The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-31 00:00:00

Lich u 4vouid bo rnoAt advtint

sue, tthey would c actuated by a desire to promote the
intersi„'ts and welfare of her pep*. Her Majesty'hirther
stated that she was always desirous of attending to the ad-
vice of her parliament, and she Would therefore take into
immediate consideration the othet• important matters con-
tained in their address.
The bill for facilitating the administration of justice in the
Court of Chancery, the drainage in towns bill, the borough
improvement and other bills, which the sudden close of the
last session of parliamentcaused to be dropped, were brought
in by the LORD ( ii.kNCELLOR, and severally read a first
time.

The two last-mentioned bills were read a second time and
committed, and ordered to be read a third time on Monday.
Their lordships then adjourned until Monday.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-FRIDAY

The adjourned debate was resumed by Mr. MILNE, who
contended that ministers had most impertinently and inju-
diciously brought forward measures in their budget which
they must have known they would not be able to carry. in
supporting the amendment he would observe that the diffe-
rence between the present ministers and those who were
likely to succeed them would be that the latter would only
propose measures which they knew they had power to carry
into effect.

Mr. RENNIE adverted to the expensive modes of agricul-
ture resorted to in many parts of the kingdom, and con-
tended that it was unjust to compel the people to buy corn
so expensively raised, when, but for the laws which it was
proposed to repeal, they might buy the article much cheaper.
Mr. WALLACE was opposed to any article on corn, and
said in his opinion a much greater proportion of the burden
upon the nationol debt should be thrown upon the land than
it was at present subjected to. He would support the
address.

Mr. HINDLEY also supported the address, and contended
that the monopoly of corn was only upheld because those
who profited by it were those who likewise possessed the
monopoly of power.
Mr. WIGNEY thought the real question was as to which
party should govern, and as they all knew that sooner or
later Sir R. Peel must accede to office, it would be better for
the country that he should at once walk across the floor of
the house, when the discussion of those important measures
which were so interesting to the country might be entered
upon.
Mr. HAWES, in strong terms, commented upon this attack
made by the hon. member for Brighton on his political
friends. and subsequently attempted to grapple with the ar-
guments and calculations used by Mr. Goulburn on the pre-
vious evening. In reference to the fact that Sir R. Peel
would have two whigs for his colleagues in his administra-
tion he declared that he would prefer having Sir R. Peel for
a dictator, rather than see him surrounded by such colleagues.
If the right hon. baronet should come into power, as it was
assumed he would throughout that debate, if he legislated
upon general, rather than upon sectional and personal inter-
ests, he (Mr. Hawes) would offer to him no factious opposi-
tion. He must say, however, that he feared the right hon.
baronet would pursue a course which would compel him to
rank himself in the opposition to his administration.
Captain POLHILL supported the amendment, and stated
his belief that Sir R. Peel would sooner have submitted to
have his right hand cut off than remain in office one day after
a vote of that house intimating that the right hon. baronet
did not possess its confidence.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL supported the address, and ex-
pressed a hope that, should the conservatives come into
power, Ireland, at all events, might have nothing to do with
the noble member for North Lancashire.

Mr. CHRISTMAS, in supporting the amendment, treated
the question before the house as being one purely of con-
fidence. _ _

Mr. VILLIERS attributed the success of the conservatives
at the recent elections, not to their increasing popularity, but
rather to the dissension of the liberals, one portion of whom
made use of the conservatives for the purpose of punishing
the other portion. The present ministry had also lost ground
in public estimation in consequence of the poor law bill ; but
the most powerful engine for their destruction was supplied
by themselves in their slowness to carry out the principles of
reform. The hon. gentleman then entered into a defence of
the measures proposed by the government, and contended
that they were founded upon the same principles as those
which Mr. Huskisson maintained, for that gentleman had
declared the protective system to be faulty, and that his opi-
nion was, that it was a mistake to have ever imposed anything
in the shape of protective duties.

