The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-04-10 00:00:00

STATE OF TRADE.

MANCHESTER.—There was a fair demand for yarn yester-
day, though not quite to the same extent as on the preceding
Tuesday ; the purchases for the Indian and Chinese markets
having been suspended until the arrival of the letters by the
overland mail, which are expected to-day. There was some
demand for Russian account ; but, on the whole, the busi-
ness done was to a smaller extent than last week, though
without change in prices. For goods, on the contrary, there
was a somewhat better demand, especially for printing cloths
and domestics ; and a fair amount of business was done at
the full prices of the preceding Tuesday.
ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, APRIL
6.
There is no improvement in the flannel market to-day, and
business is, it possible, more gloomy than on the previous
Monday. Prices have undergone no change. The wool
market has also been dull and heavy : the manufacturers
seem to buy only for immediate use.
HUDDERSFIELD MARKET, APRIL 7.—The demand for
woollens is on the increase, especially in tweeds, buckskins,
&c., of a low and middle quality, but prices are still ruin-
ously depressed. For light fancy goods there is a little im-
provement in the demand, but profit is out of the question
at present. Wools remain iirm, and in the middle and lower
qualities better prices are demanded. On the whole, we may
be justified in reporting a slight improvement amidst the mi-
serable commercial depression.—Manchester Guardian of
Wednesday.

BLACKBURN.-Our market has manifested no symptom
of improvement during the past week, either in demand or in
prices, with the exception of some descriptions of bundle
yarn, which have met with a ready sale at former low and
unprofitable rates.

FOX CHASE EXTRAORDINARY.--One day last week, as
the Derby engine, belonging to the Birmingham and Derby
Railway Company, was proceeding with the train to the
latter place, a fox was discovered running along the line in
front of the engine. After keeping the lead for upwards of
a mile, reynard began to get tired, and several times crossed
the line, and was shortly after run over, and cut completely
in two. On the return of the train, the separate parts were
-,'Mup, and the head and brush were affixed to the engine
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Ztherpool

FRIDAY MORNING, APRIL 10, 1840.

We have received our files of the Guiana Chronicle
to the 10th February, and of the Berbice Advertiser to
the 6th of February, both inclusive. We have also
been favoured with copies of the Royal Gazette to the
Bth of February. The contents of these papers are
highly important; but we regret that we are compelled
to defer our extracts until our next publication.
The following is an extract of a private letter with
which we have been favoured :—" I have been down
on the east coast, but I am sorry to say that it is almost
abandoned. The Negroes are doing just as they like :
in fact, they are getting so independent, that unless
immigration is allowed, the colony must be ruined. The
crop last year is about one-third of what it used to be
formerly. Some estates cannot pay their expenses."
This description is not less true than melancholy.
We learn from the Guiana Royal Gazette that the
Court of Policy had equalised the taxes of Berbice
with those of Demerara and Essequibo. This is '„a
boon which cannot fail to produce . great satisfaction
among the Berbiceans, who have hitherto been pressed
with a much greater burden of taxation than their
neighbours. They are now placed upon a footing of
equality with the inhabitants of the other counties.
In our next publication we shall give insertion to
several important extracts ou the subject of immigra-
tion into British Guiana and the West India islands.

We have received our files of the Jamaica Royal
Gazette to the 27th of February, and of the Jamaica
Standard to the 22d of February, both inclusive. We
rejoice to find that these papers have commenced a
salutary agitation on the subject of immigration into
the West Indies, and that they have acknowledged, in
suitable terms, the obligations under which those colo-
nies are placed by the advocacy of their interests by
the British press. We cordially join them in the hope
that public meetings will be forthwith held in each
colony for the purpose of urging forward a scheme so
pregnant with the greatest benefit to the colonists, as
well as to the mother country; and we trust that the
day is not far distant when each of the Legislative
Assemblies will join in a powerful appeal to the go-
vernment at home on this important subject.

