The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-03-27 00:00:00

or assistants at schools. By these means, the usefulness
of the clergyman was reduced to the mere dwarfishness
of a Sunday congregationalist. Such a person could not
leave his tutorship to become a week-day evangelist; he
could not go into the garrets and the cellars, the bye-streets
and the bye-lanes of our populous towns. It were better to
have no present provision for each parish, so that the desti-
tution might be fully and intolerably apparent to all. It were
better, he said, to have no provision at all, than that species
of provision which merely served to hide nakedness without
communicating warmth ; but yet served, however uninten-
tionally, to prejudice those whom it was intended to benefit.
Many attempts to remedy this evil had been made by increas-
ing small livings from some of the internal resources of the
church ; but they were, and could only be a temporary pal-
liation, and, in effect, a prolongation of it. The only real
remedy, he considered, was a large endowment by the state,
which, however, ought to be accompanied by the restriction
that no man having charge of a school should be eligible to a
cure of souls, and that no man having a cure of souls should
be allowed to pledge himself to any other occupation than
that of a minister of the Gospel. Another cause of hin-
drance to the practical efficiency of the church must be re-
ferred to the existing arrangements for the appointment of
our bishops. It must be obvious that there was a mixture
in the present system which was in no small degree injuri-
ous to the best interests of the church. It bore upon it an
appearance of disingenuousness which was repugnant to the
English character, and created in the minds of the lay friends
of the church a feeling of reserve which prevented their ad-
vocacy and support. The name of an election of a bishop was
indeed continued to the clergy and chapter of a diocese, but
then they were subject to the penalties of a premunire
for refusing to elect the nominee of the Crown. This was a
fruitful source of taunts for the enemies of the church, and
of deep pain to the clergy themselves. The church should
not be exposed to the anomalous incidents attending a
cove- d' dire. Either the appointment of the bishops should
belong at once to the Crown, as is the case with the Irish
bishoprics, or the statute of Henry VIII. should be re-
pealed ; in other words, the clergy and chapter should have
either a real choice, or a real deliverance from the appear-
ance of a choice. The rev. lecturer then went into a dis-
cussion as to the preference to be given to either of these two
methods. From the experience of former times, he was in-
clined to prefer that the appointment of the bishops should
be absolutely in the Crown, as being better calculated to se-
cure the civil liberty of the subject from invasion by ecclesi-
astical tyranny, which was in reality what was meant by the
" independence of the church." It was true that in other
days, as well as the present, the Prime Minister who wields
the patronage of the crown, might be an enemy to the church.
(Cheers.) He might be a voluntary inchnrch polity—(cheers.)
—an Arian, a Socinian, or a Romanist in his opinions—
(cheers)—and be might declare that a man is as little respon-
sible for the opinions he entertains as he is for the height of
his stature or the colour of his complexion—(here the rev.
lecturer was interrupted by the loud and long continued
cheering of his auditory which for some time prevented him
from proceeding.) It was true this would be an anonalous
state of things but yet he was inclined to say that the greater
danger lay on the other side: The reverend gentleman fol-
lowed up his argument in support of this position. He
warned us of the dangers to be apprehended from the church
being at any time wholly independent of the civil power. He
was for extending the authority of the crown over every
bishop of every name. For the rightful authority of the
crown in this matter, Pitt and Canning, and other eminent
statesmen of other days, had boldly contended, and every
statesmen of these days, who feels for the honour and inter-
ests of his country, should also contend for. It was the only
thing that could guard us against an imperium in imperio,
such as is in existence in Ireland, where the papal hierarchy
are sppointed by a foreign potentate. Having pursued this
subject at some length, and with surpassing ability, the rev.
gentleman then proceeded to give a convincing and eloquent
exposition of the fallacy of the assertion that religion has
nothing whatever to do with politics." This was a favourite
topic with the adversaries of the church. It was urged honestly
on the one side, and hypocritically on another. Honestly by the
di ssenters,who advocated the voluntary principle without being
aware of its inevitable consequences, and hypocritically by
the Romanists, who believed just what their church believed,
without having any possible means of ascertaining what
that belief was. The connection of religion with politics was
inseparable. Human motives and human actions were as inse-
parable as cause and effect. And this the priestly usurper in the
Christian world well knew. Yield to the pope supremacy
over mind and motives, and he will have supremacy over
moral effects. Concede this to him, and the effects would
soon be discernable in the registry, the polling booth—
aye, even in the senate. (Loud cheers.) The fate of the
free institutions of country was, therefore, involved in
this question. Under the protection of our national church
establishment this country had thriven to a degree unexam-
pled in the history of nations ; but deprived of that protec-
tion, it would fall into hopeless and irretrievable decay. The
rev. gentleman then dwelt on the importance of preserving
the sacredness of an oath, for on it depended the property,
the prosperity, nay even the life of every man ; and after re-
ferring to other topics naturally arising out of, or connected
with, the subject of this lecture, concluding with one of 'the
most solemn, earnest, affecting, and truly eloquent appeals
to his auditory and the legislature, on behalf of the spiritu-
ally-destitute population of this country, we ever remember
to have heard on any occasion. He deprecated half-measures
as worse than useless. If man's existence terminates with
what we call death, why go so far as to give half-measures ?
But if on the contrary, he be an immortal being, why rest
satisfied with half-measures only? It was said that extremes
were bad—imprudent--dangerous. It might be so in tempo-
ral things, but here nothing but extremes were sensible—me-
dium was madness. "If Jehovah be the true God, follow
Him ! but if Baal, then don't be afraid, follow him ! "
There were but two consistent characters in the world—the
one was the bold-faced atheist—the other the enthusiastic
Christian !

