The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-01-19 00:00:00

THE BALLOT.

(From the Times.)
Having shown, in two former articles, firstly, that. if the pre-
sent system of voting be repealed, you must either gag the
whole constituency, which would be absolute tyranny, or you
must leave it to the option of electors to vote openly or other-
wise, which, io practice, would be found complfgely•destruciive
of secrecy ; secondly, that, supposing the gagging method to be
adopted, there is no conceivable device whereby the desired
concealment can be effected compatibly with an accurate and
rightful exercise of men's suffrages; and, thirdly, that, as the
argument derived from the ballot's alleged success in the East)
India Company and private clubs is so far an illusion, that the
supposed privacy of suffrage in these associations is (July nomi-
nal, and not real--so, even if there existed in those quarters a
stricter concealment of operation than they now actually prac-
tise, the very questions on which they vote. as distinguished from
those of permanent public interest, afford them such facilities
for maintaining secrecy as no political constituency can ever
hope to command,.—hating, we repeat, deinonstrate4 these seve-
ral points, we might well be entitled, on the foreo•oing premises
alone, to demand against the ballot a sentence of universal re-
probation.

But, in point of fact, the mere efficiency of this radical gag'
though quite sufficient to secure the contempt otevery free and
unskalking Englishman, is by no means the worst of it. The
insult which it offers to the direct and fearless honesty of the
national character' the •offensive imputation on which it pro-
ceeds as its basis, that the eleetors.of this realm are v set of un-
principled sneaks, who, being disposed to pledge themselves to
one candidate and then to vote for another, are entitled to he
facilitated and protected in their perfidy by an express provision
of law—all this we do not now insist upon.

The fact, however, that the ballot would, in several respects,
afford opportunities for practising even a worse kind of corrop-
tu!n and toa.much greater extent than the existing system ad-
mits of, must be almost self-evident. For example, what is to
hinder a keen partisan from giving in secret more votes
than he is entitled, to? Whether the suffrage were to be
given by means of labels or halls, we defy the ingenuity of
man to prevent a dishonest voter from privately furnishing
himself with a variety of .these tokens, and from slipping
six of them into the ballot-box instead of ne.' It is idle to say,
that precautions would be taken to rend,. • this impracticable.
If under the present order of things, wl nmen are obliged to
vote in the face of d4—y, neither the vigilance of contending par-

