c. &e."
The meeting would agree with him that under the peculiar
circumstances in which that noble minded man had been
placed by a vote of the HouSe of Commons, the wisest thing
he could do would be to abstain, for the present, from
attending political meetings. (Cheers.) But it it had
not been for those peculiar circumstances nothing would
have kept him from making his appearance there that night.
(Loud cheers.) Without entering upon the general question
of the Sheriffs, he would take the liberty of observing that
if the peculiar circumstances of the case had excited any
feeling at all it was a feeling of satisfaction that we lived in a
country which possessed an independent and an hereditary
branch of legislature—he meant the House of Lords—(cheers)
—by which the democratic branch of the legislature was kept
in check. He, for one, indeed, had yet to learn that the
will of the House of Commons was the law of the land ;
(cheers)—he had yet to learn that it was paramount to our
courts of judicature. (Cheers.) For if it were permitted to
interfere with the verdict of a jury, to make void the decrees
of our judges, and to incarcerate those officers who were sworn
to execute the Queen's warrants, he thought we had every
reason to fear that the liberties of this country were attacked.
(Hear, hear.) He was quite of opinion that it was really
laying the axe to the root of the tree of British liberty, and
he considered that the kingdom at large was deeply indebted
to the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex for the noble stand
they had made in defence of the liberties of the people—for
it was a question involving the liberties of the people as well
as the privileges of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) We
were deeply indebted to them, he said, for standing so bravely
the sharp firing of the House of Commons—for throwing
themselves into the breach, as it were. (Cheers.) It was,
too, a happy circumstance for this country that the bench of
justice was not disgraced by a second Jeffries—(hear, hear)—
but that there should have been found a judge of the firmness
of Lord Denman refusing to acknowledge the mandate of the
House of Commons when the privileges of the House of
Commons came in contact with the law of the land and the
liberty of the subject. (Cheers,) So far as he had been able
'to read the laws of his country, he understood that they
were, or paramount to, a single vote of the House of Cam-
.mons, because the laws of England had been framed by the
United consent of the three branches of the legislature, queen,
lords and commons. (Cheers.) The House of Commons,
therefore, had no right to set itself above the law. (Loud
Cheers.) If the laws of England were bad let them be al-
tered, but so long as they remained let them be obeyed ; and
he hesitated not to say that law makers should in no case be
law breakers. (Cheers.) If there was such a thing as the
law of the land the House of Commons were bonnet.) obey
is as much as the humblest individual in that room. (Cheers.)
This case of the sheriffs had however shown us, that the
upper branch of the legislature was at present the popular
branch ;—(cheers)—they had at present the support of the
country, altho' strange to say, they were not elected by the
voice of the people. (Cheers.) And he believed if the House
of Commons were to carry out their principles, that the fu-
ture historian, in giving an account of the decline and fall of
British liberty, would be obliged to say, and posterity would
respond to it, that the incipient cause of that decline and
fall was the attack made by one branch of the legislature,
not only against the liberty and independence of the judicial
bench, but against tbe liberty of the subject, (Cheers.) He
did not think we should hear for some time to come of another
crusade against the existence of the 1-louse of Peers ;—(Hear,
hear)—and a man must have more courage or rather more
effrontery, were that possible, than O'Connell himself,
before he would venture to make another tour throughout
Britain, attempting to gull Englishmen and Scotchmen by
such an absurd cry. (Hear.) He would dismiss this subject,
and turn to another much pleasanter. The ministry by which
this country was—he could not say governed, but he might
venture to say misgoverned, had again suffered a defeat in
the Commons' House of Parliament. (Three cheers were
here given for the majority on the second reading of the
Irish Registration Bill, and for Lord Stanley.) Having read
some editorial comments from one of the morning papers, on
the debate and on the subject of it, Mr. Holme proceeded to
allude to the disgraceful allusion made by O'Connell to Lord
Stanley's impending bereavement. " The noble lord," said
O'Connell, " is here to-night, when his presence elsewhere
would be pleasanter to him than it ought to be !" (Groans.)
Did not all in that meeting know that Lady Skelmersdale was
at the present moment lying upon the bed of death ; and Lord
Stanley, with the natural anxiety of a son-in-law, was anxious
to be present before she departed. (Hear, hear.) His lord-
ship had arrived in Liverpool that evening (hear, hear) ; and
in all probability the effect of O'Connell's shameful appeal
to
op
beto
beaten,the very necktbe
y w
e i
were
e so accustomed disgrace ; they
were so accustomed were
was his defeat by a majority of 250 to 234. (Cheers.) But
ministers
susunk
k
to take kicks and cuffs, that he began to think that dis-
dis-
grace itself would fail to dislodge them. (Hear, hear.)
They could only be dislodged by the loud; united, and in-
dignant voice of the people of England • and he trusted the
period was not far distant when that loud, indignant, and
united voice would be heard throughout the length and breadth
of the land, and a conservative majority would be sent to the
Commons' house, to protect our commerce and manufac-
tures, and to give us such a government as we enjoyed when
England took the lead amidst the nations of the world
(Cheers.) But there were circumstances which affected us
nearer home. He would direct the attention of the meeting
to the dock bill, which the town council, by a small majority,
were seeking to force through Parliament. What were the
provisions of that bill? (Hear.) A few of them were these
—notwithstanding half the warehouses of Liverpool were
empty, they were seeking power to borrow £950,000 for the
purpose of erecting new warehouses, and for what purpose?
To have control over merchandise, to have the em-
ployment of all the coopers, carters, and porters; in point of
fact, to establish a complete system of patronage from be-
ginning to end. (Cheers.) They were seeking not only to
get- the laying out of this enormous sum of money, but to
bring every carter and cooper and porter within their grasp
(hear) ; and judging of them from their past actions,_ it re-
quired but little sagacity to see that no man would be em-
ployed at those warehouses, or upon the dock quays, unless
his political opinions squared with the opinions of those who
were endeavouring to obtain this power. (Hear, hear.) He
sincerely trusted, therefore, that the bill would be defeated;
and although_ by the aid of the. Irish tail it might pass the
House of Commons, he felt assured when it arrived in that
house whose legislation was a credit to the country—the
House of Lords—(cheers)—they would never suffer such an
iniquitous measure to pass. The chairman then
resumed his
seat amidst loud cheers.

Mr. JOHN FORMBY next addressed the meeting upon the
state and prospects of conservatism, and he was loudly
cheered.

Mr. JOHN SHEPPARD having been lolidly called for, rose
amidst much cheering, and spoke as follows :—After having
alluded to the manner in which the Mercury had spoken of
his having, at the Irish municipal reform meeting, introduced
the testimony of an Irish Roman Catholic gentleman on the
subject of municipal reform, he stated that he had introduced
that testimony because the witness was one well entitled,
from his knowledge, to be heard; and that, although he had
been prevented from reading the document at length, he had
read.it in part, and oii that account, as well as from its im-
portance, the STANDARD and Mail papers had both inserted-
it, for doing which they had been sneered at by the Mercury.
A sneer from so low and dull a source, howeVer, could never
rise sufficiently high to reach the persons against whOm it
was directed. For the amusement of the meeting, 'and the
edification of the Mercury, he would quote the character
whiCh had been given of the Whigs by the Pilot—O'Connell's
own paper---cu the occasion when the editor was about to be
prosecuted, in May, 1833, for publishing Mr. O'Connell's
first letter :—" We repeat, the real attack is upon the press,
and should reflection, and policy, and sober thought not inter-
vene between the first proceeding and its coming finally be-
fore a jury, we shall not, on our own behalf, object to any
juror, merely-because he is a corporator, conservative, or
or orangenain. In every, relation of life, whether as friend,
acquaintance, senator, minister, or juror, give us a tory in
preference to a whig." Another part :—" Ay, let us have,
in every relation of life, tories in preference to rascally whigs
—who add hypocrisy to despotism." What did the meeting
think of that? (Laughter.) Surely that might afford fugleing
for the Mercury editor for the next week at least. If not, he
would add the character which the same paper gave of the
Melbourne ministry in 1838:—" We need scarcely remind our
readers, amongst whom are the chief members of the Mel-
bourne ministry, that we have all along, since their accession
to power (to which we contributed, if we and the Irish peo-
ple did not mainly effect), supported them. In parliament
and out of parliament the voice of the brave Irish people
sustained them. And for this, what have the Irish people
got? They have got a lame and impotent tithe-bill; they
have got a powerful, an expensive poor law bill ; they have
got a report on railway making, as high sounding, as empty,
and as expensive as reports generally are, and more need not
be said. But we ask again, what have the Irish people got
for all their efforts and sacrifices for this ministry? We ask

