The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-23 00:00:00

THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL

Under the Management of Mr. CLARKE, Sole Lessee

SEASON

THE PERFORMANCES DURING THE SUMMER
WILL COMMENCE AT HALF-PAST SEVEN.-DOORS TO

BE OPENED AT SEVEN.
FOR THE BENEFIT OF MADAME SCHODEL,
And the Last Night but One of
THE GERMAN COMPANY.
The Opera of DER FREISCHUTZ, which was received
on Monday by a brilliant and crowded audience with the
most enthusiastic applause, will be repeated To-monnow
Evening, being positively the Last Night of the German
Company.
HIS present FRIDAY, July 23, the Entertainments will
T
commence with a petit Comedy, called
HIDE AND SEEK.
After which will be performed, Meyerbeer's Grand Opera of
ROBERT THE DEVIL.
Robert.. (Duke of Normandy).. Herr Tichatschek.
Bertram.. (his Friend).. Herr 'Mellinger.
Raimbaud.. (a Countryman from Normandy).. Herr Seyler.
A Major-domo of the King of Sicily.. Herr Fruhling.
An Armed Knight Herr Benesch.
King of Sicily Herr Herbold.
The Prince of Granada Herr Gliemann.
Alberti..
Isabella..
Alice.. (a Peasant Girl from Normandy).. Madame Schodel.
Helena (the Head of the Nuns) * *
Nobles, Knights, Squires, Pages, &c.,
Supported by a powerful Chorus, under the direction of
Her Baerwolf.
The Orchestra will be on a ;rand scale, consisting ex-
clusively of German Musicians. Director, Herr GANZ.
In consequence of the heavy expense attending this En-
gagement, the Prices of Admission on the Nights of the
German Operas will be as follow :
Lower Boxes, 6s. ; Upper Boxes, 4s. ; Pit, 3s. ; Gallery,
ls. 6d.
Doors to be opened at Seven o'Clock, and the Performance
will commence at half-past Seven.
The Box-office will be open daily from Ten until Four,
when Places may be taken. No Places can be secured un-
less Tickets are taken.

V
TO-MORROW, (Saturday,) for the BENEFIT of
MADAME SCHUMANN, the petit raraa of the
SPECTRE BRIDEGROOM. Afte which, Weber's
Grand Opera of DER FREISCHUTZ. Positively the last
night of the German Company.
*** The Authentic Edition of the Libretti of the Operas
in German and English as performed, and published in Lon-
don by Mr. Schloss, may be had at the Box-Office, and
during the Performance in the Theatre ; also of Mr. Weiss,
Church-street; Messrs. Hime and Son, Church-street; and
Mr. Webb, Castle-street.

MADAME VESTRIS, Mr. CHARLES MATHEWS,
Mr. WILLIAM FARREN, Mr. HARLEY, and Mr. F.
MATHEWS, of the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, are en-
gaged for a Limited Number of Nights at this Theatre, and
will make their first appearance here this Season.
On MONDAY Next, July 26, in the popular new Co-
medy, as performed with unprecedented attraction upwards
of One Hundred nights last season, at the Theatre Royal,
Covent Garden, called LONDON ASSURANCE, written
by D. J. Bourcicault, Esq., with other Entertainments, as
will be expressed in the Bills. The Box-office for this night
will be opened on Monday, July 26.

GRAND CHANGE OF AMUSEMENTS AT THE

-
ROYAL

AMPHITHEATRE,

OREAi CHARLOTTE-STREET, LIVERPOOL,
THIS present FRIDAY, July 23d, and TO-MORROW,
(Saturday,) 2lth, MR. BATTY'S UNRIVALLED
STUD and COMPANY. i
Wonderful Somersets by Mr. Lavater Lee. r. Moffatt
as the Spanish Youth of Castile. Master Pol ias Young
Nimrod. Also Miss O'Donnell, as the Fair of the Silver
Star. Mr. Batty will introduce the highl - ained Turkish
Mare BEDA ! After which, Mr. Mosel). ill perform his
unrivalled Act, called the " Wild Indian he Prairie." A
grand display of L'Action de Voltigeur. Mr. W. Walker
on the Corde Floxo. Mons. Masotta, the French Rider.
Mr. Moseley will perform a Masquerade on Horseback.
After which, the Herculean Feats of Mr. Lavater Lee, the
Patagonian Sampson. Mr. Batty, as Phaeton driving the
Horses of the Sun. Tight-rope Dancing on three Ropes.
Doors open at Seven o'clock ; Performances commence at
half-past Seven precisely.
Private Boxes, 4s. ; Front, do.; 3s. ; Side, do., 2s. ; Pi,:,
ls. ; Gallery, 6d.—Half-price at Nine o'clock, to the Boxes
only. _ _

Riding Muter, Mr. Moffatt ; Clowns, Messrs. Wallett
and Dewhurst.

