The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-05-18 00:00:00

itlitty 18, IS3 §

tai the ronteiry, the public ,confidence has no' permitted our
nullifiers to be iook en, not w ithstanding the dissolution. (Hear.)
Gentlemen. my noble friend has truly stated that in the whole
course of toy public life no event has been so gratifying. and so
satisfactory to me as the meeting of this day; but there are
connected with it some feelings 01 a more serious and anxious
character, which chasten and subdue the disposition to triumph
and congratulation. Gentlemen, Ido not disguise from myself
the power which I possess in consequence of your esteem and
confidence; and when I see that number around me—when I
recollect that their sentiments are shared by all the great in-
terests of the country—by the clergy, by the magistrates, the
yeomanry, the gentry of the country, and by a great proportion
also of the trading community of the country—it would be im-
possible to disguise front ourselves the influence which. we pos-
sess in the national councils; and amongst the feelings which,
as I said before, restrain and subdue those which vanity or per-
sonal congratulation would inspire, is one of anxiety, as 1 do
possess your confidence, 1 may exercise the !lower which it con-
fers in such a manner, as shall contribute to the permanent in-
terests of the country, and that by no act or advice of mine may
your interests and conduct be compromised. (Gheers,) The
possession of strength, the demonstration of power, naturally
brings with it some slight inconvenience. There is an impa-
tience in some quarters, seeing the strength we possess, that it
should be called into more frequent action. It is said, and said,
justly,—for allow me to observe, gentlemen, that, if I have any
well-grounded title to your confidence, it is because 1 have al-
ways ventured explicitly to state my opinion, and to give you
the best advice of which I am capable, although it may not al-
ways he precisely in accordance with the prevailing opinion;•
but I have boldly taken that course, confident that you would
place the proper construction upon my motives ;—it is said, with
perfect truth, that the opposition is at piTsent conducted upon
different principles from those upon which opposition would be
conducted to us if we were in power. (Cheers and laughter.)
Nothing can be more perfectly true; but we must bear in
mind that the practical course which an opposition must take
must partly depend upon the principles of that opposition. Our
friends, who are more impatient, musOyecollect this circum-
stance, and must recollect that we are the same conservative
opposition which formerly constituted and supported a con-
servative government. We adopt the principles which
formerly prevailed in administration. We not only adopt the
principles of government, but we perform many of the
functions of government; and it must be borne in mind that we
cannot, in conformity with our own principles, take that line of
action which would be adopted by an opposition acting upon
precisely opposite principles. An opposition which professed
to think the ancient institutions of the country a grievance, and
the whole order of English society a mass of abuse, would have
a double ground of resistance to the government; first, personal
dissatisfaction with the course puieued by that government ;
and also no indisposition to inflame popular discontent against
the institutions of the country. But we must bear in mind
that our duty—the duty prescribed by our principles—is the
maintenance of the ancient institutions of the country. We
have no desite to exalt the House of Commons above the just
prerogative of the crown. We have no desire to undermine
the privileges of the House of Lords. On the contrary, it is
our duty to maintain those institutions. That instrument of an
opposition which seeks to reduce and curtail the establish-
ments of the country is denied to us. We wish to see
the naval and military establishments of the country main-
tained in proper vigour and strength. It is denied to us to
inflame popular discontent against existing institutions—to
assist in any attack upon the House of Lords, or to lend an
arm to shake the throne, Therefore those who are impatient
at our apparent indifference and passiveness must recollect that
the principles of an opposition du impose some restraint upon
the course which it must pursue. I have said, gentlemen, with
perfect truth, that we discharge some of the functions of govern-
ment. I prove that the principles and the position of the
present government are imperfect. We have all the principles
which are generally said to belong to government. I have
heard it laid down, a few months since, as a principle upon
which government might be conducted hat there •should be a
constant concession to popular demands. This is an excellent
principle for an opposition, but a very dangerous and hazardous
one for a government. It was quite possible for Mr. Fox in
opposition, when speaking of Ireland, to say " I would there-
fore concede, and if I found I had not conceded enough I would
concede more. I know no way of governing mankind but by
conciliatton, and, according to the forcible way which the Irish
have of expressing their feelings, I know no way of govern-
ing a people but by letting them have their own way.''
