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subject would have been present. For his (Lord Fellenbo
rough's) own part, he must say it did appear to him, that when
the emancipation ‘,/as passed, parliament had settled with the
proprietors of the West India slaves. It was undoubtedly most
proper that his Majesty's subjects, be they what they might,
ought to have their interests protected. All were entitled to the
protection of parliament. Now he did really think that the
East India interests ought to be considered, and that the ques-
tion of assimilation of duties on sugar was one which should be
entertained ; for it was no longer a question of principle, but
merely one of time. (Hear.) The East India people had, no
doubt whatever, a claim upon parliament. Their trade had
been destroyed, and all their manufactures too ; and unless
they were allowed to export at an equal duty their sugars, how
could they pay for the articles‘of consumption transmitted from
this country? He was of opinion that the time was now ar-
rived for settling the question.
The Marquis of NORTHAMPTON moved for some returns re
lative to the post-office, in the absence of the Duke of Rich-
mond.—Adjourned.

imperial Varlianunt.

HOUSE OF CONIMONS—WEDNESDAY.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL having moved the second reading of his
Irish church bill,
Lord STANLEY moved, as an amendment, for leave to bring
in "a bill for the conversion of tithe composition into rent
charges, for the redemption thereof, and for the better distribu-
tion of ecclesistical revenues in Ireland." His lordship sup-
ported his motion in a speech of great length, moderation,
clearness, earnest feeling, and eloquence. He detailed at great
length the several measures that had been proposed respecting
tithes and the church of Ireland. He then described the three
objects of his bill, setting forth that he calculated on securing a
surplus of £350,000. That surplus he proposed to put under the
management of ecclesiastical commissioners, and to be
sted appro-
priated in equalizing the glaring inequalities that exi in
many parts of the Irish church establishment, and particularly
in cities and towns; and where there was considerable popula-
tion he would have no income less than £3OO a year—an amount
fixed by former measures of the government. Where the in-
comes in populous places were about £5OO, he would have them
diminished, or the parishes.divided, and one or more additional
clergypea appointed. The commissioners to be prohibited from
augmenting beyond £3OO. The leading object of his measure
was to provide for the protestant parishioners : it was not to
secure luxurious livings to the clergy. He strongly urged the
government to recede from that false position on this subject to
which they had unfortunately bound themselves, and to consi-
der the measure which he proposed, as he had reason to believe
that it would secure that concurrence elsewhere which never
will and never can be conceded to the abstract principle of ap-
propriation contained. in the bill of government.
Lord J. RUSSELL resisted the amendment, viewing it as nei-
ther more nor less than a mode of resisting the principle of the
bill, the second reading of which he had moved—a principle
that did not contemplate the advantage only of the few, " but
of the whole people, iccluding the outlawed 6,000,000 of Roman
catholics." The amendment, he contended, left out of consi-
deration three-fourths of the Irish people; while his bill, the
principle of which had received the repeated sanction of a great
majority of the house, embraced the benefits and the religious
and moral education of all. He observed that the government's
notion of a church was, that it was not for the propagation of a
doctrine, hut for the instruction of a people.
