The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-04-27 00:00:00

Ebr Etherpool tanbark►.

TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 27, 1841

The nomination of the candidates for Nottingham
took place yesterday, and Mr. Walter, the Conservative
candidate, we are happy to say, bids fair to win. The
polling comes on this day.

The return will be very matarially affected by the
conduct of that body of the electors who belong to
the extreme Radical or Chartist section. They have
shown no favour to Mr. Larpent, the ministerial can-
didate, from the first, and we confidently expect that
they will not support him when their dispositions are
brought to the proof at the hustings. On the other
hand they have given every encouragement, and, many
of them, positive promises and pledges to the Conser-
vative candidate, which, if they will only have the
truthfulness and honesty to make good, this day, his
return is nearly certain.
. A question of much interest has arisen out of this
combination for a common object, of parties so oppo-
site in principle as Conservatives and Chartists. It is
unquestionably fair to say, that if the Chartist be true
to his own principles, he can have but little love for
the Conservative who is equally sincere in the same re-
spect on his part ; but we can conceive a Chartist with
perfect honesty—should he find it hopeless to effect
the return of a candidate exactly to his mind—using
his privilege to prevent the return of one whom he
entirely dislikes ; and, when forced to choose between a
Conservative and a Whig, withholding his vote from
the latter and giving it with right good will to the
former.

Nov this is just what has occurred at Nottingham.
The Radicals dislike the Whig-ministerial candidate—
neither is the Conservative, Mr. Walter, just the man
whom they would select if they were perfectly free to
choose; but they think a Conservative is better than a
Whig under any circumstances, and they naturally
prefer one in whom they find at least one important
point of agreement with themselves, to an individual
in whom they find none.

Mr. Walter has distinguished himself by a vigorous
and persevering opposition to the tyranny of the new
poor law; and in this respect he brought with him a
recommendation to men who have no interest in sup-
porting the Somerset-house commission, and who are
not placed in so elevated a position in the world as to
be indifferent to the condition of those whom the pro-
visions of the system aggrieve. In their strong and
just indignation against this oppressive law, the Not-
tingham Chartists have been willing to forget any ob-
jection they might have to Mr. Walter as a Conserva-
tive, and to the great annoyance of the ministerialist
Whigs, he has been, all through his canvass, a decided
favourite with them.

Now, with respect to this " meeting of the waters,"
or coincidence of extremes, we are not surprised that
it should have called forth a vast deal of smart dia-
tribe and elaborate irony from the Whig side. It has
ever been the privilege of losers to vent their spleen ;
but, we confess, we can neither understand nor sym-
pathise with complaint and dejection when we hear
their wailings in a Conservative quarter.
That Conservatism, which carries itself so superci-
liously as to contemplate the unbought support of the
people as degrading, and despises victory itself if at-
tained by their gratuitous suffrages, is too lofty for our
comprehension. Yet something of this sort we find
in the columns of a metropolitan contemporary, which
has long been, it is true, a polished mirror of exquisit-
ism, and organ, as well as glass, of the fashionable
world. "If the Conservative party," says this double-
patented, kid-glove, and opera-hat gentleman, "is ne-
ver to become paramount in this country till it allies
itself with the mob, we hope the day of its ascendancy
will never come."

