The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-12-27 00:00:00

THE ITAVERPOOT, STANDARD.

TO THE TRADE MEN OF GREAT BRITAIN AND

IRELAND,

FELT COUNTRYMEN,—At the present eventful period, when
society is in a state of transition, and the'antagonist principles
of good and evil are struggling for ascendancy—when experi-
ments not merely of a questionable but a dangerous ❑ature are
made upon our national institutions by rulers who basely sub-
mit to coercion from men devoid of political, and in many cases
of moral, principle—when, under the specious name of reform,
changes are sought to be introduced which have, in all nations
where such experiments have socceeded;.been the precursors of
anarchy and despotism—when, under the covert pretext of or-
ganic change, the independence of the upper house, and with it
the happy equilibrium of the British 'constitution is sought to he
destroyed—when the church of our forefathers is assailed by a
motley array of Papists, Socinians, Infidels, and others, who
are themselves disagreed upon all points except that of her de-
struction—when the throne itself is safe only till the period when
its strongest bulwarks are removed, and until it can be attacked
with greater safety and certainty—we, the Conservative Trades-
men of Liverpool, deem it to be our duty, as we feel it to be our
privilege, to call upon you, our Fellow Tradesmen throughout
the empire, to form yourselves into Local Conservative Asso-
ciations, that we may be united in one sacred baud, determined
to resist the further progress of revolutionary measures, and to
stand firmly by that constitution which has been the slow but
sure growth of ages, and which we believe to be the greatest
preservative of civil and religious liberty that any nation has
been privileged to enjoy.
Rejoicing as we do over the growth of national intelligence--
of commercial enterprise—of extended knowledge in the arts
and sciences—and of the characteristic industry of our country,
and freely admitting that, by the lapse of ages, errors and
abuses may have crept into our institutions, we are not opposed
to safe and constitutional remedies which have been rendered
actually necessary by the changes that have been wrought in
the structure of society, but we cannot close our eyes to the
fact, that many of those who advocate reform secretly mean
destruction; that their desire is the extension of republican
principles, and the introduction of systems repugnant to the
wishes of the majority of the property and intelligence of the
land, opposed to all subordination, and totally incompatible
with the security of monarchical institutions.

Many amongst us hive risen from the class of labouring me-
chanics, have been protected in courses of industry, and have
enjoyed the blessings which the equal laws of Great Britain
offer to all; and our associations and stations in life give us
abundant opportunity of noting the progress of public opinion.
A solemn act of the legislature having invested us with elec-
tive privileges, has virtually placed in our hands, humanly
speaking, the present welfare and the future happiness or misery
of our country. With the privilege of franchise is connected
the responsibility of employing it aright; and, forming as we
do, the connecting link between the rich and the poor, we are
accountable to God, to our country, and to postinity, for the use
we make of the power with which we have been invested.

Disguise it as we may, it is an assured fact that popery is pre-
dominant in the councils of the nation—that a popish faction in
Ireland now usurp the authority of the executive, without even
the acknowledgment of responsibility; and that as long as par-
ties are so evenly balanced that a few votes will cause either to
preponderate, the ministry of the day must ever be at the mercy
of popish influence, and must concede their demands, however
outrageous, or resign the helm into other hands, to be similarly
dealt with. When, however, it is the misfortune of the country
that men utterly devoid of principle are in possession of the
reins of government, whose latitudinarianism and flexibility are
as expansive as the demands of scepticism and sedition are in-
sulting and treasonable, and when we look in vain amongst the
majority of our rulers for that uncompromising rectitude o 1
principle which animated our forefathers in times of public
danger, we feel that the period has arrived when neutrality is
unpardonable, and when it is our duty to associate ourselves to-
gether, determined, with the help of Providence, to resist the
destructive principles now afloat, and to join heart and hand for
the preservation of all we hold dear. We believe that unless a`
resolute stand be made by the middle classes of society, in de-
fence of the British constitution, that it must fall, and with it be
extinguished a greater measure of national freedom than any
people have yet enjoyed.

