The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-03-09 00:00:00

ROYA L AMPHITHEATRE,

MI RAT CIT IDT CITT'L' OTITPL`m. 7 TIT ra is. o:..
For the BENEFIT of MR. NEVILLE, Stage-manager.
MT R. N., in announcing to the Ladies, Gentlemen, and Pub-
-17.1 lic in general, on this particular occasion, does so with a
confidence not assumed by him. The pieces selected are ad-
mirably adapted to give pleasure to the most fastidious.
On MONDAY EVENING, March 12, will be presented a
grand melo-drama, founded on fact, called
BEWARE OF THE WHITE EAGLE !
OR, THE MISER MURDERER. /
In which Mr, Ryan's Stud and Company )rill appear.
The Elector of Saxony, disguised as Peter b*ank, a Pedlar,
and Justin, a deaf "fraveller..lNlr.,Neville.
Haggi Lutzi (a Prophetess)
Phedora (the dumb girl of the Inn f Airs. Weston.

Eloise Mts. Weston.

NOVELTIES OF THE ARENA. ---
On this particular evening, the
CHINESE FAIR, OR ARAB AND BEDOUIN
EXERCISES!
In the course of the evening' the popular interlude of the
SOLDIER'S HEART;

Or, Lure in Humble Life.
The part of Christine by Miss S. A. Wilson,
From the Theatre-royal, Edinburgh, het first appearance.
The whole to conclude with a comic drama, by W. T. Moncrief,
Esq. called the
IRRESISTIBLES, or FEMALE VOLUNTEERS.
Victoria, sister to Eugene.. Miss Needle.
Wilheltnina, an orphan, Ward of Bluffenbur,g, Miss Gates. '
Tickets may be had of Mr. Neville, 53, Duncan-street, and at

the usual places.
Boxes, 3s. ; Pit, 25.; Lower Gallery, is.; Upper Gallery, 6d.
Second Price at flalf-past Eight • Boxes, Is. 61; Pit, is ;
Lower Gallery, 61 Children Half-price front the commence-
ment to the Boxes and Pit only.
Proprietor, Mr. BATES,
Stage Manager, Mr. NEVILLE.

Elie Eibtrpool tf...taitharb.

FRIDAY MOI?NING, MARCH 9,183 S.

Qom; The Publication of the STAN OAR D commenced this morn-
ing at 5 o'clock.

THE UNITED STATES.—The news from the United
States appears to be of a very gloomy and desponding
character. It is to NI feared that another crisis will take
place in the commercial affairs of the Union. The rate
of Exchange upon England, on the 6th ult., was 61 and
61 per cent. At this rate it may be expected that consi-
derable exportations of specie will take place from this
country.

CANADA.—By the South America, Captain Barston,
which arrived here on Wednesday; we have received
American papers to the 16th ultimo. These papers in-
form us that Lady Head and family had arrived at New
York, to sail in the packet of the 20th ult. for London.
Sir Francis Head remained at Toronto until the arrival
of his-successor, Colonel Sir George Arthur. The no-
nillion Gazette contains several addresses to Sir F.
Head, in which the utmost satisfaction is expressed at
his conduct. Public meetings were convened in various
parts of Upper Canada for the purpose of presenting

m with farewell tributes. We also learn that the Bri-

tish residents at New York contemplated giving him a
public dinner in that city previously to his embarkation
for England.

The Inconstant, with part of the 59th foot, had arrived
at New Brunswick from Cork, and other troops were
expected daily.
Respecting the movements of the " patriotic forces,"
we find the following notice :
(From the Buffalo Commercial Ad,,. 10th Feb. 1838.)

MOVEMENTS OF THE PATRlOTS.—lnformation from an
authentic source has been received here, that the scattered frag-
ments of the Navy Islanders and Ohio patriots have effected an
union in the neighbourhood of the Black Swamp, with the in-
tention of pushing on through Michigan, and crossing at some
point on the St. Clair river into Canada.

