The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-09 00:00:00

FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 9, 1841

The NORTH CHESHIRE ELECTION is pro-
ceeding gloriously. At three o'clock yesterday the
following was the state of the polling at each of the
booths in the division :

Egerton. Legh. Stanley

Knutsford.... 715 686 109
Macclesfield .. 337 324 379
Runcorn .... 358 357 138
Stockport.... 369 369 362
Mottrain .. .. 122 113 172

1849 1160

In all probability we shall hear this morning that
Mr. Stanley has retired from the contest ; at all events,
the election is virtually settled.

In FLINTSH IRE, we have every reason to believe,
the cause of Conservatism is going on most prosper-
ously. At one place only—Holywell, are the returns
unfavourable. The conduct of the Radical party at
Nlold, has been most disgraceful, indecent, and ruffian-
like. Sir Stephen Glynne's carriage was attacked and
utterly destroyed—the Lion Inn broken into, the win-
dows smashed, and the furniture damaged, while a great
amount of other property in the town has been sacri•
ficed by the lawless and ignorant miscreants, brought
out of the mines to support the Radical candidate. So
completely had the rabble obtained the upper hand
that the military were sent for from Chester. The
following are the majorities for Sir Stephen Glynne at
the different polling places :

Overton
Mold
Rydland
Flint ....

At Holywell Mr. Mostyn's majority i 5.... 212
leaving a gross majority for Sir Stephen Glynne of 100.

While we cordially subscribe to the opinion that
there is no man in England more fit to be called to
the councils of his Sovereign, or to occupy the most
responsible office under the crown than Sir Robert
Peel, we are by no means amongst those who regard
this eminent man as faultless. We have no right to
seek for perfection in a fellow-worm. If it is wrong
to deify mortals, it is wrong also to expect in them that
which.belongs not to mortal powers. Take the right
honourable member for Tamworth for all and all, and
he is a most estimable, accomplished, and amiable man,
in whose prudence and sagacity both Sovereign and

people may safely confide, and whom the Conservative
party may, without hesitation, and with credit to them-
selves, acknowledge as their chief. But this may be
said without a negation, either express or implied, of
some exceptionable points.
We return to the nomination speech at Tamworth,
in which the following passage occurs :

" At the time when the part I took for the removal of the
Roman catholic disabilities was loudly complained of, did I
come forward in parliament to say that I repented of the
course which I had taken, or that I would lend myself to a
repeal of that measure ? No. I declared that, so far from
repenting, my motives in bringing it forward were honourable
and pure, and nothing should induce me to recall from the
Roman catholics the privileges which that measure had con-
ferred. The opinions which I have professed, and to which
I adhere, and upon which I will act, whether in opposition or
power, are moderate opinions—(hear)—and they are opinions
in conformity with the prevailing good sense, moderation, and
intelligence of the people of England." (Hear and cheers.)
Here the right honourable baronet avows that he
does not repent of the Popish emancipation act—and
that the opinions which he acts upon are " moderate"
opinions—a declaration which we allow to be candid,
though it does not challenge our approbation. With
regard to the emancipation act, we believe, few ever
doubted that his motives were " honourable and pure:"
the great bulk of his friends and admirers never sup-
posed that it was any thing but an error of judgment
on his part. The right honourable gentleman now
declares, that he does not repent of the course he took
in passing that measure, and ;that " nothing should
induce him to recall from the Roman Catholics the
privileges which that measure conferred." From this
one should infer, that the working of the act has not
disappointed him. If this he so, his expectations con-
cerning it must surely have been very moderate indeed,
and no reliance whatever could he have placed in those
numerous and various highly-wrought pictures and
beforet
predictions which the more zealous advocates and
agitatorshe vvorld.of Measure easure were in the habit of setting
castles in the Whoever looks back at these fine
air—these shewy and attractive pros-
pectus'--and compares them with the flat realities of
the scene—the actual results that have followed—must