The unbought support given by the Radicals of
Nottingham to Mr. Walter is, then, in the eyes of
this superlatively aristocratic journal, an alliance of
the Conservative party with the mob ; and so ut-
terly does he abominate all mobs, and mob-alli-
ances, that he would sooner the Conservative party
should sink to the bottomless pit than endure their
contamination for a moment. He unfolds his senti-
ments on this head—in condescension to our dulness—.
a little more widely. "We have no wish," he says,
" for what has been called a Conservative democracy.
We believe the project to be nonsensical, and its reali-
sation impossible. We think we are not presumptuous
in saying this ; for, unless we greatly err, the opinion
we have expressed is that of every sound and rational
man who is true to Conservative principles." He
makes a few further remarks, but they are such as to
convince us of his entire ignorance of the thing which
he condemns. He inveighs against a Conservative de-
mocracy as a " nonsensical project" ; but it is quite
evident that he mistakes the meaning of the phrase.
He speaks of his concern for the happiness of the
poor—laments that they have not been sufficiently at-
tended to by-either Whig or Tory:—(as if the support
of a " Conservative democracy" had anything to do
with his charitable feelings)—and then returns to a re-
iteration of his peculiarly aristocratic and anti-mob
prepossessions—declaring, as his final opinion, that
"he does not believe the mass of the people can ad-
vantageously govern themselves."
We are forced, by the spirit of the entire article, to
conclude that, in the opinion of the writer, any go-
vernment not absolutely despotic is a " nonsensical
project," and that the realisation of a cheerful submis-
sion by the people to the laws of a free constitution is
an " impossibility" ! How this journalist has lived so
long in England without perceiving that this " nonsen-
sical project" has actually been brought to bear, and
that he is surrounded by that very realised impossibility
which he here affects to laugh at, we do not know. All
we say is, that when England has no CONSERVATIVE
DEMOCRACY to rely upon, her liberties, and her con-
stitution, and all her greatness will be in extreme peril.
We believe that the great bulk of her population is
Conservative, and, therefore, using the word demo-
cracy simply in contradistinction to aristocracy, we say
that a " Conservative democracy" does exist in the
country. The project so much ridiculed by our con-
temporary is just simply to augment the body, to swell
their numbers, and in every way to increase their
strength ; and this is nonsensical--impossible ! It is
curious to observe that these exceedingly nonsensical
airs and graces and absurdities of this great organ of
aristocracy were provoked by an article in the Times, in
which, amongst other good passages, there is the fol-
lowing, which
..strikes our humble judgment as being
peculiarly admirable :
" The moment a Conservative party in Parliament, whether
consisting of the present or any otter, shall heartily and sin-
cerely throw itself upon the peop;e, making the faith and
the spirit of Christianity its rule, that instant the swarm of
unclean things which now professes to call itself a govern-
ment vanishes away, like bats and birds of night before the
rising sun."

Now this is jant what we onroelven havB long
thought, and firmly believe, to be the truth s and that
sentiments so just and so every way worthy of a Con-
servative journal should be dissented from by another
professing similar principles, does, we own, surprise
us. But as we have in the church high end low par-
ties--,(a fact which Dr. Hook tells us there is no use
in disguising)—why should we not also have high and
low parties in Conservative politics ? Small differ-
ences, we trust, will not prevent us acting together
either as churchmen or Conservatives, and we may,
therefore, with the more safety, indulge in our "family
quarrels"; not that we should seek or desire them,
but that we would have every man pursue steadily,
but in a mild snd tolerant spirit, that line of policy
which conscience and conviction lead him to adopt.

Ministers have been seeking a " long day" with
their Irish Registration Bill, and they have had it.
But the longest day will come to an end; we must all
die," as Mr. Justice Shallow ways—" death is certain"
—and, let men daily and shuffle as they will, they must
at last shuffle off the mortal coil not only of the mini-
sterial state, but of life itself. Last night the battle
was to be again resumed in the House of Commons;
but there will be no broken heads nor deadly wounds;
no, the whole affair is a mere sham. The " paltries"
have. already backed out of their £5 rating, and they
will back and back to any line of recession, if they are
only permitted to retain their salaried berths.
There is a general complaint of the Conservative
party in the House that they do not act with sufficient
vigour, and that in point of principle, they are greatly
behind the views and expectations of the people ; and
there is only too much ground for this sentiment. For
our part, we quite concur in it, but despair of seeing
any material improvement in the present Parliament.
It is by the " Conservative Democracy" it must he
effected, and the hustings is their only time and place
for bringing it about. They must look out for better
men to represent them at the next general election.
This is what we want, and what, please God, we shall
have in due time.
As to the Ministerial manoeuvre with the Irish Re-
gistration Bill, it is only one more example added to
the thousands which have gone before of the mean
and contemptible artifices to which they resort. All
through, their only object has been to throw obstacles
in the way of Lord Stanley's bill. The £5 rating was
introduced for this purpose, and now the hastening
addition of £3 is laid on with no other intention.
However, whether the new qualification be or £5,
the ConservatiVes have but one course to pursue, and
reject the clause. O'Connell affects to be quite angry
with his Ministerial slaves for purposing this change,
but his hypocrisy on the occasion is not well acted.
How often has the worthy told us that any and every
sacrifice must be made to " keep out the Tories"—
and if their scheme be continued with that view,—
and to prevent a shameful defeat of his creatures,—
what possible reason can he have for being dissatisfied ?
No ; there will be no quarrel between them on this
score, depend upon it.