ties, nor the solemnity of an oath, nor the proverbial virtue of
. potting clerks, can prevent unprincipled persona front persona-
ting the dead, or from voting twice at the same election, we may
be very sure that, with such a couveuient covert as the ballot,
the facilities fur giving a. fraudulent plurality of votes would be
proportionably increased, in spite of all the statutory precau-
tions that could be taken upon the subject.- :The candidate
having the smallest number of bonaAie voters might thus gain
the election by a course of treaelleay;.Ahich, even if ascertained
to have been practised in the groilk could not possibly admit of
being investigated in the detail, or judicially fastened upon par-
ticular iudividuals. Of the confusion and crime involved iu
such. proceedings we say nothing; but if the ballot brawlers
will only prove to us either that these misdeeds can be effectu-
ally prevented, or that they are of a less flagitious character
• .
than the alleged evils of the present system, we shall give them
all manner of credit for their ingenuity. Assertions, mind,
will gb for nothing. In the ablence of actual experiment, we
must have a strung presumptive proof.
Another vital and insuperable objection to the ballot is, that
• in such cases of fraudulent voting as we have anticipated no
improper return could ever be set aside by any Parliamentary
tribunal; or we ought father to say, that as long as knavish
electors should manage, by collusion, to prevent the number of
their extra legal labels or balls from surpassing the actual num-
ber of the local constituency, it would be utterly impossible to
determine rightfully whether any return were an improper one
of not. • How could'the grounds be laid for a legal scrutiny by
the House of Conithous ? and if laid presumptively, how could
judicial evidence be procured in reference to unknown offenders
whom the ballot had surrounded with impenetrable darkness?
Uncertainties, jealousies, pluttings' circumventions, and unde-
tectable villains, would be inseparable limn the whole scheme.
The upright constituencies.might have the strongest moral con-
viction that there bad been false play in the dark; but under
the ballot system there could be neither proof nor remedy.
Moreover, it is especially worthy of remark that all the argu-
ments in favour of a concealed suffrage on the part of the voter
may be urged with tenfold force in
_favour of secret voting in
Parliament. lf the privilege of, irresponsibility is to be Con-
ferred ou electors, common justice would require that the same
privilege should he extended to representatives. If the -ballot-
mongers insist that no man shall be called to account fur his
vote at an election, we cannot see' why any member should' be
compelled to give an open suffrage in a parliamentary diVision.
indeed, if the principle of the ballot is to be recognized and
a:iteil on in British politics, theft 'the abandonment of open
voting in the legislature would only be its logical issue, as well
as its proper off-set. And let us hear observe, that the intro-
duction of such a novelty into the House of Commons, how
startling soever to our just notions of responsibility, would be
quite in accordance with the theory of the constitution. The
rigorous exclusion of " strangers" during the divisions of that
house proceeds notoriously upon the principle that the concien- '
tines votes of members ought neither to he influenced nor in-
timidated by popular opinion; and if, within a comparatively
short period, this nun-responsibility has been reduced to a mere
theoretic fiction by the vigilance and intrePidity of the press,
no person ran deny that the reasons which originally sanctioned
its adoption would, under ther:lllot system, acquire a prodigious
accession -of force and importance.' 'For ourselves, We of course
justify the publicity of parliamentary Votes, because we think
that members ought to be responsible to public opinion, when
that opinion, as at present, can be satisfactorily ascertained.
But once establish the ballot, and where are we to find a certain
and correct index• of the public mind? You would have 'an
immense proportion of electors professing one thing and voting
for another. You•would see Weight of character and judgment
deprived of their just influence. You 'would have Worthless
vagabonds consorting with 'respectable men, and undermining
them with fraudulent ballots You would have the constitu-
ency of the kingdom enveloped in the deep shade Sand iniquitous
mysteries of the Inquisition; and therefore, in such a state of
things. we hold that to rescue representatives from the caprices
and injustice of a secret' tribunal,-the vote by ballot, if resorted
to by the country, cannot be refused to the divisious in partici
ment without the grossest tyranny.'
• • Nor let us forget that 'if the protection of secrecy be due to
the voter, it is in many grave respects far snore indispensible to
the usefulness and- itidependance of the representative. An
honest member of parliament may.require to be protected against
the court, against the Minister of the day, against demagogue
juntoa, and even against his own party connexions. On such a
subject, for instance as the recent provision in favour of the
Duchess of Rent, there can he no question that the known bias-
ses and dreaded disfavour of the palace did intimidate many mein-
hers from expressing t he opposition to th e measure which only Sir
Geo. Sinclair and Col. Sibthorp had the moral courage to avow.
Even the lover Radicals, who,. having never darkened the
Royal threshold, can suffer nothing from that quarter.but con-
tinued exclusion, did net dare to propose an adverse vote. But
among members of high station, familiar with the precincts and
society of St. James's, the power of the court to avenge,their.
Parliamentary independence by inflicting serious retaliations
is' as extensively possessed as in the gentle hands which now
wield that power it will, we trust, be generously and graciously
disused. That such- power, however, has an obvious tendency
to intimidate representatives front givingu a conscientious vote
that might incur the Royal displeasure—this, we say, forms a
plea for secret voting in Parliament, which the advocates of the
ballot cannot consistently object to. 'Take another case, in
regard to the position in which many members of the House of
Commons stand towards the Ministry of the day. The Seri-ices
of these members as men of talent, industry, and experience,
might often be of great benefit to the country, either in com-
mittees or in subordinate offices of the state. But their honest
and independent votes being openly given, are known and dis_
approved of by the Treasury Leader. They are, therefore,
marked men; and, accordingly, they are interdicted froth serving
on Committees wherein independence might be inconvenient to
the Government, as in the case of Mr. Whittle' Harvey's ex-
clusion from the committee on the pension list, the packed
committee on the Poor Law ,questiop, and many others too
numerous to be mentioned. By open voting the upright repre-
sentative is thus exposed to ministerial malice, not more to the
disadvantage of the commonwealth than to his own personal or
family injury, in numberless instances in which himself or his
children may be deprived of fair professional promotion, and
tyrannically balked in their laudable and legitimate pursuits.
If, then, the practice of secret voting at the hustings be neces-
sary for the protection of electors against oppressive landlords,
it is equally necessary in Parliament for the protection of re-
presentatives against a mean and vindictive guveritment. Pre-
cisely the same thing may be argued in regard to borough and
parochial juntos.- With a pair of rumps like those of West-
minster and Marylebotie, where is the conscientious member
who, being required to give -an open role in Parliament, can
dare to excuse his honest convictions with any feeling of free-
dom or independence ? Let him dare to do so, and forthwith •
he is pounced upon by the tribunals of the Crown and Anchor,.
or the Barlow-street Club. The Poor creatures who sit for
these' little metropolitan despotisms must vote, if they vote '
openly, under the goad and lash. Nay, we are free to admit,
that in consequence of open voting in Parliament, an imprac-
ticable and independent member may often be thrown into very
embarrassing relations with his own party connections, inas-
much as he may thereby incur certain jealousies, alienations,
and resentments of a painful kiud, from which the ballot in•the
House of Commons would have effectually shielded hitt'.
Observe, we are not arguing for secret voting in that house
if an open suffrage is to be retained in county and borough;
elections. But 'we hold, that as far as regards publicity or
privacy, the mode of voting ought to be the same; and that all
the reasons which recommend a system of concealed operations
at an election may be pleaded with tenfold force in favour of a
secret Mode of taking the divisions. in Parliament. The advo-
cates of the one cannot, consistently, halt or falter without con-
ceding the other.

LIVERPOOL MECHANICS' INSTITUTION.

