The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1849-07-03 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

We quite agree in the sentiments of a correspondent that the
authorities are culpably negligent in not providing at all the
corners of streets, their names in legible characters. There
is more ground of complaint on this score at present than
during any period within our recollection, and the omission
is particularly annoying to strangers. The numbering on
the doors is also very incorrect in many instances and
ought to be revised.

We can very well imagine that the facts are as represented by
" A Shopkeeper." The most absurd reports are circulated
through tite country about the spread of the cholera in this
town, and so long as the Mercury keeps up its silly puffery
of Dr. Hawthorne, we are not likely to fine the reports dimi-
nishing. Our contemporary has done and is doing the trade
of the town a very serious injury.

tl)t iLitierpool "Otanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 3, 1849.

THAT the movement, commenced by the Society
for the Protection of British Industry, at their
splendid gathering in Drury-lane on Tuesday last,
is regarded with some misgivings by the Free Trade
party. is very Pvident from `!.e =ittempts made by
the press in their interest to misrepresent the num-
bers and influential characters of those present.
We are told that the theatre was not filled; that
it was, on the first opening of the doors, so thin
that the chair was not occupied until nearly an
hour after the time announced ; and the London
Times has even gone the length of suppressing
some of the speeches, and ridiculing, in a most
vulgar strain, some of the speakers. But these
parties dare not deny that the very attempt to hold
such a meeting, two or three years ago, would have
been scouted as most quixotic, and that its being
suffered to bring its proceedings to a close without
disturbance, is proof that a strong reaction has
taken place in the public mind with respect to the
operation of their favorite policy. The intelligent
classes, in the metropolis, and throughout the
country, are regarding with serious misgivings and
disappointment the non-fulfilment of the flattering
prophecies of the League and its spouters ; and,
but for a natural curiosity, which might be excited
to learn how such non-fulfilment would he ac-
counted for, we are satisfied that Mr. Cobden, its
once prominent leader, would experience some little
difficulty in getting together a meeting so numerous
and intelligent, in the scene of his former glories,
Covent-garden, or even amongst his own consti-
tuents in the West Riding. There would certainly
be no enthusiasm, no rounds of cheers, and no
subscriptions.

Our Free Traders are obviously afraid of the
facts brought to bear upon the question by practical
and clear-headed men • and their tendency to dispel
the fallacies, with which they succeeded,a couple of
years ago, in blinding the credulous public. What
sophistry can withstand such a statement as the
following, which we cull from the speech of -Mr.
T. W. Booker—a speech, by the bye, which the
Times suppresses, because, as he says, " our re-
Aorters have general instructions not to report sheer
onsense" !'