Religion is now deemed a point of little consequence in civil
government, instead of being regarded as the great spring of
men's actions and determinations; and our rules both general
and local, now advocate the doctrine that any religion or no
religion shall not disqualify a man from places of public trust.
But the spurious notion of general benevolence, however
specious in theory, is a meagre substitute for the valuable realities
resulting from that religious principle which is founded on
scriptural truth, and which we trust is yet deeply rooted in the
affections of the British people. We assert that the genuine
spirit of protestantism which repudiates all connection with
popery, and which stands aloof flour latitudinarianism both in
civil and religious matters, must be revivei amongst us, and
those men, no matter what the denomination, who can make
common cause with the enemies of our church and country:
must be removed from places of public trust and Lke made to
feel the weight of general and virtuous indignation.
It is high time that the members of the established churehes
should learn to distinguish their friends fi oni their foes, and be-
tween those who openly avow their desire for their destruction,
and those who are servilely found in the ranks of their enemies,
yet hypocritically wearing their livery, and answering to the
muster roll of their soldiers.

We think that the Conservative press has been too long
neglected, and has not received that support which its impor-
tance demands. It is a lamentable fact that numberless Con-
servatives support the radical and revolutionary journals to the
neglect of their own, and thus assist in the dissemination of
moral poison throughout the land. The advertisements and
circulation of these' papers is thus increased by Conservative
support, vvl,ilst our opponents, with more consistency, but less
liberality, are rarely found supporting journals in opposition to
their political opinions.
The press is a great moral enginb, which has done and will
yet do more for the propagation of conservative principles than
any other means. We call upon you, therefore, to support it in
every possible way.
It is our fervent wish that you should form conservative
associations in every town, that each loyal tradesman may know
his fellow—may have a rallying point—may be enabled to
attend in bodies at public meetings, and so be ready to support
each other, and to coalesce with other towns and counties in the
maintenance of conservative principles.
Remembering that unopposed minorities have in all countries
precipitated revolutions, and that the agitations of restless
demagogues, when tamely submitted to, have always ended in
bloodshed, anarchy, and at last military despotism, let us derive
lessons of wisdom from the records of history; let us declare
boldly for God and our country; let us use all the means and
influence which Providence has placed at our disposal, with
faithfulness, energy, and sincerity, and then leave the issue in
His hand who rules the destinies of nations.
EDWARD BYFORD, Secretary.

MR. JAMES EFEYWORTH AND EVERTON AND
KIRKOALE WARD.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST.,4ND4RD.

SIR,-1, am delighted to find the manner in which the resi-
dents of this ward are taking up the cowardly attack made
lately upon Mr. Hevworth, their conservative reliresentative.
I do ❑ot know where a gentleman could be found, who could
have so efficiently represented this ward in the council, as Mr.
Hey worth has dune ; indeed, it was my conviction, when he was
first brought forward as a candidate, that he was the most fit.
It appears there were difficulties in the way at the time—dif-
ficulties not arising from there being any objections in the minds
of the conservative electors of the ward to him; or, indeed, in
the minds of those who were opposed to hint in politics—for it is
a remarkable fact, that a very respectable gentleman of that
party, Mr. John M‘George --one who had grown gray in the
service—the hard service of whiggery—for truly, a hard service
it is, attended the meeting at Kirkdale, when Mr. Heyworth
was proposed, and voluntarily, unsolicited, and, I need scarcely
add, unexpectedly came forward and expressed his great re-
spect for that gentleman, arising from a long acquaintance with
his character, and his conviction of his fitness to represent the
ward in the Town Council. Nay, such is the esteem in which
he is held by men of all parties, that at our ward dinner—that
memorable dinner—at which the speech was made, which has
set our liberal friends in the council by the ears, that we were
favoured by the company of the radical assessor of the ward.
The difficulties were not with the electors of the ward, for he
had long resided in the neighbourhood, was well known and
much respected, both by the rich and by the poor. (to whom his
general benevolence is a matter of notoriety.) The difficulties
were in the objection of Mr. Heyworth's own mind; and, from
the known character of the majority of that council, their con-
duct in general, and'their conduct in particular on a late oc-
casion, a notion may he formed of some of them; he had a
strong objection to go into the council, and he would not have
consented to have gone, if he had not, nolens volens been forced
there.