Lord F. EGERTON said he did not think that the house
was called upon on that occasion to discuss those questions
of policy which ministers had brought forward, but still he
found no fault with those gentlemen who thought differently,
but endeavoured to give every attention to their arguments.
He did not see, therefore, why hon. gentlemen near him,
who felt as he did, should be blamed by hon. gentlemen on
the other side because they acted upon their opinion that
while the government of the country was in so anomalous a
condition, it was not expedient to enter upon the discussion
of such important questions. He denied that the support of
the amendment by his side of the house implied the least
disrespect to her majesty, because it had always been the
practise to treat the speech from the throne as the speech of
the ministers of the crown. The Chancellor of the Exche-
quer said that evasion of the discussion of these questions on
that occasion was like playing the play of Hamlet, with the
part of Hamlet omitted, but he (Lord F. Egerton) would tell
him that he did not want to get up the play of Hamlet at all
until he had the company engaged and the theatre properly
arranged. (Cheers.)
Mr. O'CONNELL said it was well known that he was in
favour of a repeal of the corn laws, and yet he stood in that
house as the representative of two of the largest agricultural
counties in Ireland, returned by both without having soli-
cited a vote, or being present at his election in either. This
proved that the agriculturists of Ireland did not think those
duties on corn very advantageous to them. He asserted that
the corn laws were a robbery of the poor, to whom a stone
was given when they asked for bread, and for his own part,
he only agreed to the 8s fixed duty as an instalment, as a
step to get rid of those laws altogether. He complained
that the reform bill had given an iniquitouspreference to the
landed over the mercantile interests of the community, and
that it was to the £5O tenant at will clause that Sir R. Peel
had to attribute his majority. The hon. and learned gentle-
man then enumerated all the beneficial acts of the present
ministry, and contended that the whips were really deserv-
ing of popular support. The conservatives, however, had
obtained a majority, but there never was sueh gross bribery

since the world began as had been resorted to in order to ob-
tain it. The hon. gentleman then entered upon the griev-
ances of Ireland, a country to which England owed much,