After ,Mr. Sergeant Lefroy and Mr. F. Buxton had spoken,
Mr. W. E. GLA DSTONE said the hon. gentleman (Mr Bux-
ton) who had just sat down had spoken of the persecution of the
protestants; but if gentlemen at the opposition side were to talk
of the bloody retaliations of the catholics—(cries of " Oh, oh,"
and "shame," from one hon. member.) how much nearer would
the house be to an amicable adjustment of the question at the
end of the debate, however interesting and animated it might
be, than they were at present. Parliament was called upon to
extend the means for education in Ireland. Now what was the
present state of education there—he did not mean as to its prin-
ciples, but its operation ? It was a system which hid its head in
darkness, and, he had a right to conclude, because its deeds
were evil. It was said that there was to he a united system of
education. How could we know that ? The returns of the pro-
portionate numbers of protestant and catholic children in the
schools had often been called for and always refused by the
government. It was stated that 48 of these schools were under
the superintendence of nunneries or convents. Who would be-
lieve that the inmates of those nunneries or convents could give
an impartial general education, without reference to their par-
ticular tenets ? It was alleged by impartial visitors that the
Bible, or selections from it, were not used in these schools, brit
that a single copy was kept to delude the commissioners. He
did not state these as facts, but they were allegations which called
for inquiry. They were uncontradicted, and all inquiry into
their truth or falsehood was refused by the government. Was
it fair on the part of the government, while they acknowledged
the objections to the present system to be so well grounded,
that they would not call for an extension of the parliamentary
grant, yet to say that without inquiry they would take the manoy
of the Irish church and apply it to the sante purpose? Accord-
ing to the statement of the noble lord there were 1385 benefices
in Ireland with only a nominal average income of £336 a year,
having parishes of great extent attached to them. Was this,
he would ask, a case of such enormous wealth as would justify
the alienation of the property of the church? But the noble
lord had omitted several points which would reduce the income
much below the average he had stated. Now he (Mr. Glad-
stone) said that if it could be shown, that even amidst the fires
of persecution the number of members of the Irish church was
increasing, such was not the time when we ought to reduce its
means. He found that in the diocese of Ardfert and 'Nam, the
two most unfavourable to his case, the number of diminishing
congregations was 14, and of increasing congregations 41. In
other dioceses the contrast between the increase and diminution
was still greater. This bill, therefore, he contended, was not
called for by the circumstances of the time. It went to mort-
gage the property of the church in future generations, in order
to raise money to serve a political purpose. He would contend
that the present funds of the church of Ireland were not more
than a one-fifth part sufficient for the spiritual and moral wants
of such a population. With respect to the argument which had
been used as to the toleration given by other protestant coun-
tries of Europe, he must say the character and habits of the
people of those countries were totally different from those of the
people of Ireland, and the establishing of any principle of ana-
logy as to the situation so afforded to other countries as laying
the ground for pursuing the same course with respect to Ireland,-
would be both absurd and dangerous. Proselytism was admis-
sible in commerce, in the arts, and in politics; a man was per-
fectly at liberty to make converts of others to his own opinions
on such subjects, but not in religion. It had been stated that
the object of the bill before the house was the propagation of
the gospel, but that he took leave to deny; because, if such really
were the object of the bill, they had only to ascertain the amount
of property, and divide it according to the population of Ireland.
By the present bill £360,000 was apportioned to the maintenance
of the protestant church, and £50,000 a year to the education
of the Roman catholics, because it was said they must regulate
the church according to the wants of the people; but he would
contend it was impossible to put out of view the propagation of
the Gospel. They must maintain the church establishment for
what it taught, or for those for whom it teaches. He did not see
how it was possible to draw a distinction, and to say that one
man should be instructed and another not ; but the bill most
decidedly involved that question. if the protestant cnurch of
Ireland was to be upheld, they were bound to maintain it in a
manner, and in a state of efficiency so as to afford the opportu-
nity of the dissemination of the truth to every man in that
country. With regard to the charges of bigotry and intolerance,
which were made against those who opposed the present mea-
sure, he would contend that it did not fairly or properly apply ;
but on the contrary it did apply to the noble lord, and the ma-
jority who gave him their support. He believed that the house
and the country were pretty well aware that this bill would not
pass the legislature, (loud cheers from the opposition, re-echoed
front thaministerial benches,) for the effect of it could only be
to lay the ground for serious dissensions, if not something more,
and, instead of proving a benefit, would be the greatest misfor-
tune that could befall, what be should then say, would indeed
be, nnhappy Ireland.
On the motion of Mr. BROTHEETON, the debate was ad-
journed.
The house adjourned at twelve o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY.
COLONEL BRADLEY'S CASE.