this question collaterally with another which we have already
r.peatedly put without Petting any reply from ministers or
their orgai.—namely, for what or for whom shall we agitate
in future ?' During the period when political difficulty beset
these ministers, we restrained the " ignorant impatience"
of the multitude—we placed the drag on the popular train.
We still think too, at the juncture, this was bad, as shall be
seen by the use we shall make of that forbearance hereafter ;
but the session which has just closed has altered our opi-
nions. We now look on the difficulties and impediments
which we'were told beset ministers as unreal; and we can-
not perceive anything in their acts, as regards Ireland, at
least, to shield them from the bitter taunts poured so plen-
tifully on them by Lord Bissugharn in the following :—'Three
years have elapsed, and nothing, absolutely nothing, has been
done.' Did the government, which had been painted as
looking much more honest than Lord Grey's, and being so
much more bold in reform, now use its power to carry great
measures of improvement? On the contrary, they lost not
an hour in casting off all fellowship with reform, and began
a course of arbitrary government in some of our colonies,
passive acquiescence in the slavery of others, and absolute
inaction at home. These bitter truths cannot be denied by
ministers and their organs, and so they must be swallowed in
silence." As a further illustration of the high esteem in
which the whig government is held, Mr. Sheppard quoted
the following:—" At a meeting of the National Trades'
Union, held at the Adelphi Theatre, in Dublin, on the
evening of the 24th instant, Mr. Reynolds said he would
make a few remarks relating to the whig government, who
were kept in power by the respectable tradesmen of
Dublin and of Ireland. It was a bad requital for such toil,
that men who devoted their time to support the minis-
try met with a requital that was unjust and iniquitous. Men
who now sat on the bench were not ashamed, after the Grey
administration had resigned, to call on the tradesmen of
Dublin, and on himself also, to go to the Coburg gardens,
and assist in bringing them back ; and it was a bad return to
bring Englishmen and Scotchmen here' and place them in
power and situations. Men who signed the Leinster decla-
ration were treated with contempt, and nothing but the resto-
ration of Ireland's domestic parliament could do them justice.
When a place was vacant, the first question was—" What is
it worth ? who'll get it ? is it English or Irish money ?" This
was the manner in which the place-hunters acted. He then
alluded to the vacant mastership in chancery, and said that
Mr. Pigott was the man who, although returned by the ho-
nest people of Clontnel, voted for an act to send the unfortu-
nate creature across the Atlantic for asking a bit of bread.
Mr. Reynolds also alluded to the bill for tithes supported by
Mr. Pigott, and continued to say that after the blood-stained
plains of Newtonbarry, no such thing as tithes should ever
be heard of in Ireland. Men who are now looking for places
came out and said—" No one can return Daniel O'Connell.
but me." (A voice—" Name, name.) I state it as a fact,
and that is sufficient. But who returned him? Why, the
honest tradesmen of Dublin. There were six or eight per-
sons now looking for the situation of clerk of the peace for the
,city, under the new corporation bill, and they would cut each
other's throats about the place. These were the persons who
boasted of the power to return such men as O'Connell.
But who supported the government but the honest trades-
men ? It was the duty of government to patronise merit,
and not confer place on those paltry, sneaking, hungry
hounds after office. Look at the base and dastardly conduct
of the patriots of the present day compared with the days of
Grattan, Charlemont, and Flood." Such were the sentiments
that were heard with shouts of approhationby the tradesmen of
Dublin. Mr. Sheppard then alluded to the conduct of the
whig majority in the Irish House of Commons, in 1723, with
regard to the cruel proposition towards the Roman Catholic
and which he avowed was most disgraceful to the then Irish
House of Commons, He referred to the Metropolitan
Magazine for March, 1810, and Barlow's History Vire/and,
for a corroboration of this statement. Mr. Sheppard, after
eulogising the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel for
their statesmanlike conduct sat down amidst loud cheers.
At this moment, Mr. Cresswell, Mr. Shand, Mr. Carson,
Mr. Aspinall, Mr. Garnett, of Salford, and a number of
other gentlemen, entered the room. The cheering with which
they were greeted was tremendous.
Mr. ASPINALI, stepping forward, said tlist before the
business of the evening was proceeded with, he begged to be
allowed to propose a particular friend of his—a friend to the
constitution, and one who had fought the battles of the
country—as a member of ,this association ; he meant Mr.
Wm. Garnett, of Salford. '(Loud cheers.)
The motion having been seconded,
The CHAIRMAN said it seemed scarcely 'necessary to put
the motion. The country was deeply indebted to Mr. Gar-
nett for rescuing the important borough of Salford from the
grasp of the whips. and he had been defeated only by the
casting vote of Mr. Cinderella Brotherton himself. (Cheers.)
The motion was then agreed to by acclamation.
Mr. WM. GARNETT replied to the compliment in these
terms :—I cannot allow an honour of the sort which you
have now conferred upon me to be conferred without offering
to you some few observations upon the occasion. First,
will say that I feel it a very high compliment indeed to be
associated with a body of gentlemen who have been distin-
guished, not only in this town, but through the whole king-
dom, for their loyalty, for their attachment to the throne,
and for their sound conservative principles. (Cheers.) In
speaking of that association, I must connect with it the re-
sults of the proceedings of the members ; and when I advert
to the election of the year 1837, which terminated in the
return of my Lord Sandon and of my hon. and learned friend
Mr. Cresswell, if he will allow me to call him so, (cheers,)—
I say that in their return you shewed what might be accom-
plished by unanimity and exertion, and by attachment to
those conservative principles which, I trust in God, will
eventually save our country from destruction. (Cheers.)
Sir, it was that election which stimulated and which encou-
raged the loyal and conservative party of the great borough
of Manchester in their exertions ; and it was upon the occa-
sion of Sir George Murray coming down, though unknown
among us, that we were enabled at the last election to bring
him within 124 of the number polled for his opponent.
(Cheers.) But I have the greatest satisfaction in telling
you, that since Sir George Murray has become known in
that borough, and since the conservatives have discovered
what may be accomplished by unanimity and organisation,
I have the utmost confidence that at any future election he
will be returned. (Great cheering.) It would hardly be-
come me to speak of the borough of Salford. This I will
only say, that you may, one and all, rely upon it that you
have stout hearts, good friends, and loyal good conservative
companions in thathorough ; and whenever the day of elec-
tion may arrive, I am prepared to stand forward in that bo-
rough as I have done before (cheers), and I shall do so with
increased confidence in the result. (Continued cheering.)
once more thank you for the honour you have done me,
and I shall always rejoice in your prosperity and welfare..
(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN proposed that Mr. Sheriff Evans be
elected a member of the association. (Great cheering.)
Mr. WRIGHT had great pleasure in seconding the nomina-
tion, because he knew, from his own lips, that Mr. Sheriff
Evans was a thorough good conservative. Mr. Sheriff Evans
said, " Had I been a radical, I should have been incarcerated
only a few days, which is the smallest punishment I ever
gave
to the vilest vagabond ever brought before me as a magis-
trate." (Hear.) 'We knew that when any man rested in
the hearts of the people, there were a certain set of persons,
calling themselves liberals, but who, he was sorry to say, he
had always found the greatest tyrants that could be. (Hear.)
These very men, when they found such gentlemen
as Mr.
Sheriff Evans in their possession, or under their thumb, put
upon them what Lord Howick called " the pressure, to make
them know the sense of their situation. (Hear, hear.) He
assured them that Mr. Sheriff Evans was not 'made of the
materials of the present administration, which one of their
own party had described to be " squeezable" materials. Mr.
Sheriff Evans was a sturdy Briton (cheers), and a sound con-
servative, and he declared if they were to incarcerate him for
years, he would bear it, knowing he should be upholding the
liberty of the subject. " I," said he, " would willingly bear
it all, and say to them,_ Thank you, gentlemen. for making
me the scapegoat of England." (Loud cheers.) He (Mr.
'Wright) had therefore very great pleasure in seconding the
nomination.