4110 W ;ha AMC 1s tho litnvot tllowity botwoon tho

prptnige ling gie pofornipgg, and that tlta concluelpn
hes beeh lame and inipptgitt beyond all ealculqtiPP,
Has the emancipation act brought peace and
.coptrpt-
ment to Ireland, as it was promised and wowed a
thousand times over that it should ? Has it attached
the Romanists in any degree more to the institutions
of the state than they were before ? Nothing of the

kind appears ; on the contrary, they are ever to be
found foremost in the ranks of its most determined

foes.
Has Sir Robert Peel, or the Duke of Wellington
had cause to be pleased with the gratitude of Papists
for all the favours which, together, they were so mainly
the instruments of conferring upon them ? We are
not aware of it unless they regard expressions of the
most rancorous hatred, and acts of the most determined
hostility to their government or policy as tokens of it.
The Papists of Ireland have kept faith with regard to
the established church, by breaking out into open
rebellion within one short year from the passing of
that great " healing" measure, which was to subdue
all their feelings of animosity against it. A million of
money, granted by Parliament, has fallen very far short
of compensating the clergy for the pecuniary losses
they sustained by that insurrection, to say nothing of
the loss of life, which money could not compensate,
of which-it was the occasion. And what was the end ?
Why a composition with the insurgents, which has
deprived the Irish church of one-fourth of its income.
We cannot imagine what worse than this could have
happened had there been no breaking in .upon the
Constitution—no healing measure at all.
But again, what has been the working of the eman-
cipation act upon the Constitution ? Have the Papists
let into Parliament added strength to the Conservative
cause, or otherwise ? Surely, the O'Connellry of the
House of Commons gives an abundant answer to the
question. It is to the emancipation act we owe the
tyranny of the Whig-Radical faction—the Melbourne
Ministry—the Russell pertinacity—the Lichfield House
compact—and every Anti-English and Anti-Protestant
measure or project that has issued from Government
since the bill was passed. It is the emancipation act
that has kept in a ministry after the House of Com-
mons voted them unworthy of confidence ;—and yet
Sir Robert Peel says he does not repent of the act,
and that nothing could induce him to repeal it ! Well,
we would be sorry to raise a schism on the question ;
but we acknowledge that we do -not sympathise with
the right honourable baronet on this head.
With regard to the declaration that his opinions are
" moderate" opinions, we would not wish to raise any
captious objection or mere cavil; but, philosophically
speaking, we really.do not understand what is meant
by moderate opinions. Scripture says, " Let your mo-
deration be known unto all men ;" but the moderation
there spoken of is, we presume, moderation in con-
duct—moderation in language—an abstinence from all
excess in whatever excess would be error; it is an ex-
hortation to the suaviter in modo, but without any
abatement, we should think, of the fortiter in re. -But
a moderate opinion would seem to be a different thing.
Now, there are right opinions and wrong opinions, but,
may we ask, is there also a third class neither wrong
nor right which is to be honoured with the title of mo-
derate P—and if there be, is that the class which the
honourable member for Tamworth conceives to be
" most in conformity with the prevailing good sense
and intelligence of the people of England" ? We do
not desire to dwell upon this subject; we advert to it
merely for the purpose of observing that though we
willingly recognise the right honourable gentleman as
the leader of the Conservative party, and entertain the
highest opinion of his purity of motive and integrity—
of his great talents and many virtues—yet that we are
not insensible to what we conceive to be his imperfec-
We certainly do not approve of opinions which
are only moderately right ; we should rather have them
strictly and entirely so. We are opposed to any com-
promise between truth and error. We wish that men
should make a choice and be decided in their opinions.
Moderation in maintaining and enforcing them is another

matter. If our Church is to be maintained, or, in other
words, if this great nation is to be saved from the hands
of its enemies, men must choose between Protestantism
and Liberalism, or Protestantism and Popery, and act
upon that choice. We know of no middle course that
we can esteem either honourable or safe.