Mr. T. DUNCObIBE presented a petition from Colonel Brad-
ley, respecting his dismissal from the arm). As soon as Colo-
nel Arthur, the Governor of Van Dieman's Land, who was un-
derstood to be on his voyage home, arrived in this country, he
wouli move for a select committee to inquire into this case.
Several other petitions were presented, but the greater part
of them were on the subject of Irish tithes and Irish corpo-
rations.

IRISH TITHE BILL.
Mr. BARRON opened the adjourned debate on Lord Stan-
ley's amendment, Mr. Galley Knight followed; he spoke i❑
favour of Lord Stanley's amendment. The other speakers
were Mr. W. Roche, Mr. W. Young, Mr. Maclean, Lord
Morpeth, Mr. L. Bulwer, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sheil.
At one o'clock the debate and the house was adjourned to
the following day.

HOUSE OF LOBDS.—FRIDAY.
RAILROADS.
The Marquis of CLAsretca Roe said that he was about to
move the third reading of a railway bill; but understanding that
the noble duke opposite• had some motion to bring forward in
relation to the subject of railroads generally, he wished to
know from the noble duke whether any objection existed to
the bill in question being now read a third time?
The Duke of WELLINGTON.—My lords, I have a very strong
feeling upon the subject of railroads, and I entertain a wish
that they may all be successful. But in proportion as they
are successful, it is desirable that they should not be perpetual
monopolies established throughout the country—(hear.) Under
these circumstances, therefore, it is that I have a strong feeling,
and I think it would be most desirable to introduce into all
those bills some clauses to enable the government or the par-
liament to revise the enactment of those bills at some future
period.—(hear.) I conceive, my lords, that by carrying those
bills into execution a great injustice is done to many proprie-
tors in the country (hear, hear,) and they are forced to submit
to great inconveniences, or to oppose them; and thus they
incur a very heavy expense, both in this and in the other House
of Parliament. My lords, if some measure of the description
to which 1 have alluded is not acceded to, and those railroad
bills are to establish monopolies, either in the hands of the
present proprietors, or in the hands of those who shall in
future become proprietors, then it will be impracticable to get
the better of those monopolies except by the establishing a
fresh line of road, to the inconvenience of the country, and
by incurring a heavy expenditure. These circumstances have
struck my mind most forcibly, and I have had several com-
munications with other noble lords upon the subject. We
have conferred together with respect to a scheme or plan, in
order to bring this :natter under the consideration of parliament.
I am anxious that some particular clause upon this subject
should be introduced into each of these bills—(heat). But I
think also that it is a proposition which ought not to fall upon
any individual, for it appears to me a very fit subject for the
government to take up. lam ready to share with the noble
viscount opposite and the government the responsibility at-
tached to the proposition of such a measure for the consideration
of the house; and, as 1 said before, I do think that something
ought to be done by the parliament, with a view of giving a
power to revise all the bills to which I have previously made
allusion—(hear.)
Lord W kialiNct IFFE concurred in the sentiments expressed
by the noble duke—( Hear, hear).
The Marquis of CLAN ItIcARDE, thought that if the bill were
not read a third time that evening a hardship would be done.
He was of opinion that there was no need to stop this bill in
this its very last stage in that house. It had
.passed the other
house without any difficulty being thrown in its progress, and
if it passed the third reading that night, the probability was
that it would become the law of the laud on Monday. He really
could not see, as the resolutions whatever might be the course
taken, were to have a retrospective effect, and thus apply to
the bill in question, why the bill should not now pass its final
stage.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he should he very sorry that
anything which he proposed should prove inconvenient, but he
thought it would be better to allow the progress of the bill to be
suspended until the proposition which was to be made to govern
all railroad bills was before the house. The noble marquis was
mistaken in supposing that it was intended that it should have
a retrospective effect, for such a course would not be practicable.