The motion was carried amidst loud cheers.
Mr. ASPINALL had a resolution to propose, which he was
sure would meet with the approbation of every conservative
present. They knew he was not a public speaker, but he was
a hard worker ; he was not a man of words, but he would
work (cheers) ; and he IMped they would give him credit for
sincerity when he said he was born a conservative, that he
had lived a conservative, and that he trusted he should die a
conservative. (Cheers.) There were many eloquent men
to address them that night ; but he would not yield to any
of these gentlemen for sincerity of heart in promoting the
conservative cause in the borough of Liverpool. (Cheers.)
Within the last three days we had assumed a new situation ;
we were threatened with a most formidable opponent.
(Laughter.) Nay, they should not laugh. Even Mr. Ewart
himself was a cypher compared to the opponent with which
we were now threatened. (Hear and laughter.) He (Mr.
Aspinall) had no disrespect towards the Mayor of Liverpool.
• That man was a man of honour—he was a man of integrity—
he was a man that all must call a man of the greatest charity.
But Mr. Joshua Walmsley, with all his excellent qualifica-
tions, whilst there was a conservative heart among us, would
never represent the town of Liverpool. (Hear, hear.) Of
course lie spoke of M. Walinsley as a private individual :
as a political character, he could not consent to hear him
mentioned in connection with our two representatives. (Loud
cheers.) Perhaps he had gone rather too far (" No, no"), as
his resolution did not at all attach to Mr. Walmsley ; but his
feelings got the better of him sometimes. Mr. Aspinall con-
cluded by moving the following resolution :—" That this
meeting has'great pleasure in admitting Mr. Sheriff Evans as
a member of this association ; and, abstaining from entering
upon the question as to the rights or privileges of the
House of Commons, respecting which, many eminent
statesmen of high worth and talent differ in opinion, takes
this opportunity of expressing to him its high appro-
bation of the consciousness discharged by himself and his
colleague of the duties of their arduous office, and especially
of their conduct during their trying examination before the
House of Commons. That this meeting sincerely regrets
that the discharge of such duties, rendered incumbent upon
them by the obligation of an oath, should have subjected
them to the inconvenience of a long and painful imprison-
ment."
Mr. CARSON said it would ill become him to make a long
address, when they must all naturally be anxious to hear their
distinguished member, but, as he had been requested, he had
great pleasure in seconding the resolution. There might be
differences of opinion, as the meeting knew there had been,
between the most distinguished statesmen, respecting the
conduct of the sheriffs, respecting the extent of the duties
and obligations imposed upon them, and the manner which

they had discharged them. It was natural that these diffe-
rences should arise upon questions of so much doubt ; but
he believed there could be no difference of opinion as to the
firmness, the magnanimity, the disinterestedness:, and the
sacrifice of personal feeling which the sheriffs hajl evinced.
If they had chosen to succumb, as the ruling party in the
House of Commons wished them, they might have saved
themselves from incarceration; but they saw that in the
course of conduct which they pursued was involved a great
eonstitutioal question, therefore they determined to suffer for
the sake of the constitution, for the vindication of the laws,
and to maintain the rights of Englishmen instead of those
of the House of Commons alone. (Cheers.) They had en-
dured their punishment firmly, magnanimously, and honestly;
the voice of the country was in their favour, and their names
would be recorded in the pages of history in the manner they
deserved. (Cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. WRIGHT was extremely sorry that the resolution just
placed in his hands had not been confided to others more
capable of doing justice to it. However, he could only say
this, that although he had not the talent which others could
boast in describing what we ought to feel, and what we did

feel, towards the members for the borough for their attention
to its interests, yet he had a heart as open to that feeling as any
man who had the greatest powers of eloquence. He thanked
the members most heartily for what they had done. (Hear.)
He knew their political feelings—that they were true conser-
vatives—(cheers)—and as true conservatives themselves he
hoped the meeting would vote for them again. (Cheers.) The
times were very odd. (Hear, hear.) Many great men had
told us that they were very strange times. If they were very
odd and very strange times, the men who stood up for us and
for our interests, at the expense of many strong and leading
motives that might take them another way, and if they forgot
all their own interests for the sake of ours, were we not to
feel obliged to them ? Ought we not to be obliged to them
greatly. (Hear, hear.) He said, therefore, there were no
two men that better deserved our gratitude than the present
members for Liverpool, and he was quite sure that meeting
would be ready to state that they were eminently entitled to
it. Look at the position in which we were now placed. He
was one of those who thought that we should never seek to
raise ourselves by abusing our opponents. (hear, hear.)
He would never impute to any party of men wrong motives,
but he claimed the right to judge them by their actions.
(Hear, hear.) He asked that meeting to judge himself
by the same rule, and surely he was not unjust if he said to
them, "Doto me that which I would do to others." That
was his principle. Now let us see what the opposite party
had done to us, and chat they were about to do to the town
of Liverpool. We had always called ourselves an independent
set of men, but we had been told that we could he bought
and sold. He knew men who had called him by way of re-
proach, an old freeman, and he prided himself in being one
of that most corrupt set. (Three cheers were here given for
the freemen.) Even in the House of Commons were they
knew he could' not answer, but if they had done it out of
doors, he would have answered in a different manner, had
theSe men had had the dastardly feeling to reproach him.
(Hear.) These very men, who called themselves liberals—
aye, liberals !—had now a bill in the House of Commons to
endeavour to make this borough a close borough. (Hear,
hear.) But surely there were heads and hearts and hands
enough to say, " we will not allow this, we will support the
independence of Liverpool." (Hear, hear.) He would tell
the meeting what these liberals intended to do; it would not
however be his explanation or his assertion, but it was " in
black and white," which they could not erase from the bond.
(Hear.) They were now applying to the legislature for power
to raise another rnilliGn of money to extend on certain pur-
poses ; they were now applying to the legislature for power
to make he knew not how many offices to be filled up with
their own creatures ; and when so filled up, judging from
what had taken place, for what had been once might be again,
they might go and whistle for the independent members by
whom the town was now so ably represented. (Hear, hear.)
Then what was the duty of the conservatives ? To oppose
such things as these, certainly. (Hear.) After a few re-
marks, Mr. Wright concluded by moving the following re-
solution :—" That this association take the opportunity of the
presence of their _respected representative, Cresswell Cress-
well, Esq., to express to him and his noble colleague their
thanks for the great attention which they at all times have
paid to the interests of their constituents, and to assure them
of the undiminished confidence of this association."
Mr. WILLIAM SHAND said, the worthy mover of the reso-
lution had commenced by stating his inability to enforce the
resolution with those sentiments which he felt himself im-
pressed with ; but as he advanced he had proved that he could
. produce powerful arguments, and use them with strength and
effect. He (Mr. Shand) scarcely knew how to use terms
sufficiently eulogistic of the present members for Liverpool ;
indeed any expressions of his, however well intended, would
fall short of the merits of both those gentlemen. (Hear.)
Undoubtedly the noble lord had more time upon his hands
than the lion. and learned gentleman, and in that respect
might be said to have more power ; but the hon. and learned
member had, upon may occasions, stood forward the power-
ful advocate of their interests, and whenever his powers were
again wanted, he would still show that he was able to lay his
views before the house, and to enforce them by legal argu
went. (Hear.) He (Mr. Shand) begged to assure the
meeting that on every occasion lie had found the utmost at-
tention to the interests of Liverpool paid by the present
members ; and it was therefore a particularly pleasing duty
to him to second a resolution expressive of their merits.
(Cheers.) In conclusion, he trusted that whenever the.
occasion might arise,: we could show that we could again
return them, even with a greater majority than before. (Loud
cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, and it was carried
with loud cheers.