We perused with infinite satisfaction, as we doubt
not so did most of our readers, the manly and eloquent
speech of a worthy Wesleyan, Mr. Heald, of Parr's
Wood, Stockport, which appeared in our last paper.
The Conservative cause derives no small addition from
the support of the Wesleyans as a body, and it is an
additional source of congratulation that they do not
rest contented with giving that support in silence, but
that they do, from time to time as occasion may re-
quire, proclaim the reasons and grounds of it through
organs of so much respectability and influence as the
gentleman whose name we have just mentioned. His
speech at a meeting of North Cheshire Conservative
electors removes all doubts, if any should have existed,
as to the side which the Wesleyans have taken, and
will take, in all contests between the revolutionist
party and the maintainers of the constitution. They
have unfortunately to a great extent become separatists
from the Church ; but all who are acquainted, with the
early history of Methodism must be aware that sepa-
ration was not the origin?! object of its founder. But
though Wesleyans are now for the most part separa-
tists in congregational government and worship, hos-
tility to the Established Church and the fundamental
institutions of the country forms no part of those ties
by which their body is knit together. " The points
" upon which we agree," says Mr. Heald, " are so
" many and important, and those upon which we differ
" so comparatively limited and unimportant, that it ap-
" pears to me no consideration would justify us with-
" holding our cordial and unanimous support to the
" Conservative cause, at this important juncture of our
" national affairs." To this avowal of Conservatism
he adds the following explanatory comment—valuable
and true in all respects :

" Let us make what we have safe, and then we are in a
position, but not until then, to administer the affairs of this
great country with a large and expansive liberality. These
two views comprehend the basis of my political creed, and
no man in the Queen's dominions, sir, would rejoice more
than I should, to see our civil and religious institutions, ce-
mented together as they have been by the wisdom, and piety,
and valour of our ancestors, graced by this high and enviable
distinction. For when we are safe, we can afford to be both
tolerant and generous. (Hear.) Apply these views to the
national establishment of this country, to the principle of
which lam as fixed and unalterable a friend as any gentle-
man around me, who is more immediately within its pale.
And, sir, I am satisfied that the establishment can afford to
cherish and enforce a liberal policy. She has a stronghold
upon the affections of the people of this country, and, if true
to her own principles and the elevated position she occupies,
and in which Ifor one always wish to see her, she need not
and will not fall by any hostile hand without."

Language more decided and unequivocal could not
be desired of any man. The whole speech was indeed
one animated strain of the " thoughts that breathe
and words that burn;" and there is an agreeable im-
pression left upon our feelings, as well as conviction
upon our mind, that the Wesleyan body of the king-
dom—concurring, as we are sure they do, in the senti-
ments uttered—are among the staunchest supporters
of Conservative legislation and government. What
these are to be, and how conducted, forms just now one
of the most interesting subjects of speculation.
It is a curious fact, as noticed in an able article of
the last Quarterly Review, that the ministry which
introduced the reform, or as Lord John Russell called
it, the revolution of 1832, has ceased to exist. The
eform government consisted of—Lord Grey, Lord
Brougham, Lord Spencer, the Duke of Richmond,
Lord Carlisle, Lord Ripon, Lord Durham, Lord Hol-
land, Lord Auckland, Lord Glenelg, Sir James Graham,
Lord Stanley, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Melbourne,
Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell. "Of these six-
" teen ministers," says the reviewer, " and four others
,c —Lords Monteagle, Sydenham, and Howick, and
Mr. Ellice—who have since walked across the stage,
" no less than fifteen (Lord Holland only dying a na-
" tural death) have been, in various ways, successively
" eliminated from a cabinet which still professes to
" stand on the same basis, and to act on the same
" principles, as when originally formed by those whom
" it has thus expelled from its councils."