If the hill were now read a third time, and if it became the law
of the land on Monday, the proprietors would then have a vested
interest, and it would be dangerous for parliament to interfere
with such interests as those—( Hear, hear). He thought, how-
ever, as this was the first bill during the present session which
had reached its final stage in that house, it was a proper time
to bring forward such a proposition as the one of which he had
before spoken. As be had already stated, he regretted that what
be now proposed should be attended with inconvenience to any
one but he still was of opinion it would be better to wait the
result of such a proposition as he had ventured to suggest, the
more especially as it would not be long before it was introduced
to their lordships for their consideration.
The Marquis of Cr. AMR icaanst admitted that he had mistaken
the noble duke's proposition, as tar as regarded its retrospective
effect ; but the noble duke was himself in error in supposing
that the present bill was the only one which had reached its first
stage during the present session of parliament, for in point of fact,
if he recollected right, the royal assent had already been given
to some of the Railroad bills—(hear).
Viscount MELBOURNE agreed with noble lords that this was
a very proper subject for the consideration of parliament, and
he concurred also in the general principles laid down by the
noble duke, that it was proper to have some general regulations
or rules to prevent a perpetual monopoly from being established
as regarded railroads—(hear). He also agreed with the noble
duke in thinking that this was a subject on which ministers
ought to lend their aid, and he therefore, begged to add, that
government would co-operate in bringing forward such a
proposition as that alluded to by the noble duke—(Hear,
hear).
The third reading of the bill was deferred.
BISHOPRIC OF DURHAM.
The Marquis of LANSDowNE on moving the commitment af
the Bishopric of Durham bill, said that, as strong recommenda-
tions had been made against the suppression of the Court of
Pleas, Durham, he proposed to bring some clauses which he
bad prepared, embodying the views urged on this subject before
the house on the third reading of the bill. This arrangement
was assented to and the bill was passed through committee.
Several other bills were forwarded a stage.—Adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—THURSDAY.
Viscount MELBOURNE resumed his place in the house this
day.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY.
Several petitions were presented from Ireland against the
Lords' amendments to the municipal corporations bill. A
great number of other petitions were also presented.
IRISH TITHE BILL.
The order of the day having been read, Mr. Sergeant Jack-
son spoke at great length in support of the amendment. He was
followed by Mr. Ward, Mr. D. W. Harvey, Mr. D. O'Connell,
Sir Robert Peel, and the Chanceller of the Exchequer. The
house then divided.
For the second reading 3OO
For Lord Stanley's amendment 261

Majority for the second reading 39
The bill was read a second time.
Adjourned at three o'clock on Saturday morning.

CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION MEETINGS

DUTIES ON EAST AND WEST INDIA SUGAR.
The Earl of CLARE said he now rose to present a petition, of
which he had given notice previous to the recess, from the pro-
prietors of East India stock, in favour of an equalization of the
duties on East and West India produce imported into this
country. When he had the honour of presenting a petition on
the same subject a short time ago, from Bombay, he had ad-
dressed their lordships upon the subject, and he felt it to be his
duty also at the present moment to express the same opinions.
