The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-01 00:00:00

.ye Stock. shortly to be sold without reserve,

s, Downing-street, the present proprietors
They must be cleared off
Irtnight, or the purchasers will have to

30 further use for them

pay for their kee

—MELLY, a pet Lamb. This animal, although past
is species, still keeps up all its juvenile
utly runs bleating after its mistress, and

habits, and c

cannot be torn

ay from her house

—JOHNNY, a small terrier puppy of the Bedford
he is in a good kennel, and will not
rrt Tavistock to Huntingdonshire—from
Huntingdonshire to Bandon Bridge—from Bandon Bridge
and from Devon to Stroud. It is fully expected
min, he would be entirely lost. He
Much annoyed with corns, which

knows

leave

that, should I

Lot 3.—C,ttvve-..-, an Indian war-hound. Is an interest-
ing animal, from its many curious peculiarities. Is delighted
at hearing itself bark, which it does at stated periods, and
s round to look after its own tail, but has not got one.
tt Windsor Castle some time back, and
there since : offended the mistress by
Latterly domesticated at Edinburgh,
3tch mange, is forced to be brought

Was unkennc

the Grey puppy. Rather a dangerous
ge, as he runs and snaps on all sides.

boa-constrictor. Has consumed so much
nown as the Irish bore. Feeds
been known to swallow 20,000 lbs. at

e of its tail wherever it crawls,
reland with its venom. An at-

Rde to Cooke it at Belfast, but it cast its
lUt was Scotched. ' Like the whale, does

ith its tail. Has propagated its venom-
injurious extent. Gulped down 1,000 lb.

ibited at Manchester some time

xn to it by the manufacturers

BANES, EWAT, DIINCLINI, TAVES-

lish curs

.ous ratter

If not sold, will

lways has done. is shortly to

)1, to run in the same truck with Sir

SE OF COMMONS—THURSDAY.
dght forward the motion of which he bad
given notice some days since, to the effect that the present
government had lost the confidence of the house. The right
hon. baronet commenced by a reference to the defeat of the
ministry upon the sugar duties, and said that, at as early a
period as he could, after that decision, he had given notice
that he would plainly pit the question to the houre, as to
whether the government any longer possessed its confidence.
He thought it scarcely necessary to enter into a. history of
the defeats of the present ministers, in order to show that
parliament bad no longer confidence in them ; nor was it ne-
cessary either to enumerate the various occasions in which
they bad failed to carry their measures through parliament.
He would say, however, that it was the duty of• a ministry
not possessing the confidence Of t.,e House of Commons, to
retire from their official stations. The constitution of this
country might be said to have taken its present form at the
accession of the House of Hanover ; and since that period
the various administrations had retired when met by the hos-
tility of the House of Commons. Thus, in 1742, Sir R. Wal-
pole retired, as did Lord North in 1782; Lord Sidmouth in
1804 ; Lord Liverpool in 1812 ; the Duke of Wellington in
1830. and he himself in 1835. The case of Mr. Pitt, who re-
tained power in opposition to majorities in the House of
Commons, was not a case in point, for he was condemned by
a hostile House of Commons as soon as he accepted the reins
of government, and before he had the opportunity of bringing
forward any measures, which circumstance fully justified him
in appealing from the house to the country. It might, per-
haps be said, that though the present government did not
possess the confidence of the House of Commons, yet that
they did possess the confidence of the country. This was an
extremely dangerous doctrine, even if it were not contravened
by the results of all the recent elections which had taken
place. The right hon. baronet condemned the course pursued
by ministers upon the corn laws, the agitation upon which, in
conjunction with the prospect of a general election, was doing
a great deal of injury to the retail trade of the metropolis.
It was the weakness of the government, he contended, which
led them to propose the reduction of the postage, which
had been so detrimental to the revenue; and it was their
weakness, resulting from their constant oscillations between
conservative principles and those of their extreme sup-
porters, which rendered it necessary for them to re-estab-
lish themselves in the opinion of their own side of the house,
and which they now sought to do by proposing the mea-
sures which had recently been the subject of discussion. It
might be alleged against him that in bringing forward this
motion, he had suggested no comprehensive scheme of policy
of his own ; but where, he would ask, was the man who had
more explicitly declared, than he had done, his opinions on
all great questions? Had he not declared his opinions on
the ballot, on the suffrage, and the shortening or Parliaments ?
The hon. member for Finsbury said if he (Sir R. Peel) would
outbid the Government, he should receive his support, but
be would do no such thing,—he would make no such bidding
for popular support. He had never desired to increase the
power of the House of Commons at the expense of the pre-
rogative of the Crown. On a former evening he did what he
could to preserve it, and it was fortunate that the Speaker,
by his casting vote, had been enabled to do so. He only re-
gretted that upon that occasion so few members of the Go-
vernment had followed his example, arid he could not help
feeling that under such circumstances tie prerogatives of the
Crown were not sufficiently protected in their hands. The
present House of Commons had been moulded by the noble
lord the member for Stroud, and yet even such a House of
Commons ,had given sufficient indications that it withheld
its confidence from him. The right hon. baronet then moved
his resolution of want of confidence, and resumed his seat
amidst general cheering.
Lord WORSLEY, who had voted against the Government
in the late division on the sugar duties, announced that it
was his intention to vote against the motion of the right hon.
baronet, because he thought that a motion of want of confi-
dence should not be narrowed down to three questions only,
when their policy on all other questions might be approved
of by the house. He did not know that the agriculturists
had any reason to support the right hon. baronet in prefer-
ence to the present Government, for the right hon. baronet,
though opposed to a fixed duty, was evidently in favour of
some alteration in the sliding scale, and what this alteration
would be he did not inform the agricultural interests. It was
the more likely that be contemplated some serious alteration,
inasmuch as a former member of his Government (Sir G.
Murray) in putting himself forward recently as a candidate
for Manchester, announced that be was in favour of a small
fixed duty.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER said that at the recent meeting in the
county of Lincoln, every individual then present felt, he had
no doubt, perfectly convinced that the noble lord had with-
drawn his confidence from the Government. He even said
that as the Government had sought to overthrow the agri-
cultural interest, he should endeavour to overthrow the Go-
vernment; and he only qualified this expression by saying
that he could not give his confidence to Sir R. Peel.
Lord WonsLEY, in explanation, read a portion of his
speech at Lincoln, in which he said he could not vote for a
want of confidence in the Government upon their general