It is an old remark, but a true one, that habit is a
second nature. How certain usages of society have
commenced or grown up, it is not always in our power
exactly to trace, nor is it of much consequence to do
so, if the question merely be, whether the habit or
usage be a rational or irrational, a good or a bad one.

An appeal was made last week to public sympathy
in behalf of a numerous class of persons who fill a re-
sponsible, useful, and respectable place in society; and
it might have been observed, from the tenour of the
several excellent addresses delivered on the subject at
the meeting convened for its consideration, that the
grievance complained of, and its redress, constitute to-
gether a topic essentially connected with the great
power and universal domination of habit.
It cannot be denied that incessant occupation, in
one unvarying routine, of from twelve to sixteen hours
every day in the week, and on some days and in some
instances even more, is excessive and injurious. This
is a proposition that cannot be disputed, and the reality
of its evils is, it appears, keenly felt by those whose lot
it is to endure it. The object proposed is to alter this
state of things—and the only subject of our present
inquiry is, whether there be any, or what, objection to
the change.

It may, perhaps, be said that shopkeepers' assistants
are under no bond of slavery to their masters—may
leave their service when they please—and therefore
have the remedy of their grievances in their own hands.
But this is theoretical or speculative truth only ; prac-
tically the proposition is false. Those who have been
brought up to a particular avocation cannot so easily
abandon it, and, generally speaking, such a change as
that alluded to is to them an impossibility. They are
wedded to their calling, most commonly, for better for
worse—and there is no friendly court to grant them a
divorce, except upon terms that would be extremely
disadvantageous.

Besides, even if they could obtain it, a mere change
of persons would not alter or improve the system. If
the fifteen thousand, who now constitute the shop-
keepers' assistants of Liverpool, were to give up their
several engagements, as many others would be found
to come in their room—and thus the evil, which has a
sort of corporate existence, would continue unmitigated
and untouched. Thus it appears that the shopkeepers'
assistants cannot by any means redress their own griev-
ance, and are wholly unblameable in calling public at-
tention to the subject, and endeavouring to enlist pub-
lic sympathy in their behalf. But we can suppose
other objections. It might he asked, how our shop
hours of business come to be considered a grievance
now, more than at any former period ? Formerly there
were no complaints—why should there be any now ?
This is a natural and plausible objection—but one, we
think, not very difficult to answer. In the first place,
we are not quite sure that in former times the attend-
ance
required was so long or so laborious as it is now.
There was neither the competition, nor the brilliant
gas-light, in the olden time, to induce those protracted
hours of service that now prevail. l3ut however this
may be, there is a sufficiently solid and sure answer to
this objection in the fact that, tempora mutantur, the
" times are changed," and we along with them. It is
not only possible, but certain, that what is scarcely felt
as a trouble in one age, may become a serious annoy-
ance, or intolerable burthen, in another. The wives
of our farmers, and even of our gentry of a former day,
thought it a light task, or even an agreeable duty, to
occupy themselves in the most menial offices, and their
young ladies aspired to no higher accomplishments
than making preserves and working samplars. The
march of machinery has raised man above the neces-
sity of a thousand degrading labours, far more suitable
to beasts of burthen or inanimate matter—which were
once submitted to without repining. And why ? Be-
cause then he knew no better. But when such changes
have passed over the surface of society, it is not sur-
prising that a class of men entitled to consideration by
their education, manners, and position in society,
as well as numbers, should seek to emancipate them-
selves from an incessancy and perpetuity of drudgery,
such as in any age would he regarded as severe, but in
the present must be felt as peculiarly grievous.
In order that the persons engaged in the avocation
in question should even retain their place in society, or
preserve at least their own proper self-esteem, it is ab-
solutely necessary that they should obtain some relaxa-
tion of their hours of labour. The man who does not
move with the period he belongs to, necessarily falls
behind it, and feels himself degraded. We live in an
age which is at once intellectual, reflecting, and reli-
gious ; and if this be the case, under how great disad-
vantages, in every point of view, is that individual lo-
wered, whose time is so occupied as that of the shop-
keeper's assistant ? But the hardship was so well des-
cribed by the gentlemen who spoke at the meeting of
Thursday, that it requires no re-statement from us.
The Rev. Mr. M‘Neile and the other gentlemen who
have so laudably given the weight and 'power of their
advocacy to this righteous cause, have done it ample
justice, and have not, we think, in the least exceeded
the letter of their warrant. 'The only topic that re-
mains to be noticed, is the actual and practical intro-
duction of the desired reform.

