The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-04-27 00:00:00

HOUSE OF LORDS.-FRIDAY

The Marquis of NORMANBY postponed the drainage bill
until Tuesday next, at the suggestion of the Marquis of
Salisbury, with a view to the introduction of clauses extend-
ing the operation of the bill to Scotland. The noble marquis
also postponed the borough improvement bill, at the sugges-
tion of Lord Lyndhurst, who presented a petition from Bir-
mingham,- praying to be exempted from its operation.
In reply to a question from Lord Lyndhurst, it was stated
by the Marquis of NORMANBY, that the gentleman ap-
pointed as solicitor to the home-office was distinctly
informed that it would be impossible for him to hold that
office and the office of secretary of bankrupts together. He
did, as a matter of convenience, do the duties of both for a
short time, with the option of resigning which of them he
might think proper.
Lord LYNDHURST did not wish to press the matter, but
he must say that the two offices in the hands of one person
were quite incompatible.
The Marquis of NORMANDY gave notice that, on Monday
next, he would move for leave to bring in a bill to put an end
to Sunday trading on canals.

The Earl of FALMOUTH gave notice that, on Tuesday
next, he would present a petition from Falmouth, against
the removal of the West India packets from Falmouth to
Dartmouth.

Their lordships then adjourned

OF COMONS.—FnIDAY.
The admiHOUSEnistration of justiM ce No. 1. bill went through a
committee.

On the for the appointment of two new equity
judges being proposed,
Sir E. SUGDEN contended that one additional judge would
be sufficient ; and that, even if two were requisite, it would
be highly imprudent, and lead to great confusion and em-
barrassment, to commence by opening the two courts at
once. The right hon. gentleman moved that the blank in

be clause in the numbei should be filled up with the word
, • one," instead of " two," as proposed by the Attorney-

,
General.
Mr. I

"JYNCH contended that two new judges were

Mr. PEVBERTON would not oppose the proposition► made
by the Government upon its own responsibility, though he

uuLtitt lan upprovu ui Luc; watilict ill witlell Lne bill had been
brought before the house. He did not think it fair to the
house to bring forward this isolated measure without inform-
ing them that it was intended to have done with respect to
the Privy Council, and other important subjects connected
very closely with the bill then under discussion.
Mr. C. BULLER looked upon this bill as the, beginning of
a series of useful legal improvements. The hon. member in-
stanced several cases of extraordinary grievance arising from
the delays in the Court of Chancery, and contended that the
expenses attending the appointment of additional judges
should not be balanced against such evils as those which fol-
lowed the delays complained of.

Sir E. SUGDEN declined to divide the house, and the blank
in the clause was accordingly filled up with the word " two."
On the clause being proposed fixing the salaries of the two
additional judges at £15,000 per annum each,
Mr. PEMBERTON moved that the salary for each judge
should be £6,000, and his amendment was supported by Sir
E. Sugden, and opposed by Lord J. Russell.
Mr. HUME, in opposing the amendment, asserted that the
services of any barrister might be purchased for a £5,000
note.

The salary of £5,000 was eventually agreed to without a
division.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that instead
of clause 56, a clause should be inserted respecting compen-
sation to officers of the Court of Exchequer, containing the
following proviso :—" That no person who was appointed to
his office or employment in the Court of Exchequer after the
14th day of March, 1840, shall claim or be entitled to any
compensation whatever in consequenee of the said office or
employment being abolished or affected by this act." The
right hon. gentleman stated that the Hon. Mr. Scarlett had
been appointed to the office of master in the Exchequer sub-
sequent to the introduction of a bill for the abolition of the
equity side of the Exchequer on the 14th of March, 1840.
That bill was a sufficient notice to him of the intention with
respect to the Court of Exchequer, and he had no right,
therefore, to expect compensation, although the bill did not
pass during that session. The Lord Chief Baron, however,
thought the Hon. Mr. Scarlett had a claim to compensation,
and as the Treasury entertained a different opinion, it was
thought better to refer the matter for the decision of the
house.

Sir W. FOLLETT contended that the introduction of the
bill alluded to would be no notice to the gentleman in ques-
tion, and that it would be a grievous hardship to give no
compensation to a gentleman of above five years' standing
in his profession, for taking him from an office to fill which
he had been compelled to give up that profession. Such a
course would be unprecedented and would be also impolitic;
for if the house gave compensation upon a narrow principle,
the effect would be to raise up difficulties in the way of any
future legal reforms in the contemplation of the government.
He should move that the date of the 14th March, 1840, be
omitted, and that in its room, there should be inserted the
words " at the time of the passing of this act."
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he was an
advocate for giving liberal compensation in such cases, and
would not be a party to deal harshly by any one, but he
thought it would be very dangerous policy to lay down the
rule that, at whatever time a person might receive an ap-
pointment, even though knowing that the office was on the
eve of being abolished by parliament, he should still, if the
bill was not actually passed, be entitled to compensation to
the same extent as if he had filled the office for forty or fifty
years.

Mr. GOULBURN snpported the claim to compensation.
Sir R. PEEL said that two offices were said to have been
purchased after the bill had been introduced last session.
Surely those parties must have been considered as having
purchased their offices with notice, and if they received com-
pensation, he was at a loss to understand upon what principle
it could be refused to a party who was appointed by the Lord
Chief Baron in the legitimate exercise of the patronage of his
office.

Lord J. RUSSELL instanced a case where his own private
secretary was appointed to an office connected with the Board
of First Fruits, after the introduction of a bill for the aboli-
tion of tenths and first fruits. The bill did not pass until
the following year; but when it did pass, although compen-
sation was given to every other officer, the gentleman he had
appointed never received one farthing compensation.
Mr. PEMBERTON, in supporting the claim for compensa-
tion, intimated, that if not given, it would probably endanger
the success of the bill in another place.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he should be content with the de-
cision of the house, whatever way it might be, but he could
not assent to the doctrine laid down by the hon. and learned
gentleman, for to do so would be to transfer to the House of
Lords the power of the House of Commons to deal with mo-
ney questions. It was in effect giving up the right to an
opinion of their own, and legislating according to the opinion
of the House of Lords.

Sir E. SUGDEN said that the House of Lords last year
passed this bill, leaving it to the House of Co-mmons to give
compensation or not, as it thought proper.
Mr. JONES supported the claim to compensation on the
ground that the Lord Chief Baron had accepted a smaller
salary in consequence of the patronage attached to the office.
Mr. C. BULLER thought they ought not to listen to these
twopenny-halfpenny considerations when passing a great
measure of reform. They ought to act liberally, and more
particularly so because Lord Abinger offered no opposition
to this bill, which deprived him of so much of the patronage
of his office.