It is understood that they have some arms, which have been
given them by the people of the count-v through which they have
lately passed. They are under the command of Adjutant-Gen.
M`Leod. Va❑ Rensselaer left here for the West night before
last. his intentions can easily be surmised.
The public may be assured that Gen. Brady, who is in com.
mand at Detroit, will take the most active and efficient measures
to prevent any violation of our neutrality, and will disarm any
force which may attempt to march through Michigan with hos-
tile intentions toward Canada.

To aid this officer in the performance of his duties GO regulars
under command of Capt. Johnson, left this place last evening,
for Detroit, where it is expected they will arrive in 96 hours.
Prom the All any Argus of yesterday.—We learn that Major
General Scott arrived in,:tbis city the day before yesterday,

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10th Feb►uary, baying probably been brought hither, from
Buffalo, by the rumours which are kept afloat along our Cana-
dian frontier, one of which represented that a new expedition
against Canada way on foot on the Chateaugay or St. Law-
rence river. Whether there be any thing in this particular
rumour, we know not—but learn that Gen. Scott has made a
farther requisition upon his excellency Governor Macey, for
two battalions for those rivers,and that the governor has promptly
cau,ed orders to be issued to supply the troops from the nearest
brigades, if Brigadier-General Wool, who is in that. quarter,
shall, under the instruction of General Scott, deem their services
important.

BARBADOS.—BV the Irlam, which arrived here on
Wednesday, we have received files of Barbadian papers
to the 27th of January. The news brought by these
papers is not of any importance.

The Barbados Mercury, of January 27, quotes the
following remarks from the Demerara Royal Gazette
of the 19th of the same month. We submit them to
the consideration of those Well-meaning individuals who
have been led astray by the strong ex-parte statements
of the abolitionists :
In last Saturday evening's Gazette we made some extracts
and observations for the purpose of putting our readers in pos-
session of a knowledge of borne proceedings with regard to the
Colonies in the West.

As a fearless hope may be by these movements inspired in
the breast of one party, and a hopeless fear excited in that of
the other, it may not be amiss for both to moderate their expec_
cations and to prepare themselves for disappointment or success
as the case may turn out.

The apprenticed labourer is by no means to consider that
the Br►tish parliament will break that solemn compact and
agreement that it made with the West Indian proprietors at the
time the apprenticeship was established, without the most minute
and impartial investigation.
The legislature will first examine whether all the reports
taken home to England by the friends of the Negroes be true,
and then whether any of the Colonies be an exception to them.
The solidity and deliberative wisdom of the house of commons
are a strong guarantee against any resolution founded on en-
thusiastic representations. One man, or two, or ten may be
driven to hasty conclusions by such means ; but that collective
and practical prudence which recognized the expediency of six
years apprenticeship, will not without due consideration and
sufficient grounds curtail its existence. Notwithstanding all
the reports that have gone to anti-slavery societies, and ail
the inflammatory and exciting speeches that have been
delivered to assembled multitudes, an impartial inspection
of the apprenticeship in the West Indies, would discover many
honourable examples of a strict adherence to the conditions of
the Abolition Act.

When we consider that Jamaica is almost exclusively the
theme of every exciting oration, that few instances of cruelty
or turpitude have been represented as happening in any other
of these colonies, and that the representations which have
communicated such excitement to so many British bosoms,
have been those of two or three individuals, and those not to-
tally free from'prejudice and partiality, we have reason to hope
and believe that the consequences of an unbiassed and general
inspection would rather be an amendment of affairs in Jamaica
and elsewhere, where abuses may exist, than an entire and im-
mediate annihilation of the Apprenticeship throughout the West
Indies.