Is there any thing, it may be as ked, to prevent the
owners of shops from limiting their hours of business,
and closing their doors after ten or twelve hours de-
voted to commercial transactions.? We know of no-
thing but that force of habit which we began by ad-
verting to, and that deference which men in business
naturally feel towards the public, and are anxious to

pay to the supposed convenience of their customers,
On their part, these are considerations that must weigh
very seriously; and it is only just that the masters
should be in some measure satisfied that, in abridging
their hours of business, they will be instituting a regu-
lation likely to meet with general concurrence and ap-
probation. One mode of giving them an assurance to
this effect, is in purchasers making it a rule to transact
their business early in the day, and avoiding altogether
resorting to any shop after seven in the evening. Here
we have the tyranny of custom to contend against; but
reason, justice, and benevolence are on our side, and
we doubt not, with a short vigorous exertion, and a
little perseverance, would prove an overmatch for its
despotic rule. The masters are well disposed towards
the desired reform—Tindeed, are more anxious to con-
cede than to withhold it—and it now rests with the
community at late to say whether it shall, or shall
not, be carried into effect. A contemporary asserts
that nothing short of an act of parliament will suffice
for this purpose, and proposes that the Town Council
shall have a power to fix the hours of business for each
period of the year ; but for our part, we have an in-
superable dislike to this sort of interference when it
can possibly be avoided, and place so much reliance
on the power of opitlion, when rightly exercised, as to
think that it might effect at least this simple object
without the aid of Lords and Commons.

We beg to direct the attention of our readers to
le letter of John Gladstone, Esq., which will be
mind subjoined. Mr. Gladstone has undertaken
he elucidation of one important point connected with
he repeal of our protecting duties on corn, and if the
ree-trade gentry be accessible to reason, we should

rope that his able and convincing letter would make a
eep impression upon them. He demonstrates with,
he utmost perspicuity, and from the most solid data,

that a repeal of the duties would be much more likely,
after a short time, to enhance the price of bread beyond
what it now is, than to lower it; and, therefore, if
there were notiAg worse to be apprehended, that the
change so vehemently, but irrationally sought for,
would be utterly worthless for its proposed object. We
thank Mr. G. for his excellent letter, and beg to ex-
press as our humble opinion that gentlemen of his in-
formation and talent could not employ their time bet-
ter than by occasionally contributing in such a way to
the stock of public intelligence and right reasoning
on this important subject. We may remark, that,
though Mr. Gladstone upholds by such irrefragable
arguments the principle of the present corn laws, he
has advocated with much judgment and skill a reduc-
tion or modification of the duty. We shall , hereafter
notice more at length the reasoning of Mr. Gladstone,
and in the meantime bespeak the serious consideration
of the public thereto.

THE CORN LAWS

TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING POST

Carlton Gardens, April 20

Sir,—lt is with much satisfaction I have read your able,
judicious, and unremitting defence of our corn laws, in oppo-
sition to those who are influenced and induced to call out for
their repeal by paid hirelings, who have been spread over the
country, by a mistaken zeal, to promote factious and tumul-
tuous proceedings—advancing unfounded statements at the
hazard of the public peace.
It will be my object in this letter to prove to those who
are so anxious to supply us with bread from corn of foreign
growth that, were it otherwise desirable, it cannot be ob-
tained, because we have not money in sufficient quantity to
pay for it ; and therefore that, were the attempt to be made,
the result would be most disastrous to all, but particularly to
the working classes, whose interests they profess to advocate.
The object of our corn-laws is to protect and encourage
home growth as the most secure and certain source for the
regular supply of bread to the people, and in seasons of
scarcity to provide for foreign suppiy, in preference to
placing us in a state of continuous dependence on the pro-
duce of foreign countries.