After some further discussion,
Major SCARLETT said, that the Hon. Mr. Scarlett had
given up two offices, those of counsel to the Mint and to the
Postoffice, in order to accept the one he now held.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER suggested, that 64.
clause might be so altered as to give to the Treasury a dis
cretion to give a limited compensation. If this were agreed
to he would not press the clause, in its present shape, to a
division.

Sir W. FOLLETT said he would not assent to any such
proposition.

- The committee divided, and Sir W. Follett's amendment
was carried by a majority of 73 to 70.

Mr. HAYTER moved an amendment, giving power to the
Treasury to limit the time for which compensation should be
given according to circumstances. In the case of the Hon.
Mr. Scarlett, he might become a peer of the realm, and as
he must in that case have given up the office, he ought not
beyond that period to receive an annual compensation.
Sir C. GREY suggested that the amendment should be at
once direct, and should state that the compensation to Mr.
Scarlett should cease on his becoming a peer.
Sir W. FOLLETT would object to leaving a discretion to
the Treasury, but would not object to the proposition that
the annual compensation should cease on Mr. Scarlett's be-
coming a peer.

Mr.-HAYTER withdrew his amendment, on the undertand-
ing that Sir Charles Grey's amendment should be adopted,
and the CHAIRMAN then reported progress.
On the motion for going into a commitee of supply,
Lord John RUSSELL, in reply to a question from Lord
MAHON, stated that he thought the most advisable course to
be pursued to carry out the resolution of the house respecting
the increase of convicts in the hulks was that of continuing
the punishment of transportation to a limited extent, and to
build penitentiaries in various parts of the country for the
confinement of those who should not be transported.
Sir R. PEEL feared, if the noble lord placed his reliance
upon either the hulks or penitentiaries as a secondary punish-
ment, instead of transportation, he would find himself de-
ceived and disappointed. The minds of the people would
revolt against perpetual imprisonment, and if even long
periods of imprisonment should occasionally be attended by
mental alienation, the noble lord would find it impossible to
carry out his system. He hoped the noble lord would not
exclude from his consideration the possibility of combining a
system of punishment in connection with expatriation.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he could not approve of the
lengthened imprisonments resorted to in other countries.
He thought twenty years much too long for any useful pur-
pose, but was of opinion that the power of imprisoning
might be very usefully extended from three to five years.
Mr. WARLEY hoped the noble lord would not be in-
fluenced by anything he might hear from America, as to the
effect of long imprisonment. He believed that mental alie-
nation was a constant result, not only in America, but in
this country also.

Colonel S. IBTHORP said it was past twelve o'clock, and he
hoped the noble lord would not go on with the committee of
supply at that late hour. If he did, he (Colonel Sibthorp)
would be under the necessity of detaining the house for four
or five hours upon these papers, which were filled with the
most extraordinary jobbing from beginning to end.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he did not intend to take any vote
on the civil contingencies, but wished to go into the com-
mittee, to take a vote respecting Exchequer bills.
To this the gallant colonel acceded, and the sum of
£21,000,000 was voted to pay off outstanding Exchequer
bills. '

The house then resumed, the other orders of the day were
disposed of, and the house adjourned.

ECCLESIASTICAL AND UNIVERSITY

INTELLIGENCE

(From the Oxford Herald.)
PROMOTIONS.

Rev. John Charles Coleman, M.A. to the Perpetual
Curacy of St. James's, near Nottingham; patron,'the Rev.
J. B. Stuart, M A.

Rev. Charles Hodge, Curate of St. Saviour's church, East
Retford, to be Domestic Chaplain to George Savile Foljambe,
Esq. of Osberton Hall, in the room of the Rev. John Clarke,
deceased.

William Martin, Esq. late Fellow and Tutor of Trinity
College, Cambridge, to be Chief Justice of New Zealand.
Rev. J. H. Kendall, to the Perpetual Curacy of St. Thomas,
Launceston, Cornwall.

Rev. James Hogan, late Curate of Tetburp, Gloucester-
shire, to the Curacy of Dungannon.
Rev. Dr. Fletcher, Curate of Killesky, to the Rectory of
Wicklow.

Rev. M. Chamley, Rector of Wicklow, to St. Werburgh's,
Dublin.

Rev. John Waite, M. A. to the Vicarage of Tathwell, Lin-
colnshire, vacant by the cession of the Rev. John Bow-
stead ; patron, the Bishop of Lincoln.
Rev. Thomas Finch, B.A. to be the Chaplain of the
County Gaol of Northumberland.

Rev: George Gibbon, B. A. of Catharine Hall, Cambridge,
to be Assistant Curate to the Rev. William Holt, Incumbent
of Holcombe, Lancashire.

COMMODORE NAPIER,

(From the Leeds Intellipencer.)
Commodore Napier, it will be seen, has been feted and
feasted at Liverpool, on landing there from the Oriental
steamer •' and gratifying personal attentions have also been
paid to him at Manchester. He is a hero of the Nelsonian
school " ; when he sees his enemy, he, to use his own phrase-
ology, slaps at him," and John Bull loves him for his
straightforward bravery, and is ready to pat him on the
back, and to cry, "Go it again, Charley." But though the
commodore is a.capital hand at either long shot or close
quarters, his speeches show that he is not the wisest of the
most discreet of men. At Liverpool he seems to have lost
sight of one obvious fact—that there were other persons in
the British fleet on the coast of Syria and Egypt besides Old
Charley. We do not perceive that he once alluded to the
commander-in-chief, Sir R. Stopford, except as to the mat-
ter of refusing to sanction the unauthorised treaty with Me-
hemet Ali. _

"Tt-iiiiPears, however, that Commodore Napier and the old
pacha are sworn friends. The jack tar looks upon Mehemet
Ali as an Eastern miracle of wisdom : the pacha, no doubt,
knows how to tickle the commodore. It strikes us that im-
prudent revelations were made at Liverpool. We think the
commodore should not have spoken so freely of that which he
knows only by virtue of his position in the squadron.; espe-
cially at a moment when difficulties have arisen as to a final
settlement of the dispute. Mehemet Ali may suppose that
the feelings of the commodore are the feelings of England ;
he may be tempted to reopen the entire question and thus
involve Europe in a war with France. That would be a sorry
result of a complimentary dinner in the town of Liverpool.
However, it would be unjust, perhaps, to try the commo-
dore by the standard applied to other persons, and especially
to statesmen. With him, that which is uppermost comes
out first. His is a splendid instrument; can find its way
through stone walls, and :laughs at ordinary impediments.
We thank him for his fighting ; but were he to ask our ad-
vice as to his after-dinner speeches, we should be inclined to
say—still adopting his own mode of expression—" Avoid long
yarns ; give us as much as you like of your great guns and
grape shot, but less grape juice and chin music.

TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 27, 1841

The nomination of the candidates for Nottingham
took place yesterday, and Mr. Walter, the Conservative
candidate, we are happy to say, bids fair to win. The
polling comes on this day.

The return will be very matarially affected by the
conduct of that body of the electors who belong to
the extreme Radical or Chartist section. They have
shown no favour to Mr. Larpent, the ministerial can-
didate, from the first, and we confidently expect that
they will not support him when their dispositions are
brought to the proof at the hustings. On the other
hand they have given every encouragement, and, many
of them, positive promises and pledges to the Conser-
vative candidate, which, if they will only have the
truthfulness and honesty to make good, this day, his
return is nearly certain.
A question of much interest has arisen out of this
combination for a common object, of parties so oppo-
site in principle as Conservatives and Chartists. It is
unquestionably fair to say, that if the Chartist be true
to his own principles, he can have but little love for
the Conservative who is equally sincere in the same re-
spect on his part ; but we can conceive a Chartist with
perfect honesty—should he find it hopeless to effect
the return of a candidate exactly to his mind—using
his privilege to prevent the return of one whom he
entirely dislikes ; and, when forced to choose between a
Conservative and a Whig, withholding his vote from
the latter and giving it with right good will to the
former.

Now this is just what has occurred at Nottingham.
The Radicals dislike the Whig-ministerial candidate—
neither is the Conservative, Mr. Walter, just the man
whom they would select if they were perfectly free to
choose; but they think a Conservative is better than a
Whig under any circumstances, and they naturally
prefer one in whom they find at least one important
point of agreement with themselves, to an individual
in whom they find none.

Mr. Walter has distinguished himself by a vigorous
and persevering opposition to the tyranny of the new
poor law; and in this respect he brought with him a
recommendation to men who have no interest in sup-
porting the Somerset-house commission, and who are
not placed in so elevated a position in the world as to
be indifferent to the condition of those whom the pro-
visions of the system aggrieve. In their strong and
just indignation against this oppressive law, the Not-
tingham Chartists have been willing to forget any ob-
jection they might 'lame to Mr. Walter as a Conserva-
tive, and to the great annoyance of the ministerialist
Whigs, he has been, all through his canvass, a decided
favourite with them.

Now, with respect to this "meeting of the waters,"
or coincidence of extremes, we are not surprised that
it should have called forth a vast deal of smart dia-
tribe and elaborate irony from the Whig side. It has
ever been the privilege of losers to vent their spleen ;
but, we confess, we can neither understand nor sym-
pathise with complaint and dejection when we hear
their wailings in a Conservative quarter.
That Conservatism, which carries itself so superci-
liously as to contemplate the unbought support of the
people as degrading, and despises victory itself if at-
tained by their gratuitous suffrages, is too lofty for our
comprehension. Yet something of this sort we find
in the columns of a metropolitan contemporary, which
has long been, it is true, a polished mirror of exquisit-
ism, and organ, as well as glass, of the fashionable
world. "If the Conservative party," says this double-
patented, kid-glove, and opera-hat gentleman, "is ne-
ver to become paramount in this country till it allies
itself with the mob, we hope the day of its ascendancy
will never come."

The unhought support given by the Radicals, of
Nottingham to Mr. Walter is, then, in the eyes of
this superlatively aristocratic journal, an alliance of
the Conservative party with the mob ; and so ut-
terly does he abominate all mobs, and mob-alli-
ances, that he would sooner the Conservative party
should sink to the bottomless pit than endure their
contamination for a moment. He unfolds his senti-
ments on this head—in condescension to our dulness—
a little more widely. "We have no wish," he says,
" for what has been called a Conservative democracy.
We believe the project to be nonsensical, and its reali-
sation impossible. We think we are not presumptuous
in saying this ; for, unless we greatly err, the opinion
we have expressed is that of every sound and rational
man who is true to Conservative principles." He
makes a few further remarks, but they are such as to
convince us of his entire ignorance of the thing which
he condemns. He inveighs against a Conservative de-
mocracy as a " nonsensical project" ; lint it is quite
evident that he mistakes the meaning of the phrase.
He speaks of his concern for the happiness of the
poor—laments that they have not been sufficiently at-
tended to by either Whig or Tory—(as if the support
of a " Conservative democracy" had anything to do
with his charitable feelings)—and then returns to a re-
iteration of his peculiarly aristocratic and anti-mob
prepossessions—declaring., as his final opinion, that
"he does not believe the mass of the people can ad-
vantageously govern themselves."

We are forced, by the spirit of the entire article, to
conclude that, in the opinion of the writer, any go-
vernment not absolutely despotic is a " nonsensical
project," and that the realisation of a cheerful submis-
sion by the people to the laws of a free constitution is
an " impossibility" ! How this journalist has lived so
long in England without perceiving that this " nonsen-
sical project" has actually been brought to bear, and
that he is surrounded by that very realised impossibility
which he here affects to laugh at, we do not know. All
we say is, that when England has no CONSERVATIVE
DEMOCRACY to rely upon, her liberties, and her con-
stitution, and all her greatness will he in extreme peril.
We believe that the great bulk of her population is
Conservative, and, therefore, using the word demo-
cracy simply in contradistinction to aristocracy, we say
that a " Conservative democracy" does exist in the
country. The project so much ridiculed by our con-
temporary is just simply to augment the body, to swell
their numbers, and in every way to increase their
strength ; and this is nonsensical--impossible ! It is
curious to observe that these exceedingly nonsensical
airs and graces and absurdities of this great organ of
aristocracy were provoked by an article in the Times, in
which, amongst other good passages, there is the fol-
lowing, which strikes our humble judgment as being
peculiarly admirable :
" The moment a Conservative party in Parliament, whether
consisting of the present or any other, shall heartily and sin-
cerely throw itself upon the people, making the faith and
the spirit of Christianity its rule, that instant the swarm of
unclean things which now professes to call itself a govern-
ment vanishes away, like bats and birds of night before the

rising sun."