alter

Mr. CRESSWELL then stepped forward, and was received
with many rounds of triumphant cheers. Silence having
been obtained, the hon. and learned gentleman proceeded to
address the meeting nearly a 4 follows.:—Gentlemen—having
upon many occasions, since I had the honour of being intro-
duced to you three years ago, received a welcome as warm
and as cheering as that with which you have honoured me
to-night, I. will not affect to be overpowered by the feelings
which that greeting has excited. I have become accustomed
to it, and I trust 1 can return you thanks for it without feel-
ing overpowered, as I might have been had I been a mere
novice as to the meetings of Liverpool. (Hear, hear.) But
when I reflect that you have coupled nay name in the honour
you have been pleased to bestoW upon my Lord Sandon, I
cannot but feel, as compared with him, I am most unworthy
of your approbation, because our position in life is very dif-
ferent. Ile, born a member of the aristocracy, from his
earliest years has devoted his mind, and has been at liberty
to devote his time, to the interests of the public. (Hear,
hear.) My position has been very different. I, the younger
' son of a large family, had to fight my own way in life, and it
was by my own honest industry and exertions that I suc-
ceeded in attracting your approbation. But, gentlemen,
when you did me the honour to elect me, one of your repre-
sentatives, I pledged myself, as far as my health would go,
when my professional duties allowed me to be in London,
that I would unreservedly devote my talents, and my health
if need be, to your service. (Hear.) And I am happy now
to receive the testimony of those around me, that when they
have found me in London, I have ever been ready to give
them all the poor assistance that lay within my power ; but
so judging of my own position, I.cannot but know that where
I have deserved your thanks once, they are due to my Lord
Sandon a thousand times. (Hear, hear.) I trust the time
will never arrive when it will be necessary for you to select
between your representatives; but, whenever the sad chance
should come that you should be reduced to the alternative
of choosing between one of two conservatives instead of re-
turning both, rather than any man should hesitate between
nay noble colleague and myself, I would instantly abandon all
pretensions to the honour I now enjoy. (Hear, hear.) I
mention this at the outset of my address to you to-night, in
consequence of the allusions that have been made to some
most important measures that are now before Parliament, as
affecting the interests of this town. I am happy to be in-
formed that all the material enquiry into those matters has
been postponed until after Easter, when I shall be at liberty,
having discharged my duty to my clients here, to resume my
position in London, and then I will devote myself to the en-
quiry before the House of Commons. (Hear.) But let me
not be mistaken. I must repeat now candidly that which I
stated upon the hustings, when I was first a candidate for
your favour and votes, that in all matters of local interest I am
no party politician. (Cheers.) In matters of state, in matters
of general policy, I am a party man, and if I find I could no
longer vote with that party to which I have allied myself, I
would quit my post. But,' in local matters, I must judge for
the welfare of the whole of the inhabitants of Liverpool, and
when I have applied my best talents to understand the ques-
tion, I must then vote according to my private conscience.
(Hear, and cheers.) In political matters I profess to sur-
render my own judgement on party politics to the leaders of
my party. I should never thins-, in any party matter, of set-
ting up my own judgement against that of the leaders of the
party when it was a question of party politics. If I could
not deem their judgement better than my own upon questions
of party politics, I would surrender my seat and not vote at
all ; but where local interests are concerned, I consider that
1 ant the representative of all, and I must judge, to the best
of my ability, for the interests of all. (Loud cheers.) I
state this in candour, and in so stating it I think I shew my
confidence in your honesty and integrity ; and I trust you
will agree with me that I am right in thus acting and in thus
judging, and that all you would ask of me as an honest and
independent man with regard to local matters is to exercise
judgment, and give an honest and unprejudiced vote. (Cheers.)
Having touched upon party politics, they bring to my mind
the case of a very worthy man who has been elected a mem-
ber of your association to-night; and those unhappy discus-
sions which have taken place during the greater part of the
present session upon the subject of parliamentary privileges.
On that subject it is notorious that I had the misfortune to
differ in opinion w•th some of those whom I highly honour,
to whose party I have attached myself, and whose opinions
upon party-political questions I should undoubtedly prefer
to my own. But that, gentlemen, was no party question.
(Cheers.) The question of parliamentary privilege was no
party question. (Renewed cheers.) It was not so treated
in the House of Commons. Every man professed to judge
for himself independently of his political party, and so to deal
with it as he thought best for the interests of the country.
(Hear.) Those who supported what I certainly considered
extravagant and dangerous notions of privilege, professed to
support them as the privileges of the people ; but I never
could understand how it'could be, the privilege-of the people
to be deprived of their right of appeal to the laws of the
country, and to be imprisoned if they ventured to make such
appeal. (Cheers.) Undoudedly, gentlemen, I had the mis-
fortune to differ, with some others of my pantry, upon another
part of the question. I had no fear about the consequences
of publishing to the world all the proceedings in parliament,
for it did seem to me fair and reasonable to communicate to
our constituents that which we, their repnsentatives, were
doing in parliament, and that, although matter might be pub-
lished occasionally affecting the characters of individuals, it
never could be for a moment supposed that the house of
Commons would publish maliciously. (Hear, hear.) You
never could presume that—but in every question of libel or
no libel, the question of malice was an ingredient, therefore
it appeared to me, and I ventured to state my opinion to the
house, that upon this question they were all running wild,
that it was no question of privilege, but of the common law
of the land, that that was no libel which was without malice,
that we ought to let our constituents know what we were
doing, to see if they would suffer us to do it, and
to ascertain whether we, who had been made the guar-
dians of their property, their liberty, and their lives,
could be permitted to shew the greatest contempt of
them. (Hear, hear.) Therefore I did, and I should regret
the part taken by some conservative members of the House
of Commons if the question had not now been about to be
settled by an act of parliament, (hear, hear) because I can
foresee no danger in giving this as that ower to the House
of Commons by an act of parliament. Hear.) The danger
is in this—that there was no law for the -louse of Cominona
to say " this is our power and that is our power, and if any
man question it, we will commit him to Newgate." (Hear,
hear.) Settle the power by act of parliament, admit they
are not to be the judges of it, let them have powers by the
law of the land, and then I care not,, because still we shall
be living under law and governed by it, and not by the arbi-
trary vote of any man in any house. (Loud cheers.) Hay-
disposed of this part of our occupations during the present
session, let us inquire what is the political aspect of affairs
at this moment by what has been done by the ministry ;
what are their prospects; what are the prospects of the
country, and what are ours as conservative members of this
great country. (Hear, hear.) Well, in the first place the
ministry tell us that their prospects are good—that no clouds
overshadow them—that the conservatives are destroyed by
internal dissensions. They
)t,iovueshvaov tee d
comeon e against
itherec othert quarrel—you
l Ya ,rair‘pe‘
loinVyit'ohyi this sas
neverprivilegeTo u
ccaonannsaeatrgtvrie,
again ; and the ministerial party—l do not know whether
they call themselves whigs or radicals, or what therefore
I will call them the ministerial party (laughter), for truly I
do not know how to define them—they say " we shall thrive
:because you conservatives are quarrelling." (Hear, hear.)