measures.
Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE denied that the present Government
had been unable to carry its measures, although on first
taking office they had not the confidence of the Crown, and
were exposed to the undisguised hostility of the House of
Lords. The right hon. gentlemen then enumerated the
various bills which the present Government had carried
through Parliament, and intimated that he would not remain
in office in defiance of a majority of the House of Commons,
for if the Ministers found themselves in a minority, they '
must either resign, or adopt some other course of procedure.
Mr. D'ISRAELI supported the motion, and contended
that the whole conduct of the Government, was a systematic
attack upon all the institutions of the country.
Mr. HOBHOUSE opposed the motion, which was rested
upon too narrow grounds, inasmuch:as even those who might
disapprove of some two or three of the measures of the pre-
sent Government, might yet feel disposed to support them
upon a comprehensive view of the whole of the policy they
had pursued while in office.
Mr. LIDDELL said that the motion of the right honourable
baronet (Sir R. Peel) was an attempt to relieve the country
from the evil felt by every class of society of having a Go-
vernment too weak to carry any measures whatever which it
proposed. The hon. member enumerated the various mea-
sures which the present ministry had been compelled to
abandon, and contended that no greater evil could accrue to
the country than the confusion created by the continual pro-
position of measures of legislation which could never be car-
ried out.
Sir H. FLEETWOOD said, that although deriving all his
income from corn, yet he had never withheld his support
from any proposal made to alter the present corn-laws. The
Government had now ranged itself on the side of the people
against monopolies, and under such circumstances it ought
to be supported. If the alterations proposed should take
place, he would not reduce the rents of his tenantry, but he
would take from them, if they thought proper, their leases
and their stock at the market prices they would have brought
if no alteration had taken place.
Mr. WALTER said he was convinced that the government
was not in earnest in its propositions, and he had, therefore,
no confidence in them. fie looked, in fact, upon these pro-
positions as a dying struggle on the part of the ministry.
The noble lord (J. Russell) had, it was true, given up the
poor law amendment bill, but he had stated his intention to
renew it if he should have the opportunity, and, in order to
prevent his having that opportunity, he (Mr. Walter) would
vote for the motion of the right hon. baronet.
Mr. MACAULEY denied that it was unconstitutional for
a ministry to retain office even if a small majority of the
House of Commons should be against them upon some im-
portant measures. In a nicely-balanced House of Commons,
upon a fiscal question, the private interests affected might
upon that question throw the parties possessing those inte-
ressts into the ranks of the opponents of a governmeni-, ; and
surely, because of such an occurrence, it would not be con-
tended that that government should at once retire. If there
was a general vote of want of confidence in a ministry upon
their measures as a whole, he admitted that in such a case
that ministry would be bound to retire or dissolve the parlia-
ment, but not because they were defeated upon some two or
three measures, however important. The right hon. gentle-
man appealed to the house to say if the foreign policy of the
government had, during the last few years, betrayed anything
like weakness, and contended that if the present ministry
quitted office they would leave to their successors the influ-
ence of the country abroad unimpaired, and the glory of the
British name and of the British arms, if possible, increased
in brilliancy. In conclusion, the right hon. gentleman said
that the government had done its duty, and it was for the
people to do theirs. If they displayed the spirit which ani-
mated them in 1831, they would be sure to succeed; but if
they allowed themselves to be defeated, they would, at all
events, have no reason to accuse those who had done their
utmost to carry out measures which they thought calculated
for their benefit.
The discussion was then adjourned until this day.
In consequence of some observations made by Mr. C. W.
WyNN respecting the propriety of instituting a prosecution
against parties at St. Alban's for bribery "at the late election,
a conversation occurred, in which Mr. C. BULLER and some
other members took part.
The orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house
adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-FRIDAY

