The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-01-27 00:00:00

he measures which you ha

to time calcul
domestic skill and

ed to extend commerce and to stimulat
3ustry by the repeal of pro

hibltory

relaxation of producti

" The prosperous state of the revenue, the increased
demand for labour, and the general improvement which
has taken place in the internal condition of the country,

are strong

lies in f

your of the course you ha

you to take into your early consider

ation whethe

oe princip

not with advantaee b

et more est

whether

your powerafter a careful review

of the existing- duties upon many articles, the produce or
manufacture of other countries, to make such further re-
ductions and remissions as may tend to ensure the con-
tinuance of the great benefits to which I have adverted,
and by enlarging our commercial intercourse to strengthen

the bonds clamity with Foreign Powers

" Any measures which you may adopt for effecting
these great objects will, I am convinced, be accompanied
by such precautions as shall prevent permanent loss to
the revenue, or injurious results to any of the great in-
terests of the country.

" I havtt full reliance on your just and dispassionate
consideration of matters so deeply affecting the public
welfare.

" It is my earnest prayer that, with the blessing of
Divine Providence on your councils, you may be enabled
to promote friendly feelings between different classes of
my subjects, provide additional security for the continu-
ance of peace, and to maintain contentment and happi-
ness at home, by increasing the comforts and bettering
the condition of the great body of my people."

The business of the session was commenced in the
House of Lords by Lord HOME, who in reply to her
Majesty's speech, recapitulated its several topics, and
recommended for the adoption of their lordships the
opinions it expressed. After briefly noticing the conti-
nued maintenance of peace, the settlement of differences
between Ottoman Porte and Persia, the intervention of
France and England on the River Plate, the co-operation
of the two powers for the suppression of the slave trade,
and expressing a fervent hope that the conflicting claims
of Great Britain and the United States to the Oregon ter-
ritory might still be amicably adjusted upon such a basis
as the Ashburton treaty, he adverted to the failure of the
potato crop, and after mentioning, without discussing, the
last important paragraph of the Royal speech, concluded
by moving the address, which, as usual, was a very faith-
ful echo of the speech.

Lord DE Ros, in seconding the address, went over
nearly the same topics, noticing, with especial commen-
dation the suggestion that more effectual means should be
taken to check the practice of assassination in Ireland.
The question that the address be adopted was then put
by the Lord CHANcrLLok, and declared to be carried in
the affirmative. _