They can little understand the principles by which conserva-
tives are bound together when they think that in consequence
of differences among us upon this question of privilege.
which I repeat is no party question, we should be so blind to
'-ke best interests of our country as therefore to forsake. each
(Hear, hear.) What do they think of the conser-
iative members of the House of Commons? I may regret
that any member of that house, whom I. highly respect, and
whom 1 am in the habit of following upon party and general
politics, should entertain different opinions from myself; but
to say that I should therefore vote against him, or refuse to
vote with him, and support him upon questions of general
politics, to say I am one of the meanest and most contempt-
ible partisans that ever had the honour to sit in that house,

and that ever had the meanness to disgrace it. (Loud cheers.)
If I know anything of the feeling of those three hundred
independent conservative members who, night by night, sit
by and support Sir Robert Peel (cheers) in his general course
of policy, he knew that not one of them would fail to sup-
port him as the leader of that party upon party or political
questions, whatever they may have done upon those which
were in the nature of private or individual questions.(Cheers.)
What else, then, had the ministerial party to boast of during
the present session ? (Hear.) Well,. what they say is this
—" you, the conservatives, brought forward, at the outset of
the session, a motion for a vote of want of confidence in us,
and a majority of twenty were in that house refused to vote
it. Now mind ; there is a great difference between voting
confidence and voting want of confidence : I should like to
see them appealing to a resolution brougnt forward by them-
selves of a vote of confidence. But they say—"you failed upon
that motion ; we had a majority of twenty, and as that ma-
jority negatived the vote of want of confidence, it proves that
the people, through their representatives, have confidence in
us the ministry ; and; by a majority of twenty out of 658, we
prove that we have the confidence of the country !" (Hear,
hear.) But, gentlemen, that is not the only test that can
be applied to their position, for they have had two or three
applied to them since—(cheers)—and as I connot now be
discharging my duties as one of your representatives in par-
liament, I may tell you what has been happening whilst I was
there. (Hear.) The first of these tests was a practical test
as to our confidence.in their economy. When we were about
to make provision for the Prince who has the honour to be
the husband of our most gracious Queen, a proposal was
made by ministers to settle £50,000 a-year upon him. If it
had been an affair of loyalty, it had been necessary to vote
that sum of money, to prove our loyalty to the Queen and
our earnest anxiety for her happiness, no Conservative should
have hesitatated for one moment to pass the vote. (Hear.)
But we knew no such Question was involved ; we knew it
was a mere question between ministers and ourselves ; we
knew it was a
.question of reasonable economy towards the
country. (Hear, hear.) What was the result ? :Why, they
were beat by a majority of one hundred and four ! (Cheers.)
So much for confidence ! This, now, was a question as to
whether the House of Commons, or the country which had
returned that House of Commons, had confidence in their
economy. (Hear.) Mark the next. Mr. Berries, that

able tinancia.l man, brought forward a question directly im-
peaching their financial character, and their talent for con-
ducting the financial affairs of this country. (Hear, hear.) ,
He showed, that, in a time, of peace we had been contracting
a debt year after year; he showed that our revenue was not
adequate to our expenditure, and that there was likely to be
a still greater diminution this year, and therefore he called
upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer to give a statement of
his anticipated revenue and expenditure—directly impeaching
the talent and capacity. of ministers for conducting the finan-
cial concerns of this country. (Rear.) This motion was
resisted. It was said it would be extremely inconvenient to
the ministry—that it would be most perplexing and embar-
rassing—(laughter)—and they appealed to the house to show
their confidence in them by rejecting the motion ; but it was
carried. (Loud cheers.) What was that but a practical vote
of want of confidence in their talent and capacity ? (Hear.)
A third test we had before I left London. And after this it
would have seerued that nothing more was requisite in order
to establish a want of the confidence of the representatives of
the people, and therefore of the people in the ministry, upon
all grounds that are of importance to the country. That
was a motion respecting what is commonly called " the
Monteagie job"—the sort of hocus pocus arrangement re-
specting the controllership of the Exchequer, by which the
late Chancellor of the Exchequer was very comforablv pro-
vided for, his predecessor retiring upon a pension. That was
resisted also. Now, when a motion was brought forward
upon such grounds—and when they themselves did not wish
the resolution to be drawn into a precedent—l cannot but look
upon that as an attack upon their political integrity. They
resisted it upon the ground that it was such an attack, but the
attack succeeded—the motion was carried. I call that a

iractical vote of want of confidence In their political in-
tegrity. (Cheers.) Thus then we have a majority of 20 re-
using to vote want of confidence, but we have large majo-
...

rities voting first a want of confidence in their economy,
second, want of confidence in their capacity, and third, want
of confidence in their political integrity. (Loud cheers.) I
think, gentlemen, the Conservatives have not then been
altogether idle, and that the ministers have no very triumph-
ant account to give of the proceedings of this session.
(Continued cheers.) But since I came into this room, I have

. ,
had the happiness to hear 'of another practical proof of the
confidence of the country. For some time it has been ascer-
tained by the division lists, that on most of these questions
there has been a large majority of English members voting
with the Conservatives; but that the Irish members brought
a majority, so that upon the whole the ministry were saved.
-The registers for Ireland were examined, and my Lord Stan-
ley has lately brought forward a bilLfor amending the system
of registration in Ireland. I believe that a more candid
plain-dealing measure has never been presented to the House
of Commons; but the-ministry, under whose orders you may
guess, (hear, hear) opposed that bill. (Cheers.) if the
House of Commons had any confidence in, them practically,
with regard to the internal government :of Ireland in the
most important branch of it, namely, the:elective franchise,
they would have acted on the suggestions of the ministry
that opposed the bill, and have thrown it out ; but last night
(Thursday) that bill was carried on the second reading by a
majority of the Conservatives. ('Loud and continued cheers.)
In what, then, can those who support the, ministry say they
confide? They do not confide in their economy; they do
not confide in their capacity ; they do not confide in their
political integrity. (Great cheering.) Do they co;itide in
their strength? (A general shout of "No.") No, you are
right there, they confide in their weal:filiss. (Cheers.) Do
they confide in their firmness? No, the'y confide in- the fact,
that they are, as described by themember for Finsbury, com-
posed of squeezable materials. (Immense 'applause.) Is it
their internal policy they confide in ? Do they confide in
thein because at every. assize town in- England we have
Chartism brought up for trial ? Do they confide in them be-
cause the reptile sect of socialism abounds all over the coun-