The fact is certainly remarkable ; and now the rem-
nant, consisting of Lords Lansdowne, Melbourne,
Palmerston, and Russell, is about to be cut off. Citizen
Vergniaud was certainly right, that it is the nature of
a revolution to devour, like Saturn, its own children.
The authors of the revolution had surely ample scope
and verge enough allowed them. The constitution
was placed at their mercy, to be cut and carved at their

140110.440 lAn MP folder of the PAWN w At their
leek, and Ole try Of the people wont before thorn
and yet wbei e are these reformers now ? All chop-
fallen, or nearly so, and - the very last of the Mohicans
soon about to follow them into the land of forgetful-
ness. The Duke of Wellington quietly observed, at
the moment of the revolution, that " he did not see
how the government of the country could be carried
on ;" and now one. thing clearly appears, and that is,
that the authors of the bill could not do it. The rump
and their Papist associates will shortly be removed, and
then the interesting experiment will commence, whe-
ther Sir R. Peel and the Conservatives can work the
machine which the late improvers were forced most
disgracefully to abandon. They must work it as they
find it. It is vain to think of restoring it to its former
That, so far as regards the reform measure, is
quite out of the question.; it is a political impossibi-
lity. The Duke of Wellington's query, therefore, must
be answered—namely, how will you carry on the go-
vernment—how do you propose permanently to con-
duct the administration of affairs with such a quantity
of power residing in the -lower parts of the machine ?
This is the knot for our political engineers to untie ; it

is one well worthy of the most profound attention

It may be said, perhaps, that the country, now re-
turning a Conservative House of Commons, and giv-
ing Sir R. Peel on the instant a working majority of
fifty [or sixty, or even more, is a sufficient solution
of the difficulty. So far we grant that this is
well; but unless some great Conservative and consti-
tutional movement be made—a movement which it
will take time to bring about, and 'render, of any effi-
cacy—we must regard Conservative ascendancy as
precarious, and Sir R. Peel's premiership, or that of
any other Conservative statesman, insecure.
The Duke of Wellington's observation is founded
upon the difficulty which he supposes to exist in a mi-
nister obtaining a House of Commons sufficiently fa-
vourable to him for all gubernatorial purposes, without
the aid of the excised boroughs or borough patronage.
But is it not manifest that this difficulty would be ob-
viated if the minister had a willing people to deal with ?
This we take to be the answer to the question. The
Reform clearly set up, or at least established, a new
principle, and, in order to make the machine work, you
must act upon this new principle. You cannot get rid
of it, nor overcome its force by any by-ends ; you have
but one thing for it, and that is, to take it, and work
it out..

Sir Robert Peel has wisely declared that he will do—
what the Radicals would not do, if they could help
themselves—namely, stand by the Reform Bill as a
final measure. But if that act is to remain—as remain
it must—then in order to have a good working Con-
servative administration under it, you must have a
Conservative democracy. The people must be looked
after—the poor must be cared for—the Church must
be extended—national education on Church principles
must be promoted ;—these are the conditions prece-
dent—the fundamental terms which must be fulfilled
before Reform and Conservation can work harmoni-
ously together, or Conservative government can be se-
cure or permanent. We know of no middle course—
no moderation—that,will not be dangerous, as regards
these essential points. If a Conservative ministry he-
sitates here, it is lost. If it think of conciliating Pa-
pists and Radicals by any compromising system with
respect to these important heads, it may " fret its hour
upon the stage," but it will be a short one, and then it
will depart, conscious only of its misused opportunities
and neglected means, and utterly hopeless as to the
future. If that course be followed which seems dic-
tated by true wisdom, the Reform Bill is capable of
being converted into one of our greatest political
blessings.