We have not the least doubt that if mar!), of those gentlemen
who have addressed most eloquent speeches to anti-apprentice.
ship meetings, and swelled mole-hills into mountains, had six
month's sojourn iu British Guiana, as in some other of the
Western Colonies, they would be astonished that their feelings
had been so worked upon, and their sympathies so aroused in
behalf of a people who had so few Teal grievances. They would
wonder that the outgoings of their benevolence had not more
confined themselves to the substantial woes and wasting dis-
tresses of those around their own doors, instead of straining so
hard in search of imaginary privations, and inflaming the pub-
lic mind by the recital of long lists of direful calamities, which
vanished at the first touch of truth and experience.

The eyes of these immediate abolitionists are so dazzled with
the expected advantages of thhir favourite measure, that they
are totally blind to the probable inconveniences and evils which
will result to many from its adoption. Do they not consider
that the planter or employer will not be able to pay high wages
to the effective workers, and at the same time to feed and clothe
the children, the aged, and infirm, and keep up houses for their
accommodation. Many apprenticed labourers are at present
married, and have wives and families; many have aged fathers
and mothers who are unable to provide for themselves, and
who, of course, when they are free, must depend upon their
sons and daughters for support—for food, clothing and shelter.
Numbers of apprenticed labourers who are provident and well
conducted, are providing against these circumstances, and sav-
ing some money to ftirnish them with such things as they may
require when their mastei's shell cease to be chargeable with
them. Numerous disadvantages which do not now exist, and
al.e remaining two years and a-hale 0 f the apprentice;
ship would in some measure prepare them, must be the conse-
quence of immediate abolition, and there is every reason to
believe that all these will be taken up and considefed by the
legislature pteviousiy to any decisive measure on the subject.
—The British senate will not proceed With that headlong pre-
cipitancy in a matter of such importance, which seems to have
carried away the leaders of anti-slavery societies iu the various
parts of the United Kingdom. They will not only consider the
reports of those who travelled for the purpose of finding fault,
but with these they will compare the official documents and
despatches of the various governors in the West Indian Colo-
nies. Many of these they wilt find not to agree with the pub-
lished statements of Sturge, and Palmer, and Lloyd, &c.—They
will find, as far as British Guiana is concerned, by a reference to
Sir James Carmichael Smith's despatch to Lord Glenelg,dated
9th March, 1836, that the apprenticeship is working well, and
answering the purpose for which it was intended. They will
find that in the opinion of our governor, any change would be
for the worse, and not for the better; and that neither the ap-
prentice labourers themselves, nor their employers, are yet
fitted for such a revolution ; and we should hope that upon a
candid and impartial investigation, British Guiana will not be
the only Colony which will be found to have done as it ought.
It is by such evidences as these that the Legislature will
likely be guided in their inquiries into the working of the ap.
prenticeship, and not solely by the inflammatory and exag,
gerated narrations of self-appointed and pas tial inspectors.
We have thus taken a short view of both sides of this ques-
tion for the purpose of assisting our readers in forming a judg-
ment on this important subject, and now leave them to calcu-
late the probable results from what is before them:

THE. DEBATE ON SIR. WILLIAM MOLESIVORTII'S MO-
TION.--The debate on the motion of the member for
Leeds now forms the subject of absorbing interest
throughout the co.untry. As we find it impossible, within
our circumscribed limits, to give any thing like a full
report of the several speeches which have been delivered
on this important question, we shall endeavour to supply
as careful an analysis as practicable.