The Victoria Park bill was read a second time

1. great number of

petitions were presented for and against
any alteration in the corn laws, and some petitions were also
presented against any 'alteration of the system of banking in

Scotland

Several bills were brought up from the House of Com-
mons and read a first time, after which their lordships ad-
journed until Thursday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.,---FRiDAT

Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD gave notice that he would move a re-
solution on Thursday next to the effect that parliament ought
not to separate without adopting some mode of affording
relief to the people.
On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, it was arranged
after some conversation, in which Sir R. Peel took part, that
the house at its rising should adjourn until Wednesday next,
and that on Wednesday the debate on the motion of the
want of confidence should take precedence of all other busi-

fleas.
Mr. MILNES resumed.the adjourned debate on the mo-
tion. of Sir R. Peel, and strongly condemned the govern-
ment for having put forward the alteration of the corn laws
in order to excite agitation throughout the country.
Mr. SANDFORD was willing to admit that ministers had
by their recent propositions acquired an unfortunate unpo-
pularity, but in the course of time justice would be done to
the motives of those who, in periods of difficulty, had con-
ducted the affairs of the empire with honour to themselves
and with immense advantage to the country. _ _

Mr. DARBY contended, that Sir R. Peel had it in his
power to form a strong government, which fully justified
him in bringing forward the motion before the house. He
certainly looked with some apprehension to what might be
the consequences of a general election, while the public
mind was in such a state of excitation • but for all such con-
sequences the government, as its chief promoters, must be
held responsible. _ . .

Mr. HUTTON thought that the Irish members had reason
to expect from the right hon. baronet (Sir R. Peel) that he
should have told them what he meant to do in respect to the
Irish registrations, and other questions connected with Ire-
land. For his own part he would support the present
administration, which by its measures had conferred essential
benefit to his country.

Lord NORREYS supported the motion of Sir R. Peel,
which was opposed with much violence by Mr. H. Grattan.
Lord TEIGNMOUTH designated the speech of the hon. and
learned gentleman (Mr. H. Grattan) as an ebullition of party
spirit, which left almost untouched the question before the
house. For bis part, he had no confidence in the measures
proposed by the government, and should therefore support
the 'notion of the right hon. baronet (Sir R. Peel).
Mr. INGHAM, who voted against ministers on the sugar
duties, announced his intention of opposing the present
motion. He would not oppose it if he thought ministers
were retaining power in defiance of the House of Commons,
but he deemed them to be quite justifiable in retaining power
in order to take the sense of the country upon the measures
they bad proposed, and this they could only do by calling a
new. parliament. which was a
ceeding. perfectly constitutional pro-
, Mr. Herr defended the measures of the government, and