TO CORRESPONDENTS

In order to make our account of the Agricultural Society's
proceedings as complete as possible, we have repeated the
description of the Show Ground, Pavilion, &c., which ap-
peared in the STANDARD on Tuesday, and which will be
found to be the most correct that has yet appeared.
We are requested to state, that the mention made of Mr.
Samuel Holme, in a contemporary of yesterday, relative to
the admission of reporters to the Agricultural Society's
proceedings, is incorrect. Mr. Holme has not seen any
member of the Council, has not taken any interest in the
matter, and did not even know that the subject had been
agitated.

We have several letters and other communications before us,
but they must all stand over until Tuesday.

STAMPED SUPPLEMENT WITH THE
STANDARD.

A Stamped Supplement is presented to the purchasers of the
STANDARD of this day, which will pass free through the
Post.

Ebe Eibtrpoot tanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 23, 1841

The general election of 1841 is now over, and the
answer of the people to the several important questions
submitted to them, is contained in the composition of
the new House of Commons which they have returned.
The composition of this House then is decidedly con-
servative; and, for the first time since the Reform re-
volution, we may at length say that the people are
fairly represented in Parliament. The conservative
gain, in mere numbers, is somewhere about forty, which
being so much conquered from the adversary and added
to the conservative side, will be equivalent to double
that number in division ; but the full value of the ac-
quisition would not be justly estimated by a considera-
tion only of the numerical superiority attained. The
overwhelming majority that has been established by the
returns of the county constituencies—by the votes of
the respectable middle classes—of the most enlight-
ened, the most wealthy, and the most virtuous and
sound of the electoral bodies, and of the electors as a
whole—exhibits the triumph in a light which invests it
with an-importance of infinitely greater moment.
It has been justly remarked by our able correspon-
dent Conservator, (whose letter appeared in our last,)
that this virtual change in the predominant spirit of the
House of Commons is not owing to any sudden altera-
tion, or oscillation of opinion in the qualified body of
the people—is not attributable to what some gentlemen
of the Liberal school call a " re-action ;" but merely to
the fact of the Conservative party availing themselves
of, and exercising those powers, which the Reform re-
volution did not take away from them. Till of late
they had not recovered from the shock with which they
were affected by that measure, aad did not take the ne-
cessary steps to counteract its immediate influences.
The consequence was, that members of Parliament were
chosen in whose election they had no share, and who
did not, in any sense of the word, represent them.
Radicalism necessarily gained the ascendancy, and kept
it, till, partly by the maturity of its own rottenness, but
still more by the putting forth of Conservative strength,
it has at length been forced to part with it.
The first result of this great victory will be the re-
moval of a ministry from power which has long been
both odious and contemptible in the eyes of the people.
The secret history of the reign of Russell and Mel-
bourne will, we suspect, be a disgraceful chapter in
English history. The compact of Lichfield house will,
however, be unquestionably its most damning feature.
It was that untoward bargain with the foul fiend which
led the Whig ministers into every other mischief—in-
volved them in every trouble, and finally sent them
"fishing for a budget"—having not a copper left in
the national exchequer. This was equivalent to a con-
fession of bankruptcy. Whilst the money lasted, they
could, like other spendthrifts, put on a good face,
"take their ease in their inn," or strut about as though
they were a superior order of beings ; but for the rapid
consumption of the purse they had no remedy, no more
than the fat knight of facetious memory; and they,
like him, found the `:disease incurable." They com-
menced with a large surplus revenue; they received
the reins from their conservative predecessors with an
ample store in the locker, which they soon exhausted;
they became borrowers, and they continued to llorrow
and borrow every year with remarkable punctuality,
till, in the last five, the total deficiency, or debt incurred,
amounted to six millions and a half ! So gaily they
lived. True, the Whigs do not profess to be financiers ;
they are dealers only in reform; any thing so vulgar as
the affair of pounds, shillings, and pence, they leave to
Tories and Conservatives. However, the inevitable
hour at length arrives—the last shilling is spent—and
the ways and means must be thought of.
It may seem to some, far-fetched, or even an incre-
dible supposition, but we confess, it is our deliberate
opinion that this scandalous delapidation in the finance
department is attributable, like most of the other
official misdoings of the Whigs, to the Lichfield House
compact, and the insatiable maw of the big beggarman.
The Monteagle job—the Lord Campbell job—and other
notorious jobs of that kind, only served to show which
way the wind sat : these were but the vane ; waste and
prodigality were the prevailing current ; and we hesi-
tate not to say, that there are numerous other crimes
of the same sort yet undivulged and unwhipt of jus-
tice. There was in the train of the big beggarman a
long and a needy flock of voracious cormorants ; for
all of whom places and pensions were wanting, and