It is impossible to describe the effect produced on the im-
mense assemblage by the concluding appeal of the rev. gen-
tleman. He was frequently interrupted in the course of the
lecture by their applause, and at its termination retired amidst
the almost deafening manifestations of their admiration and
delight.

THE DUKE OF SUSSEX.-SINGULAR ROYAL

ALLIANCE

(From the Morning post.)

For the last daV or two a rumour has prevailed to the ef-
fect that a public marriage is about to be solemnised between
his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex and Lady Cecilia
Underwood, with the consent of her Majesty in council. The
rumour adds that a. recommendation, on the part of her Ma-
jesty, to the House of Commons to make an additional pro-
vision for his Royal Highness will accompany, or very
speedily follow, the Royal message, communicating the con.
sent of her Majesty in council to the marriage. The amount
to be added to the income of his Royal Highness is said to be
£6,000 a-year.
Although we do not vouch for the precise accuracy of the
above statement, which was yesterday in everybody's mouth,
we have reason to believe that it is substantially correct.
This proceeding, should it take place (as we have no doubt
is intended,) must be regarded as one of very considerable
national importance, seeing that it would materially affect the
status
.and character of the Royal Family, and influence the
domestic morals of the country, at large, in exact proportion
to the power, be it little or great, which the monarchy and
court actually exercise over this, by far the most important of
all national interests.

On the first and most obvious view of the subject, the in-
tended union would seem to be of beneficial tendency to the
great and permanent interests of domestic morality in this
country. If it cannot efface the memory, it will at least ter-
minate the existence of a monstrous and revolting scandal.
We shall no longer be condemned to witness the daily proofs
that indulgence to royal vice is carried so far in a certain
elevated sphere of society as to supersede altogether the au-
thority of the church's ordinance, of the law's behest, of the
nation's manners, feelirfgs, and principles. We shall no
longer see sycophancy, and adulation, and political partisan-
ship, crouching with affected alacrity to offer an unchaste,
unhallowed, and illegal connection tributes of respect appa-
rently as profound and sincere as if it were an indissoluble
union ratified by the law and consecrated at the altar. We
shall no longer behold a lady, to describe whose position we
cannot find a word which decency permits us to print, led
about from one baronial residence to another, and receiving
at each from the wives and daughters of our highest nobility,
and of all the neighbouring gentry whom they can draw into
their vortex, that peculiar homage which is due to one class,
and to one class only, of human beings—a class which in
England is fortunately not a small one—we mean the virtuous
wives of honourable men.