Lord MonpErx said that last sessions the ministry had
received a positive assurance that it possessed the confidence
of the
.country. That assurance was carried by a majority
of twenty-one—and was, in his opinion, sufficient to justify
the government in not deeming the defeats they had sus-
tained, up to the division on the sugar duties, a sufficient
notice to quit. lie admitted, however, that the division on
the sugar duties proved that the ministry had not a sufficient
degree of influence in that house to carry out the measures
they had proposed ; and that an alteration of some kind be-
came necessary. It was asked why, under such circum-
stances, they had not at once resigned ; and he would show
that their holding office under such circumstances was not
without precedent. The noble lord then referred to former
cases in the reign of George the Third, in order to show that
it was quite justifiable 'and constitutional to- retain power
until the sense of the country could be taken upon the mea-
sures of the government by means of a dissolution.
Sir J. GRAHAM, after observing that, in point of fact,
power had already passed from the hands of the Ministry,
said that he could see no ground upon which the Govern-
ment had a right to triumph with respect to their foreign
policy. He could look upon the war with China in no other '
light than as a great calamity—a war in which glory would
not be the attendant of success, and in which failure would
be a heavy misfortune indeed. The right lion. baronet then
enumerated a variety of instances in which it was evident the
house had declared its want of confidence in the Ministry,
and said that the only measure of importance which they had
been enabled to curry through Parliament was the Irish Mu-
nicipal Act; and even that act they were unable to carry
until they had conceded nearly all the points which they
themselves deemed essential to the bill. The Poor Law
Amendment Bill was another measure which proved how
utterly powerless were the Government to carry their own
measures. They proposed to make the Poor Law Commis-
sion continue for ten years ; but the moment a hint was given
by hie right hon. friend the member for Tamworth that the
time was too long, they forthwith abridged it to five years.
The right hon. baronet then went through the history of t4e
bill, showing how the Government had been obliged to aban-
don a variety of their propositions, and this to such an ex-
tent that he should be content to rest upon that one bill alone
his proof of the utter want of power of the Government to
carry through that house their own propositions. He was
of opinion that it was an unfair use of the prerogative of the
Crown for the Government, when defeated on the sugar
duties, not to have adopted one of two measures—immediate
resignation or immediate dissolution. They chose neither—
they proposed to go on with the administration of the affairs
of the country until they could have an election under a new
registration, and if, with all the influence of Government,
they should still have a majority against them, they might,
perhaps, resign. Such a course was more than dangerous ;
it was almost revolutionary. 'With respect to the alteration
of the duty on corn, it was a desperate plunze made by des-
perate men, and he would venture to predicate that they
never thought of the Ss fixed duty until after their defeat upon
the Irish Registration Bill. The right lion. baronet sat down
amidst general cheering, and the debate was immediately
adjourned.

THE PRESENT CRISIS

TO THE EDITOR OF THE

MORNING POST

SlR,—Ministers in their present hopeless position resort
to reckless and desperate measures ; their emissaries are
abroad in every direction endeavouring to excite and agitate
the people with the plausible cry of " Free trade mid no
Corn Laws." They possibly may impose upon the ignorant,
but the sober-minded are not to be so deluded.
When called upon to explain what they mean by free
trade, they answer generally, let us have no monopolies, no
restrictions, no preferences. Then let us inquire what the
facts are ; and to begin—
They state to us that a net revenue of above fifty millions
pounds must now be raised to meet the public expenditure ;
that since they came into, and have remained in, power, in
the midst of peace, they have contrived, for popular objects,
to abandon sources of productive taxation, such as the Post-
office revenue ; and at the same time add above three mil-
lions per annum to the expenditure. In 1830 the net revenue
was £50,056,616, which left a surplus of £2,913,000 above
the expenditure. Since then eleven years of peace in Europe
have elapsed, and now we require a Tevenue of above fifty
millions, this excess having been created by the Melbourne
government ! One of two causes must be assigned for this
—a wasteful injudicious expenditure, or a falling off in the
resources of the country. The last is not the fact, for our
manufactures have been extended, and our foreign trade,
whatever may have been its individual fruits, is more consi-
derable now than at any former period, notwithstanding the
injudicious measures of the government.
To meet these exigencies they propose to increase the
duty on British timber, the produce of our colonies, and
to diminish that on foreign, and thus to employ foregin ship-
ping and foreign seamen in preference to British. This
may be what in the present day is called a " liberal", but it
cannot be a " national ", course of policy. Their partisans
affect to say, " These are the interests of individual parties,
not national." Are we. then, reduced to a state in which
our commercial navy, the nursery for rearing British seamen,
is not to be considered a national interest I Is the source
of all our power, our wealth, and glory, to be laid prostrate,
to make way for the pernicious principles and practices of
modern liberalism ? _ _ • . . _