must be procured. Commissionerships of—every
thing or any thing; inspectorships ; appointments in
the police and in the law, abroad or at home; all were
wanting, and must he created if they did not already
exist. In Ireland, it is known that large sums of money

have been lent to the priests to build mass-houses ; we
hope these monies have been repaid. But the jobbing in
Ireland would, in itself, make a folio; there the big
heggarman was at home ; and situations without end
have been carved out expressly for his creatures, and
duly filled with them. That there was a leak in the
vessel, somewhere, cannot be disputed, or how could
the six millions and a half deficiency have arisen ? The
postage reduction, and some other broad matters, much
dwelt upon, do not sufficiently account for it, to our
mind. In the postage plan, however rash or impru-
dent it might have been under the circumstances of
the country, the account is open to inspection ; we can
perceive how the loss arises, and many must acknow-
ledge that it has been to them a source of great com-
fort as well as gain ; but there is a deficiency in the
secret service money, and in the general management,
for which no adequate explanation has been attempted.
We would have the beggarman's wallet examined ;
depend upon it, the old shaver has not been idle in a
house where riot and extravagance presided with such
despotic and destructive power.
The attempt of the gaberlunzie-led Ministry to
retrieve their ruined fortunes by the foreign-corn and
slave-sugar schemes has been justly regarded as the
very madness of desperation, and a proof that the
Fates had spun out their thread--on the principle that
quos deus volt perdere prius dementat. They did not
consider that we are a nation of shop-keepers, and
like, above all things, to see our books well kept ; but
why do we use the word " consider," when, in truth,
they considered nothing, but just how they might
" traverse the cart," or shift the rope once more before
they made their final exit. There would be a moral to

1 .
this talc, how that one rotten sheep may infe'et a whole
flock ; how that men may be known from the corn•
pany they keep ; and how that for riotous living and

extravagance, breach of trust and speculation, a day
of reckoning will come at last. But, above all, let us
learn hereby never more to entrust our affairs, and
especially our money, to " Reformers." Remember
the Whigs—the six millions and a half, run through
in five years—and, lastly, the budget of 1841. Think
of this, good people ; take warning, and never, while
you live, again place trust in a " Reform" Ministry.

In the last number of the Edinburgh Review there
is an article which the reviewer himself seems to con-
sider an alarmist one, and which we give him full cre-
dit for having designed as such; but, now that the
elections are over, it is palpably too late for one part of
its purpose, and we are much mistaken or it is too late
for the other also. It is too late to think of alarming
the country into the adoption of the reviewer's senti-
ments on free trade. Light has been let in upon the
subject, and the more extensively our inquiries have
been pursued, the less occasion do we find for resort-
ing to any violent measures of experiment as a remedy
for a state of things which, we may concur with the
reviewer in thinking, is, in itself, deserving of the most
serious attention. We are willing to take his facts, or
his suppositions, and weigh them with all due consi-
deration ; but our researches into the philosophy of
the subject lead us to a very different conclusion from
that which he draws from the premises.

" If the demand for British manufactures," he says, " in-
stead of increasing, should diminish ; if the new swarm of
candidates which every year throws into the labour market
should be rejected; if the employment of all should become
precarious ; if many establishments should be discontinued,
and others give work only for three or four days a week ; if
the wages for this diminished and irregular work should
themselves be diminished ; if a family, accustomed to earn
40s. a week, and to a proportionate expenditure, should fall
to an income of nine or ten shillings, and no prospect of im-
provement were afforded—what we repeat, is the temper and
conduct to be expected from the sufferers ? Are they likely
to treat these evils as mere calamities, or as injuries? If as
injuries, are their habits likely to induce them to patience,
or to attempts at redress, or resistance ? If patience is not
to be expected from them, are their struggles likely to be
formidable ?