(Hear and a laugh.) The leader of the government in the
House of Commons said he adopted the principle of Mr. Fox,
and of course nothing could equal the satisfaction that was
created or the compliments that were paid to so Wise and liberal
a minister for having formed so perfect a canon of government.
The people of Lower Canada thought they would apply the
same principle—it was fairly put to the test, and then it was
found that there must be some other mode of governing a people
than by letting them have their own way. (Laughter.) It was
found that that was a dangerous principle for a
.government,
however convenient for an irresponsible opposition, to suggest
to a great empire that, when enough had not been conceded,
there must he more; and it became necessary to convince the
people of Canada that, however enlightened and philosophical
the maxim might be in itself, yet, in its application to Canadian
affairs, it was necessary to make the first exception from it that
had yet been called for. So much for the principle; and now I
want to convince you we have been exercising some of the prac-
tical functions of a government so far as legislation is concerned.
I will take three great questions as a specimen, without refer-
ring to innumerable divisions, in which, were it not for the aid
of the conservatives, the government would have had to lament
the smallness of their minority. I will take three questions—
one connected with our religious establishments, another con-
nected with a great branch of our domestic industry and inter-
nal commerce, and the third with the foundation of civil govern-
ment and the maintenance of the constitution of our represen-
tative system. The first question ; to which I refer merely as a
specimen, is the motion fur excluding the bishops from parlia-
ment, which took place in 1837, and was called, I think, a mo-
tion for relieving the bishops of their legislative duties. That
motion was manfully resisted by the government; but
noesth_e
197, of
in favour of excluding the bishops were 92,
mustered 50,
which number the adherents of t lA. governmentoot i give that
and the conservatives 147. That- intbei first
a
y that we do exercise
am not overrating our influence
wof government.e
The second
some of the important functionsand the l9
question involves the repeal of 303;
the corn laws: On that occasion
but 236
the ayes were 95, and the noes, of those 300 were
conservatives, without whom the government would have been
left in a minority of 21.
The last question to which I shall re-
fer took place in the present session. I mean the vote by ballot,.
Now, don't let it be said that I am overrating the importance of
this question. It was declared by a minister of the crown in the
House of Commons, to be not only important in itself, but also
as it it involved mighty changes in the representative con-
stitution of the country. It was said by him, and said truly, that
it must lead to extending the suffrage, shortening the duration
of parliaments, and a complete revolution in the constitution,
and practice of voting. It was resisted on that ground, not
merely on the abstract objection to the ballot itself, but because
were for the motibn 198, against it, 315-254 being conserva-
tives,it was interwoven with other important consequence.. 'were
conflict
tnast
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their opponents? (cheers.) On other occasions, also, we have
had to interfele, to express our opinions in disapprobation of
the policy of the government. It has been our duty to hang
over them the roil of censuse, and that rod has onlv'been pre-
vented from failing by nominal majorities. When my noble
friend proposed a vote of censure—for so it was considered by
the government—with respect to the expences of the mission to
Canada, two votes only rescued them from that censure. Gen-
tlemen, it is absolutely necessary that we should continue, as
my noble friend has said, united heart and hand, because see
what has taken place since the question of the ballot. The go-
vernment, with the aid of those whom it professed to conciliate
in opposition to the ballot, consisted of 61, and yet so grateful
were they for the assistance we rendered them, and so much
did they feel interested, 1 presume, in its continuance, that on
the first occasion which occurred of making an appointment to
a high and confidential office connected with the government,
there was selected for it not an opponent of the ballot, but a gen-
tletnan who advocated it. I will ask our friends, who are im-
patient for what they consider more decisive action, to remem-
ber the steps by which our power was gained. Let them re-
member that it was by moderation and an adherence to principle.
