The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-07-17 00:00:00

British interests which is fast bringing embarrassment
and ruin upon the industrial interests of the nation.
Can any of our merchants be unaware of the causes
which, during the last few years, have been accumu-
lating to cripple the commercial relations of Great
Britain with foreign states ? Surely not in Liverpool,
at least, can such a character, so perversely blind, he
found. And yet, where is the evidence of a desire to
put a stop to the evil ? Nowhere. On the contrary,
we regret to witness, upon all commercial questions, a
narrow party jealousy substituted for that prompt and
combined action which community of interest and
injury ought to induce. In some cases we see ail evi-
dent disinclination to look he real evil in the face, and
a disposition rather to fly off to the consideration of
minor and subordinate questions, by the discussion of
which a strong political feeling is introduced into sub-
jects of a purely commercial or international character.
Our manufacturers and our merchants complain of the
cessation of damand and the increase of competition
in foreign markets; yet, overlooking the immediate
causes of that cessation--the abrogation of. solemn
treaties—the betrayal of British interests, and the
encouragement offered to those of other nations by the
blundering incapacity, if not the treachery, of the
foreign office, they rush to the consideration of the
corn laws, the currency, the principle of joint stock
banking, or some other crotchet of a similar descrip-
tion; and in the blind fury of an attack upon the in-
terests of one class or other of their fellow-country-
men, withdraw their own attention and that of the
community from the working of the real canker which
is eating away the very vitals of their prosperity.
Let us entreatthe.merchants of Liverpool and the
manufacturing interests which feed her mighty corn-
therce to take up a position of a more commanding
character with respect especially to the relations of
Great Britain with foreign countries. From what more
fitting source—by what more fitting voice—can the
national interests and the national honour be asserted—
nay, pressed upon the consideration of the legislature—
than from the midst of this community, so vastly af-.
fected in its prosperity by everything which concerns
the relative position of Great Britain with the other
nations of the world ? We assert, fearlessly, that the
opinion and remonstrances of Liverpool on any great
question of commercial policy must coerce even the
twaddling Corypheus of the Foreign-office ; and we
must, at the same time, impress upon our merchants,
that those high-spirited Englishmen who do occasion-
ally, in both houses of Parliament, stand forth the able
and unprompted champions of the nation's honour
and of its interests—for the one is bound up with the
other—have a right to all the countenance and support
which such an opinion, firmly and decidedly expressed,
would confer upon them.
Let our readers look at the contemptuous and almost
insolent tone in which inquiries with respect to any
question of foreign policy are replied to on all occa-
sions by Lord Palmerston. Would this be the case,
we ask, if the parties making those inquiries were
backed by the great commercial constituencies of the
empire ? Durst any personage, not quite so contempti-
ble as that antiquated red tapist, venture to draw him-
self up, in his official self-importance, and sneer at the
opinions of such bodies of men—to oppose shallow
casuistry and vapid impertinence to the experience and
foresight of sound practical merchants ? He might.
A pert debater, without either talent or principle, might,
it is true, do even this ; but the impression produced
upon the public mind would still remain, and at length
prevail. The people of England, although often mis-
led by showy oratory—by " sound and fury signifying
nothing"—are a reflective and discriminating people,
and will not for ever remain blind to the evidence of
truth, especially when that truth is enforced by the
" severe teaching" of bitter and excruciating suffering.
Our attention has been particularly called to this to-
pic by a debate which took place on Monday evening
in the House of Commons upon a question introduced
by Sir Stratford Canning respecting the occupation of
Cracow by Austria, Russia, and Prussia, in direct vio-
lation of the treaty of Vienna. The subject, we dare
say, is familiar to most of our mercantile readers. By
that violation—a :continued violation—of the gua-
ranteed independence of Cracow, an important depot
for our commerce to the south of Europe and Asia is
destroyed, the national faith of Great Britain impugned,
and her hard-won honour tarnished. It was com-
plained by Sir Stratford Canning, and by speakers on
his side of the question, that, four years ago, Lord
Palmerston expressed strong opinions on what was
then deemed the temporary occupation of that terri-
tory ; and that a promise was distinctly given, that not
only should that occupation cease, but that a consul
should immediately be appointed to represent and for-
ward the interests of British commerce in that last
remnant of Polish liberty. Yet what is the result—a
result as dishonourable to the national honour as it is
injurious to the national interests? Why this. The
grasp of the enemies of Poland has fastened itself so
firmly upon that wretched country, that England—
fallen England !—dare not attempt to drive the vultures
from their prey. Yes : a British minister is found pre-
pared to stand up in the senate of his country and tell
us that his promise to vindicate a solemn treaty and to
send a consul to represent British interests at Cracow
was "an unfortunate assertion," his "experience of
the issue of which would prevent her Majesty's Go-
vernment (! !) from giving any explicit answer to in-
quiries as to their intentions for the futtue"—that the
expression of an intention on the part of Great Britain
to send a mere commercial agent to a free state had
' created great jealousy amongst the other three
'—and that, in case of our persisting in doing
so, we should run the risk of " having him returned"
upon our hands—like a bale of damaged merchandize !

powers"•

We ask, is it possible that the legitimate demands
of a great nation can be thus trifled with ? Are we to
see ourselves denied access to nation after nation, our
commerce crippled, and our honour insulted, because
a foreign minister is so justly despised, that " no man
fears his threats, none relies upon his promises" ? We
have already been bullied and wheedled out of half the
markets of the world, and shall we wait until we are
kicked out of the remainder ? Surely we shall not.
Truckling and venal as are too many of the flaming
patriots of the present day,.and blinded as are most of
their shallow and servile followers, we trust that before
long the voice of the great commercial communities,
whose interests they havt so long been allowed to trifle
with and betray, will be raised in indignant remon-
strance, and the stain which now tarnishes the national
escutcheon be wiped ofl' for ever.
\'`vre have no wish for war. We need not provoke it
in asking for what is our own—for justice ! A reso-
lute man is respected in his demands, whilst a shrink-
ing coward only provokes refusal, coupled with insult.
Let the people of England speak out—if her govern-
ment will not—boldly and decidedly; let them speak
out, without that crawling diplomatic tone in which
their demands have lately been couched ; and depend
upon it they must be met by straightforward and in-
telligible answers—by concessions such as it is worthy
of a great nation to require, and an honourable oppo-
nent to grant.

We venture to present, for the instruction of our
readers, a few chronological facts which tend to illus-
trate the close connexion of our present virtuous and
patriotic government with the treasonable proceedings
of their Irish dictator. On the 2d of July, it will be
remembered, the archdemagogue O'Connell succeeded,
by the unprincipled connivance of a section of the
ministerial party, in obstructing the further proceed.
ings in committee upon Lord Stanley's bill. On the
Gth of July, owing to such obstruction, and the evi-
dent sanction given to it by ministers, Lord Stanley
withdrew his bill for the present session, and, amidst
the cheers of the Whig-radical party in the house,
O'Connell announced that early next session he should
introduce a measure to reform the system of registra-
tion of voters in Ireland.

There rested, for the time, this much-debated ques-
tion. Lord John Russell had withdrawn his " ob-
structing" bills, and next session O'Connell was to
take up and play the cards of government against
Lord Stanley and the conservative party. But what
is to be done in the interim Hear the learned and