He trusted that the subject, which was one of very great im •
portance to a large class of people, would come under the con-
sideration of his majesty's government, and that ministers
would feel it right to bring forward a measure upon the subject
before the present session was permitted to pass. He thought
that the natives of the East Indies, and the members of the East,
India Company, had a strong claim upon the government; and
that that claim would not be forgotten to be urged by their
lordships. Since the recentchanges which had been effected in
the law, a considerable alteration in the position of the inhabi-
tants of India, and the company, whose petition was now be-
fore the house had taken place. A great many expenses had
been borne by means of that charter, which gave an exclusive
right of trading, that were now pressing upon the natives of BOLTON OPERATIVE CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION,—On
Inuia. After some further observations upon this topic, the Wednesday evening last, about 450 of the members of this as-
noble earl concluded with expressing an earnest hope that mi. sociation held their first public dinner in the large room at the
Town-hall, Little Bolton. The interior of the room was taste-
nisters would not allow the present session to expire without in-
troducing a measure such as would afford that relief to which fully decorated with laurel and flags, bearing appropriate mot-
the petitiouers were so justly entitled; and he begged to be in- tos, and in the front of the building a splendid blue and white
flag waved, presented by Joseph Ridgway, Esq., of Ridgmont,
formed by the noble vicourit whether such a measure was now
in meditation ? to the society. A great number of the gentry of the town and
Viscount MELBOURNE, in answer to the question put to him neighbourhood were present; amongst others, John Fletcher,
by the noble earl, begged to state that the subject was one of Esq., I'. Rothwell, Esq., Edward Bolling, Esq., William Slade,
no small difficulty, on account of the various interests to be con- Esq., James Knowles, Esq., George Piuot, Esq. Thomas
salted. llis majesty's ministers were as sensible as the noble IsiagwarEsidson, Esq., Johnson Lomax, Esq., John Moore,
earl of the importance of the subject, and it had been under Esq., John Baron, Esq., William Gray, Esq., Capt. Langshaw,
John Woodhouse, Esq., S. Gaskell, Esq., the Rev. C. A. Hunt,
their consideration whether, during the present session, it
would be practicable to bring forward a measure consistent with &c. &c. Mr. William Holt occupied the chair, and Messrs.
the rights of all parties. Ross, Cooper, Baxeudale, Hardman, and Jackson filled the
Lord SEA FORD expressed a hope that whatever was done by vise-chairs. The dinner, which was substantial, ample, and
his noble friend's government, other interests would be consult- good, was provided by Mr. Adams, of the Golden Lion. The
ed in addition to those of the petitioners. In the measure chairman, after congratulating the company on the goodly
which was to he recommended, he hoped that the boon sight of so many assembled in that town to support and main-
which was to be conferred on the East India growers of sugar tarn genuine conservative principles, proposed " The King, the
should not be taken advantage of by parties uot intended to Duke of Lancaster," which,was drool; with three times three
benefit thereby, but that the produce imported should be bond cheers, the company joining in the national anthem. Then
fide the growth of East India, and not of foreign production, followed " Her Majesty, the Queen, the ornament of the throne
and the British fair," and `' The Princess Victoria and the
for he apprehended it would be very easy to carry on a trade
which would not be beneficial to the parties for whose advantage other branches of the Royal Family," which were similarly
the measure was intended. He would illustrate what he meant and enthusiastically received. The chairman then proposed
thus:—He would take the case of a cargo of sugar, brought " Our glorious and unrivalled constitution in church and state,"
from China to any port of India, and let it be there imported; which was drank with tremendous cheering. Mr. Philip Hal-
and he would suppose that a cargo of East India sugar was ea. liwell, responded to the toast. and, in the course of his speech,
ported front the same place for consumption in
seEnd. In pointed out a few of the benefits which England enjoyed from
that manner the measure would bee efeated, becaue the foreign her constitution and her church establishment, as compared
sugar would only displace that of the growth of East India, and, with the tyranny and the bigotry which reigned in other coun-
instead of the production of India being consumed in the coon- tries and in former times under a different constitution and
proposedssoati
(.11‘,1,),
try where it was grown, a foreign commodity was substituted. under a different church establishment. The chairman then
The Indian market would be used improperry, supposing suchrosperity to the Bolton Operative Conservative
which was drank with great enthusiasm. Mr.