" We fear that, to every one of these questions, we must
give an alarming answer." • "

Here indeed is much of dark hypothesis, and melan-
choly foreboding ; but what dire calamities could we
not at any time present to the mind's eye by a free use
of that potent conjuror "if " ? And then, when we
think of the known object of the writer in bringing up
such a picture to our mind, that it is for the purpose of
suggesting an argument in favour of the now discarded
and condemned budget of the expiring ministry, we
feel a sort of reaction rising within us, and a strong
temptation not only to fling away the unbound volume
in blue and yellow cover far from us, but to dismiss a
subject on which we conceive it has taken so much
pains to deceive us, altogether from though). But a
calmer mood supervenes ; a better thought springs up;
and we regard the writer's labours as a wholesome ad-
monition—not indeed to give still further extension to
a system already of such fearful magnitude (as the
scope of his reasoning would lead us to do); but to the
rich and powerful—to the reflective and influential—
to the great men of the nation, and to the parliament—
to be careful of the poor, to look well to their condi-
tion, and never at any time, as they value the happiness
and prosperity of the kingdom, to neglect it.
Now, with all deference to the "blue and yellow,"
the Manchester league, and all that noisy class of pre-
tended friends of the labouring classes, we: say that this
is not their object, or would not be the result of that
stimulus, or supposed stimulus, to our manufactures,
which they have in view. The great subject of their
alarm is a sudden check to the demand for labour, and
the consequences that might be apprehended from the
vast population of our factories being left without em-
ployment. This is their stock in trade to operate a
panic, and do what ? Why nothing more than continue
the existing state of things, with all its evils, or extend
it still further. That is the whole amount of their re-
gard for the poor—the full scope of their philanthropy
—the utmost verge of their benevolence. But we hold
such an indication of generosity to be of very doubtful
duration. It speaks not of any amendment in the con-
dition of the labouring classes : it involves no pledge
of shortening the hours of factory labour—no dispens-
ing, partial or otherwise, with the premature toil of
children—no increase of wages to the employed—no
time for mental culture—nothing, in short, but an in-
crease of that very system which, according to the re-
viewer's own confession, abounds with evils, and upon
the slightest disturbance, with so much danger to the
commonwealth. We meddle not just now with the
political or economical view of the question, because
we have already had enough upon that head for a while.
Our readers are well aware how fallacious is the doc-
trine that a foreign corn trade, or a slave sugar trade,
would have the effect of creating a greater demand for
our manufactures, or of ameliorating the condition of
our factory population. We pretermit that discussion
altogether at present, and would just observe, that the
writer in "blue and yellow," though impotent as an.
advocate of free trade, and as an alarmist with a view
to retain the Whigs in power, may be a good trumpeter
for another and a far better purpose—for, in a word, a
good Conservative one—thus confirming it to our mind,
that if a man will only look for it, he may find " songs
in brooks, sermons in stones, and good in every thing."
The reviewer compares the labourers of England
with the labourers of Germany and France, and indeed
of almost all Europe, and with a praiseworthy disregard
to all patriotic prejudices, gives a decided preference to
those of the continent, in all those respects which con-
cern political and economical condition, as well as
moral character.

" The cottage of the French Paysan, or of the German
Bauer," he says, "is a much worse habitation than that
of the English labourer—but it is his own. He feeds on
the inferior vegetables, or on a bread which would be rejected
by an English beggar—but they come from his own garden
or his own field. His dress is coarse and ill-made—but his
linen has perhaps been grown, spun, and woven in his own
house ; and his woollen garments are often the produce of
his own sheep. Such a population may be ill-clothed, and
ill-lodged ; but it is at least secure of employment ; such a
population necessarily acquires habits of economy and pru-
dence ; every head of a family is, to a certain degree, a capi-
talist.