Sir William Molesworth commenced his attack upon
Lord Glenelg on Tuesday night, in a speech which oc-
cupied two hou s in the delivery. He anxiously dis-
claimed the opinion that our colonies should be emanci-
pated. He did not agree with those who thought that
colonies were of no use to a country like Great Britain.
He did not think that it would have been better for the
country to be without any colonies. He asked whether
we were to repent of having planted thirteen English
colonies in North America, which had expanded into one
of the greatest nations on the face of the earth ? He
demi-pled whether it ought to be a matter of regret that
the more northern deserts of America had been reclaimed,
cultivated, and filled with inhabitants of our race ? The
right honourable baronet then proceeded to enumerate
the advantages which resulted to the commerce of this
country from the several colonial possessions of the East
and West Indies, Australasia, &c. His opinions on co-
lonization had been detailed in an address published some
time previously, of which he read the following ex-
tracts:—
" At the time when Elizabeth granted to the brother.in law
of Raleigh the first charter for British colonization,Enulan the wants
of the people, and even of the Sovereign of_ con-
fined to objects such as would now be considered fitting for only
a half-civilized race. The Queen herself trod upon reeds,
fastened her clothes with wooden skewers, and fed upon beef,
salt fish, and beer. The richer classes could expend their in-
come from land only in a rude hospitality, which consisted. but
of quantity without variety, and had no other effect ttiarLto
support retainers in a rough plenty. Nothing could well be
coarser than the food and clothing of the great body of the ,
people. But along with the emigration of Englishmen to
tant lands, new productions were discovered and sent home in
exchange for products of domestic industry. It WAS Ihdlit hat
we began to be a manufacturing and commercial nation. Who
shall estiniate the influence upon the industry, not only of
England, but of Europe, of the cultivation of sugar, tobacco,
and cotton, in America? These are but a few of the many new
;
productions arising from colonization which have gradually,
through the stimulus of new desires, so improved the usefhl arts
in England (that of agriculture included); that our population
has continually increased, with a continnal decrease—the grand
test of social advancement—in the proportion of hands employede
in raising food for the wholsocietV,... Briilsttdeno-irnthipleierreNyt the
India trade, Liverpool with her Inn ,s „tie
modern towns of Lancashire with their manufactures of the raw
produce of America—what are these but manifest results of
British colonization—' ships, colonies, and commerce ?' It is
to these' that England is chiefly indebted for the pre-eminent
wealth, and even for the greatness of out domestic numbers.
The old fashion of colonizing wasi therefore, a very good one for
this country."

In reply to those who thought that this country could
do without colonies, and who denied that it was advan-

`. ~

tageous to add to or preserve them, the honourable ba-
ronet remarked :--

"That opinion, Sir, with respect to the disadvantage of
having colonies, appears to me to have arisen from the Want or
a distinction, to which I am desirous to draw the attention of
some of my hon. friends, and especially the. -right hon. baronet
the member for Dundee. The right hon. baronet, in his pork
on financial reform, has said, 'The possession of colonies affords
no advantage which could pot he obtained by commercial inter-
course with independent states.' In like manner Mr. Bentham
had said, 50 years before, 'There is no necessity for governing
or possessing any island in order that we may sell merchandise
there,' Who can doubt the truth of these propositions, so far
as they go ? But they do not embrace half the subject • they
suppose, or take for granted, that which never existed. 'They
suppose the existence, and the continual increase, of a number
of foreign states, whose inhabitants are as skiltul in production,
and as desirons to obtain British goods, as if they were of our
own race and bad recently emigrated from this country. The
doctrine presumes that we could have had the same -trade as at
present with other lands, even though none of our people had
gone forth to settle there ; that all the countries which we Isavk
peopled and converted into growing markets for the sale dour,'
domestic produce would have been just as useful to us, ins
commercial point of view, if they had remained independent
states." The independent state of New Holland before we had
planted colonies there! The independent state or people of
America amongst whom William Penn and his followers settled I
Is not Japan, with which we have no trade, one of the right
hon. baronet's " independent states ?" Have we such a trade,
or anything like such a trade, with Java as we should have had
if we had retained colonial possession of that most fertile country?
The doctrine of the right hon. baronet rests on the assumption
that the world abounds in "independent states," able and
willing to purchase British goods, and that whatever may be
the increase of domestic capital and production requiring new
markets, such markets will spring up, just at the moment we
want them, in the form of " independent states." Has that
assumption any fotindation in fact or reason ? I cannot help
thinking that it has none—that at all events it is greatly to the
advantage of a country like this to plant colonies and thereby
create markets where none exists or likely to exist by any other
means; and that this is pre-eminently the policy of such a
country as England, whose power of producing wealth by means
of manufacture has no other limit than the extent or number of
the market in which she can dispose of manufactured goods."
In these opinions we entirely concur; but we cannot
avoid expressing our astonishment that such sentiments
should be expressed by an ultra•radical, and one who has
advocated the cause of Papineau and the Canadian rebels.
The object of these insurgents was undoubtedly the se-
paration of the Canadas from the mother country and
the establishment of a federal republic. Of these ob-
jects Sir William Molesworth was perfectly cognizant.
W 6 are therefore puzzled how to reconcile his present
opposition to the emancipation of our colonies with his
former declarations in favour of the revolt in Canada.