Now this is just what we ourselves have long
thought, and firmly believe, to be the truth ; and that
sentiments so just and so every way worthy of a Con-
servative journal should be dissented from by another
professing similar principles, does, we own, surprise
us. But as we have in the church high end low par-
ties—(a fact which Dr. Hook tells us there is no use
in disguising)—why should we not also have high and
low parties in Conservative politics ? Small differ-
ences, we trust, will not prevent us acting together
either as churchmen or Conservatives, and we may,
therefore, with the more safety, indulge in our "family
quarrels"; not that we should seek or desire them,
but that we would have every man pursue steadily,
but in a mild snd tolerant spirit, that line of policy
which conscience and conviction lead him to adopt.

Ministers have been seeking a " long day" with
their Irish Registration Bill, and they have had it.
But the longest day will come to an end; we must all
die," as Mr. Justice Shallow says—" death is certain"
—and, let men daily and shuffle as they will, they must
at last shuffle off the mortal coil not only of the mini-
sterial state, but of life itself. Last night the battle
was to be again resumed in the House of Commons;
but there will be no broken heads nor deadly wounds;
no, the whole affair is a mere sham. The " paltries "
have already backed out of their £5 rating, and they
will back and back to any line of recession, if they are
only permitted to retain their salaried berths.
There is a general complaint of the Conservative
party in the House that they do not act with sufficient
vigour, and that in point of principle, they are greatly
behind the views and expectations of the people; and
there is only too much ground for this sentiment. For
our part, we quite concur in it, but despair of seeing
any material improvement in the present Parliament.
It is by the " Conservative Democracy" it must be
effected, and the hustings is their only time and place
for bringing it about. They must look out for better
men to represent them at the next general election.
This is what we want, and what, please God, we shall
have in due time.
As to the Ministerial manoeuvre with the Irish Re-
gistration Bill, it is only one more example added to
the thousands which have gone before of the mean
and contemptible artifices to which they resort. All
through, their only object has been to throw obstacles
in the way of Lord Stanley's bill. The f 5 rating was
introduced for this purpose, and now the hastening
addition of £3 is laid on with no other intention.
However, whether the new qualification be £8 or £5,
the Conservatives have but one course to pursue, and
reject the clause. O'Connell affects to be quite angry
with his Ministerial slaves for purposing this change,
but his hypocrisy on the occasion is not well acted.
How often has the worthy told us that any and every
sacrifice must be made to " keep out the Tories"—
and if their scheme be continued with that view,—
and to prevent a shameful defeat of his creatures,—
what possible reason can he have for being dissatisfied ?
No ; there will be no quarrel between them on this
score, depend upon it.

It is an old remark, but a true one, that habit is a
second nature. How certain usages of society have
commenced or grown up, it is not always in our power
exactly to trace, nor is it of much consequence to do
so, if the question merely be, whether the habit or
usage be a rational or irrational, a good or a bad one.
An appeal was made last week to public sympathy
in behalf of a numerous class of persons who fill a re-
sponsible, useful, and respectable place in society; and
it might have been observed, from the tenour of the
several excellent addresses delivered on the subject at
the meeting convened for its consideration, that the
grievance complained of, and its redress, constitute to-
gether a topic essentially connected with the great
power and universal domination of habit.
It cannot be denied that incessant occupation, in
one unvarying routine, of from twelve to sixteen hours
every day in the week, and on some days and in some
instances even more, is excessive and injurious. This
is a proposition that cannot be disputed, and the reality
of its evils is, it appears, keenly felt by those whose lot
it is to endure it. The object proposed is to alter this
state of things—and the only subject of our present
inquiry is, whether there be any, or what, objection to
the change.

It may, perhaps, be said that shopkeepers' assistants
are under no bond of slavery to their masters—may
leave their service when they please—and therefore
have the remedy of their grievances in their own hands.
But this is theoretical or speculative truth only ; prac-
tically the proposition is false. Those who have been
brought up to a particular avocation cannot so easily
abandon it, and, generally speaking, such a change as
that alluded to is to them an impossibility. They are
wedded to their calling, most commonly, for better for
worse—and there is no friendly court to grant them a
divorce, except upon terms that would be extremely
disadvantageods.
Besides, even if they could obtain it, a mere change
of persons would not alter or improve the system. If
the fifteen thousand, who now constitute the shop-
keepers' assistants of Liverpool, were to give up their
several engagements, as many others would be found
to come in their room—and thus the evil, which has a
sort of corporate existence, would continue unmitigated
and untouched. Thus it appears that the shopkeepers'
assistants cannot by any means redress their own griev-
ance, and are wholly unblameable in calling public at-
tention to the subject, and endeavouring to enlist pub-
lic sympathy in their behalf. But we can suppose
other objections. It might be asked, how our shop
hours of business come to be considered a grievance
now, more than at any former period ? Formerly there
were no complaints—why should there be any now ?
This is a natural and plausible objection—but one, we
think, not very difficult to answer. In the first place,
we are not quite sure that in former times the attend-
ance required was so long or so laborious as it is now.
There was neither the competition, nor the brilliant
gas-light, in the olden time, to induce those protracted
hours of service that now prevail. But however this
may be, there is a sufficiently solid and sure answer to
this objection in the fact that, tempora mutantur, the
" times are changed," and we along with them. It is
not only possible, but certain, that what is scarcely felt
as a trouble in one age, may become a serious annoy-
ance, or intolerable burthen, in another. The wives
of our farmers, and even of our gentry of a former day,
thought it a light task, or even an agreeable duty, to
occupy themselves in the most menial offices, and their
young ladies aspired to no higher accomplishments
than making preserves and working samplars. The
march of machinery has raised man above the neces-
sity of a thousand degrading labours, far more suitable
to beasts of burthen or inanimate matter—which were
once submitted to without repining. And why? Be-
cause then he knew no better. But when such changes
have passed over the surface of society, it is not sur-
prising that a class of men entitled to consideration by
their education, manners, and position in society,
as well as numbers, should seek to emancipate them-
selves from an incessancy and perpetuity of drudgery,
such as in any age would be regarded as severe, but in
the present must be felt as peculiarly grievous.