try? (Enthusiastic cheers.) Do they confide in them be-
cause the influence of the Protestant Church is extending?
Do they confide in them because they are giving religious
education to the people? (Hear, hear.) Are these the
causes of confidence in the present ministry, gentlemen, or.
are they confided in because they sanction the reverse of all
these? (Cheers.) Is it not then in their weakness rather
than their strength that their supporters have confidence;
(Cheers.) Do they confide in them because of their happy
style of managing our internal relations? Do they confide in
them because they will oppose the ballot, or because they will
support the ballot? (Hear.) That is rather an embarrass-
ing question, because upon it ministers -avow that they have
no opinion—(hear, hear)—it is too difficult a question for
them to deal with, therefore they throw it overboard.
True, they say it is one of vital importance to the country ;
true, it is to produce either a great good or a great evil,
but we are too ignorant -of the proceedings of government to
make up our minds upon it; therefore we trust some of you
upon it who cannot confide in each section of us, but who
can confide in us as a whole. (Hear, hear.) And so• I might
say of the other branches of our internal regulations. (Hear.)
But do they confide in their foreign policy? (Hear, hear.)
Do you confide in their foreign policy ? (Loud cries of " No,
no.") Let. me ask of those who trade to • the Brazils : let
me ask of those who trade to Monte Video—do they confide
in the ministry? (Hear, hear.) Let me ask of those who
trade to the coast of Africa, and who are again assailed by
the French, do they confide in the ministry ? (" No, no.")
Do those who are interested in the China trade confide in

the ministry ? (Hear.) Do they who are interested in the
state of Turkey; -do they.who are interested in the state of
our relations with India, as affected by Russia, confide in the
ministry ? No ! (Cheers.) Then what is the ground of
confidence in them, unless they are supposed to hold all our
institutions as a sort of stock in trade, to put them.up to sale
piecemeal, and surrender them from time to time to those
who are the greatest enemies of them ? (Cheers.) I cannot
believe that they who rest upon confidence bestowed upon
such principles as these can long wield the powers of the
state, although they are mean enough to submit to degrada-
tion after degradation, and to defeat after defeat, rather than
surrender their office. (Cheers.) I trust we conservatives
shall find better grounds of confidence, because we advocate
the principles that hitherto have raised our country to the
highest pitch of glory, that have preserved its freedom and
happiness for ages, and which, we may reasonably hope, un-
der the blessing of Providence, will preserve them still.
(Cheers.) I hope that we conservatives have confidence in
our attachment to the religious establishments of the coun-
try. (Hear.) We believe we hold a pure faith, established
by the law ; we believe we shall benefit the people by incul-
cating that faith, by extending religious knowledge, and by
improving their general education, making their religious
knowledge and that pure faith the basis of their _education.
We honour and reverence the Queen ; we. are attached to
the monarchical government of the country. Under that
government it has flourished for ages. May we not therefore
hope it will flourish for ages still, unless the monarchy be
overthrown by that spirit of false liberality which would take
away all the stays and bulwarks that protect it. (Loud
cheers.) We admire the restrictive, yet free, powers of
those constitutional institutions which have formed the bul-
warks against t\he innovations of popular freedom from age
to age; and we trust, by supporting them now, we shall still
preserve those powers, without Which the throne . cannot
stand for a single year. (Cheers.) But there are practical
considerations which we must, bear in mind. How are we
to shew our love for those institutions? Why, by acting in
a course which will best enable us to support and protect
them. That course was well pointed out some time ago by
the great leader of the conservative party. (Cheers.) Take
care of the registration of those in whom lies the elective
franchise, in order to have men returned to parliament pre-
pared to support, by their votes and their voices, all those
institutions which we love and value. (Immense cheers.).''
Having taken care of that register, the next step is thiss-let
us all, by such means as Providence has placed in our power,
promote the welfare of those institutions ; let us assist in
extending the influence of the church; let us enable it, by
our subscriptions and our support, to extend its operations ;
let us, by all means, give Christian education to the people ;
let them be brought up in moral and religious knowledge;
and teach them to love, honour, and reverence the laws.
(Cheers.) Depend upon it that these are the great securi-
ties for this state. (Cheers.) These, gentlemen, are the
securities which the conservative party present to the state;
and, under the blessing of Providence, we, by forwarding
these measures, by our examples and by our assistance, shall
prove ourselves true conservatives, and we shall, after all,
preserve the state of this country. (The hon. and learned
gentleman then resumed his seat amidst loud and long-con-
tinued cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN said that now they had heard their excel-
lent representative, he trusted they would not allow his sen-
timents to be speedily forgotten. (Cheers.) He moored a
vote of thanks to Mr. Cresswell. (Cheers.)
Mr. WRIGHT had had the honour of moving a resolution
of confidence in the hon. and learned gentleman ; and had
he not that night proved that he deserved it. (Cheers.) He
seconded the suggestion of the worthy chairman.
A vote of thanks was then carried by acclamation to Mr.
Cresswell.
Mr. CRESSWNLL having thanked the meeting, said, he
was sure it would be a great failing of duty on his part, and
he should be deprived of a great pleasure, if be did not give
the meeting the opportunity of expresing their admiration of
the conduct of their excellent chairman. (Hear, hear.) The
town of Liverpool, and the country at large, had reason to
lie proud of that gentleman, who stands forth in a time of
peril, when the conservative party Was—he would not say
cowed—but when it was almost overthrown by reiterated
triumphs taking place from the passing of the municipal re-
form bill, brought into existence this great association which
was the admiration of all England. In proportion as he (Mr.
Cresswell) had respect for and admiration of them as mem-
ber of the association, he had respect for and admiration of
him as the head, the origin and soul of the association.
(Hear.) He begged to ropose the thanks of the meeting to
their worthy chairman, Ir. Samuel Tiolme. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Wm. GARNETT rietlV eulogised the conduct of Mr.
Holme, and said he had much pleasure in seconding the mo-
tion.
The motion was carried with cheers.
Mr. HoLstu rose to return thanks. I beg, he proceeded,
to return you my cordial and heartfelt thanks for the kindness
with which you have received the motion of Mr. ,Cresswell,

seconded by Mr. Gat nett. I asanre yen that in my public
conduct, I have only one object in view, and that is the pre-
servation of the liberties of my country ; and that I only de-
sire to see all those institutions which we have received from
qur forefathers, strengthened and protected by us, in order
that we may hand the blessings of them down to our poste-
rity. (Applause.) Sprung, gentlemen, from among your-
selves—not hesitating to avow that it is delightful for me to
reflect that I sprung from a tradesman—it is to me the source
of great pleasure if any services of mine have been considered
worthy of your acceptance. (Cheers.) We have all duties to
perform. We have all our private, or relative, or social duties.
but I conceive that in this period of excitement, so pregnant
with danger to our country, that we have other duties besides
these. (Hear, hear.) We have duties as citizens of the land,
we have duties as Englishmen to perform, and my sole desire
in attempting to organise this essociation—and in which, by
your kindness, and zeal, and independence, I have in some
degree succeeded—has been that I might he of some service
in my day and generation, to preserve our glorious privileges
as a nation, and to do something towards perpetuating the
liberties of the land. (Loud cheers.) I again thank you, and
I only regret that 1 have not the power of language to thank
you as I ought, but I feel your kindness ;—(hear, hear,)—and
I think that on. the day of election—which is not very distant
—when we shall have to choose between the mayor of Liver-
pool and the eloquent gentleman who has just addressed ns,
it will not be very difficult to say uponehom your voices will
fall. (Loud and general cheering.)
The proceedings then terminated, having given the greatest
satisfaction to the crowded auditory.

FORMATION OF A SHIPMASTER'S
ASSOCIATION.