We have no space to-day for any extended extracts
from the papers before us : but we shall, in subse-
quent numbers, lay before our readers some of the
very valuable documents which they contain.
The subject of the equalisation of the duties on
sugar has naturally engaged a considerable degree of
attention in Jamaica. Petitions against the proposed
measure have been forwarded to this country from the
respective parishes in the island. On this topic the
Grenada Free Press has put forth some very sensible
observations, which we have transferred to our co-
lumns, and to which we beg the earnest attention of
our readers. The Jamaica Standard has also some
very powerful remarks on the same subject, which we
subjoin :

" The threatened equalisation of the sugar-duties, upon
which some stir is now making in these colonies, is a mea-
sure which has not unfrequently been deprecated in this
paper, and assuredly calls for the united endeavours of an
parties, to prevent, if possible, any such scheme being car-
ried into effect. For this purpose, we observe, the colonists
of Trinidad have already, on their peculiar behalf, prepared
the drafts of a petition to both houses of parliament, show..
ing forth not only the impolicy to Great Britain herself, but
the almost certain ruin to her colonial possessions, of ad-
mitting the introduction of foreign and slave-grown sugars
into her markets, on the same terms as have hitherto been
extended only to the former. The truth of this, no reason-
able man, who knows any thing at all of the subject, can
doubt. It is morally and physically impossible, we assert,
for these colonies, shattered as they now are in all their agri-
cultural concerns, by the ill-managed emancipation of their
labourers, to compete for one moment with the variety of
markets which would thereby be formed on the continent
and elsewhere, for the supply of British trade and speculation
in this important article. The commercial treaties of the
British nation with slave-holding as well as other countries,
it is not to be supposed would be long allowed to lie dormant,
were the present restrictions upon their sugar-trade wiped
away ; and we should soon find the English market the recep-
tacle for sugars of every clime, from those of the Brazil on the
one hand, to China or Siam on the other. Nor is it else
than a perfect mockery—a deception to say, as some of the
equalization advocates do, that the benefits of this measure
are only to be extended to countries where slavery is not re-
cognised by law. Well has it been said by the Trinidad pe-
titioners, that such distinction is impracticable. For, putting
aside the treaties already existing with many of these coun-
tries, and which the Brazil Cabinet would find it rather in-
convenient to disturb, there is this palpable difficulty in the
way—that even in their own colonial possessions of the East,
where they may be supposed to retain some power of sur-
veillance, the quantity of sugar smuggled from Slave States,

miristry of Lord Melboutne must be overturned
at once if England wishes to preserve her present mo-
narchical form of government or to secure the happi-

ness and prosperity of her people. The conservatives
of Englark must no longer be contented to wage
against it i war of resistance merely. The enemy
must not oily be kept at bay, but crushed, as we would
crush a reptile. in our path. The fangs of the serpent
must not oily be drawn, but joint by joint of his loath-

some form must be struck off, and the slime of his
trail no longer be allowed- to pollute the sod.
" Delendz est Carthago !" was the warning voice
which at morning and evening saluted the ears of the
Roman Consul. " The ministry must be destroyed"
should be now the watchword of the conservative party
and the :friends of constitutional liberty throughout
the kingdom. Let us no longer be deluded by the
thought that it is powerless or tonteinptible, or that the
government of the country is substantially in the
hands of Sir Robert Peel and his supporters. Let us
no longer be told that the infamy which it is hourly
accumulating in its truckling and dishonest course will
ultimately overwhelm it amidst a storm of public exe-
cration. We admit all this. We know that, directly,
the administration of Lord Melbourne can effect no
great injury—can inflict no " heavy blows" upon any
portion of the constitution; but, indirectly, this is-far
from being the case. Not an hour is added -to its
loathsome existence in which some bulwark of our ve-
nerated institutions is not weakened, or some cherished
object of our national pride defiled ! The axe may not
openly be laid to the roots of the tree, but the poison-
breathing plant is allowed to entwine amongst its
branches and blight its vegetation. -The hand of the
destroyer may not be allowed to invade openly the walls
of that hallowed pile whose every stone has been ce-
mented with the blood of martyrs; but the stream of
impurity an d infidelity is suffered to enter at its portals, and
the feet of the scorner to trample upon its green graves.