In order that the persons engaged in the avocation
in question should even retain their place in society, or
preserve at least their own proper self-esteem, it is ab-
solutely necessary that they should obtain some relaxa-
tion of their hours of labour. The man who does not
move with the period lie belongs to, necessarily falls
behind it, and feels himself degraded. We live in an
age which is at once intellectual, reflecting, and reli-
gious ; and if this be the case, under how great disad-
vantages, in every point of view, is that individual lo-
wered, whose time is so occupied as that of the shop-
keeper's assistant ? But the hardship was so well des-
cribed by the gentlemen who spoke at the meeting of
'Thursday, that it requires no re-statement from us.
The Rev. Mr. M`Neile and the other gentlemen who
have so laudably given the weight and power of their
advocacy to this righteous cause, have done it ample
justice, and have not, we think, in the least exceeded
the letter of their warrant. The only topic that re-
mains to be noticed, is the actual and practical intro-
duction of the desired reform.

Is there any thing, it may be asked, to prevent the
owners of shops from limiting their hours of business,
and closing their doors after ten or twelve hours de-
voted to commercial transactions ? We know of no-
thing but that force of habit which we began by ad-
verting to, and that deference which men in business
naturally feel towards the public, and are anxious to

pay to the supposed convenience of their customers.
On their part, these are considerations that must weigh
Very seriously, and it is only just that the masters
should be in some measure satisfied that, in abridging
their hours of business, they will be instituting a regu-
lation likely to meet with general concurrence and ap-
probation. One mode of giving them an assurance to
this effect, is in purchasers making it a rule to transact
their business early in the day, and avoiding altogether
resorting to any shop after seven in the evening. Here
we have the tyranny of custom to contend against; but
reason, justice, and benevolence are on our side, and
we doubt not, with a short vigorous exertion, and a
little perseverance, would prove an overmatch for its
despotic rule. The masters are well disposed towards
the desired reform—indeed, are more anxious to con-
cede than to withhold it—and it now rests With the
community at large to say whether it shall, or shall
not, be carried into effect. A contemporary asserts
that nothing short of an act of 'parliament will suffice
for this purpose, and proposes that the Town Council
shall have a power to fix the hours of business for each
period of the year ; but for our part, we have an in-
superable dislike to this sort of interference when it
can possibly be avoided, and place so much reliance
on the power of opinion, when rightly exercised, as to
think that it might effect at least this simple object
without the aid of Lords and Commons.

We beg to direct the attention of our readers to
the letter of John Gladstone, Esq., which will be
found subjoined. Mr. Gladstone has undertaken
the elucidation of one important point connected with
the repeal of our protecting duties on corn, and if the
free-trade gentry be accessible to reason, we should
hope that his able and convincing letter would make a
deep impression upon them. He demonstrates with
the utmost perspicuity, and from the most solid data,
that a repeal of the duties would he much more likely,
after a short time, to enhance the price of bread beyond
what it now is, than to lower it; and, therefore, it
there were nothing worse to be apprehended, that the
change so vehemently, but irrationally sought for,
would be utterly worthless for its proposed object. We
thank. Mr. G. for his excellent letter, and beg to ex-
press as our humble opinion that gentlemen of his in-
formation and talent could not employ their time bet-
ter than by occasionally contributing in such a way to
the stock of public intelligence and right reasoning
on this important subject. We may remark, that,
though Mr. Gladstone upholds by such irrefragable
arguments the principle of the present corn laws, he
has advocated with much judgment and skill a reduc-
tion or modification of the duty. We shall hereafter
notice more at length the reasoning of Mr. Gladstone,
and in the meantime bespeak the serious consideration
of the public thereto.

THE CORN LAWS

TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING POST,

Carlton Gardens, April 20

Sir,—lt is with much satisfaction I have read your able,
judicious, and unremitting defence of our corn laws, in oppo-
sition to those who are influenced and induced to call out for
their repeal by paid hirelings, who have been spread over the
country, by a mistaken zeal, to promote factious and tumul-
tuous proceedings—advancing unfounded statements at the
hazard of the public peace.
It will be my object in this letter to_ prove to those who
are so anxious to supply us with bread from corn of foreign
growth that, were it otherwise desirable, it cannot be ob-
tained, because we haVe not money in sufficient quantity to
pay for it ; and therefore that, were the attempt to be made,
the result would be most disastrous to all, but particularly to
the working classes, whose interests they profess to advocate.
The object of our corn-laws is to protect and encourage
home growth as the most secure and certain source for the
regular supply of bread to the people, and in seasons of
scarcity to provide for foreign suppiy, in preference to
placing us in a state of continuous dependence on the pro-
duce of foreign countries.
Let us, then, consider the basis on which each of these
propositions are founded, with the immediate results of the
first, and the probable consequences of the last. The object
and principle of the first is to make each branch of society
contribute to the snpport of the others : thus, the corn
grower pays for and consumes the goods of the manufac-
turer, who, in return, is supplied with bread by the grower ;
but, if the means of either are withheld, the interchange
necessarily terminates. Certain and extensive demand sti-
mulates production, and ensures supply sufficient for the de-
mand.

The artificial state of this country, loaded with an unexam-
pled debt, and requiring an immense revenue to meet its
expenditure,, requires that every practicable means should
be made use of to keep down the value of money, in order
to maintain an extensive circulation, and, thereby, higher
prices for productive labour ; whilst this principle, apply-
ing to all classes, is not injurious to any : if the country is
to prosper it must be adhered to whilst our debt remains
unpaid.
Let us, then, consider what consequences might be ex-
pected to follow were we to be placed in a state of depend-
ence on other countries for our supply of bread, or even only
a given but constant portion of that supply. It is urged by
those who advocate such a system that the supply would
be abundant and consequently cheap ; that payment would
be taken for it in our manufactures and other goods, the
vents for which would thus be extended and their prosperity
promoted.

Let us, then, consider what the facts are under which
these doctrines are put forth, for we are not without recent
experience to guide us in arriving at our conclusions. The
consumption of the country is estimated and admitted to ex-
ceed 50 millions of quarters of all kinds of grain, which in
good seasons is fully supplied of home growth. When fai-
lure has taken place the deficiency has been met with foreign,
as for example in the years 1837, 1838, and 1839, years in
which the weather was adverse, both here and abroad (which
is almost uniformly the case). In these three years our
foreign supply did not, I believe, exceed 20 millions of quar-
ters, not much exceeding one-third part of our annual
growth, and falling much short of the actual deficiency, as
proved by the high prices that were maintained ; but the
circumstance attendant on high prices, economy in con-
sumption, made good what was wanting.