On Saturday a very numerous public meeting of ship-
masters, merchants, and others of the port of Liverpool, was
held in the Clarendon-rooms, South John-street, for the
purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of "esta-
blishing a captain's reading and coffee rooms, on the most
economical arrangement, for the purpose of giving masters of
vessels an opportunity of communicating with the various
commanders in different trades, and collecting such informa-
tion as will tend to benefit the merchant service generally—
to consider also the propriety of forming an association to
endeavour to correct various abuses—first, that of the pre-
sent system practised at the shipping offices ; to take steps
fir the better appropriation of the two shillings per month
paid by captains supposed to be for the benefit of their widows
and orphans, and for the consideration of other objects."
Lieutenant ENCLEDUE, R.N., commander of the Steam-
ship LiYerpool, having been unanimously called to the chair,
said the object of the meeting was to take into consideration
the necessity of having a captain's reading-room. No such
place existed in Liverpool, and the consequence was that
many captains, very respectable men, were obliged to resort
to other places to read the newspapers. It would also faci-
litate communications between merchants and masters. At
present we might see merchants cruizing about the dock
quays looking out for masters of vessels, not knowing where
to find them ; but if a reading room were established, slates
Would be kept there where each captain would register his
name, and where he might be found. The effect of this
practice would be to oblige brokers and merchants to sub-
scribe to the room for the sake of procuring information of
this, as well as other kinds. It was true many owners might
urge that captains ought to be down at their ships from day-
light to dark ; but surely they must be allowed an hour for
their dinner, during which they might go to the room and
put themselves in possession of the information of the day.
If it was important to improve the mercantile and professional
character of the captains, or to extend their literary know-
ledge, that could not be done if they_were always to be at
their ships. He considered, therefore, that a room of this
land would materially conduce to the respectability of the
captains. (Hear.) In connection with this reading-room
there would be a coffee-room, where the captains who had
not families here, and did not wish to go to hotels, could get
a chop or 'a steak at the lowest possible expense. (Hear.)
This reading7room or association there was no intention of
making a profit by ; it was not in the nature of -a joint stock
company, but to be established for the benefit of the commu-
nity of shipmasters and those connected with them, in order
that they might obtain information from all parts of the
world at the least expense. The next object of the meeting
was to amend the present system of shipping inert from the
shipping-offices. The present system was certainly very
convenient to many owners, who sent out their ships utterly
unseaworthy, and on board which no man in his senses would
consent to go, but which were manned by men brought down
from these hipping-offices- beastly drunk. This system,
too, was unjust towards the commanders, for they generally
found that the men thus shipped were of the least service
when they ought to be most available. (Hear. hear.) It
was proposed to have advertisement-boards outside the coffee
and reading-rooms, so that a captain would know where
to find men, and the men a ship, and the system of
robbery upon Poor Jack by the . shipping-agents would
be entirely done away with. He had taken some pains
to ascertain the probable amount of the robberies committed
through the shipping offices. A mate, if he wanted a ship,
applied to one of the offices, and he had lOs-. to pay, a second
mate 55., and poor Jack 2s. 6d. He got on board the ship
at the last moment of sailing, and then he found either that
he did not like the captain, or the captain did not like hint.
The ship was then at sea, and what could be done. The
man could not be turned off, and so the captain was obliged
to submit for six, nine, or twelve months to a parcel of vaga-
bonds, who were neither fit for tinkers, tailors, nor sailors.
(Hear, hear.) This system also tended to facilitate the pre-
sent abuse of rigging. Every sailor ought to know how to
rig his ship. (Hear, hear.) They were, however, brought
down to the ship qnite drunk, you were towed out by steam,
and when you got outside the Rock, you found that there
was not a man on board, except the captain and the mate,
who knew to where particular ropes led, that could rig, or,
indeed, that knew any thing of their husiness : consequently,
when their services would be of the most use, they were the
most wanting. (Hear.) Owners little thought what cap-
tains bad to put up with from men put on board through this
system—that they risked not only the lives of all on board,
but the-property of the ship—and. there were many instances
of the loss of all from this very port. (Hear, bear.) Now,
as to the system of rigging. There were a number of young
men loitering about the dock-gates, following this sort of
trade, who ought to go to sea; and these men insisted upon
being employed to rig every ship before she sailed. About a
month ago, he himself saw a man about to go on hoard
his, ship, when two riggers came up to him,, and asked
him where he was going? '" To my ship," he an-
swered : whereupon they threatened to knock out his
brains because, they said, he was thereby going to deprive
them of a day's work. (Hear.) Now these, were abuses
which ought to be remedied. There were, however, he was
most happy to say, ship-owners and ship-masters who would,
if they had the power, most willingly put an end to this sys-
tem, who could have their ships rigged by their own men,
who would have no men on board who could not do their
duty as seamen, and indeed send their ships out to sea in
every way as British ships. (Cheers.) In the reading-room
books of reference might be kept for every station in the
world. The room would be divided into sections, to each of
which captains might go for information. The master of the
room would note down in the book of the station all the in-
telligence which had last arrived ; he would say " have you
any information respecting the freights, &c. of the port where
you have come front," because many captains knew that a
few dollars would sometimes do a great deal. All this might
be known, The captain who was able to sail for a strange port
would say, " let me look at your book for so and so ;" he
would take a note of all that appeared important to him, so
that when he arrived there he could be in all respects prepared
to cope with the fellows he might meet. Who could deny
that these things would benetit shipmasters generally :
(Hear.) In the next place the Merchants' Seamans' Fund
was very little known, or how the income derived front it
was appropriated. lie was ignorant until the other day,
when he called upon Mr. Potter, of these matters himself,
and that gentleman gave him information which was per-
fectly satisfactory. He (Mr. Potter) had also put hint
(Lieut. Engledue) in possession of information respecting
a very excellent fund called the Marine Society Fund, to
which every captain ought to subscribe. For a very trifling
subscription they could ensure their wives and children after
their decease some £l2 or £l5 a year. This was a matter
which ought to be taken up by every shipmaster, as a matter
of economy, and for the great benefit to be derived from it
hereafter.. (Hear.) Mr. Potter would now address the
meeting.
Mr. PorrEn. said that when the chairman called upon him
to request his attendance at this meeting—being- from duty
and inclination much disposed to do every thing in his power
to promote and improve the comforts of all classes of seamen,

masters as well as men—he could not for a moment hesitate
to do so. He was not then in possession of some of that in-
formation which be believed would be given to the meeting,
He would, however, make some statements which would al-
lay any apprehension of mismanagement with regard to the
funds of the Seaman's Hospital, and also of the Marine So-
ciety. He had satisfied himself of this by an examination of
the books, and the statements of last year's accounts. But
since he had entered that room, he found that his friend, Mr.

Murray Gladstone, the president of the society, would be
glad to have an opportunity to explain. He (Mr. Potter)
would not enter upon the question of the shipping offices,
further than to' say that if the proposed association, whan
formed, should be able so to reform the character of the sailor,
as to bring about his rigging his own ship, and even dis-
charging his ship, and doing all connected with her, it would
be a most valuable boon to society., and particularly to the
seamen themselves. (Hear.) With .regard to the seaman's
hospital, it seemed to be supposed that the extra payment
made b 7 shipmasters was not so disposed of as to be of ad-
vantage to them. The act under which the collections were
now made pas S-ed five years ago ; by it the Collections from
masters were doubled, and now they had 2s a month instead
of Is. He had the accounts of the last.five,years, by which
it appeared that the receipts amounted to £21,427, and the
pensionslto :07,852, leaving a surplus of .4-730cHl on the account

