The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1854-06-06 00:00:00

t"
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THE OPPOSITION LEADERS-A SCENE

IN PARLIAMENT.

THAT the floor of the House of Commons is often made
the scene of an anomalous drama. is true. Not less true
is it that in the course of most sessions it is made the
arena of combats at variance with the professions of
gentlemanly feeling which admittedly actuate the conduct
of nearly all our parliamentary representatives, and the
possession and display of which feeling are indispensable
to the occupancy of a prominent position in the house.
Even youthful students of public events must be familiar
with the acrimonious controversy between the late Sir
ROBERT PEEL and Mr. COBDEN ; nor are they likely to
be ignorant of the pungent oratorical contest between the
same right honourable baronet and Mr. DISRAELI ; while
those whose memories and experience stretch over a longer
period, will revert to the famous rhetorical combat between
Lord BROUGHAM and Mr. CANNING, as illustrations in
point of the above remarks. No one of the instances
referred to, however, possessed a greater amount of studied
and ingenious sarcasm, or was delivered with such stinging
severity and damaging effect as was administered by Mr.
DISRAELI to Lord JOHN RUSSELL, on Monday evening ;
nor was any of them distinguished by such an eager com-
petition of bitterness as the noble lord evinced in his
replies, for the combat consisted of more than one passage
of arms.

It originated in the ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S intimating
the intention of government to withdraw the Bribery Bills
which they had introduced, for the purpose of disfran-
chising the boroughs of Barnstaple, Canterbury, Cam-
bridge, Hull, and Maldon. The opportunity was seized by
Mr. DISRAELI for exposing the administrative incapacity
of the cabinet, as displayed in their inability to catty into
effect measures which they had declared of vital impor-
tance to the well-being of the country. With perplexing
and incorrigible ability Mr. DISRAELI enumerated the
I instances in which the impotence of government had been
demonstrated by defeat.
"There have been seven important measures of which
the government have given notice this session. The great
majority of these were brought forward with the authority
of Her Majesty in her most gracious speech, but those
measures that were not introduced in Her Majesty's
speech were not of less importance than those that were
brought under our notice in that manner. They all of
them touch upon the most considerable subjects that can
engage the attention of parliament. I find that out of
these seven measures the government have been defeated
on three, that three have been withdrawn, and that the
seventh will engage our attention when the present busi-
ness has terminated. They have been defeated on a bill
for the entire change of the law of settlement—on a bill
for the public education of one of Her Majesty's kingdoms
—and a bill for the total reconstruction of parliamentary
oaths. They have withdrawn three bills,—one, the bill
before us for the disfranchisement of a large number of
persons, comprising a large body of the constituency;
they have not introduced, but they have withdrawn from
our notice, a most important measure for the complete
change of the civil service, which, so far as we can form
an opinion of it, would have altered the whole spirit of
our administration ; and they have withdrawn a measure
respecting parliamentary reform. There still remains a
seventh measure, which is one for the reform of the
University of Oxford. On three they have been defeated,
three they have withdrawn, and on the seventh they have
received considerable, though partial defeats. Did they
believe that they could have passed a reform in parlia-
ment ? Did they believe that they could have effected
the reform of the civil service ? Did they believe that
they could have disfranchised the constituencies, or any
portion of them, of these offending boroughs, that they
could have established a system of public education in
Scotland, revised the whole of our parliamentary oaths,
and changed the parliamentary constitution of the country;
settled the law of settlement, and reformed the University
of Oxford ? All these seven measures, whatever difference
of opinion may exist as to their policy or expediency, have
one characteristic. They are either assaults upon the
rights of the subject or on the institutions of the country.
That no one will deny. You met here to-night with the
intention of disfranchising a considerable number of Her
Majesty's subjects. You were to proceed, after you had
read a second time the bill for that purpose, to attack the
rights of the Univtrsity of Oxford. Some of you may,
perhaps, be of opinion that, in both of these instances,
suchviolent measures should have been had recourse to ;
but no man will deny that the one makes an attack on
the rights of the constituency of the country, and that
the other is an attack on the rights of one of the universi-
ties of the country. No one will deny that the scheme of
parliamentary reform which the noble lord introduced to
our notice was an attack on an institution of the country.
The noble lord and his friends may be of opinion—though
I know no gentlemen who have expressed the opinion—
that the measure was a beneficial measure; yet they will
not deny that it was a change, and a great change, in one
of the institutions of the country. Supposing the noble
lord had proceeded with the measure, so dear to his heart,
for the reform of parliament, would he have supposed that
he could carry it? Suppose the noble lord had not raised
the siege of parliament, after keeping it up for three
years, would he have supposed that he could succeed in
his object ? It is of great importance to impress these
circumstances on the house and the country, because we
are never to forget that we enjoy the great blessing of
having our affairs administered by men who are remark-
ably distinguished by their ability—men who have made
enormous sacrifices, both for their country and for them-
selves. Than the noble lord himself no man has made
greater sacrifices. He has thrown over all his old col-
leagues, and connected himself with a coterie of public
men who the greater part of their lives have been depre-
ciating his great abilities and running down his eminent
renown. If the noble lord had succeeded in the object for
which he made such enormous sacrifices, I could under-
stand more clearly than I do the present position of the
noble lord. But we find it otherwise. I feel that the
time has *come when it is impossible not to consider that
we should have had the ample compensation held out to
us for the breaking up of parties, for not following the
spirit and genius of our parliamentary constitution. I'Ve
have not received that full and ample compensation in
well-digested and statesmanlike measures that was held
out to us. We were told that the government had no
-principles, but ' all the talents,' and we had a right to
expect that the noble lord—who always wishes to behave
handsomely to the house—would at least have given us
something as a compensation for the remarkable state of
affairs which has banished all his natural colleagues to
invisible positions in this house, and placed him on a
bench surrounded by those Who have been decrying his
career for the last quarter of a century."