Let us, then, consider the basis on which each of these
propositions are founded, with the immediate results of the
first, and the probable consequences of the last. The object
and principle of the first is to make each branch of society
contribute to the snpport of the others : thus, the corn
grower pays for and consumes the goods of the manufac-
turer, who, in return, is supplied with bread by the grower
but, if the means of either are withheld, the interchange
necessarily terminates. Certain and extensive demand sti-
mulates production, and ensures supply sufficient for the de-
mand.

The artificial state of this country, loaded with an unexam-
pled debt, and requiring an immense revenue to meet its

expenditure, requires that every practicable means should
be made use of to keep down the value of money, in order
to maintain an extensive circulation, and, thereby, higher
prices for productive labour ; whilst this principle, apply-
ing to all classes, is not injurious to any : if the country is
to prosper it must be adhered to whilst our debt remains
unpaid.

Let us, then, consider what consequences might be ex-
pected to follow were we to be placed in a state of depend-
ence on other countries for our supply of bread, or even only
a given but constant portion of that supply. It is urged by
those who advocate such a system that the supply would
be abundant and consequently cheap ; that payment would
be taken for it in our manufactures and other goods, the
vents for which would thus be extended and their prosperity
promoted.

Let us, then, consider what the facts are under which
these doctrines are put forth, for we are not without recent
experience to guide us in arriving at our conclusions. The
consumption of the country is estimated and admitted to ex-
ceed 50 millions of quarters of all kinds of grain, which in
good seasons is fully supplied of home growth. When fai-
lure has taken place the deficiency has been met with foreign,
as for example in the years 1837, 1838, and 1839, years in
which the weather was adverse, both here and abroad (which
is almost uniformly the case). 1n these three years our
foreign supply did not, I believe, exceed 20 millions of quar-
ters, not much exceeding one-third part of our annual
growth, and falling much short of the actual deficiency, as

proved by the high prices that were maintained ; but the
circumstance attendant on high prices, economy in con-
sumption, made good what was wanting.
These supplies were drawn from Germany, Russia, Prussia,
and the other corn-producing countries that lie on the borders
of the Baltic Sea. I ask, did they take payment in our ma-
nufactures? Or, on the contrary, is it not well known that
they did not do so, and that they have been engaged for years
past in originating and adopting measures for the exclusion
of our manufactures and the promotion of their own, which
they have felt was every day becoming more pressingly ne-
cessary for the employment of their increasing population,
the result of a long continuance of peace and a want of colo-
nial vents to take off a part of their surpluses, such as we
fortunately possess; though, at the same time, we seem to
speak and act as if ours was the only country where excess
of population or want of employment was to be found ?
Since then, this great supply of foreign corn was not paid
for with our manufactures or other goods, I inquire how it
was done? The answer must be obvious to all—with our
gold and silver, without which we might have starved whilst
dependent on foreign supply. The consequence was that the
coffers of the Bank wee drained almost to the lowest point,
and the metallic circulation of the country much narrowed.
Our exchanges with the Continent were turned against us,
and the balances of our trade with those countries that had no
corn to seR, became insufficient to supply our wants. Had,
then. another year of scarcity followed, our remaining gold
must have gone in the same channel, since hunger will not
only part with the last guinea, but, it is said, even break
through stone walls. But God, in the kindness of his pro-
vidence, was pleased to send us a favourable season in 1840,
followed by a productive harvest, and thus the course and
consequences of this great evil were averted.
With this striking example and its results before us—with
such experience, bought at so high a price—let us now con-
sider what we may expect were the country from choice to
be placed in a state of dependence on foreign supply ; for it
is to such a state of things that I am desirous to draw your
attention and that of your readers.
We have found that it is only with the precious metals any
considerable quantity of foreign corn can be purchased ; that
our supply of these metals is unavoidably of a limited ex-
tent ; that the countries having a surplus of corn to sell will
not exchange it with us for our goods (I do not include the
United States in their number, because of late years they
have also required supplies of foreign corn for their own
consumption, and, even if they had such to spare, they would
be unable to pay,Lor it in cash, as the large supplies of cotton
that we annually receive from them alone require the cost of
all our exports to pay for them, nor is it long since a defi-
ciency of funds to do so was supplied to make it good by an
export from hence.) South. America, Asia, and the south of
Europe, where our goods are exported, have no corn to give
us in return, but pay us for them in other productions.
Let us, then, suppose ourselves placed in this so-much-
desired state of dependence on these corn-producing coun-