" Such a population has almost always a deep respect for
property and
ossanpdfeosrsiaountsh,ority. Every man values highly his
own
and
them. And even if thela
reverencestohpeplraews s wivheicihnsptreoatdecotsf
protective, a scattered peasantry have neither the knowledge,
the habits, nor the opportunities, which would enable them
to combine in resisting it. A tranquil, unadvancing, indo-
lent, but frugal and contented poverty, with little to hope,

but stilt' Jess to fear, is Ole Aata of the great mass or the
inhabitan Is of continental Europe."

.
picture of the continental labourer. The
followingi'w his contrast in our native land from the
same pencil
" On the of her hand, in Britain, particularly in England,
the very majority of the population consists of labourers
hired
by largethe
* or by the day, dependent for subsistence
solely on their Tes, and for their wages solely on the will
of their master. _ _ _

" It might be supposed that, classes exposed to such con-
tingencies, would st we in their prosperity a fund to support
them in adversity. But such is not the habit of the English.
They have not been a ccustorned, like their continental rivals,
to treat their earnings as the means of further production, or
even of future support... When wages are high, they work
fewer hours, and inhal lit better houses ; and if there still
remain a superfluity, the • women and girls waste it in dress,
and the men in drink a. nd luxurious living. When wages
fall, they endeavour to in( 'tease their earnings by more assi-
duous labour, and to cern), )mize, first in house-rent, then in
dress, then in fuel, and ultimately in food. When their
earnings become insufficient for a maintenance, they throw
themselves on the parish. The virtue which they possess
the least is providence."

Now if there be any truth in the latter of these por-
traits, all we say is, that the free-trade party suggests no
remedy whatever for the mils which they point out,
and dream of nothing but .finding out one continuous
flow of labour for these same "improvident," "reck-
less," " weekly dependents or a master's will," with-
out the smallest suggestion or care for any effectual
amelioration of their condition. Yet if there be any
truthfulness, any fidelity, any resemblance in the por-
trait here drawn, we say, it forms a strong appeal to
every enlightened Briton, which ought not to be dis-
regarded. .

If the Whigs have one spark of proper feeling re-
maining they will now retire, and afford the country
the satisfaction of seeing the administration of public
affairs entrusted to men in whom the general confidence
is reposed. It has been rumoured for the last few
days, in town, that there exists some floating notion to
this effect—a notion which it is very much to be wished
may become fixed with all possible despatch. The
following programme of the new administration has
been given by the Morning Herald

First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer

-Sir ROBERT PEEL.
First Lord of the Admiralty His Grace the Duke of

Buc KINGHAM.
Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—The Earl

Of ABERDEEN.
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—Lord WtrARNcLIFFE

Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department—
Right Hon. HENRY GOULBUEN.
Lord High Chancellor of England—Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT.
Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies—Right Hon.
Lord STANLEY.

President of the Council—His Grace the Duke of WEL-

LINGTON

The Speaker of the House of Commons—The Right lion.
C. SHAW LEFEVRE (whose re-election it is said not to
be intended to oppose.)

Secretary for Ireland—The Right Hon. Sir 11. HARDINGE

Other officers of state;
The Lord High Chamberlain His Grace the Duke of

BEAUFORT.
The Lord High Steward—The Earl of LIVERPOOL

The Master of the Horse—The Earl of JERSEY

Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris—Lord LYNDHURST

There is scarcely one of these appointments which,
if actually made to-morrow, would not be deemed suit-
able, and afford general satisfaction ; but as it is ob-
viously premature to enter into a discussion of the
subject upon so slender an authority as this list, we
spare ourselves the trouble for the present. The name
of Sir James Graham does not appear in it, but he, it
is said, is to go out as Governor-General of India. We
need scarcely add, however, that the whole arrangement
is altogether apochryphal.

Thus far we had written when the Morning Chronicle
of yesterday reached us, and from it we soon learned
that we had committed no error when we said, or
when we thought, that it was as yet premature to talk
of appointments under a new administration : then higs
are not out yet, and it seems will not remove till they
are regularly kicked out ! On this point there is no
longer any doubt; it is, we may say, officially an-
nounced by Lord John Russell in a letter, dated
" Minto, 19th July," and addressed to his constituents,
the Electors of London. We shall subjoin the most
material portion of it. His lordship commences by
thanking the electors for the honour they had conferred
upon him by choosing him as one of their representa-
tives, and says he should have made his acknowledg-
ment at an earlier period, had he not been desirous of
"explaining the conrse which the general state of the
returns will make it his duty to pursue." He then
enters into a retrospect of the ministerial and budget
history, with which we shall not trouble our readers.
We arrive at the denceument, which runs as follows :
" As soon as the new parliament meets, we shall take the
first opportunity of asking for a clear and decided judgment
upon the policy we have proposed.
" The result of such an appeal may now be easily foreseen.
In the English cities and boroughs there is a small majority
in our favour. In the Scotch cities and boroughs, a very
decisive majority the same way. In the Irish boroughs and
counties there is also a majority in favour of the policy of the
present ministers. Ie the Scotch counties the majority will
be the other way ; and in the English counties that majority
will be overwhelming.