These supplies were drawn from Germany, Russia, Prussia,
and the other corn-producing countries that he on the borders
of the Baltic Sea. I ask, did they take payment in our ma-
nufactures? Or, on the contrary, is it not well known that
they did not do so, and that they have been engaged for years
past in originating and adopting measures for the exclusion
of our manufactures and the promotion of their own, which
they have felt was every day becoming more pressingly ne-
cessary for the employment of their increasing population,
the result of a long continuance of peace and a want of colo-
nial vents to take off a part of their surpluses, such as we
fortunately possess; though, at the same time, we seem to
speak and act as if ours was the only country where excess
of population or want of employment was to be found ?
Since then, this great supply of foreign corn was not paid
for with our manufactures or other goods, I inquire how it
was done? The answer must be obvious to all—with our
gold and silver, without which we might have starved whilst
dependent on foreign supply. The consequence was that the
coffers of the Bank were drained almost to the lowest point,
and the metallic circulation of the country much narrowed.
Our exchanges with the Continent were turned against us,
and the balances of our trade with those countries that had no
corn to sell became insufficient to supply our wants. Had,
then, another year of scarcity followed, our remaining gold
must have gone in the same channel, since hunger will not
only part with the last guinea, but, it is said, even break
through stone walls. But God, in the kindness of his pro-
vidence, was pleased to send us a favourable season in 1840,
followed by a productive harvest, and thus the course and
consequences of this great evil were averted.
With this striking example and its results before us—with
such experience, bought at so high a price—let us now con-
sider what we may expect were the country from choice to
be placed in a state of dependence on foreign supply ; for it
is to such a state of things that I am desirous to draw your
attention and that of your readers.

We have found that it is only with the precious metals any
considerable quantity of foreign corn can be purchased ; that
our supply of these metals is unavoidably of a limited ex-
tent ; that the countries having a surplus of corn to sell will
not exchange it with us for our goods (I do not include the
United States in their number, because of late years they
have also required supplies of foreign corn for their own
consumption, and, even if they had such to spare, they would
be unable to pay for it in cash, as the large supplies of cotton
that we annually receive from them alone require the cost of
all our exports to pay for them, nor is it long since a defi-
ciency of funds to do so was supplied to make it good by an
export from hence.) South America, Asia, and the south of
Europe, where our goods are exported, have no corn to give
us in return, but pay us for them in other productions.

Let us, then, suppose ourselves placed in this so-much-
desired state of dependence on these corn-producing coun-
tries for our future supply of bread, I ask how it is to be
paid for when our gold and silver are exhausted, which we
must see, would soon be the case? Let those who can
solve this problem. If means are not to be found in such a
state, what, then, would become of our multitudes of ma-
nufactUrers and artisans? With home pi oduction dis-
couraged, limited, if not put down, by this temporary
foreign supply, it could no longer be depended on as here-
tofore, whilst, exposed to this risk of competition, which,
from the position of our home-growers, they could not, while
it lasted, maintain. Their consumption of goods, too,
would be lost to the manufacturer, and, with such adverse
and conflicting results, might not the public revenue be ex-
pected to suffer and alarm to rise ? Who then would be

found to stem the torrent when the flood was once broke
loose ?

It is my object to show that the interests of the corn-
grower and his landlord, with those of the working classes of
all descriptions, are not conflicting or opposed to each other,
as has been supposed and represented, but that they are one
and the same ; that the one cannot be depressed or injured
without the other being also a sufferer; and that, whilst the
existing system of corn-laws is calculated to benefit and pro-

tect both, to encourage a trade in foreign corn, in preference
to protecting our own growth, would in its results be alike

injurious to all

You will now judge how far I have made out ground to

support the opinions with which I commenced this letter.
Be that as it may, I consider the subject to be of such vital
importance that I shall not withhold my humble name from
you or the public as its author, being, sir,

Your constant reader,
JOHN GLADSTONE

A very seasonable highly-important memorial from
the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, on the
alteration of the Sugar Duties, will be found elsewhere.
'l'oo much attention cannot be devoted to this subject
at the present period, and we are glad to see
,this so-

ciety for once advocating the rights of their country-
men, as well as the great principle of justice and
benevolence. But why are the Committee so ready to
assert that by the proposed measure " Cuba and Brazil
will undoubtedly he benefited," whilst, say-they, " the
British Colonies may probably be injured." We should
be more likely to give credence to their sense of the
solemn responsibilities under which they wrote if there
had not been such a manifest alteration in the tone of
the latter clause of the sentence. At the same time,
the document is a valuable one, and will be read with
interest.

Whilst we are writing, there has been placed in
our hands a paper headed " Fourteen. Reasons why
Brazil Produce should be at once admitted into this
country for consumption on more reasonable terms,"
but we cannot eotice one of them at present—we have
touched upon the subject very recently, and shall do

so again in a few days.

LOCAL NEWS,

CONFIRMATION.—The Lord Bishop of the Diocese will
hold a confirmation at Liverpool on the first day of June
next.

MISS HAMILTON'S CONCERT.—This accomplished singer
has announced her concert to take place on Thursday next.
A very delightful evening's entertainment may be anticipated.
We understand that the rooms will be fashionably and bril-
liantly attended.

CASUALTY IN THE RIVER.—On Thursday a young woman
accidentally walked over the Victoria Pier into the river. A
fishing-boat pushed off to her assistance, and she was taken
out of the water, after having been immersed ten minutes.
She is doing well. _ _

SIR CHARLES NAPlER.—During Commodore Napier's
stay in Liverpool, he took the opportunity of paying a visit
to the extensive yard of Mr. Laird at North Birkenhead. He
inspected a new iron steamer, intended for the West Indies,
and expressed great admiration of the model of the Nemesis
war steamer which was shown him, and which, it will be re-
membered, did so much execution during the recent contest
in China. Sir Charles Napier is a great advocate for iron
boats.