tries for our future supply of bread, I ask how it is to be
paid for when our gold and silver are exhausted, which we
must see would soon be the case ? Let those who can
solve this problem. If means are not to be found in such a
state, what, then, would become of our multitudes of ma-
nufacturers and artisans ? With home production dis-
couraged, limited, if not put down, by this temporary
foreign supply, it could no longer be depended on as here-
tofore, whilst, exposed to this risk of competition, which,
from the position of our home-growers, they could not, while
it lasted, maintain. Their consumption of goods, too,
would be lost to the manufacturer, and, with such adverse
and conflicting results, might not the public revenue be ex-
pected to suffer and alarm to rise ? Who then would be

found to sten-. the torrent when the flood wag once broke

It is my object to show that the interests of the corn-
grower and his landlprd, with those of the working classes of
all descriptions, are not conflicting or opposed to each other,
as has been ittpposed and represented, but that they are one
and the same ; Mat the one cannot be depressed or injured
without the other being also a sufferer ; and that, whilst the
existing system of corn-laws is calculated to benefit and pro-

tect both, to encourage a trade in foreign corn, in preference
to protecting our own growth, would in its results be alike
injurious to all.
You will now' •judge how far I have made out ground to
support the opinions with which I commenced this letter.
Be that as it may, I consider the subject to be of such vital
importance that I shall not withhold my humble name from
you or the public as its author, being, sir,

Your constant reader,
JOHN GLADSTONE

A very seasonable highly-important memorial from
the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, on the
alteration of the Sugar Duties, will be found elsewhere.
Too much attention cannot be devoted to this subject
at the present period, and we are glad to see this so-
ciety for once advocating the rights of their country-
men, as well as the great principle of justice and
benevolence. But why are the Committee so ready to
assert that by the proposed measure " Cuba and Brazil
will undoubtedly be benefited," whilst, say they, " the
British Colonies may probably be injured." We should
be more likeli,to give credence to their sense of the
solemn responsibilities under which they wrote if there
had not been such a manifest alteration in the tone of
the latter clause of the sentence. At the same time,
the document is a valuable one, and will be read with
interest.

Whilst we are writing, there has been placed in
our hand.? a paper headed " Fourteen Reasons why
Brazil Produce should be at once admitted into this
country for consumption on more reasonable terms,"
but we cannot notice one of them at present—we have
touched upon the subject.very recently, and shall do

so again in a few days

LOCAL NEWS,

CONFIRMATION.—The Lord Bishop of the Diocese will
hold a confirmation at Liverpool on the first day of June
next.

Miss HAMILTON'S CONCERT.—This accomplished singer
has announced her concert to take place on Thursday next.
A very delightful evening's entertainment may be anticipated.
We understand that the rooms will be fashionably and bril-
liantly attended.

CASUALTY IN THE RIVER.—OH Thursday a young woman
accidentally walked over the Victoria Pier into the river. A
fishing-boat pushed off to her assistance, and she was taken
out of the water, after having been immersed ten minutes.
She is doing well.
__

SIR CHARLES NAPlER.—During Commodore Napier's
stay in Liverpool, he took the opportunity of paying a visit
to the extensive yard of Mr. Laird at North Birkenhead. He
inspected a new iron steamer, intended for the West Indies,
and expressed great admiration of the model of the Nemesis
war steamer which was shown him, and which, it will be re-
membered, did so much execution during the recent contest
in China. Sir Charles Napier is a great advocate for iron
boats.

Lord Morpeth's registration bill would go into committee
last night, and it is generally anticipated that ministers will
have to make further alterations of an unpalatable character
to their Irish supporters. If the main object—the postpone-
ment of Lord Stanley's bill—can be accomplished, that will
be accomplished; and there is too much reason to suppose
that in that they will eventually succeed.