" To those who recellect Lord Stanley's description of our
English county representation, or who have observed the
effect of the chandos clause of the reform act, this result will
not be at all surprising. It should be added, however, that
the manufacturing districts have not, as might have been ex-
pected, tended to restore the balance. As no ministers of
the crown can stand without the confidence of the House of
Commons, our retirement from office will immediately follow
the condemnation of our policy. In this altered position it
would be inconsistent with my notions -of public duty to
harass the government of the clay by vexatious opposition
still less to deny to the crown the means of maintaining th:,
reputation of the country abroad and internal quiet at home."

After this there follows a long flourish, setting forth
that though very meek if let alone, and if the new Mi-
nistry be veay obsequious in following out his policy,
yet that the Whigs in opposition will be found to be
most terrible indeed upon provocation. He calls to
mind the wondrous things they did out of power, and
the still more wondrous things they did in power, and
actually indites, as a conclusion to the whole, the fol-
lowing piece of, we think we may say, matchless im-
pertinence. He has the ridiculous effrontery and
vanity to say :

" Returned to office they (the conservatives) may adopt
our measures, and submit to the influence of reason; or, if
they refuse to do so, they will be OBLIGED to relinquish
power, and the monopoly of trade will share the fate of reli-
gious intolerance and political exclusion."

Is not this extraordinary language from a man who
has just said that the retirement of his party from office
only awaits that clear and decided condemnation of
their policy whfch he is well aware they must expect
from the new parliament ? It is in our opinion some-
thing like the unsubdued and hardened hearing of a
condemned criminal after the Court has already pro-
nounced judgment upon him. But the Whigs will
stay in to the last—aye, to the very last minute that
may be converted into pay. Oh ! the virtuous tena-
city—the vast "moral courage" of Whigs ! We
could dwell upon this theme, but the limitations of
time and space compel us to forbear for the present.

THE SUN-FLOWER: ADVANTAGES ARISING FROM ITS
CULTIVATION.—A correspondent of the Mark Lane Ex-
press states, that the oil obtained from the seed of the
sun-flower (Helianthus Annus) will produce gas-light at
" one fourth the labour, one fourth the cost, and in half the
time necessary to obtain a corresponding supply or quantum
from coal ; with the additional and decided advantage of
being wholly free from any nauseous effluvia or smell, af-
fording a light far surpassing in brilliancy that obtained from
coal, and emitting less heat, by 100 degrees, than coal gas."
He considers it preferable to any foreigh oil for culinary and
domestic purposes, and recommends the cultivation of the
flower as a means of affording a profitable employment to
the increasing population of the British empire.
THE SPEAKER.—(From a Correspondent of the Morning
Herald.)—Sir Eardley Wilmot, Bart., the conservative mem-
ber for North Warwickshire, it is now confidently stated, will
be the Speaker of the new Parliament. The re-election of
Mr. Shaw Lefevre was never for an instant thought of by the
conservatives, who are quite aware that any such step would
be taken as a proof of the weakness and disunion of their
party. So soon as Mr. Goulburn had decided to accent the
home department, it was arranged that Sir Eardley Wilmot
should be elected to the Speakership. The conservative
leader is about as likely to second the address to be moved
by Lord John Russell as to consent to the re-election of Mr.
Shaw Lefevre, the radical member for South Hants.
resisted,
hainavdio be
A dreadful murder has just been discovered between
Hethersett and Wvmondham, in Norfolk. A poor girl,
whose name is not known, and who was weeding in a field
rs i
by Wymondharn-common on Saturday last, was assaulted
took
ka young okuon
knife
ema
whichiri thesbe nceai
carried
u aboutrhoo dh. e r She
person, e
g at night,
effected his purpose, cut her throarett;orhoeiothehnotrae i
dragged her
through the corn to a pond. Not
leaving the body was found in the pond. Suspicion g fallen on
she was missed, and a search being made for her on Sunday,
was held on the body, which had been removed to an ad.
whasarrb:netn, fully committed
the young man, he was apprehended, and a coroner's inquest
joining barn on Monday. The juryfound a verdict. of
to' Wilful
Norwich murder"
Castle against i
then s t him.coto
nelin7

THE QUEEN AND SIR ROBERT PEEL.

