The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-04-30 00:00:00

pifgilibitipg, 444.3gaFttiig Blegzitygs Olp

elution of oar manufactures and the promotion of
their own, which they Kaye felt was every day becom-
ing more pressingly necessary for the employment of

. . _
their increasing population, the result of a long conti-

nuance of peace and a want of colonial vents to take

off a part of their surpluses, s:ch as we fortunately
possess; though, at the same time, we seem to speak
and act as if ours was the only country where excess
of population or want of employment was to be
found ?"

The reply of the free-traders to these facts—for a
reply they must have—

Convince a man against his will,
And, though convinced, he'll argue still—

is, that the argument is drawn from an irregularity.
This, say they, was the consequence of trade not being

free at all times.

announced

oil Mu *ty tIPIO ton etelp4 hippo; fa t?oi fit 0014,00 fislt I,oy l AO

O'Connellisin is about to terminate

'ROO ,o

'h6 speeehe of the Archbishop of Gaiiterhury Oral
the Bishop of. London were worthy of Christian bi-
shops, and particularly gratifying as coming from pre-
lates occupying so high a station. We could find none
of that morose and narrow-minded bigotry in their ad-
dresses which tractarian churchmen seem to consider
a necessary part of good churchmanship ; no—they
put their plea for the church on the broad ground of
the church's usefulness, and argued the necessity of
giving bish4s to our colonies and dependencies as a
natural consequence of a sincere attachment to, and
belief in the advantages of, our church in its entirety—
in its complete apostolical order and discipline; and in
their addresses there was the enlarged spirit of men
who kV the diffusion of CHRISTIANITY in view as
their first object. The right reverend prelates were
ably supported in the discussion by Mr. Justice Cole-
ridge, and Mr. W. E. Gladstone, 11I.P. ; and at the con-
clusion of the meeting the following, amongst other

munificent contributions to the object in view, were

" Her Majesty the Queen Dowager, £2,000 (loud cheers);
the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, £lO,OOO
(great cheers) ; the Society for the Propagation of the Gos-
pel, £5,000 (cheers) ; the Church Missionary Society, £6OO-
--year, to continue until they should be enabled to make a
grant of laud., which it was their intention to make as soon
as possible (cheers) ; the Colonial Church Society, £ll2 ;
the Archbishop of Canterbury, £l,OOO (cheers) ; the Arch-
bishop of Armagh, £500; the Bishop of London, £l,OOO
(cheers) ; the Bishop of Winchester, £3OO ; the Bishop of
Durham, £315 ; the Bishop of Calcutta, £25 ; the Bishop
of Bangor, £200; the Bishop of St. Asaph, £200; the
Bishop of Llandaff, £2OO ; the Bishop of Salisbury, £lOO ;
the Bishop of Chichester, £5,0 ; the Dean of Chichester,
£2OO ; the Dean of Westminster, £2OO ; the Dean of Leigh.
lin, £100; Sir Thos. Dyke and Mr. Acland, £5OO (cheers)
Lord Bexley, £lOO ; Colonel Austen, £lOO ; the Marquis o
Cholmondeley, £500; John Gladstone ,and Sons, £l,OOl
(loud cheers)."

We are in some hope that the career of Melbourt

The present has

been to them a week of serious disaster. They were
beaten on the principle of their Irish Registration Bill,

in the Commons on Monday night, by a majority o

twenty-one, in a house of five hundred and sixty mem-
bers ; and Nottingham, radical no longer, has returned
the Conservative candidate by the large majority of two
hundred and seventy-nine. Thus, in the course of

the last five months, Ministers have lost five votes, ani

the Conservatives have gained five, making a difference
of ten on a division. The lost seats are Carlow, Can-
terbury, Walsall, Monmouthshire, and now, Notting-
hatn. The tide has fairly turned against them; but

the overthrow of Monday night is, we apprehend, irre-
deemable. It has been alleged by a Ministerial organ
that this victory was not a purely Conservative one ;
that the motion was Lord Howick's, and gained by
the aid of his partisans. Lord Howick's tail, however,
happens to be a small one, and cannot, with the most
liberal disposition to allow, be ascatained by any
means to exceed eight votes, including his own ; so
that without his lordship's aid at all, the Conservatives
would have been in a clear majority of thirteen. But
again, as to the question on which the house divided
being one of his lordship's proposing, that is a point of
little consequence. It raised the only question which
the Conservatives cared about, viz., the question of
property, or beneficial interest, as distinguished from
qualification by mere rating ; and this is the principle
for which they contended, and have contended all
through. His lordship is quite welcome to the honour
of having so far aided his friends in place; the Con-
servatives will freely grant it to him, well pleased at
having gained an important victory by the opportunity
he afforded them.