Yes : the ministry of Lord Melbourne must be de-
stroyed at all hazards and at any sacrifice. We must
impress again and again that truth upon the attention
of the people of England until the spirit which ani-
mated the hearts and nerved the arms of their fathers
shall be aroused, and the "accursed thing" driven
forth to hide its loathsome form in kindred darkness. If

we wish that the monarchy shall be preserved, which
that ministry is hourly bringing into disrepute; if we
wish that our national honour should be preserved,
which that ministry is hourly bringing into contempt;
if we wish that the peace of Europe shall be maintained,
which that ministry is hourly endangering; if we wish
that our commerce should flourish, which that minis-
try is hourly plunging into more hopeless difficulty ; if

we wish that a loyal yeomanry should still exist as the
object of our pride in peace and our trust in war; that
a race of English gentlemen should still he preserved
to rally round the throne in times of danger and of
difficulty; that a proud nobility, the descendants of
the chivalry which raised the banner of St. George
upon the fields of Crecy and of Agincourt, should still
continue to interpose the shield of their unbending will
against the encroachments of mob tyranny and mock
liberalism; we must take our stand now, and meet,
with a bold front and resolved hearts, the tide of de-
mocracy which that imbecile and degraded administra-
tion is directing awdinst all that is-good and all-that is
great throughout the land.
We do not exaggerate the danger which hangs over
the destinies of our country. We are neither timid
men nor madmen. We have never advanced a posi-
tion which we are not prepared to defend. We have
never advised a course of action in which we were not
prepared to join. We assert that the continued exist-
ence of the present ministry is pregnant with danger
to the safety of our monarchical form of government.
Let us examine that position.

Our gracious Queen ascended the throne of her an-
cestors amidst the acclamations of her-people. Eng-
lhsayenmadr
sympathy
admiringapS tolc
noy tr
pl
eaaedni
ddop ,ul
devotion,
and
set
eif
olournr epe, 1 a
to
ondec
Heaven
NetVtahihtveehe
ngeoxri nnapet
reaef Nsuprsolri i
oasc
prayer
rraoi
tnff
odortfi oiheaneir
an
temporal and eternal happiness. Has that feeling
been allowed to remain in the hearts of the people of
England ? We grieve to say it has not. The name of
our beloved monarch has been dragged from the hearts
of her subjects and prostituted to the vile purposes of
a vile faction. The popularity of England's Queen has
been used as a weapon of offence against the liberties
of her subjects, and the power of her prerogative di-
rected against the security of those institutions which
she has sworn to defend and preserve. Young and, as
youth ever is, unsuspecting, she has been led by the
councils of the artful and designing faction which
eeonesur-
round her throne to seclude herself from the presence
greatand slight
body
of
f herloyalty p
e of those
delight
to a it
honour—to
o
pherself with profligates and convicted adulterers—to
throw off the wholesome restraint of parental affection
exalted men wh
encircle
the
le
and to take to her bosom the parasites by whom her
inexperienced heart might best be diverted from the
exercise of those virtues implanted in it by the anxious
care of maternal love.

The bt Lady Flora litigitigo Ig WI frail iti
tlia memory et the people of England, Ma pallid
features of the martyred victim of court slmder still
haunt us in our dreams ; and, lest it should be for- '
gotten, and the memory of that unhappy error, into
which England's maiden Queen was allowed to fall,
should sink into oblivion, the royal matron i 3 dragged
from her bridal couch to patronise the obscene nuptials
of a hoary debauchee, to outrage afresh the feelings of
her people, and to check the tide of returning affection
which had already manifested itself in her favour.
" The Buggins" must now, we presume, be permitted
to flaunt her well-earned dignity at the court of Eng-
land's Queen ; the " social partner" of a gross old re-
probate be held up as a fitting companion fcr the ma-
trons and daughters of England's nobility ; and an
example afforded in the very palace and in the person
of an uncle of the Sovereign, of the impunity with
which England's laws may be broken, and the moral
and religious sentiments of her people set it nought
and defied.