To these remarkably well-put taunts, Lord Joins
RUSSELL, losing his Parliamentary temper, and forgetting
his customary tact, replied in the to quoque style :--
"The right honourable gentleman himself, when he
was a minister, brought forward a plan of finance on which
he had bestowed considerable labour, but he was not so
fortunate as to obtain for that plan the sanction of this
house. Yet I suppose he brought it forward in the ex-
pectation of its being carried. That certainly is our case,
and no doubt we have been much disappointed. [After
some taunting observations as to the Conservative party
and Mr. Disraeli being afraid to test the popularity of the
cabinet by an adverse vote upon their war policy, his lord-
ship went on to say,;—The right hon. gentleman has
more than once, and I have no doubt with great sincerity,
declared his wish to see the Jews in possession of the
franchise with all other subjects of Her Majesty. He
thinks they are peculiarly worthy of it, more worthy of it,
I believe, than Protestants, Roman Catholics, or any other
class of Christians ; but, notwithstanding his great anxiety,
sometimes he supports it, and sometimes he does not
support it—the political conveniences of the hour always
seem to overcome his attachment to the cause. Such
being the case, and such being the condition of the
government, I certainly must regret that this measure
has been defeated ; but with regard to that question
which I must consider as the great question of the session,
I repeat that the discussions and divisions which have
taken place in this house have not shown that it has con-
fidence in the right hon. gentleman and his friends."
So far from daunting or intimidating the ex-Chancellor

of the Exchequer, the invective and accusation of Lord
Joint RUSSELL only served to chafe and rouse him. With
a power of sarcasm peculiar to himself, and in the wield-
ing of which he has no rival in the house, Mr. DISRAELI
replied :
" The noble lord seems to think that I am surprised
that he has not quitted office ; Sir, on the contrary, I
should have been immensely surprised if he had. Many
more defeats, if possible more humiliating, and if possible
more complete, must occur before the noble lord will feel
the necessity of taking such a step as that. I know the
noble lord too well; I have sat opposite to him too
long ; I have seen him too often in the same posi-
tion. Many a time have I seen him experience
the most signal defeats, and I have seen him still adhere
to office with a patriotism and a pertinacity which cannot
be too much admired. The noble lord is in error, there-
fore, if he supposes that I was taunting him with not re-
signing office, or if he thinks I was expressing any sur-
prise at his retaining the position which he occupies."

Mr. DISRAELI next addresses himself to Lord Jollies
allegation that he and his friends, after criticising the
war policy of the ministry, were afraid to test their own
popularity by an adverse vote, but 'contented themselves
with a disingenuous misrepresentation of the ministerial
conduct. In answer to this taunt of Lord JouN, Mr.
DISBAELI accuses him broadly of having suppressed the
most important portion of the papers relative to the
Turkish question, and obtaining the sanction of the house
on a garbled statement, repeating his assertion that the
ministerial conduct could only be explained by " conni-
vance or credulity." He. then proceeds :

"The noble lord referred—not with much felicity, I
think—to the failure of the last measures of the govern-
ment of Lord Derby, and he then suddenly recollected
himself, finding that their policy led to consequences very
different from his own conduct. As the noble lord has
touched upon those measures, I hope—unwilling as I am
to notice such things—that the house will not consider
me as trespassing upon their time if I refer, also, to the
measures of the late government, with which the noble
lord, as a member of the Opposition, had some connexion.
I will ray for the noble lord, that, whatever may have
induced him, from the first moment that Lord Derby's
government was formed, they did not find in him a fair
opponent. I will not say of the noble lord as he said of
me some'lo months ago, when I gave him a friendly in-
timation that he bad better be looking after some of his
colleagues, who, in their sagacity, were insulting the
Emperor of the French will not say of him what he
then said of me, that my 4-trduct was imbued with the
spirit of faction. That is quitennecessary for me to say,
if I recal to the house what wa,, the conduct of the
noble lord when the government of Lord Perby was