This, gentlemen, I would advise, if I may venture to offer you
advice, that now and on every occasion you enforce the princi-
ples which you profess; that on every occasion, be the conse-
quences what they may, you resist those acts of the government
which you believe to he injurious, and amid no contention of pat:*
ties to hesitate in enforcing the principles of the constitution, for
the purpose of averting any change of the principles of the go—
vernment, and In no instance to evade, in the slightest degree*
any one of the principles which are essential to the maintenance
of the interests of church and state. But I hope we shall never
be betrayed, for the sake of any temporary advantage, into
union with those front whose principles we dissent. I also
hope that we shall never adopt the advice which I have some-
times received from ardent friends and professed admirers, to.
abandon our duty in parliament, and for the purpose of creating.
embarrassment to the government, to leave it to fight the battle'
alone. My object Is, that by steadily attending to our duty, b
censuring the government on all occasions when they deserveit
enforcing our principles by aiding them to carry those mea-
sures which we think right, even though by so doing we mal.
be rescuing the government, we may establish new claims
upon the approbation of the country. I own I have felt on
some occasions, when we might have relied upon a majority in
favour of those principles which the government professed to
share in common with us, yet I have found that when a ques-
tion involved the existence of the government, the principles
were forgotten, and the only consideration was, how most ef-
fectually the government might be preserved. It cannot be
satisfactory to be told—'. You deserve censure, but rather than
inflict it upon you, we will vote in your favour to rescue your
Gentlemen, there was an observation made more than a hurl—.
dred years ago by Mr. Addison, who lamented the violent party'.
heats and resentments which appeared to obstruct the perform—.
once of public duty, and suggested that it was a bounden dutv•
to combine all neutral men in defence of the common ee°44-
He thought it possible to form some sort of covenant to which,'
moderate men might adhere, and by which, rising above WV
considerations, and only seeking for the they might,
public go
be bound. He found great difficulty in framing suchen instru—
ment, but at length he hit upon a form of covenant for mode-
rate: men. I will read the foim of association which Mr. Ad
dison proposed, and which he expected to be subscribed Or
moderate men, but which, I believe, would find but little favour
in these days. It was to this effect;—"We, whose names are
hereunto subscribed, do solemnly declare that we do con-
scientiously believe that two and two make four, and that we
shall adjudge any man to be an enemy who advances or pre-
tends to the contrary. We are likewise ready to maintain 8,1
any hazard, against all men, that six is less than seven in a"
times and places. We do finally declare our firm determination
to call black black, and white white, and that we shall, on !_1(1,
occasions, oppose such persons as shall, on any day of In.
year, hold black to be white, or white black, to the utm.o,!..b
period of our lives." (Cheers and laughter.) if Mr. A°
of
dison were now alive he would perceive that this form.
association was not much appreciated by the friends of the.
government; but if he had drawn it in a different form —if
the_"„
he had said, " We will, sin all occasions, on every dayo.
year, vote black to be white, or white black, whenever the_g
vernment is implicated," that would insure more signatures t, _
the declaration which he prop cos"
osed make_
that two and two os_a_
four, and ',that on every day of the year, black shall be I
sidi- red black, and white white. (Laughter.)
am conscioes that ( have ,interrupted twitch of your social
ex-
bondex
joyment, and in drawing my observations to a close, let a
new
press an anxious hope that this meeting may suPP.IY f thk
ot connection, to this party ; that the recollection o
tion.
day may long animate us in active and united co.° r.
PeLvice
I believe the motto under which we ate assembled, the
of this ancient company, is, " Concordia parece res •tescuri
l.
Those words are taken from the dying .exhortation addressed bYn.
Micipea to Jugniftlsa and his son, wheu he exerted them to met
lain concord and union as the main instrument and source a.,
success—'. Concordia ponce res crescent," added to whicit,. •
said, " Discordiet saa.sisnm dilatlintur." Gentlemen, let :
profit by the maxim involved in the first part. We __e
concord, good Understanding, and union increased fruits.s7s;
beginnings to streneth and influence now almost ptedontll
The solemn warning involved in the latter part of the ad a
„rni7 •
to remember that the utmost prosperity' and the highest su • tr.