Is this, we ask, a course which is calculated to
strengthen and preserve the monarchy ? Is an admi-
nistration which permits the name and character
of a young and amiable Queen to be thus mixed up
with impurity and extended as a cloak over the licen-
tiousness of an obscene dotard, so contemptible that
we may with safety allow its protracted existence ? We

think not ; and we urge upon our countrymen to
awake from their lethargy and to spurn from them the
foul thing which drops its poison as it crawls, and de-
files with its fetid breath the honour of our Womanhood
and the dignity of our Throne.
We assert that the continued existence of Lord Mel-
bourne's administration is pregnant with danger to the
peace of Europe, with destruction to our commerce, to
our agriculture, and to our national religion. Can
this be denied ? We think not. At the present mo-
ment we are entering upon a war with a country
whose resources are unknown to 'us, whose distance
presents difficulties the extent of which no man can
foresee, and whose population outnumbers the whole
of Europe. We have not an ally upon whose faith we
can depend, and the justice of our quarrel is at best
but doubtful. We are entering upon this war with a
declining and deficient revenue, with disaffection at
home, with our colonies alienated, with Russia me-
nacing our Indian empire on the one hand, and Ame-
rica our Canadian frontier on the other. Where, we
ask—in what member of that administration is the
commanding talent, the lofty integrity; and the firmness
which may be necessary to bring us through a struggle
so full of danger as that in which we are entering ? Is
it in Lord Palmerston ? Few Englishmen, we think,
will he found at such a crisis to place confidence in a
minister so thoroughly and utterly contemptible !
We will not weary the patience of our readers by
detailing the heavy catalogue of errors which are daily
plunging into distress and difficulty our agriculture
and our commerce. We will not attempt to number
the insults which have been heaped upon our religion,

or the attacks which have been directed against our
church. But we will say that these things must cease,
and the ministry under whose rule they have been per-

mitted must give way to honester and better men. We
call upon the great conservative party and the friends
of constitutional liberty 'throughout the kingdom to
prepare for such a demonstration of their numbers, in-
fluence, and firmness, at the elections which, we trust,
are approaching, as will wipe out for ever the stain
which has been allowed to sully England's name, and
avert the storm which is even now threatening to des-
cend:46n her shOres. We repeat again, if the glori-
ous institutions of our country are to be preserved-Lif
the torrent of infidelity' which is now desolating and
perverting the hearts of its people is. to be stayed—if
republicanism, sedition, and crime are to be checked—
if the giant strides of Popery are to be resisted, and
peace, contentment, and religion once more to be
found in the cottages of her industrious peasantry or

of her humble artizans—if England is ever again to
resume her proud pre-eminence amongst the nations
of the world, to stand forth the friend of the friend-
less and the protector of the slave—that consummation
can never be attained whilst modern liberaliSm and li-
centiousness reign in the palace and Popery thunders
at the Council Board!

The uneasy feeling with which the motion •of Sir
James. Qxaham 011 the affairs of China has been re-
garded=tbr, 116 last fortnight by the ministerial faction,
is fully accounted for by the astounding nature of the
facts which that motion has brought, for the first time,
before the attention of Parliament and the public. We
certainly did not expect to find the management of any
department .of our affairs by the present government
characterised by an extraordinary degree of wisdom or
of foresight ; and least of all did we expect to find
either of these attributes displayed in that particular
department which is confided to the presiding genius
of Lord Palmerston. We must, however, confess that
we were not prepared to find, under any administration
or under any minister, such gross dereliction of duty,
such utter, ignorance and such lamentable obstinacy, as
is proved-r-7,' incontestably proved—to have characterised
the policy of the Foreign-office in all its proCeedings
affecting.!our relations with the Chinese empire ; and
we cannot, therefore; wonder at the soreness with which
the hacks of the ministerial press have endeavoured to
depreciate thd'iinportance of the discussion which has
precipitated such inconvenient and damaging dis-
closures.