When regarded in the above point of view, the approaching
royal marriage may be regarded as an event favourable to the
cause of public morals, and the consent of her Majesty in
council to its celebration may obtain that degree of praise
which is implied in the vulgar expression of " making the
best of a bad job."
But there are other and more comprehensive and lasting
considerations connected with the subject, which, when due
weight is allotted to them, may lead, we fear, to a very dif-
ferent conclusion. The elevation of the lady in question, by
a direct and public act of the state, from the position she has
descended to occupy to the rank of Duchess of Sussex—to a
station distant, in fact, from that of Queen Consort of Eng-
land by more than three lives—will be a spectacle altogether
new to this country—one that cannot fail to operate as " a
heavy blow and great discouragement " to female purity and
virtue. Such is felt to be the tendency of every conspicuous
example, in which the disgrace of concubinage becomes the
steppingstone to the honours of wedlock. How much more
powerfully will the reasoning apply to an example in which
an illicit example is converted by the direct intervention of
the state into a matrimonial alliance, accompanied by the
splendour of of a royal coronet in possession, and the glorious
chance that a regal crown may be in the distance ? But how
infinitely more daogerous still to the interests of female virtue
does the example become when it is notorious that the royal
mis-alliance is permitted only because it has been preceded by
an illicit amour. and when the elevation of the female assumes
the distinct and avowed character of a recommpense for
vice ?
We are very far from denying the possibility that the patties
to the reported marriage may have sought the necessary con-
sent their legal union from motives wich ought to be held in
honour. If penitence for their past course of life, and an
anxious desire to amend it, have inspired their resolution, these
are feelings which have an unquestionable claim to the
sympathy and feelings of the community. But we must take
leave to say also, that these are feelings which may be in-
dulged as well without as with (perhaps even better) the aid
of a parliamentary grant of £6,000 a year. Should a pro-
posal for any such preposterous grant be made to parliament,
we hope and believe it will be indignantly and contemptuous-
ly rejected ; for this proposal will at once divest the proposed
marriage of whatever character of grace, or virtue, could by
any possible exercise of charity have been ascribed to it. Re-
pentance and amendment should be encouraged • but when
they are to be bought with money they will seldom prove
worth the purchase. Reformation should be its own reward.
To endow it with superfluous wealth would be, in effect, to
offer a premium to vice. These are obvious truths, and we do
not anticipate that the House of Commons will manifest the
slightest disposition(FtorarenigatrAde tshteamndard.)
There appears to be no doubt of the correctness of the ru-
imnoteuartimanenttaioetaiendsebnytutsaitnhFerpidnabyli'es
aSetlaeftnz dnairzda,tioafnhenrflVtlhaejemstay;
Underwoods
the
la(doyrisa rather Bnua
nggleh)ts
with, forth
hai
at
y
oatfeltihneg
pCeharpoie-
iris a,
gwe eof
havea d been C eia
assured,
majority
Chro-
nicle is of opinion that " an im
Royal Highness the Duke of Sums:ex The
nse.
of the whole empire" will be rejoiced to learn
by thantusruncohna
step has been decided on. We are also assured.
temporary that a private marriage was solemnized
his Royal Highness and that lady some years ago,_
tha
and betweent
all who refuse to admit that her Majesty has been judiciously
Bugnadvised,gia in a
in the determination she has formed of placing Lady
Queen ConsortpoofsitGiorneawt which
htain area may
possibly
, " vile and envious
fiction," who would deprive his Royal Highness of the
ea render her the
" happiness of seeing his wife raised to a proper station."
We confess that we belong to the stigmatised order who come
within our contemporary's category ; for we are decidedly of
opinion that neither the public morals, nor the dignity of the
Royal Family, will be likely to be enhanced by drawing the
attention of the country to circumstances which might other-
wise been buried in oblivion, for the sordid purpose of re-
pairing an unsuccessful attempt to put an additional income
into his Royal Highness's pocket. If her Majesty's minis-
ters consider themselves m his Royal Highness's debt, let
them, in the name of decency and good faith, adopt a less
objectionable mode of. repaying the obligation. Should such
a precedent be established, there is no saying where it may
end.

The Queen has appointed the Duke of Roxburgh and the
Earl of RotebetrY to be Knights of the Thistle.