THE official declaration of the state of the poll for
Dublin on Wednesday evening, being the second day
of the election, is so extremely satisfactory that we
begin to participate in the presentirnents of our Con-
servative friends of that city, and to feel confidence in
their predictions, that the Arch-Agitator, and his asso-
ciate will be deposed. This will be a matter of un-
speakable delight to the Protestant citizens of Dublin,
and of unfeigned pleasure, we may add, to the Con-
servatives of the empire. O'Connell has too long
usurped the seat. His being returned for it, was a
sort of living falsification. He did not represent the
aristocracy of Dublin, nor even the respectable middle
orders, both of which are Protestant and Conservative.
He represented nothing but the Trades' Unions, and
the rabble. His repeated returns are only attributable
to the reform bill before its operation had been properly
carried out by the Conservative party, and to uncon-
stitutional influences. Things are now at length about
to right themselves —or at least we hope so, and the
Repealer must sink down to one of his " boroughs."
His rejection at Dublin will be a bad pass-port to the
county electors of Carlow, and ominous of his fate
in that quarter also. He has " boroughs " enough
however to fall back upon—boroughs of which he
carries the key in perfect security. There is first
Kilkenny—which he sells or gives away as if it were a
certain amount of stock in the three per cent. consuls.
One of the "scions" has got it on the present occasion.
Then there is Dungarvan—which the Judge Advocate
General, Mr. Shiel, has just stepped into—denouncing
the county of Tipperary. Then there is Clonmel—
then Ennis—Ross—Dundalk, and we regret to add
Kinsale, which has just returned a Repealer in the
room of Colonel Thomas, a Conservative--cum multis
aliis. There is no likelihood of the Arch-Agitator
being left without a seat, for however Reform may have
operated to deprive others of the nomination power, it
transferred it to him with extraordinary plenitude.
We do not, as we have said on a former occasion, an-
ticipate on the whole, any alteration of consequence in
the returns from Ireland. Under the existing system,
the priest-power is supreme, and where it has materials
to act upon, carries all before it. By the way, it was
a good joke to hear the Arch-demagogue enveighing
against Mr, Grogan, for having used the following
words at an electioneering meeting :—" No matter
what condition in life he may be in, every man in this
country must have seen before this how the influence of
Popery is pervading every thing in the land, and was it
not time to resist the evil, and remove the withering
blight ?" Upon the strength of this passage he de-
nounced Mr. Grogan as an "exterminator, and a
preacher of extermination"—and Mr. West also for
having sat by and hearing such language in silence.
Mr. West, on his subsequent speech, endeavoured to
excuse himself, and talked a great deal more liberalism
than we at all like to hear out of the mouth of a Con-
servative candidate. There was nothing in the lan-
guage above quoted thatlneeded palliation or excuse.
He was just right and true to the letter. Yes, every
man that knows any thing of Ireland will say, that the
"influence of Popery is pervading every thing in the
land," and that "it is time to resist,the evil, and re-
move the withering blight." This is just the fact.
But the Arch-demagogue with his usual aptitude for
persuasion immediately cries out, " extermination !
you want to exterminate the people !" There he
argued from the Pope's practice and his own. When
his holiness issues a bull for the " extirpation of
heresy," his myrmidons are by no means particular
about the person of the heretic, and if the heresy can-
not be rooted up without destroying the heretic, away
they go both together. The learning on this interest..
ing subject may all be found in the authorised version
of Dens's Theology, which will be better studied by the
light of some of the Rev. Robert M‘Ghee's admirable
commentaries. But this is not the Protestant method
of proceeding; we wish to cure the fault, hut spare the
man. Extermination makes no part of the Protestant
creed. We shall not waste words, however, in com-
bating any allegation that falls from the lips of so
notorious a falsifier as the arch-demagogue. The man
who comes up to Dublin fresh from a crusade of no
metaphorical, but of actual extermination in the County
of Carlow, there to charge an opponent with a crime
not only never practised, but never even thought of or
alluded to by him, is just that sort of disgusting hypo-
crite who is best treated by silent contempt. 'We shall
only add, that if Popery—the metaphysical falsehood
which men call Popery—be irremediable and immove-
able in Ireland, then the Emerald isle is certainly a
doomed land. We do not pretend to say, that it is in
the power of man to remove it; but we do say, that
the removal should never be despaired of—that all
proper methods for removing it should be resorted to
and that, last of all, should any compromise be entered
into, as if it were intended to abandon the country to,
or share its dominion with it.