(Frcm the London Times.)

A paragraph appears in Monday's Globe, which in point
of mean malignity transcends, if possible, anything that has
lately figured in that unscrupulous and abandoned print.
Great allowances, we are willing to admit, are due to the Mi-
nisterial journalists, writhing, as they now are, under the
peeling torture inflicted on them by the recent elections,
which, as consummating the sufferings of ' their wretched
party, have been almost synonymous with the wheel or
rack. In such circumstances, expressions of petty spleen
or dignified displeasure may be expected. Under the mor-
tification of defeat, exaggerated complaints about bribery,
intimidation, and so forth, may be said to constitute the
•` poor man's plaster," which, as helping to soothe politi-
cal sores, is a very allowable and harmless catholicon. Nay,
we could readily excuse in our chagrined opponents a good
deal of vituperative language or even uncandid remark—any-
thing you please, in short, except such cool and premeditated
villany as the subjoined paragraph evinces :
" On dit that the Queen has heard of the vain boast of Sir
Robert, that if he came into power, he would make her a tory
(a conservative as he said) in six weeks ; and that the baronet
is, consequently, more disliked than ever at head-quarters."
Now this diabolical ditty, we need hardly say, is a sheer
unmitigated falsehood from beginning to end. Heaven
knows our opinion of the whig tale-bearers who infest the
court is bad enough ; but that they can have dared to insult
her majesty's understanding, or to slander Sir Robert Peel,
by pouring into the royal ear such a vile fabrication as the
Globe's dit-manufacturer has ventured to coin, is utterly be-
yond belief. Were our beloved Queen exercising the very
superior faculties with which her majesty is endowed, a mo-
ment's reflection would serve to detect the imposture. The
people who do the press-work of the whigs (surely their bed-
chamber agents must be under some decent restraints) are
continually endeavouring to injure her majesty by represent-
ing her as a mere party zealot. During the recent elections,
their favourite war-cry has been " Vote for free trade and
the Queen." The name of her majesty, linked with that of
the defunct Ministry, has been held up in London, Maryle-
bone, Westminster, the Tower Hamlets, Dublin, and else-
where, as constituting an irresistible appeal to the support of
the, public on behalf of the gasping Whigs. Considering,
therefore, the unequivocal answer which the country has
given to that appeal, the only logical inference deducible from
the seditious assumption of Her Majesty being indissolubly
identified with her Whig Ministers, would imply that Her
Majesty participates in all their deserved unpopularity, and
that consequently their ignominious defeat is tantamount to
a defeat of the Queen. A more unfounded fabrication, in all
its parts, was never concocted. The British empire, apart
from the shabby faction whose whisperings and backbitings
we are now exposing, gives Her Majesty credit for being—not
a political partisan, but—a constitutional Sovereign. It is
certainly true, that since the accession of Queen Victoria,
who succeeded to the throne at an age when unsuspecting
confidence is generally commensurate with its inexperience,
Her Majesty has, till this day, retained the ministerial
advisers bequeathed to her from the former reign. Bu t
on an impartial review of all the circumstances which may
have governed that procedure, there 'is nothing whateve
to justify a suspicion that Her Majesty has merged he
constitutional character in that of a party devotee. On the
morning when the Princess Victoria took the oaths at
Kensington Palace, the Royal Lady found herself sur-
rounded by ministers whose ascendancy in the House of
Commons afforded a fair presumption of their popularity with
her people. At a subsequent date, when those ministers per-
formed the farce of resigning (after having previously pre-
pared a ladder for remounting into office), Her Majesty, on
being solemnly assured that Sir Robert I°eel's contemplated
removal of her Whig ladies was an unconstitutional act
which might be successfully resisted by a recall of the liberal
Ministry, who, what with making the ballot an open ques-
tion, and abandoning their Jamaica despotism, might con-
trive to out-weather the temporary radical defection that had
imposed upon them the ceremony of resignation, soon dis-