a case as that which he had ventured to put were to arise, and
that such would arise it was but reasonable to believe. In that 1 Foster, the editor of the Bolton Chronicle, in the absence of the
, secretary, and at the request of the committee, responded to the
case, therefore, it would be merely a substitution of foreign for
toast. In the course of his address, he strongly advocated the
India grown sugar. If it were intended to a new trade in fo-
establaisihrnent of such associations for the propagation of
reign sugar, let the measure he brought forward openly, and
truth : and correct principles. It was an incontrovertible axiom
not in that covert manner, as the interests affected thereby
that ' union
tishat men do not think so very differently from
each other whstrength," (hear, hear,) and he held it to be no
were of so great a magnitude. With respect to the vast ques-
less a truism
tion of Emancipation which bad been settled, if that experi-_
,•
n real facts are placed before them. The cause
ment succeeded, which he trusted would be the case, then would
of the great diversity of opinion which so generally prevailed,
this country have achieved one of the greatest acts of human-
arose from the want of proper and correct data to reason from,
sty that any country ever accomplished. The noble lord then
, •
(cheers,) and he considered it to be the bounden duty of those
alluded to the manner in which the new law bad been carried
who, when they rose from their beds in the morning, had their
into effect in Jamaica, eulogising the conduct of his noble
wants provided them by the great Giver of all Good, to conic
friend (the Marquis of Sligo), the governor. But the new law
forward and furnish those who had to toil and labour for their
would have the effect of causing a greater expense in the pro-
duction of sugar, and the produce 'of the West India sugarsugar
rinci daily bread with such inforrnation as would inculcate right
and which would not only be a benefit to the indivi-
would be diminished. Now if the home market glutted . pples,
with the fore' duals instructed, but also to society at large. (Loud cheers.)
foreign sugar by such a process as that to which he had '
already alluded, would not this be a means of encouraging Associations, therefore, ought to 1;e establish el f 1.1 1 ( or le propa-
(what had been , t'of truth. (Hear.) The speaker, •
ga ion
trade? abolished by law), in other nations, the slave d h 'deo h
'These were considerationswhich •
to their lordships ; gained .
would direct th •'oils to the
lord trusted that
trtsrious attention. In conclusion, the noble ; tor Ireland by concei Roman catholics; to
bearings by his nom: question would be considered in all its such an argument, the catholic
.emancipation bill was sufficient
answer. 111. Doyle, who represented the catholic hierarchy,
witted by him for the ;rods, before the measure would be sub- ,
- j and Mr. O'Connell. who represented the cathofiv laity, gave
The Earl of Ha fription of parliament.
rewood briefly • their testimony before a committee of the Ilouse of Commons,
in so subdued a tone of voice 'as- addressed their lordships, but
thatif governmentwouldgrant the bill (catholic
not to be heard in the gallery. ; •
all emancipation)
Lord ELLENBOROUGII said it would ever secure peace to Ireland,
it -
aas they wanted or
that his noble friend who had last i
!Token, nun the noble baron who' had desired, and grant them only that and they would be satisfied.
to have comprehended what the noble viscount
him, appeared ( Hear, hear.) Ireland and England would then be as one
but he (Lord Ellen_borough) confessed that he opposited meant, man, and the ministry would hear no more of agitation. ( Hear,
first part of the noble viscount's observations he seen,votd In the hear.) The saute answer was received front both the catholic
as though he was not intending to submit any
moteiontospeak , representatives. (Hear, hear.) It was not the policy of Mr.
house, but in the very latter part he expressedbirnseif
favour-
the , O'Connell to tranquilize Ireland, for that would not pay his
ery little, it would
able for something. V seem, was intendedavour- riot, for that reason he opposed the present measure of the lords
but there was a something to be brought forward during the ' for doing away with the Irish corporations, which, by tucking
present session. Ha (Lord Ellenboroug,h) wen
not go int.' the crown the depositary of power instead of the priests, would
the 'subject brotwht, under discussiun by the noble lord opposite; . tend. fur the good of both the catholic and protestant commu-
butte must say be thought that' the nohleolorel ought to have nity. It was for the purpose of continuing agitation that this
• notice of his intention. Such would have been the more ,tenets patriot opposed the measure of the late Michael Thomas
g 19613 Sadler for introdo ..
comeenient course, and noble lords who were interested in thetong poor laws into Ireland, and laboured
with all his might
to seal the periodical starvation of his coun-