The question which the motion of Sir James Graham
proposed to discuss was not, as the ministerial organs
urge that it ought to have been, a question as to the
justice or injustice of the impending war with China,
or as to the mode in which that war was to be carried
on. It was not a question as to the right of British
subjects to carry on a legitimate or illegitimate trade
with China, to purchase tea or to smuggle opium.
Wisely and judiciously, we think, the right honourable
baronet restricted his inquiry to the simple and intelli-
gible question, whether the present untoward position
of this country with respect to China was or was not
the result of the ill-advised course pursued by our go-
vernment towards that nation. To this point Sir James
Graham adhered; and we venture to assert that a snore
triumphant case, containing more damning evidence of
error and incompetency, was never brought against any
British administration.
We are not ourselves disposed to enter into the
consideration of the justice or injustice of a war with
China. We should, we must confess, gladly endea-
vour to secure to our countrymen the commerce of
that singular people; and we admit that England is
not unprovided with just grounds for proceeding to
enforce her claims, and to demand reparation for in-
juries sustained and insults suffered at the hands of
the vapouring authorities of China. We know and
value the immense field of enterprise which that coun-
try offers to our merchants, and the importance of
placing our intercourse with it upon a sound and last-
ing basis. But we are not prepared to say that, even
to obtain so substantial and undeniable a benefit, we
are justified in provoking a war ; and we are not so
sure of a favourable result as to rejoice in having pro-
voked one. We are not satisfied either that even a
successful war—successful to the extent which a war
with a nation such as the Chinese would be—could
secure to us the advantages which alone we ought to
seek, viz., the extension of a legitimate and honourable
commerce. We are therefore naturally driven back
to our original position, and led to ask, as a guide to
our future policy, by what misdirection we have lost
the good which for years we have enjoyed, and from
which England has reaped a golden harvest, at the
sole cost of humouring a little the prejudices and ab-
surd vanity of an incomprehensible and, at the same
time, a harmless and peaceful nation.
To this question the motion of Sir James Graham
has elicited an answer the truth of which is undenia-
ble—an answer which establishes the fact, that to the
negligence, the want of prudence, nay the want of
ordinary diligence, on the part of our government, is
to be attributed a misunderstanding which has preci-
pitated its into a war with a nation possessing a popu-
lation numbering 350,000,000, with a revenue of
£60,000,000 per annum, and which furnishes one-
sixth of our whole commercial revenue. We should
naturally suppose that, with such a cour try, the mi-
nister of a great commercial people would be anxious
to preserve the most friendly relations ; yet we have it
admitted in this debate, that to the successive repre-
sentations of three commissioners (Mr. Davis, Sir G.
Robinson, and Captain Elliot), all representing, in the
strongest manner, the propriety of opening a corre-
spondence with the head of its government; with a

viow to faellitatd commorol4l intorcourao, no anawor
sae vouchaarod by that rhiniater during a period qt'

five years! We should naturally suppose that, for
the proteCtion of so extensive a commerce as has been

carried on by our merchants with China, a wise go-

vernment would have taken measures to furnish some

adequate force, especially after a written recommenda-
tion to do so by a statesman of such acknowledged
ability as the Duke of Wellington; yet we find, from
the published returns laid by that government upon
the table of the House of Commons, that from March

1835 to September 1839, fifty-three months elapsed,
and that during that period there was no ship of war
at Canton, except for the space of eight months ; and
that when the government superintendent, after having

exhausted himself with ineffectual requests for aid to
enable him to repress the predatory proceedings of the
illicit traders, and representing the danger into which

they were bringing the entire commerce with China,
was at length seized himself as a hostage, and his life
perilled for their unruly conduct, he was-compelled to
owe his safety to the accidental presence in the Canton
river of two American frigates ! It will scarcely be
believed, too, that during the whole period of the
growth of the opium trade—a trade the carrying on
of which has confessedly been one of the chief griev-
ances of the Chinese government, and the measures to
be pursued with respect to which have formed the
subject of a great portion of the despatches of the
British superintendent—not one line of Lord Palmer-

ston ever touched upon the subject, the mention of
the word opium only occurring in one despatch, and,
even then, coupled with an intimation that her Majes-
ty's government were prepared to abandon to its fate
the trade in that drug, which, if they had not openly
encouraged, they had at least permitted to grow up
unchecked and uncontrolled.

We are told, however, as an apology for the gross
neglect of the Foreign-office, and in answer to the
charge of Sir James Graham that sufficient power had
not been vested in the British superintendent, or suffi-
cient instructions given to enable him to regulate his
conduct in the difficult ..position which he occupied ;