while it owed to England nothing but execration.
Sir R. PEEL said, if he felt still more acutely than he did
for his party under the censure of the hon, and learned
gentleman, he was not without some reasons for consolation
in the reflection that the hon. gentleman's abuse of the tories
fell far short of that lavished by him upon his beloved whigs.
(Cheers and laughter.) The hon. gentleman, however, had
reduced himself to such a position that his praise or censure
was of equal value. (Great cheering.) If the whigs were
the men who had conferred on Ireland all the benefits of
happiness and tranquillity, what could justify the hon. gen-
tleman in loading them with abuse—(cheers), in designating
them as the base and bloody whigs? (Continued cheering.)
The right hon. baronet then proceeded to state his sentiments
on the various topics referred to in the course of the debate ;
and with respect to the representation of the peace of Europe,
said, he thought war was much less to be feared from the
aggression of any power than from constant preparations to
meet it, lest it should come, thus keeping up armaments in
every nation, which had better be largely diminished. He
did not blame the omission of all notice of America in the
Queen's speech, for he felt sure it was not inadvertent or un-
designed, but he did fear, from' the omission, that Ministers
had nothing very pleasant to communicate. The right hon.
gentleman then repeated his opinions which he had expressed
last session on the measures relative to which the country
had been appealed to, but he declined to state any of the de.
tails of the measures which he might think it necessary to
propose to Parliament. 'With respect to the timber duties,
he repeated that he would give no pledge until he knew
whether there were or were not political reasons connected
with the Canadas which might exercise on influence to pre-
vent the adoption of the principles of free trade in the article
of timber. With respect to sugar, he maintained the same
opinions he had expressed last session. It had been said
that, after removing the present Ministry from office, he
would then bring in a measure in effect the same. He would
frankly own that he would do no such thing, though he ad-
mitted that the principles upon which he acted in respect to
the sugar duties were not consistant with the principles of
free trade. The right hon. baronet once more asserted his
adherence to a graduated scale of duties on corn in pre-
ference to a fixed and irrevocable duty; but he was not
wedded to the existing law relative to corn, nor was it upon
the assumption that he would not change those laws that he
had received the support of the landed interest. It would
however, be preposterous for him to bind himself to the pre-
cise mode in which he should propose the alteration of the
existing scale of duties. The right hon. baronet then con-
trasted the comparative effect, in times of scarcity, of the
sliding scale and fixed duty, and asked if the price of corn
rose to 905., whether the advocates of the Bs. fixed duty
would maintain it. To maintain it would be impossible, al-
though a large manufacturer opposite to him (Mr. Hindley)
intimated that he would, under such circumstances, enforce
the duty. The right hon. baronet next referred to a series of
documents in order to show that in America, Russia, and
other countries the fluctuations in the price of corn were far
greater than in this country, from which it was clear that
fluctuations in the price of corn might arise from other
causes than the operation of the duties. In conclusion, he
must say that he could not acquiesce in the address, for to
a certain extent it implied a confidence in the government
which he did not feel ; nor did he think that the noble lord
(Lord J. Russell) would join in the opinion that the course
he (Sir Robert Peel) was pursuing was not perfectly justifiable
and proper as respected the amendment proposed by the
honourable member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, which
contained as little of unnecessary acerbity as was possible.
If power should not devolve upon him he should not feel
disappointed, while if power should devolve upon him he
would accept it with the confidence and the consciousness
that he had acquired it only by direct and constitutional
means, and by the call of the people of England. (Loud
cheering.) If he accepted office it should be by no intrigue,
or unworthy concession of constitutional principle, but by
walking in open light and direct paths of the constitution,
and he would relinquish power the moment he was satisfied
that he was not supported by the confidence of that house,
and of the country. (Immense cheering, during which Sir
R. Peel resumed his seat.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said he did not complain of this amend-
ment, for lie thought the meeting of the parliament was the
very best time to ascertain if a ministry possessed the confi-
dence of that house ; but then reasons should be assigned in
support of such a motion ; and yet, in the whole course of
the debate, no such reasons had been assigned, until the right
hon. baronet had commenced his address to the house, with
the exception of some observations which had fallen from the
hon. member for Yorkshire. The noble lord entered into a
lengthened defence of the measures of the ministry, and of
the course they had pursued respecting those measures, since
they had acceded to office, after which he adverted to the
speech of the right hon. member for Tamworth, and re-
marked that he had left them as much in the dark as ever as
to his intentions ; sheltering himself unedne,r
itnhefadeetc,lahreatwioans
that he would not enter into detail, when,
avoiding anything in the shape of an intimation as to any ge-
neral measure he contemplated introducing. The only prin-
ciple to which the right hon. baronet could be fixed, was the
sliding scale, and to that he appeared determined to devote
himself, and yet he (Lord J. Russell) firmly believed that all
the evils of those corn laws were to be attributed to the slid-
ing scale. The noble lord animadverted on the calumnies to
which he said the ministry might attribute the majority
against them, and more particularly to the calumnies with
respect to the Poor Law Bill; but as the right honourable
baronet would soon accede to power, he was convinced that
he might proceed to greater measures,. for he would have
sufficient power to carry his intentions into effect; and if
those intentions were just and liberal, of blessing millions by
his acts, and all mankind by his example. (Cheers.)
The gallery was then cleared for a division, and the num-
bers were—
For the Address
For the Amendment

Majority for the Amendment

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-SATURDAY

Mr. S. Wortley brought up the report on the address.
On the motion that the report be agreed to,
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD, after laying down what in his
opinion the representation of this country ought to be, and
contending that it was the want of a proper representation
of the people that gave rise to unjust and unnecessary wars,
as well as unjust legislation and monopoly, of which the
corn laws was the most grievous instance, moved that an