In my former letters to you I think I have shown the fal-
lacy and injustice that would be the result of their plans for
the introduction of foreign slave-made sugar into consump-
tion here, whilst we have an abundant supply from free la-
bour, the produce of our own possessions. On this subject
it has been attempted to mislead and delude the people by
stating that if slave-labour sugar was admitted to home con-
sumption the price would be reduced from 2d. to 3d. per
pound, or 18s. Bd. to 28s. per cwt. under the present rates.
Now, in point of fact, British plantation sugar is now nearly
as low as foreign would be were it to be so admitted to-
morrow. At present dry brown West India sugars are sold
at 60s. to 61s. ; such as are of a similar quality of foreign
produce being about 21s. to 225. in bond. Their proposed
duty of 365., with 5 per cent., is 375. 9d., average 59s.—diffe-
rence in favour of foreign Is. 4d. to 25., as stated correctly
by Lord John Russell, although he afterwards wished to back
out of this statement, as he found it did not answer his pur-
pose. Now, these prices are considered to be very low, if
not ruinously at least injuriously so to the foreign planter ;
but the hope of the Brazilian merchant is, that their admission
here would be followed by an advance in price, for as they
can at present obtain these low prices from purchasers for
the continent, without advance, their position would not be
at all improved, or their means increased for buying more of
our manufactures than they do at present ; but such an ad-
vance could not take place, for as we have enough of our own
growths that would still be partially protected by Lord John's
proposed duty. the British planter would, at whatever fur-
ther sacrifice that he might be called for to make, undersell
the foreign grower; therefore, to speak of a reduction of 2d.
or 3d. per pound to be gained by the introduction of foreign
sugar, only proves the grossest ignorance of the subject or
worthless folly, to call it by no plainer name, whilst the dif-
ference of the price could not exceed one farthing per pound.
With sugar I have done, at least for the present, and the
corn duties, the present all-absorbing and vital question about
to be decided, alone remains for consideration. In doing so
for a second time I will begin by giving to the advocates for
either a fixed duty of Bs. per quarter on wheat, or an unre-
stricted free trade on corn—l will for the moment take it for
granted that the interest of the landlords and their agricul-
tural tenantry are not to be weighed in the balance ; but that
the plans of their opponents are by themselves to be practi-
cally considered, and that the only object for consideration
is now to give them effect; more I think the supporters of
these measures could not deserve. Yet, notwithstanding, I
am disposed to think that, if they will do me the honour soberly
to weigh what I am about to state, they may possibly come
to the conclusion that their schemes, on their own showing,,
are alike visionary and impracticable.
I will confine myself to the growth and supply of wheat
alone, in order to clear and narrow the subject. This grain
now forms the food of nine-tenths of the people of Great
Britain, and upon it they depend for their bread.
It is admitted on all sides that our annual consumption of

wheat is about twenty millions of quarters, and that in good
seasons the home growth has been sufficient to meet the de-
mand ; but in bad seasons the deficiency has been consider-
able, amounting in some years to one-fourth, in others even
to one-third, which has always been productive of high
prices and great economy in consumption.—lt is admitted
that in the years 1838 and 1839 our crops were deficient, and
foreign supplies required ; that previous to 1838 a consider-
able quantity of foreign wheat had been speculatively im-
ported and warehoused in bond, having been bought at low
prices, to wait the time when it might be required and ad-
mitted to the home market ; that with these previous sup-
plies the whole quantity of foreign wheat entered for con-
sumption in 1838 was 1,715,771 qrs.; in 1839 the quantity
was 2,500,045 qrs; in 1840 2,020,144 qrs; together 6,235,960
qrs ; not equal to one-ninth part of our ordinary consump-
tion. Of flour, the aggregate quantity in the three years
was 1,828,000 cwt. which it would require 457,000 quarters of
wheat to produce ; of this flour a considerable quantity was
re-exported ; but I will include the whole in the home sup-
ply, which thus forms an aggregate of 6,693,000 quarters of
foreign wheat received in three years, or 2,231,000 quarters
per annum, being about one-ninth part of our consumption ;
and taking the cost price, including freight and charges, at
50s per quarter, a rate much under what was paid for it by
the consumers here, it amounts to £5,571,500 per annum, or
£16,732,500 in the three years. It will also be admitted
that the bullion in the coffers of the bank in December 1838,
was £9,591,000, and that by August, 1839, it was reduced to
£2,464,000. It will also, I trust, be allowed that the differ-
ence between these sums being £7,130,000 was remitted in
payment for the foreign grain then imported ; that during
this period the balance of our trade with South America was
paid to us in the precious metals to a considerable amount,
which was also applied to the payments for foreign corn ;
and that in addition a further sum was drawn from the gold