The Duke of RICHMOND expressed some displeasure
that the discussion had been so abruptly concluded. He
had, however, heard enough to know that ministers in-
tended to withdraw protection from the industry of the
country, and he challenged them to show any cause for
rescinding the solemn compact made with the agricultural
interest in 1842. He could see no difference between the
Anti-Corn-Law League and the Government, and no rea-
son why they should not create Mr. Cobden a peer. He
denounced the League as the author of all these changes,
and warned their lordships y the example of Ireland, still
unappeased by the concessions of 1829, not to be 'inti-
midated into a surrender of their opinions. He called
upon the great towns, too, to observe that if protection
was taken away from agriculture, Sir R. Peel was bound
by his promises of 1839 to remove it from every other ar-
ticle ; and asked how, if this complete revolution in our
system were achieved, the public creditor was to be satis-
fied, the farmer to pay his tithe, or a single salary or pay-
ment to remain unaltered ? He solemnly protested
against the clause of the address which referred to protec-
tion. as being directly contrary to every principle and
every speech of the present government, and challenged it
to test the amount of public confidence it enjoyed by an
appeal to the country. He declared that he would resist
by every mean, in his power—factious, if necessary—any
diminution in the amount of agricultural protection ; and
concluded by calling for an explanation of the mysterious
resignations and counter-resignations which had lately
surprised the world.
The Duke of WELLINGTON declined to defend the con-
duct of Sir. R. Peel, or any measure of his government.
The question before their lordships was the address;
other measures would shortly be submitted to them, but
they had now only the address to discuss, and an acqui-
escence in that bound them only to take into considera-
tion the measures it suggested, upon which the Duke of
Richmond would hereafter have ample opportunity of ex-
pressing his opinions. As to explanations, be reminded
the noble duke that he had been himself a member of the
Privy Council of his sovereign, and must know that,
without her permission, he was bound to keep her coun-
sel secret. He should, at least, therefore, have given no-
tice of his question.
Lord STANLEY, being called upon by the Duke of
Richmond for an explanation of the grounds upon which
he had retired from the government, declined lo enter in-
to details, upon the plea that he could not explain the mo-
tives of his conduct without stating what were the mea-
sures contemplated by the other members of the Cabinet,
or with justice to his late colleagues, but stated that upon
one question only—one relating to the degree and amount
of agricultural protection—was there any difference of
opinion. Upon that question a measure was proposed
which he considered uncalled for by any change of cir-
cumstances since 1842, and which, therefore, be could not
undertake to recommend without a sacrifice of his own
consistency and honour. He cast no imputation upon
the conduct of others ; but conceiving it his duty to dis-
sent from a project approved by a majority of his col-
leagues, he had tendered his resignation; and with this
explanation of his motives, and the course he had adopted,
he trusted that their lordships would be satisfied.
Lord HARDWICKE said, that as he saw in the address
a direct advance towards free trade, he must form an ex-
ception to those who approved it. He thought that un-
less a change of circumstances could be proved, they were
bound to adhere to the adjustment of the corn laws made
only three years since, and he denied that there had been
any such change as to render the measures it was intended
to bring forward necessary. He would rather that it
were proposed to put as.dc protection altogether, than to
make a gradual diminution of it, for many would unite to
oppose the former measure who might be induced to ac-
quiesce in a series of alterations.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that, having, like
Lord Stanley, obtained her Majesty's permission to ex-
plain the circumstances of some political transactions in
which he had lat-ly taken a part he should avail himself
of that permission as soon as the members of the govern-

meat had tendered an explanation. He had only at pre-
sent, however, to express his cordial approbation of that
portion of the address which related to the differences
with the United Stages upon the subject of Oregon.
Lord BROUGHAM heartily concurred in this opinion,
and then, at considerable length, and with his accustomed
ability, claimed for himself the credit of perfect consist-
ency upon the great question of corn-law repeal. He
strongly condemned, however, the conduct of the league,
especially in the course it had lately adopted, of endea-
vouring to procure an overflowing influence at elections
by the purchase of qualifications, which be denounced as
most dangerous to the constitution ; and concluded by ap-
proving the reference to the state of Ireland in the ad-
dress, and recommending their Lordships to disregard all
considerations of party and strengthen the hands of the
executive government.

Lord MALMESBURY protested against the opinion that
the great mass of the people were iu favour of a repeal of
the corn-laws. They had not changed their opinions be-
cause Cabinet Ministers bad changed theirs, and it was
their constitutional privilege to have a veto upon such a
measure.

Lord RADNOR defended the League from the attacks
of Lord Brougham, and especially denied that their con-
duct had been in any degree unconstitutional. He re-
gretted that it should be necessary to force right measures

upon a government from pressure without, but if even
Lord Brougham's arguments were unsuccessful, the pres-
sure was necessary to reinforce them.

The Marquis of SALISBURY and lhe Duke of BEAU-
FORT deprecated any diminution in the amount of agri-
cultural protection, and their Lorchhips then adjourned.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY.