After detailing at considerable length the evils which
he alleged to be inseparable from our present system of
colonial government, Sir William Moleswortli proceeded
to justify his movement against Lord Glenelg. In as-
signing the reasons which induced him to make this at-
tack, he explicitly stated that every member of the ca-
binet was responsible for the conduct Of the colonial se-
cretary, and that the culpability of Lord Glenelg was
not greater than that of his associates. After such a
declaration, we might have expected that the Cornish
baronet would have included the whole of the cabinet
ministers in his vote of censure. However, he did no
such thing; but, after a speech of the most vapid cha-
racter, and full of the most astounding inconsistencies,
he concluded by moving the following resolution :
"That a humble address to the Queen, respectfully express-
ing the opinion of this house, that in the present critical state
of many of her Majesty's foreign possessions in various parts
of the world, it is essential to the well-being of her Majesty's
colonial empire, and of the many and important domestic inte-
rests which depend on the prosperity of the colonies, that the
colonial minister should be a person on whose diligence, fore-
thought, judgment, activity, and firmness, this house and the
public may be able to place reliance; and declaring, with all
deference to the constitutional prerogatives of the crown, that
her Majesty's present secretary of state for the colonies does
not enjoy the confidence of this house, or of the country."
Mr. Leader, another of the pro-Papineati faction, se-
conded this resolution, but without venturing to speak
On the subject.

Lord Palmerston rose tt move a direct negative to Sir
William Molesworth's motion. He looked upon that
motion as an attack upon the existence of the cabinet,
and said that, in the event of the resolution, or anything
resembling it, being carried, every member of the go-
vernment would walk out with Lord Glenelg. Credal
Juckeus ! We do not believe that there exists so much
virtue among the members of the Crim-Connell cabinet
as to resist the temptation to Pacrifice Lord Glenelg for
the purpose of retaining office. No, indeed; whatever
the lack-a. daisical Palmerston may say, he and his as.
sociates will cling, with the tenacity of leeches, to the
treasury benches. No vote of censure cast upon the ca.:
binet, individially or collectively, can possibly affix
any deeper mark of disgrace upon the present superla-
tively shabby government than that with which it has
been already branded by the concurrent opinion. of every •
honest Englishman. The abject subjection of Lord
Melbourne and his coadjutors to the "Big Beggarmae
is a far greater disgrace than any vote of censure which
the House of dommons may pass upon their measures.
And yet, under the accumulated load of dishonour beneath •
which the ministers groan, they are content to continue •
in office! So will they even after Sir William Moles-
worth's motion is carried nay, they will even vote for
that motion rather than allow Lord Sandon's amendment
to be carried. •

Lord Palmerston went on to praise the general policy
' of ministers, and especially their colonial policy, which
he described in terms of glowing admiration. He con-
clude() by saying that
Her Majesty's government considered this as a motion for the
removal of the government, and did not accept it as a motion
against Lord Glenelg singly—(cheers). He should not meet
the motion by any indirect means. He should not Move the
previous quest iou—(cheers from the opposition benches.) He
would leave that to others to do—(iitimense opposition cheers
repeated). He should meet the motion with a plain and simple
negative; because in effect it called upon the house to declare
that it had no confidence in her Majesty's government. He
begged the house to view the motion in its true and proper
light; however its decision might be, let it be on real groundai
and not under the false impression with which it was put for-
ward by the hon. baronet—it must be considered as levelled
against a body, and not merely against an individual, which
was unjust; and the consequence must be that it would be
impossible for the body to remain after one of their colleagues
had fallen under the condemnation and censure of the house—
(cheers).