of those live years. (Hear, hear.) There• Was an accumu-
lated fund from former years of about 415,000, the interest
of which went to . the general fund. -Now the only
apprehension he (Mr. Porter) had was that the pensions
at present granted were rather larger than the funds
would allow; because, it should be borne in mind, that the
trade of the port had greatly increased for several years,
and that along with it the reecipts had increased, but there
had, ocourse grown up an ,increased numb:'r of claimants.
of
course,
althoughl the funds might be rich ritAY, in some ten or
a dozen years hence, there might be more' pensioners upon
it than there were when it was in .a flourishing state. There
were now 179 pensioners upon that estate. Indeed, " pen-
sion" was not the proper term, because it was in reality a
Benefit Society, and it was their own right, so the term
pensioner was not the correct one, but it was the best that
had occurred at the time. Mr. Potter here detailed the ages
and amounts of the pensions paid to the several widows and
members, addingthat there were 345 children who received
Is. fid. per week. There' were 28 widows and 58 children of

coasting seamen, who received a lower rate,because formerly
they paid less. However, since the act came into operation,
doubling the captains' payments, 5 years ago, the fund had ac-
cumulated ; and at the last annual meeting, on the 7th January
last, it was resolved that those who had paid above a certain
number of years should have their pensions increased, widows
from 2s. Gd. to 3s. a week, and each child in proportion to
the payments had been made. Mr. Potter explained the
ratio of this increase, and proceeded to say that he knew of
no fund administered at less expense in proportion to its
amount than this. There was a very excellent clerk, who
received £l5O a year, being less than he deserved, for he had
to pay all the pensioners every week, except those who
chose to receive their money quarterly or monthly; he had
correspondence with those who lived at a distance, many of
whom lived in all parts of the kingdom. (Hear.) With re-
gard to. the Marine Society, he should not occupy their time,
as Mr. Gladstone would, speak to it ; but there was one point
:elating to it,-to which he would eall'the attention of ship-
masters. This was the fact, that there was some inten-
tion to alter the 15th rule, by which the payment of pensions
upon this fond was limited to widows who were not in the
possession of an income of £lOO. a rear. That was, if wi-
dows were in possession of that income from an yother source,
they did not derive any claim to a pension under this rule. As
this was chiefly a Benefit Society, he himself considered that
pensions ought to be granted upon it to all who were entitled
to them without reference to their circumstances. (Cheers.)
Mr. Potter added a few other remarks upon the advantages
of ship-masters joining this society.
Mr. T. M. GLADSTONE said he had attended the meeting
from having seen an advertisement calling it, and-without
any expectation of being called upon to speak. It had been
a matter of surprise to him, as well as a matter of congratu-
lation to :pally gentlemen present, to see.such a number of
toasters of vessels; because be had hitherto observed great
laxity on their part in attending to their immediate interests,
and the interests of their families, which he believed the Ma-
rine Society was calculated to promote. Although the Liver -
pool Marine Society had been established upwards of fifty
year's, it at this moment numbers only In marine tnembero,

Ism

whereas its benefits were so great as to render it a matter of
surprise why more did not join it, taking into account the
hazard and uncertainty attached to their mode of life, and
that the magnificent sum of £lO,OOO was raised to support
the institution. (Hear.) He was, therefore, glad to have
this opportunity of laying before them the objects of the
Marine Society. At the present time it numbered nearly
300 members; it was supported by the leading merchants,
shipowners and inhabitants of Liverpool; it was not used,
not from want of attention on the part of the public, but
from the inattention of the masters of vessels not joining it.
(Hear, hear.) Mr. Gladstone then went on to detail a state-
ment of the affairs of the society which were listened to with
great interest.
Mr. Hudson, a shipping-office keeper, complained of the
statements made wito respect to those offices, and said his
own had always been conducted respectably, but he was
interrupted by
The CHAIRMAN, who said the meeting could not listen to
statements of private affairs.
Lieut. FAIRER, R.N., then moved the first resolution,
expressing the necessity of such an association as that de-
scribed, which, with the other resolutions, are advertised in
another column.

Capt. BEAZLEY seconded the motion, and it was unani-
mously carried.
Mr. Row Err said he had great pleasure in moving the
second resolution, inasmuch as the benefits of the society
would be enjoyed by the shipowner, the underwriters, the
captains, and especially by poor Jack. He could not con-
ceive what objection his friend (Mr. Hudson) could have to
the proposed society, because, if his trade was good now, it
would be greatly improved by it afterwards. (Hear.) Be
would have the satisfaction of earning a more honest liveli-
hood, because it was not possible to conceive a worse system
than the half-crown or five shillings being wrung from the
pockets of the sailor, one-half of which was carried to the
ale house ; and it was the interest of the shipping offices to
make them drunk, in order to get them into a ship, because
they would not go on board were they sober, and knew what
sort of ship it was.
Mr. HUDSON complained of this language, and said it
was libellous.
Mr. Row Err explained that he meant to impute no wrong
to Mr. Hudson.
Mr. Row Err then spoke of the advantages of the Marine
Society, and concluded by moving the resolution.
Lieut. PARSONS, R. N., seconded it, and it was carried.
Mr. ESFIELDY moved the next resolution, naming the
amount of subscriptions.
Lieut. FAYRER, R.N., seconded the resolution, and it was
carried, after a short discussion between Mr. YATES,
Mr. Row Err, the CHAIRMAN, and others.
Mr. HUDSON then entered into explanations, and Mr.
Rowett, the Chairman, Mr. Potter, and Mr. Yates, said they
had always found the business of his establishment respect-
ably conducted.
A vote of thanks was presented to the chairman, and the
meeting separated.

THE LANCASTER ASSIZES.

(From the Preston Pilot.)

We understand that a great probability exists of a
return being made, wholly or to a considerable extent,
of the assize business of this county to the county
town, the removal to Liverpool of that portion origin-
ating in the southern division having been found to be
attended with great inconvenience to all parties, except,
perhaps, the legal profession of Liverpool, and their
particular clients. Our readers will no doubt wish to
know the grounds on which the probability alluded to
is founded, and we have much pleasure in giving it.
On the occasion of the Mayor and Corporation of
Lancaster waiting upon Mr. Justice Coleridge, imme-
diately after his arrival in that town, his worship, after
congratulating his lordship, expressed his regret that
his visit was likely to be of a very short duration ; when
the learned judge in reply is stated to have said, it was
by no means unlikely that at an early period a consi-
derable addition might be expected to the assize busi-
ness now brought to Lancaster, the partial removal of
it to Liverpool having been found very inconvenient to
most of the parties by whom the alteration was brought
about. We imagine that the period to which his lord-
ship alludes can only refer to the time when a continu-
ous line of railway travelling will be open from the
southern division to Lancaster, which may no doubt
be expected in the course of the present year. A jour-
ney from Manchester or Liverpool may then be made
in three hours or less, so that the space which now di-
vides the two extremes of the county will, if not in the
strict sense of the term be annihilated, be rendered so
very inconsiderable as at once to remove all objections
on the ground of distance. And when the greatly in-
creased conveniences furnished by the court accommo-
dations at Lancaster, and all the more easy facilities
for the transaction of business between the attorneys
and counsel, as compared with those to be met with at
Liverpool, are remembered, we think it highly proba-
ble indeed, that the legal profession in Manchester, and
those in the very populous surrounding district, will at
once perceive the great advantages to be derived by
preferring the county town to Liverpool as a place for
business. The judges on circuit have never, we be-
lieve, concealed their feelings of preference for Lancas-
ter; all difficulties, therefore, in procuring a return to
the state of things as they formerly existed, with re-
spect to transacting the assize business at Lancaster,
would easily be overcome. We shall only add, that as
the realisation of the probability held out by his lord-
ship's obserVation, would prove of great service to the
inhabitants of the " good old town," and might also
promote the comfort and advantage of numbers in
other parts of the county, we sincerely wish that it may
be effected, and soon.