After receiving variousi;Ct sof motions for future
days, the house commenced the business of the session at
half-past four o'clock, by listening to'a copy of the speech
from the throne, which was read, as usual, by the Speaker.
The address upon the speech was moved by
Lord F. EGEItTON, who, after alluding to the fact that
it was now twenty years since he had stood, under the
auspices of Mr. Canning, in the same position which he
then occupied, congratulated the house on the continu-
ance of amicable relations between England and France,
the two great countries which were at the head of the ci-
vilzation of the world. He should look with deep anxiety

and reg

t to the possibility that England might be called
n to maintain her rights in any part of the world, how-
ver distant, by any other means save those of patient and
friendly negotiation; but he should look at that possibi-
lity with still deeper anxiety and regret in case, of a dif-
ference arising between England and the United States, a
country united to our own by a community of laws, and
language, and lineage. After declaring his concurrence
in that part of her Majesty's speech which suggested the
increase of our national defences, he passed to other to-

.
pies, which engrossed at present more of the public atten-
tion. He was addressing the house at a juncture when
an invitation had been offered by her Majesty's ministers to
reconsider the whole state of the laws which regulated the
importation of foreign commodities into this country. If
he bad not concurred in the propriety of that invitation,
he could not have undertaken the office which he was then

ought to avail itself of the earliest opportunity to reconsi-
der the whole state of our laws regarding manufactures,

with a view of ultimately departing from the principles of
restriction and prohibition for the sake of protecting the
productions of our home manufacture. Protection, in his
opinion, should be applied to, or withheld from, all the

productions of the country with strict impartiality. In
former years he had opposed the imposition of a fixed

thought that, if a duty were to be imposed, a sliding scale
was better than a fixed duty. He had, however, arrived
at the conclusion that restriction as a permanent system

might not to be applied to any forei,
had been supposed in some quarters that some vast con-
federation of foreign states might deprive us at some fu-
ture contingency of all foreign supply. He could not
think that such a general raising of bucklers against Eng-
land was very probable. Indeed, the universal voice of

.n commodity

history was against it. In 1810, when there was a fear of
scarcity in England, and all Europe was almost closed
against us by the power of France, we imported 1,200,000

quarters of corn from the ports of Europe, and 500,000
quarters from France itself. That it might be necessary
to make some sacrifice for the legislation to which he in-

• uvuo. uc vraa 11\14 picpaicu LV urn),j UUL some
penalty must always be paid for some time for past er-
rors. He was convinced, however, that ultimately no
class would reap more benefit from these chances than

gher cl

that,,., of manufacturers who were called th
landholders of England. Whatever might be their throes
in the interim, he believed that their remuneration
would be ample, in the removal of that general dissatis-
faction which was renewing the war of the Roses in
the reign of Queen Victoria, and which, if it were pro-
longed much further, must, whenever it terminated, leave
the country in a state of exhaustion, which could not fail
to attract the notice of our enemies. The noble lord con-
cluded an eloquent speech, which was loudly cheered
throughout, by moving an address, which, as usual, was a
mere echo of the speech.

Mr. BECKETT DENISON, in seconding the addre
commented with satisfaction on the first heads of her M