But being thus shamefully beaten, it might be ex-
pected, if we had any other other than a bed-chamber
ministry to deal with, that Ministers would have im-
mediately sent in their resignations. But not so; they
took just a day to consider about it, and then came to
the resolution to go on with their bill as if nothing had
happened.

brings us to Wednesday evening ; but here
again another amusing episode occurs, for now Lord
Howick, having done his friends all the, mischief in

his power, begs leave to announce that he will go no
further with his amendment, or, in other words, aban-
dons it altogether !
Of the debate on this evening we shall say nothing,
as we are hastening to the denouement. The grand
division on the £8 rating, we shall merely say did not
take place on Wednesday, but was postponed to lust
evening, the house agreeing to meet at five o'clock for
this special purpose. The result of this division, " big
with the fate of Melbourne and of Rome," we may per-
haps know by the mail of this morning ; if so, we shall
communicate it to our readers in a second edition. The
division will, indeed, be one of momentous import—
for if ministers be beaten on it, we cannot, notwith-
standing all our experience of their tenacity, believe
that they will presume to hold on any longer. We
are very sanguine in our expectation that last night's
division will prove to have been against them. Many
circumstances lead us to this conclusion. If we are
right, we shall only have to congatulate our readers
very heartily, that the reign of Whig O'Connellism
at length, very near its end, if not altogether terminated.

A very serious blow is aimed at, and will be inflicter
on the trade of Liverpool, if, by any accident, the in.
land bonding bill, now progressing through parliament
should pass. What gain Manchester would make b:
it we cannot undertake to say; but avarice, if it be un

like justice in other respects, has, as we have frequently
observed, a small resemblance to it in this particular—
that it is sometimes very near-sighted, if not quite
blind. Manchester is not satisfied with its immense
traffic and profits as the chief seat of the cotton manu-
facture—it now aims at becoming, in spite of fate and
nature, a great emporium of foreign commerce, and
seeks, consequently, to deprive Liverpool of those ad-
vantages which she enjoys as the legitimate fruit of her
position. Avarice, in its blindness, may suppose the
attainment to be easy, and close at hand, for, in the
cloudy state of its vision, it is apt to mistake the dis-
tance of objects ; but persons not inflamed by the same
diseased cupidity, see things in quite a different light.
If Manchester is granted the privilege of becoming a
fiscal port, other inland towns will, of course, set up a
claim to the enjoyment of a similar privilege—and we
may look forward to having an indefinite number of
such inland ports. By such an arrangement Liverpool,
doubtless, must suffer. II er cotton importers and bro-
kers must be injured Manchester and other " impor-
ters," and their employes, must supplant them. But
what will the Manchester manufacturer gain by having
the staple article of his trade, instead of being all
brought to the one market—where prices are at once
ascertained, and selections made—scattered abor

different quarters, and taken up for divers lesser mar
kets. In our humble opinion he will gain a loss, and
discover, in the end, that he has been attempting to
grasp too much. But this is his affair, not ours. 01
position simply is, that the bill will necessarily do gre
injury to our ain town, and that the legislature, hob
ing the balance fairly between conflicting localities, as
it should do, ought to reject it. We are aware that
we have some potent influences to contend against—
that there is rottenness and jobbing in the transaction
—that a shifty, place-making, patronage-seeking mi-
nistry gives it encouragement—and that the silence
even of our Town Council has been secured by some
extraordinary interposition; but we do nevertheless
opine that the mischievous scheme may be defe .ted if
the people of Liverpool will only move, as they should
do, to oppose it. Whatever may be conferred upon
Manchester, or any other inland town, will be just so
much taken from Liverpool. And for what purpose, or
for what cause, we beg to ask, is Liverpool to be sub-

jected to such a privation ? Liverpool has a vesto

interest in this matter, which the legislature
to respect. Liverpool is properly the handmaid o

Manchester—her merchant, her port, and her broker
—and both have thriven together as fellow-workers
and mutual auxiliaries; and why is the connection to
be dissolved ? why is the eye to say to the hand I have
no need of thee ? why this " sedition of the members"
to be encouraged ? We see no reason for it but the
mere lust of the eye—the mere wantonness of an un-
reasonable covetousness, and an unwise ambition. To
the country at large it will be disadvantageous, for it
will increase the expenses of revenue collection. In
short; it is an unwise and a mischievous scheme alto-
gether, and ought to be most strenuously resisted.
We hope the necessary movement may be made in time.