REV. FREDERICK PARRY.—This gentleman has resigned
the pastoal care of St. Paul's Church, Chester, having been
appointed to one of the new churches in this town. The rev.
gentleman has laboured in his late sphere for upwards of ten
years with the greatest assiduity and faithfulness, and has
endeared himself not only to his own congregation, but to
every individual in Chester. He preached his farewell ser-
mon on Sunday evening last to a crowded auditory, which
appeared deeply sensible of the loss they were about to sus-
tain. A handsome subscription is on foot amongst the mem-
bers of his late church to present him with some token of re-
gard prior to his removal to Liverpool; and we congratulate
the inhabitants of this town, that, in addition to the already
noble phalanx, we are about to have another clergyman of
the church in every way worthy of our intelligent community.
A BRACE OF VETERANS.—Amongst the company present
at the dinner given to Commodore Napier, on Monday, was
Captain Brown, R.N., of Bootle, who has for many years
been resident in this neighbourhood, and is, we believe, one
of the oldest officers in the service. He is now, we under-
stand, in his 80th year. Captain Brown served in Egypt
nearly fifty years ago. At the dinner he shook hands with
Commodore Napier, observing to him, at the time, that he
thought his doing so a compliment to both parties, adding,
" 1 have now shaken hands with Lord Nelson, Sir Sydney
Smith, and yourself, and I consider you the three greatest
naval heroes that ever existed." Comrimdore Napier seemed
highly gratified by the compliment paid to him by a veteran
nearly thirty years hls senior.

Talc STEAM-BOAT CIRCULAR.—A very useful publica-
tion has within the last few months made its appearance,
bearing the above title. The object of it is to give every
month the departures of all the steam-packets leaving this
port. In hotels, taverns, and indeed all places or public re-
sort, this " circular" ought to be taken, as it will prove or
great utility to travellers. It is a neat sheet, and is far more
handy than the unsightly placards, issued from the several
companies. In this circular the departures to all parts rally
be learned. We recommend it earnestly to notice.

INHUMAN TREATMENT OF A SAILOR.—A few brief par-
ticulars appeared in our last publication of several instances
of cruelty inflicted upon a young sailor in Bonny river, by
Captain Brinsley, of the brig Satisfaction. On Friday, the
hearing of the case was renewed, when Dr. Formby and Dr.
Baird were in attendance. The former stated that the de-
ceased had died from dropsical effusion ; but, whether this
had been brought on by the climate, or the severe discipline
the deceased had received, it was impossible to say : he was
inclined to think it was the effect of the climate, for, had it
been from the treatment he had received, in his opinion,
death would have been more speedy. Dr. Baird also attri-
buted the cause of death to dropsical effusion, brought on
through fever, caused by the warmness of the climate. Both
professional gentlemen explained their reasons for the opinions
they had expressed. Mr. Rushton said the captain must be
acquitted. He had a very strong opinion on the case, and,
notwithstanding he could not resist the medical testimony,
he thought the boy had been treated with wanton cruelty and
extreme barbarity.

DETERMINED SUICIDE.—On Thursday morning last, as
two litle boys named Sparkes and Mealor, were in search of
their donkeys on Wallasey Sand Hills, they were horror-
struck at discovering the body of a man with his throat cut in

a most dreadful manner. Tliey immediately gave the alarm,
and several persons were soon at the spot, and the body of
the unfortunate man was conveyed to the White Horse
public-house. It was soon recognised as the body of John
Medcalf, who had been in the service of Mr. Garratt, of the
Victoria Hotel, New Brighton. He had been missing two
days ; and not the slightest cause, except that arising from
intoxication, can be assigned for his committing the rash act.
It being generally rumoured, on the finding of the body, that
Medcalf had been murdered, Mr. Palmer, special high-
constable, of Wirral, went off from Birkenhead with all speed,
and on arriving at the spot and examining the body, he was
speedily convinced that Medcalf had been his own destroyer,
for, on searching the body, in the deceased's breast-pocket
he found a razor in a case, and another with which he had
committed the deed, covered with blood, was lying under his
head on the sand.
Two cyprians were put forward at the police-court, on
, Friday on a charge of having picked the pocket of a fashion-