s speech, and alluding to the state of Ireland, w

_ . .
had been threatened in the last few months both by fa-
mine and by murder, expressed a hope that the danger of
the first was exaggerated, though he was compelled to ad-
mit that the latter had been walking unpunished in broad
daylight for some months past. It was very desirable that
ministers should propose measures which would prevent
and arrest the perpetration of such atrocities in future.
He then declared himself friendly, on the experience of
the last four years, to a further relaxation of the protec-
tive duties now imposed on foreign commodities ; and
hoped that Ministers would propose a plan which would
deal justly and liberally with all parties.
Sir R. PEEL hoped that, though his course might be
deemed unusual in rising at so early a period of the de-
bate, he should be considered as acting in conformity with
the ordinary practice of the house in explaining at once
the grounds which had led him, and those with whom he
acted, first to tender their resignation of their offices to
her Majesty and then to re•appear in the house as the mi-
nisters of the crown. The immediate cause of their re-
signation was that great and mysterious calamity which
had befallen Europe—the failure of the potatoe crop. But
it would be untair to the house if he were to spy that he
attached exclusive importance to that particular cause.
It had gained, however, additional weight by its forcing
an immediate decision upon the laws which governed the
importation of grain. He would not deny that his opi-
nions on the subject of protection had undergone great
change. He did not feel himself humiliated by making
that confession; on the contrary, he asserted and claimed
for himself the privilege of yielding to the force of reason
and argument, and of acting upon his enlarged experience
and upon his more matured conviction. He must c mfess
that a change in his opinions had been forced upon him
by the experience of the last three years. During that
period he had watched day by day the effect of the relaxa-
tion of duties on all the social interests of the country ;
and the consequence was that he thought that his former
arguments were no longer tenable. He did not now
think that protection of native industry was in itself right
and advantageous, nor did he believe that it was impossi-
ble for this country to compete with foreigners because
it laboured under a heavy debt and severe taxation. Du-
ring the last three years prices had been low and yet at
no time had wages been higher. During the three previ-
ous years prices had been high, and the lowness of wages
had produced universal distress among the labouring po-
pulation. He next proved from statistical returns that the
result upon trade of removing protective duties had been
a great increase in the foreign exports of the country, and
that the result upon the revenue, though in the last four
years a reduction had been made in the Customs duties to
the amount of £4,000,000 and upwards, and in the Ex-
cise duties to the amount of £1,000,000., had been
equally satisfactory. He then adverted to considerations
which he deemed of more importance than those of either
trade or revenue—namely, to considerations of morality ;
and showed that in 1842, when high prices and high duties
were in existence, there had been an alarming increase of
crime, but that in 1843 things had taken a favourable
turn, and that in 1844 and 1845 the decrease of commit-
ments had been very large ; and he inferred from the re-
turns, which he quoted, that low prices and comparative
abundance contributed greatly to the promotion of mo-
rality. He showed that these advantages had not been
purchased by any detriment to the agricultural interest.
Protection to that interest had been diminished ; and yet
it had not suffered any damage in consequence of that
diminution, He proved this position by reference to the
diminution which bad taken place in the duties paid upon
foreign flax, foreign wool, foreign cattle, pigs, lard, &c.,
and to the prices which every one of those commodities
was now fetching in the markets of Great Britain. He
contended that he was justified in proceeding with the
further removal of protecting duties by the gratifying re-
sults which had been produced by the removal of those
which be had already repealed. It was right that he
should state that, notwithstanding the conviction which
was thus forced upon his mind, he had been of opinion
that the charge of altering the corn laws ought not to
devolve upon him as Minister of the Crown. He felt
that with that conviction, which he could not control, he
could no longer meet, the annual motion of honourable
members opposite with a direct negative, and that there-
fore he could no longer continue the contest on the sub-
ject with any advantage to those who had hitherto ho-
noured him with their confidence. During the course of
last autumn a great calamity had visited the United
Kingdom. There was a great danger of a scarcity of that
article which formed a considerable supply of the food of
the country. It was the duty of Government to meet
that danger; and the house should now have, an oppor-
tunity of judging whether with the information of which
the Government was in possession, it was possible for
them to maintain in their present integrity the existing
corn laws. His opinion was, that it was quite impossible
for them to do so. He then described the circumstances
which induced him early in November to think that it
was necessary to meet the impending evil by a suspension
of the duties on the importation of foreign produce ; and
read consecutively the information which Government
had received from various parts of the United Kingdom,
and also from abroad, and which he considered as justi-
fying him in the conclusions to which he had come first
early in November and afterwards early in December.
He next read the information which he had received from
England, Scotland, and Ireland, relative to the failure of
the potatoe crop ; and hoped that those who had so pre-
cipitately condemned the Government would now make
some allowance for its difficult position. The right hon.
baronet then entered into a lengthened statement relative
to the resignation of the Ministry and their reinstatement
in office, and proceeded to state that he had given
notice that evening that on an early day next week it
was his intention to submit to the house a measure
of the greatest importance relative to our commer-
cial policy. He would not anticipate the discussion
on it that eveninz, as he was anxious to disconnect
that which was a great national question from any party
or personal considerations. After expressing a hope that
he had satisfied the house that his motives were honest,