Lord Morpeth's registration bill would go into committee
last night, and it is generally anticipated that ministers will
have to make further alterations of an unpalatable character
to their Irish supporters. If the main object—the postpone-
ment of Lord Stanley's bill—can be accomplished, that will
be accomplished; and there is too much reason to suppose
that in that they will eventually succeed.
REV. FREDERICK PARRY.—This gentleman has resigned
the pastoal care of St. Paul's Church, Chester; having been
appointed to one of the new churches in this town. The rev.
gentleman has laboured in his late sphere for upwards of ten
years with the greatest assiduity and faithfulness, and has
endeared himself not only to his own congregation, but to
every individual in Chester. He preached his farewell ser-
mon on Sunday evening last to a crowded auditory, which
appeared deeply sensible of the loss they were about to sus-
tain. A handsome subscription is on foot amongst the mem-
bers of his late church to present him with some token of re-
gard prior to his removal to Liverpool; and we congratulate
the inhabitants of this town, that, in addition to the already
noble phalanx, we are about to have another clergyman of
the church in every way worthy of our intelligent community.
A BRACE OF VETERANS.—Amongst the company present
at the dinner given to Commodore Napier, on Monday, was
Captain Brown, R.N., of Bootle, who has for many years
been resident in this neighbourhood, and is, we believe, one
of the oldest officers in the service. He is now, we under-
stand, in his 80th year. Captain Brown served in Egypt
nearly fifty years ago. At the dinner he shook hands with
Commodore Napier, observing to him, at the time, that he
thought his doing so a compliment to both parties, adding,
" 1 have now shaken hands with Lord Nelson, Sir Sydney
Smith, and yourself, and I consider you the three greatest
naval heroes that ever existed." Commodore Napier seemed
highly gratified by the compliment paid to him by a veteran
nearly thirty years hls senior.

THE STEAM-BOAT CIRCULAR.—A very useful publica-
tion has within the last few months made its appearance,
bearing the above title. The object of it is to give every
month the departures of all the steam-packets leaving this
port. In hotels, taverns, and indeed all places of public re-
sort, this " circular" ought to be taken, as it will prove of
great utility to travellers. It is a neat sheet, and is far more
handy than the unsightly placards, issued from the several
companies. In this circular the departures to all parts may
be learned. We recommend it earnestly to notice.

INHUMAN TREATMENT OF A SAILOR.--A few brief par-
ticulars appeared in our last publication of several instances
of cruelty inflicted upon a young sailor in Bonny river, by
Captain Brinsley, of the brig Satisfaction. On Friday, the
hearing of the case was renewed, when Dr. Formby and Dr.
Baird were in attendance. The former stated that the de-
ceased had died from dropsical effusion ; but, whether this
had been brought on by the climate, or the severe discipline
the deceased had received, it was impossible to say : he was
inclined to think it was the effect of the climate, for, had it
been from the treatment he had received, in his opinion,
death would have been more speedy. Dr. Baird also attri-
buted the cause of death to dropsical effusion, brought on
through fever, caused by the warmness of the climate. Both
professional gentlemen explained their reasons for the opinions
they had expressed. Mr. Rushton said the captain must be
acquitted. He bad a very strong opinion on the case, and,
notwithstanding he could not resist the medical testimony,
he thought the boy had been treated with wanton cruelty and
extreme barbarity.

DETERMINED SUICIDE.—On Thursday morning last, as
two litle boys named Sparkes and Mealor, were in search of
their donkeys on Wallasey Sand Hills, they were horror-
struck at discovering the body of a man with his throat cut in
a most dreadful manner. They immediately gave the alarm,
and several persons were soon at the spot, and the body of
the unfortunate man was conveyed to the White Horse
public-house. It was soon recognised as the body of John
Medcalf, who had been in the service of Mr. Garratt, of the
Victoria Hotel, New Brighton. He had been missing two
days ; and not the slightest cause, except that arising from
intoxication, can be assigned for his committing the rash act.
It being generally rumoured, on the finding of the body, that
Medcalf had been murdered, Mr. Palmer, special- high-
constable, of Wirral, went off from Birkenhead with all speed,
and on arriving at the spot and examining the body, he was
speedily convinced that Medcalf had been his own destroyer,
for, on searching the body, in the deceased's breast-pocket
he found a razor in a case, and another with which he had
committed the deed, covered with blood, was lying under his
head on the sand.

Two cyprians were put forward at the police-court, on
Friday, on a charge of having picked the pocket of a fashion-
able young gentleman, in a public-house, in Cases-street,
the evening previous. It appeared that the complainant was
accosted by the damsels in the street, and that he gallantly
ushered them into the aforesaid house, and gave them some-
thing to drink. One of them contrived to take from his
waistcoat pocket a £lO, and also a £5 Bank of England
note, together with three sovereigns. Almost immediately
after both the fair ones decamped. The complainant then
missed his treasure, gave chase, and overtook them, when
he seized them, one by each hand, brought them back, and
assured them that their booty consisted of papers of no
value to them, but of paramount value to him, and offered
them a sovereign if they returned them. Thebargain was
instantly struck, and the money returned. Mr. Rushton
said the complainant was liable to be indicted, for compro-
mising the felony, his duty being to give the parties into
custody at once to a police-officer, and have them sent to
bridewell. As it was they should be discharged.
Goss IMPOSITION UPON EMIGILANTS.—On Saturday
morning, at the Police-court, Richard Woofenden and Isaac
Hincliffe appeared before Mr. Rushton to prefer a complaint
against James Beckett, clerk to J. and W. Robinson, passen-
ger-brokers, for having defrauded them of £1 10s. each. Mr.
Davenport appeared in behalf of the complainants. Mr.
Woofenden stated, that he and his friend were natives of
Huddersfield, and arrived in Liverpool that morning from
Manchester, with the intention of embarking in the Patrick
Henry for New York. Immediately upon leaving the station,
at Lime-street, they were accosted by a "messenger," who
asked them if they were going by the Patrick Henry for New
York. He replied, they were. The " messenger," when
they arrived at the docks, pointed out a vessel, which he said
was the Patrick Henry, and requested them to accompany
him to the office to get booked. They did so. The book-
keeper (who was pointed out to be Beckett) asked if they
were for New York, and stated that there was room for three
in the Patrick Henry, which would sail the following morn-
ing. £9 was paid down for the passage, and the agreement
was, as the complainants' luggage had not yet arrived, if it
should not come, they should have a passage by the Birming-
ham, which was to sail on the 28th, and that £1 each should
be returned, the difference between the two fares. The clerk
made out a ticket, which complainants did not examine till
after leaving the office. Upon reading it they found, that
neither the Patrick Henry nor the Birmingham were men-
tioned. They returned to the office, and told the clerk there
was a mistake. For some time he " shuffled" about, saying
sort he had not time to speak to them •, at 17Ngothth,ihngcmo•efvethr,e
i ore at-
tended to them, when they told him their passage was to be
by the Patrick Henry. He replied, .
the agreement was, if they did not go by that vessel, they
were to go on the 28th." They demanded back their money.
The ticket made out by the clerk was read. It stated that the
passages were to be by the Silvanus Jenkins, and was endorsed.
that if their luggage did not arrive in time the complainants
were to -go by the Princess Victoria. The statements of
the complainants were confirmed by a witness who was pre•
sent in the office. Mr. Rushton : "It is a clear case of
obtaining money under false pretences. The fraud begins at
the Railway station, and finishes at Messrs. J. and W. Ro-
binson's office." The nine pounds, with two pounds paid
fo were returned by order of Mr. Rushton, Mr.
Becket,sis,eonn.expressing a hope that the magistrate would
not consider the case one of fraud. Mr. Rushton : " I will
tell you when the affair is settled what I consider it." The
money having been duly paid, Mr. Rushton said, " Now,
listen. This fraud begins at the Railway station, on the part
of these scamping fellows ; and, mind you, (addressing the
messenger') if I find you engaged in making these false
representations, and fraud ensues in consequence, I will
make an example of you. And you, sir, (addressing Bec-
kett,) it is not because you are in an office, and charter ships
that you should make false representations. If ever you are
brought here again, I will send you both before a jury of
your country. I would do so now if it were not detaining
these men, perhaps to inconvenience, to await your trial :
indeed, I don't know whether to do so now or not. If it
should occur again, there is no sacrifice I will not snake to
bring you to justice. I will detain the witnesses, and their
expenses shall be paid, in order to bring you to punishment."
The parties charged were about to make a statement in ex-
planation, when Mr. Rushton, with indignation, ordered
them to quit the court.