covered that the representation thus made to her was ratified
by a majority of the House of Commons—small indeed, but
still a majority—and that the fact of the Whigs being yet
intrusted with Parliamentary power was an abundant warrant
for not withdrawing from them the Royal confidence. Since
that period the Whigs have doubtless had many defeats and
defections, which might seem to infer, that unless her majesty
had been a decided partisan of theirs, their dismissal from
the royal councils must have followed as a matter of course.
But be it remembered, that every now and then a party mo-
tion, involving a decided trial of strength, was agitated at
intervals, which, ending invariably in favour of ministers,
though by small majorities, still left her Majesty under the
natural impression that her confidence in the whigs was only
in accordance with that of her liege subjects. Of this descrip-
tion were the consecutive motions against Lord Glenelg's
colonial policy, and against Lord Normanby's Irish adminis-
tration, and more especially Sir John Buller's motion declar-
ing that the whigs had forfeited theconfidence of parliament,
which at the commencement of last year was rejected by the
immense majority of 21. A similar fate, even at the begin-
ning of the last session, attended Sir James Graham's motion
in regard to China. With these repeated occurrences, there-
fore, ever suggested to the royal mind that the occasional
failures of the whigs were counterbalanced by co-ordinate
successes on almost every question vital to their ministerial
existence, her Majesty would naturally conclude that the
sentiments of the public, coinciding with the votes of parlia-
ment, were still, on the whole, favourable to the whig
ministry : nor, even when they were at last defeated on Sir
Robert Peel's no-confidence motion, was it unreasonable for
the queen to conclude (apart from the advice of hor van-
quished deceivers) that the small majority whereby that mo-
tion was carried did afford a fair and plausible ground for
allowing them to appeal to the country.
But now, when the appeal in question has been made and
answered, her Majesty is placed in an entirely new condition.
The royal doubts are completely dispelled. The elections, by
a much larger majority than we had anticipated, have shown
her Majesty that the whigs possess still less of public confi-
dence than of the confidence of their late parliament. The
evidence submitted to her Majesty on this important point
can neither be mystified nor explained away. The convic-
tion that whig advisers will no longer be endured in this
country is presented to her Majesty's mind by the fiat of an
overwhelming majority in the House of Commons.
To allege, therefore, that our gracious Queen will be less
confiding and courteous towards Sir Robert Peel with his
majority of 90 (petitions permitting) than to Lord Mel-
bourne with his minority of 1, is as rude an impeach-
ment of her Majesty's prudence as of her Majesty's
patriotism. Sir Robert Peel, as a constitutional minis-
ter, knows too well how to demean himself towards a con-
stitutional sovereign, to have given utterance to any imperti-
nences derogatory to her Majesty's honour. The most mi-
nute wishes of his royal mistress, compatible with her Ma-
jesty's real interests, will be deferred to with a delicate con-
sideration on his part, only surpassed by the generous confi-
dence which her Majesty will place in his arrangements ; and
as to making her Majesty a conservative in six weeks, the
vile reptile who emitted that heartless piece of venom ought
to have recollected, that while her Majesty's. constitutional
exemption from partisanship renders her wholly incapable of
factious partialities, either on one side or another, her Ma-
jesty is quite aware that the formation of a conservative mi-
nistry, instead of requiring six weeks to reconcile her it, will
probably induce her Majesty to deliver ab initio, a conserva-
tive speech from the throne, and to prosecute without reserve
a true conservative policy.

PACKET BC
GEN

,t-a ;yr...,
TLI
-4.,0 ;1
5a r;
ge
oz
2
.p
22 aa- ;e
F -lm
o 174 p:
2a wgp
g r t=i
z
5 VP,
5
P a o mo
xo
.-r
>
0:;,
o-
C;;'co
go.2*
o (T: I.
✓ m
• 9
0
g
7 2ci'm
5
g =g-`3 1,7
m

.0 - • 'X
rA 0
rc.4 5.. 2.

6.1 eDet,
ro ti 0.

PREMIUMS

)ATS.-FALMOUTH STATION,
ERAL POST-OFFICE, July 20.

SPITAL, JULY 17.
DISCHARGED

14 Cured s ...a
Attending Out Patient
10 Irregular
Died

Le Tlospital • • • 66