able young gentle-Man, in a-Public-house, in Cases-street,
the evening previous. It appeared that the complainant was
accosted by the damsels in the street, and that he gallantly
ushered them into the aforesaid house, and gave them some-
thing to drink. One of them contrived to take from his
waistcoat pocket a £lO, and also a £5 Bank of England
note, together with three sovereigns. Almost immediately
after both the fair ones decamped. The complainant then
missed his treasure, gave chase, and overtook them, when
he seized them, one by each hand, brought them back, and
assured them that their booty consisted of papers of no
value to them, but of paramount value to him, and offered
them a sovereign if they returned them. The bargain was
instantly struck, and the money returned. Mr. Rushton
said the complainant was liable to be indicted, for compro-
mising the felony, his duty being to give the parties into
custody at once to a police-officer, and have them sent to
bridewell. As it was they should be discharged.
GROSS IMPOSITION UPON EMIGRANTS.—OR Saturday
morning, at the Police-court, Richard Woofenden and Isaac
Hincliffe appeared before Mr. Rushton to prefer a complaint
against James Beckett,
,clerk to J. and W. Robinson, passen-

ger-brokers, for having'defrautled them of XI 10s. eticli. Mr.
Davenport appeared in behalf of the complainants. Mr.
Woofenden stated, that he and his friend were natives of
Huddersfield, and arrived in Liverpool that morning from
Manchester, with the intention of embarking in the Patrick
Henry for New York. Immediately upon leaving the station,
at Lime-street, they were accosted by a "messenger," who
asked them if they were going by the Patrick Henry for New
York. He replied, they were. The " messenger," when
they arrived at the docks, pointed out a vessel, which he said
was the Patrick Henry, and requested them to accompany
him to the office to get booked. They did so. The book-
keeper (who was pointed out to be Beckett) asked if they
were for New York, and stated that there was room for three
in the Patrick Henry, which would sail the following morn-
ing. £9 was paid down for the passage, and the agreement
was, as the complainants' luggage had not yet arrived, if it
should not come, they should have a passage by the Birming-
ham, which was to sail on the 28th, and that £1 each should
be returned, the difference between the two tares. The clerk
made out a ticket, which complainants did not examine till
. after leaving the office. Upon reading they found, that
neither the Patrick Henry nor the Birmingham were men-
tioned. They returned to the office, and told the clerk there
was
a m
" shuffled" about, saying
Ileha
dnistotak. F
time
e t 0
00sr mpesaokte totirlee mat length, however, he he
at-
tended to them, when they toreld
.nim their passage was to be
by the Patrick Henry, He plied, " Nothing of the sort ;
the agreement was, if they did not go by that vessel, they
were to go on the 28th. They demanded back their money.
The ticket made out by the clerk was read. It stated that the
passages were to be by the Silvanus Jenkins, and was endorsed,
that if their luggage did not arrive in time the complainants
were to go by the Princess Victoria. The statements of
the complainants were confirmed by a witness who was pre-
sent in the office. Mr. Rushton : "It is a clear case of
obtaining money under false pretences. The fraud begins at
the Railway station, and finishes at Messrs. J. and W. Ro-
binson's office." The nine pounds, with two pounds paid
for provisions, were returned by order of Mr. Rushton, Mr.
Becket,
consider the case one of fraud. Mr. Rushton : " I will
tell yon when the affair is settled what I consider it." The
money having
, been duly paid, Mr. Rushton said, " Now,
listen. lins fraud begins at the Railway station, on the part
of these stamping fellows ; and, mind you, (addressing the
' messenger') if I find you engaged in making these false
representations, and fraud ensues in consequence, I will
make a
it
n example of you. And you, sir, (addressing Bec-
kett,) is not because you are in an office, and charter ships
that you should make false representations. If ever you are
brought here again, I will send you both before a jury of
your country. I would do so now if it were not detaining
these men, perhaps to inconvenience, to await your trial :
indeed, I don't know whether to do so now or not. If it
should occur again, there is no sacrifice I will not make to
bring you to justice. I will detain'the witnesses, and their
expenses shall be paid, in order to bring you to punishment."
The parties charged were about to make a statement in ex-
planation, when Mr. Rushton, with indignation, ordered
them to quit the court.