currency of the country by private individuals and transmit-
ted for similar purposes.
It will he admitted that, with the exception of Hol-
land and Sweden, all the countries lying to the north
of France, including Southern Russia, are capable of pro-
ducing more corn than they consume when a foreign market
can be found for their surpluses, that market, with the ex-
ception of the United States, having been ours alone for the
last three years, and, therefore, that from these countries our
foreign supplies were drawn during that period.
It will, I trust, also be admitted that, since the termination
of the war in 1815, peace has remained uninterrupted; that
previously war hadreduced the population of these countries
to a comparatively low ebb ; and that their principal, if not
their sole, employment was then in agriculture, drawing their
supplies of manufactures and other• goods from the cheapest
markets, of which ours was the principal; that in the course
of the '26 years which have elapsed their population has
greatly increased ; that, having no foreign possessions to
which they could emigrate, the necessity for employment
being found for them at home became annually more urgent,
and was unavoidably pressed upon the attention of their go-
vernments. .

It will not be denied that agriculture alone will not afford
employment for a dense population, and that, to do so, other
means must be resorted to ; that the government of these
countries, aware that the only means for this purpose were
manufacture, trade, and commerce, turned their attention to
these resources; that no choice was left them, and, aware
of it, they have advanced capital in many instances to pro-
mote their encouragement (that capital having been greatly
increased by our gold, paid to them in the last three years for
their corn) ; they have loaded foreign manufactures with
heavy duties to discourage their importation and encourage
their growing establishments, as the only means they possess
to provide employment and food for their people.
It will, I also think, not be deniedi that_the present rates
of wages paid to the manufacturing and labouring classes in
in the countries to which I have referred are only about one-
half of those paid to the same classes in England, two-thirds
of those paid in Scotland and the north of Ireland, those in
the south of that country being about the same ; that those
classes in tbis country are accustomed to live in a degree of
comfort which, although now in too many instances subjected
to privations, is such as is generally superior and unknown
to those on the continent.
Now, sir, with these facts before us, I appeal to the common
sense and sound judgment of all reflecting men, who are not
to be led away by plausible but impracticable theories, or by
vapid, frothy declamation, founded on an assumed but false
basis, to say whether there exists reasonable ground to expect
that, were we to admit the importation of foreign wheat,