THEA.TRE ROYAL.—The Theatre Royal was extremely
full last night, to welcome Mrs. Warner and Mr. Charles
seau• Macbeth has been got up in a style seldom, or pe 7
traps never yet seen in the provinces.
By the Shinandoah which left Philadelphia on the 3d in-
stant, papers have been received to that dare from Phila-
delphia, and from New York to the 2d inclusive, being one
day later than the last arrival. In neither journals do we
find any intelligence worth communicating.

PROTESTANT OPERATIVE MEETING FOR EXCHANGE,
CASTLE-STREET, AND ST. PAUL'S DISTRICT.—The quar-
terly meeting for, the above district was held yesterday even-
ing, at the Moorfields School-room, Mr. Joseph Crisp iu
the chair, for the purpose of promoting signatures to the
petition to Parliament, praying for an inquiry into the col-
lege of Maynooth. The meeting was addressed by Mr.
Parsonage, Mr. Ratcliffe, Mr. Barrow, and others.

THE PRESIDENT.—We are once more compelled to state
that no intelligence has been received of this vessel. A cor-
respondent of the London Times, under the signature of
" Palinurus," offers some suggestions vilich are worthy of
attention; emanating, as they are alleged to do, from a dis-
tinguished, naval officer of great experience. According to
that competent judge it seems to be quite possible that the
President, even if she had been steering for Bermuda, might
have missed that island, (not an unusual occurrence,) and
then made the best of her way to the West Indies, in which
case there has yet not been time to hear from her. Prior to
our next publication, in all probability we shall have the In-
dependence, British Queen, and Acadia, the last of which
would leave Boston on the 16th instant, and if she conveys
no intelligence of the President, the hearts of the stoutest
will be subject to very melancholy misgivings.

-
REGISTRY OF SHIPPING.—An advertisement in another
column convenes a meeting, to be held this day, for the pur-
pose of considering the best means of establishing a registry
book of shipping. Why such a step has been so long de-
layed is the more surprising, since our merchants, under-
writers, anti shipowners have been compelled to submit to a
grievance- which has long been felt and • acknowledged as
such. The London Registry of British Shipping contains
not confessedly a faithful representation of that which it
affects to report, and we therefore anticipate that our com-
mercial gentlemen, now that the subject is brought practi-
cally before them, will hail the opportunity of rescuing
themselves and their fellow-townsmen interested in such
'natters from a bondage in which they have too long been
held. The proceeds of the Liverpool surveys are devoted
to anything rather than the benefit of the shipowners, and
we call upon them resolutely to second the praiseworthy
efforts which are now making to reform such an abuse. The
metropolitan self-elected committee may oppose such a step,
but that only furnishes another reason for unwearied ex-
ertion on their part.

EXTENSIVE ROBBERY.—At the Kirkdale Sessions on
Saturday, Sarah Pugh, Robt. Jones, and Ann Jones, were
placed at the bar, before the Rev. Rector Brooks, chairman,
Charles Birch, Esq., Adam Hodgson, Esq., John Formby,
Esq., James Heyworth, Esq., Richard Alison, Esq., and
other magistrates, to take their trial for felony. Dr. Brown
appeared for the prosecution, and Mr. Wilkins for the de-
fence. The indictment charged that Sarah Pugh, late of the
township of Walton-on-the-hill, being servant to Mr. Ro-
dolph Zwilchenbart, did, on the 4th day of January last, fe-
loniously steal seventy-four pair of stockings, thirty-two pair
of socks, forty-one handkerchiefs, twenty-three caps, thirty-
four frocks, nineteen night caps, sixteen petticoats, seven-
teen napkins, fourteen shirts, seventeen pair gloves, twelve
shawls, eleven towels, eleven neckerchiefs, seven gowns, se-
ven tippets, nine collars, eight pair drawers, five pelises,
four pair stays, five scarfs, four habit shirts, five pockets,
four singlets, twenty-one pair trousers, fuur vests, eleven pair
Loots, twenty pair shoes, five umbrellas, twenty yards diaper,
twenty yards satin, ten yards muslin, ten yards lawn, ten
yards linen, twenty yards ribbon, ten yards calico, a watch,
and many articles of valuable jewellery, with a vast number
of other things.—Robert Jones, and Anne his wife (sister of
Sarah Pugh) were charged with having feloniously received
the above property, knowing it to have been stolen. All the
prisoners pleaded not guilty. After the trial had proceeded
to a certain length, the prisoner Sarah Pugh withdrew the
plea of not guilty, and pleaded guilty. She was sentenced
to three years' imprisonment, and hard labour. The other
prisoners, who were charged with receiving the goods, were
acquitted. The value of the property stolen was from £2OO
to £3OO. As the details of the case were published a few
months ago, it is unnecessary to give any further par-
ticulars.