LECTURES ON CHEMISTRY.

Dr. Kane delivered his fourth lecture on Saturday evening,
and one which afforded a richer scientific treat has rarely been
listened to. Indeed, we a:.e glad to find that the present course
upon chemistry is attracting, as it well merits, the attention of
the scientific in this town.

At a very early period of chemistry we were acqainted with
the substance called sal-ammoniac, and the leading chemists were
aware of the method of extracting from it a volatile liquid
known under the nameof spirits of sal-amtnonitic. It was found
likewise that a liquid of the same nature could be obtained by
the distillation of animal matter, and we are now aware that
the majority of vegetable substances yield a small quantity of
it. If we take a quantity of any sort of animal substance what-
ever, and subject it to destructive distillation, we have a reaction
which, although in reality complicated, and giving rise 'to a
great variety of products, may be simply explained in general
terms. Animal substances consist generally of four elements,
carbon, oxygen, hydrogen, and nitrogen. ' Now, where a sub-
stance composed of these elements is acted upon by heat, the
action is very complicated, the carbon and oxygen unite to
form carbonic acid, and :he nitrogen and hydrogen to form am-
monia. Now, these two substances, by virtue of the law which
affects the union of acids with bases, unite together to form car-
bonate of ammonia. In practice, however, animal matters con-
tains too much carbon, and we gel a carbonaceous residue • we
likewise get some water and some nitrogen. Yet, putting these
aside, we may state the general result as being explicable in
the above-mentioned way. Ammonia is usually known as the
spirit of hartshorn of commerce. It was formerly obtained by
subjecting horn to the action of heat. After the distillation of
coal, in addition to the inflammable matters which are obtained,
there is procured an enormous quantity of ammonia, so much
so that we may say that by this means our principal supply of
coal is obtained. On analyzing- sal ammoniac we find it to con-
sist of atninonia, united to muriatic acid. We may show the
action by which ammonia is obtained from this substance lit a
simple manner. Ammonia is a base of superior power, but it is
a base inferior in attraction to other bases. It is interior, for
instance, to potash, soda, and lime, and if we present these
stronger bases to sal ammoniac the weaker baSe is set free. The
separation of the elements of sal-ammoniac by lime is one of the
simplest specimens of decomposition which Can be exhibited.
When heat is applied the process is much expedited, and all
the ammonia may be obtained, but mere tritriration in a mortar'
will expel ammoniacal odour. This odour is easily distinguished.
by its pungent smell. It is thelningent constituent of the smell-
ing salts, by which name it is universallyknown; 'We generally
see ammonia under the liquid sir solid form, hitt when Perfectly
separated it is a transparent and colourless gas, 'perthanent at
ordinary temperatures and pressures. Ammonia maye be col-
leered in the same manner as oxygen, hydrogen, and nitrogeo,
but. it is necessary to make a simple alteration in the operation.
We have hitherto collected the gas over water, but as'aiiithonia
unites very powerfully with water it is colleete'd over. 'quicksil-
• ver. Ammonia is very light, being only half the weight of at-
mospheric air. It' we pass through atnmoniacal gas a series of
electric sparks its volume increases, and it becomes inflatnrna-
ble, having been converted, in a great measure, into hydrogen.
Thus, if we operate on twO pints of hydrogen we shall get four
pints of the gas resulting from its decomposition. On an
analysis it was found that three measures of hydrogen and one
of nitrogen went to form two measures of ammonia. Now, it
is easy from these results to collect the specific gravity of ammo-
nia, and we shall find that it is considerably lighter than atmos-
pheric air. We take advantage of this levity to procure it
tolerably pure, by collecting it'under a jar without the aid of
the pneumatic trough. A pipe is introduced under the jar to
its top, and the atninoniacal gas as it issues from this tube forces
the atmospheric air downwards until, it finally expels the whole.
Ammonia possesses an exceedingly interesting action on vegeta.
ble colours. By putting caustic potash into a jar of it all the
By damping the
moisture will be absorbed and' the gag thoroughly tried; If a
piece of turmeric paper be then introduced into the jar it will
he turned from a yellow into a dark biown.
turmeric paper the change is more remarkable. The character
of browning vegetable yellows is a property of alkalies, and we
here recognize ammonia to he an alkali. 'One of the most re-
markable
properties of ammonia is, that by uniting with various
acids it forms a beautiful class of salts: Thus by uniting with
muriatic acid gas, it forms muriate of ammonia, &c. As it is
soextrentely soluble in water we generally make use for experi-
mental purposes not of the gaseous ammonia but of the aqueous
solution in a concentrated form.
There are miser two circumstances connected with ammonia
which are worthy of notice; one of .the most rentatkable'of
which is its metallization. After the discovery of potassium
and sodium by Sir II tonphrey Davy, be suPP"P`i that ammonia
was similarly constituted fo these bodies, and th4t, he should be
able to prove it to be a metallic oxide. The most distinguished
men of the day have according)), directed their attention -to am-
monia iti the expectation of obtaining oxygen from it. They