" In the United Kingdom they had for the manufacture
of iron from the ore, 672 blast furnaces, of which at the
present moment 174, or upwards of one-fourth, were
standing idle, and, in consequence, a population of at
least 40,000 able-bodied men and their families, amount-
ing at least to 200,000 British souls, were lacking their
natural employment, and were thrown upon the redund-
ant population of the country. (Hear, hear.) To give
the meeting an idea of the depreciation of the produce of
that great article of industry, he might tell them that no
later than last Tuesday a friend of his had told him in
that metropolis that he had lost the contract for 1000 tons
of manufactured iron at £5 per ton, while in 1845, the
year that had produced these great changes, he had ob-
tained the contract for 30.000 tons of the same descrip-
tion at £l2 per ton. (Hear hear.) Here, then was a
sacrifice of £200,000 in one contract upon one of those
branches of those manufactures with which he was con-
nected ; and he might add that the aggregate amount of
that manufacture was 'not less than 1,200,000 tons per an-
num. Again, with regard to one of the oldest manufac-
tures established in the kingdom—the manufacture of
tin plates—of those connected with which he had the
honour to be chairman, he would state to them that a
month ago, finding the markets of the world closing,
instead of opening around them—(hear, hear)—his bro-
ther manufacturers had asked him to call them together,
to consider what was best to be done. He did so, and
there assembled a body of men of all ranks and grades,
from the lord lieutenants of counties down to the humble
artisan, and they unanimously decided upon this—that
such was the falling off from that branch of their indus-
try. that the yield should be reduced 20 per cent. He
ad d ,ne that, and in his own personal concerns the dif-
feren :3 was L 20,000 per annum ; and thereby by so much
was he prevented from giving remunerative employment
to British labour." (Cheers.)
The tradesman, carrying on an unprofitable trade,
the shopkeeper, with decreased custom and in-
creased poor-rates, the artizan without employment,
can all understand the bearing of such facts as
these upon their reduced condition. They can see
in them why building is at a stand, why improve-
ments are suspended, and stagnation characterizes
the position of nearly every branch of industry and
enterprise. When they have it proved to them
that the farmer has had 25 per cent. lopped off the
price of his crops, they can account for the neces-
sary reduction of his expenditure in the products
of British industry, why he manages to do with a
coat and a hat less in the year, and to curtail his
luxuries, and even his comforts. They look for the
promised extension of our export trade, which was
to compensate them for any decline in the home
demand ; and they see it not. They see no relaxa-
tion in foreign tariffs ; no abandonment by the
foreigner of his own manufactures in favour of
those of Great Britain, and in place of the universal
brotherhood, and peace amongst nations, which
was to have followed free trade, they see only
universal anarchy and confusion.
We are still convinced, however, that except as
an auxiliary to some more comprehensive move-
ment, established upon a basis deeper seated in the
hearts of the British people, this association will
be unable to effect any great amount of practical
good. A few county constituencies may be worked
upon to elect Protectionist members. A. strong
party may be formed to prevent further progress in
the Whig-Radical crusade against British industry;
nut, beyond this object there would be no cohesion
amongst its members. We should still go on
unchristianizing the institutions of the country.
Rabid dissent would still be permitted to deal heavy
blows against our Established Church and religion.
We should still witness the spectacle of a state
support conceded to promote education in Popery
and irreligion, and withheld from those who would
educate in the faith of the Gospel of Truth. If the
Protectionist party mean to establish a permanent
resistance to the machinations of an anti-national
faction, we repeat to them the warning, which we
offered to them last week, that they must base it
deeper in the foundations of the British constitu-
tion, and in the hearts and affections of the British
people. They must combine with protection to
British industry and capital, a resolution to main-
tain the Christian character of the nation, and its
Protestant attitude, alike against the encroachments
of false doctrines and the assaults of infidel libe-
ralism.
Nothing, obviously, can be effected, except
through the means of the constituencies, acting to
improve the composition of the House of Corn-
, xnona-; and, to enable us to do this, we must secure
a portion of the town constituencies, as well as
those of the counties, which are not alone to be
wrought upon extensively by the cry for mere pro-
tection to industry. There is no strong sympathy
at present between these two classes. They have
for years been pulling different ways. We remem-
ber with what little compunction the country gen-
tlemen voted, session after session, against any
mitigation of the condition of our factory opera-
tives; how strenuously they have propped up an
inhuman poor-law system, and with what perfect
unconcern they have regarded other movements for
the amelioration of the condition of our working
poor. We want a bond of union now, and a race
of representatives, which will comprehend all the
great questions which true Conservatives have at
heart ; and that bond and that race of men will be
found best in the bosom of the Established Church,
and amongst the religiously-minded men of other
Christian Communities. Glance through the con-
gregations of our land, both in the country and in
towns, and you will see there the materials of a
great constitutional party ; earnest men, by whom
the franchise is either possessed already, or by
whom it might readily be secured; who would not
be seduced from their duty by any light consider-
ation of expediency or interest. Do we forget by
what instrumentality the battle of Free Trade was
carried ? Do we forget by what means that so-
called Conservative party was formed, which, in the
hour of its triumphant strength, its parent, Sir
Robert Peel, shattered to pieces ! Both these
parties owed their success to their exertions in the
Registration Courts; and the apostate Head of the
latter was only enabled to destroy his own work
because it was cemented together by no stronger
principle than the interest of classes. We cannot
forget how the impulse was first given, of which
that wily politician availed himself to reconstruct
his party, and to reinstate himself in the confidence
of his fellow-countrymen. The Melbourne-O'Con.