Mr. Hall followed in a speech of singular originality,
He rested his defence of Lord Glenelg chiefly upon the
success of Lord Mulgrave's administration of the affairs
of Ireland !

Lord Sandon then rose to move an amendment on Sir
William Molesworth's motion. We give the speech of
our noble representative at considerable length

Lord SAN DON then rose, but from the low tone of voice in
which he spoke, his observations were nearly inaudible. The
noble lord we understood to say that he thought the noble
lord (Lord Palmerston) had put the question on its proper
basis; and he agreed with the noble lord that a motion of this
description ought Dot to be brought forward against an indi-
vidual member of the government—(general cheering). He
did not think this was consistent with justice; and in addition
to which, he had personal reasons which would not allow him
to concur in it. He had had the pleasure of a long personal
acquaintance with the noble bird to whom this motion referred, .
and he could not, as a man of honour, concur in any proposi,.
tion which went to throw disgrace upon his name—(general
cheering). Acquainted as he was with the high honour and
integrity of the able lord in Titivate life, it was impossible he
could concur in the motion before the house. Such a course
could only be justified by mal-administration, and he haa
heard no such charge made against his noble friend —(ironical
cheers from the radical section). What, he begged to ask,
were his faults—what were the charges against his noble friend?
He (Lord Sandon) differed widely with.. his noble friend'on,
colonial policy; but were not the faults of that policy not those individually of of his noble friend but of the whole administration?
Were they not faults in which the whole of the cabinet were •
concerned?—(opposition cheers.) Were not the resolutions of
last year, with respect to Canada, brought forward by the noble
lord (Lord J. Russell) on the responsibility of the government :
generally? He could not Consent to give a silent negative to
the present proposition. He had never been a party to extreme
propositions; bht he felt oh this occasion he must express his -
opinions, from the circumstance of the deep interest his con-
stituents had in the proper administration of public affairs in
the North American colonies. About a third of the whole or
the trade of Liverpool was carried on with these colonies. That,
circumstance called upon him to do everything in his power to.
preserve British relations with Canada—(ministerial cheers.)
As he had formed a distinct and decided opinion on the subject.
of the Interest of his constituents in these colonies, he should,
Pot be doing his duty if he refrained from expressing his.
'opinion. It 'night be for the convenience of the house if he. at ..
once stated the course which he was about to pursue. He in-.
-tended to move, as an amendment to the motion of the right
hon. hart., an address to her Majesty to the following effect •
"T
-hat an humble address be presented to her Majesty to
express to her Majesty our deep regret that the tranquillity of
her Majesty's provinces of Upper and Lower Canada shoirld
have been disturbed by the wicked and treasonable designs of
a disaffeCted party in those provinces, by which !many of the
inhabitants have been seduced into open revolt against the
authority of her Majesty. To assure her Majesty that we have
observed with the utmost satisfaction the zeal and fidelity which
have animated the loyal inhabitants of her Majesty's North
American provinces, and that we cordially rejoice in the sue•
cess which has.attended the exertions of her Majesty's regular
forces, combined with the voluntary services of her T Majesty',
faithful subjects. o assure her Majesty of our continued
determination to aid her Majesty in every effort which she may
be called upon to make for the suppression of revolt and the
complete restoration of tranquillity, professing at the same
tine our desire to afford redress for every real grievance, and
maturely to consider such permanent arrangements for the
constitution and government of the province of Lower Canada,
as may best secure the rights and liberties, and promote the
interests of all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that pro-
vince:
humbly to represent to her Majesty, that it appears to ..
us, upon a consideration of the documents and correspondences
relating to the North American provinces which her l!rlajesty ''•
has been graciously pleased to communicate to this house, that-