either at the proposed duty or altogether free, for, in both
cases, with good crops at home, the effect, as regards the ex-
tent of supply, would be the same (and I would here mention
that in the last and present month large quantities of foreign
wheat have been lately imported and entered for consumption.
at Liverpool and elsewhere, paying a einfli of 225. tid. per quar-
ter, any leaving a foie profit to the importer)-1 ask those
persons, with the facts before them which I have just stated,
if they can believe that a continuous supply of foreign wheat,
sufficient to meet our exigencies, could be procured, and to
be depended on, at moderate, much less low, prices ; that, if
such were to be the case, whether there is any good or satis-
factory reason to believe that the government or people of
those countries from which these supplies could only be, if
at all, drawn, would, in order to take our manufactures in
payment for their corn, abandon their own rising establish-
ments, which they have justly so much anxiety and strong
desire to protect, and thus desire to employ, as well-as to
raise in the scale of society, and therefore to remunerate as
well as improve the comforts of their people, so rapidly in-
creasing in number ? If it is admitted, as I think it must be,
that there is no good ground to expect any such results, it
then follows that, if we are to abandon home production and
consequent home consumption of our manufactures by our
agricultural classes, we are to place ourselves in a state of
dependence on a supply of foreign wheat, I ask how is it to
be paid for? It is evident that our stock of bullion is now
very moderate. Though no unusual drains, besides foreign
corn, have existed, the amount would soon be exhausted, and
I think I may say at the same time our sources for further
supply curtailed, as these and other countries from which we
receive it look to us for a market to take off other produc-
tions of theirs which are mainly consumed by the landed in-
terests, whc would be seriously damaged, and their consump-
tion cut down by such changes, were they to be adopted.
If, then, we are to attempt to substitute the foreign for the
home grower—if the manufacturer is to be thus deprived of
his customers, for the vain hope of a vent for the goods, he
the home grower, would no longer consume, much less a more
considerable one being found elsewhere. If, then, we are to
place ourselves in a state of dependence for our bread on the
foreign grower, may we not reasonably expect that whenever
the foreigner finds we are in his hands he will avail himself of
it to exact from us very high, if not extravagant, prices,
which we could possess only limited means to pay ? Would
not the day then arrive for bitter repentance that we should
have so confided—that we should, with our eyes open, and
not without warnings, have given ourselves up to such vain
delusions, of which the consequences appear to me almost
too frightful to contemplate ; yet such is the precipice to the
front of which these free traders are now blindly leading us.
Let me again entreat the master manufacturers and their
people to consider well the position in which they are
placed—let them, if they will, think only of themselves,
distinct, if they please, from the other branches of the
community, and consider what a fate may be expected to
await them and their people, should they unite with and be
led away by these baneful declaimers, who call themselves
" Liberals, " but whose right name is " Destructives."
These men talk of free trade, of monopolies, and restric-
tions, without well knowing what they mean. In the ordi-
nary sense of the word we have had no monopolies since that
of the East India company expired; wholesome and necessary
protection we have for different vested national interests and
branches of our industry, both home and colonial, which past
experience have proved to be wise and just in principle and
practice—therefore beneficial to the whole community. We
see such adopted and acted upon by all other nations, and
which may be expected to continue the case whilst common
sense continues to retain any influence over the actions of
civilised society. Let the manufacturer then look to himself
—let him weigh well his actual situation, and the immense
capital he has embarked in the undertakings—let him, before
it is too late, reflect on the fact that his trade has not been
falling off, but on the contrary, annually gradually increas-
ing in extent ; that notwithstanding he has gone on increas-
ing his production of goods in a greater degree than the
market will take off ; that his present difficulties, from want
of sales, and consequent depressed wages, are almost wholly,
or in a great degree, the result of over-production,
which unavoidably causes a glutted market and cautious
purchasers, looking constantly to lower prices, however low
those of the day may be, from which only heavy loss, if not
ultimate ruin can ensue. Even very cheap bread, could it be
procured, would not avail in such a state of things, be-
cause the artisan and labourer would be without employment,
or, if employed, at wages so wretchedly low, that he could
not afford to purchase it. Let the manufacturers ponder
well over these facts—let them throw the delusions of the free
traders and corn agitators overboard—let them restrict and
limit their production of goods to the legitimate demand for
them, and then, having the remedy for these evils in their
own hands, do justice to themselves and to others. In re-
sorting to this wholesome course, many of their people would
—in the first instance—be thrown idle; means for employing
a part must be found, without playing with edge tools ; to
others temporary assistance may be given, and to such as
are disposed to embrace it, encouragement to emigrate
to our foreign possessions ought to be afforded. It is a case
of great emergency, an important crisis, and every good snb-
ject or citisen is called upon to put his hand to the plough ;
in short, England expects every man to do his duty.
But whilst I thus advocate the necessity for combatting
the difficulties of the consumers of bread, I am also of opi-
nion that it is the duty of the corn grower to bear his part
of the burthen. His tithes and other burthens have been
commuted or diminished ; his systems of cultivation have
been greatly improved, particularly by bone dust and surface
drainage : his general expenditure has, therefore, been re-
duced ; and whilst I contend for the present (Mr. Huskis-
son's) graduated scale as the best and most effectual system
that has yet been discovered for the protection of both grower
and consumer, I humbly think that it is the duty of the
legislature to reduce the pivot on that scale where importa-
tion of foreign wheat may be expected to commence,
considerably, perhaps eight shillings per quarter, and
in proportion for other grain. Such a measure would lower
the future general pride in that proportion in ordinary sea-
sons, and with it I should hope all reasonable men would be
satisfied to make the experiment.—l am, sir, your constant
reader, JOHN GLADSTONE.
Carlton-gardens, May 26.