I do not wish to disparage the services of other conservative
gentlemen in the council. for what—as Mr. Heyworth observed
at our ward dinner—could they do? A small minority, against
the cabals of the tyrant majority arrayed against them; but I
cannot, in justice to the man of our choice but say, they have
done much, but he has done more; and, at the next municipal
election, in our selection of the candidate for our ward, I hope
we may be as fortunate as we were at the last--that we may hit
upon a gentleman of the same firm determination, unflinching
integrity, and uncompromising principles.
In the first reformed (?) council, the number of conservative
members was small indeed; it is still small, buts I hope, at the
next-election it will swell out, to be equal, if not superior to that
of our opponents; that that little band may go on increasing,
until it becomes a large company; and if an allusion to holy
writ is not out of place—" That like the cloud no bigger than a
man's hand," it may swell out and extend itself, giving tokens of
an abundance of great rain.
Hitherto the- harmony of that most inharmonious body—the
Town Council—had been unbroken, except, indeed. by their
own paltry jealousies, their petty intrigues, conflicting inter,
gists, and the carping& of their disappointed expectants ; but
now, when the property and intelligence of the town is begin-
ning to be represented—when they are reflected there by gen-
tlemen who are not from their necessities liable to temptation,
or. from their education and standing in society, likely to
"dodge and polter in the shifts of meanness:" they feel un-
easy, suspicious, and spiteful. Whether they\ are falsely
alarmed, or-groundlessly afraid, I know not; but as ail man-
kind are liable to err, and most require to be kept in check,
when they have money and patronage, largely, at their die-,
posak; so I think that the most ardent admirer of radicalism
will admit, the possibility—mind I do not the probability—of
their going a little astray, in the absence of some. wholesome
controul.
No wonder that the feelings of the peoples' friends should be
wounded, when they were told that they had used the power
and patronage committed to them; in trust, for the general
good—they who had all their lives long believed, or wished to
make others believe—that they would be pure and uncorrupt in
all their dealings in public matters, that they would not only
not lavish their favours upon their relations, personal friends,
buts that theylwould equally pass by their political adherents;
I say, no wonder that they should be annoyed when they were
told that they had not only put their own relations, personal
friends, and political adherents into places, but they had turned
out the old servants of the public,—whose only fault was that
they were tories—to make room for then): and that, when
pl ices could not be found—either from the voluntary resigna-
lion of some, who knew that if they remained these places
would be made ton hot for them, or from the compulsory dis-
charge of others—places were actually made.
It would be too much to expect from the party—that in-
famous party—who had framed that most infamous enactment
of the poor-law bill—to commiserate the feelings of old people,
when they were thus abruptly sent away from the places they
were attached to from their youth, and in which they, from
custom, supposed they had a life interest—or the actual misery
that .would be brought upon some, by not being able to earn
their living in any other way; for every one knows the diffi-
culty that persons who have been brought up in public offices,
in gaining their livelihood in any other way. [rue it is, not
many—thanks to the House of Lords, who had a sort of pro-
phetic knowledge of what the treatment of such persons would
be—have been thus left desolate, but some have; and those that
were not have become a burthen—not upon the private re-
sources of those who were thus unworthily making provision
for their friends—but upon the public ; men who for many years
would have been able and willing to serve them. And have
the public been benefited by those changes? Have those per-
sons who have been substituted talents superior to those who
have been removed? Certainly not. We challenge compa-
risons, (comparisons are odious, as the common proverb has it,
and in this instance, no doubt, particularly odious to tne Town
Council,) yet, notwithstanding their—let others judge whether
they are honest—prejudices—we must institute comparisons.
Is the office of Town-clerk better filled by Mr. Radcliffe than
it was by Mr. Foster ? Is' the office of Treasurer better filled
by Mr, Wybergh than it was by Mr. Case ? Is the office of
Surveyor better filled by Mr. Franklin than it was by Mr. John
Foster ? Is not the answer plain to any man of common sense ;
and the reason obvious why these changes were made—i. e.
that the radicals might get places for their friends, and is not.
Mr.-Thomas Smith correct in saying, " that we have a mort-
gaged council," that thef are pledged up to the chin in promises
to their supporters..
It is an unpleasant thing, it is a hard thing to be placed as
Mr. James Hevworth is in the Town Council,-to have to fight,
almost single-lianded, such a, conclave as, at present, that body
is constituted; for, however much they may disagree amongst
themselves upon many subjects, and disagree they do, they are
quite agreed upon one, viz., to oppose all that is conservative
in our civil, and all that is ristian in our religious institutions;
and though Mr. Heyworth is a host in himself, and equal to
the whole horde, (for when were not principle and consistency
equal, though in one individual, to their opposite qualities in a
hundred?) and though the greatest satisfaction a gentleman
has, in doing what he thinks is his duty, is the approbation of
his own conscience; yet there is something in knowing that his
conduct is approved of by those for whom he may have an es-
tehn. Further, I feel it is a duty we owe to him for thus fear-
lessly fighting our battles, opposed as he is, by such an unequal
force ; and, further, it is, as a matter of self-preservation, our
interest, as well as our duty, to express our determination to
support those who manfully, and at such fearful odds, in point
of numbers, stand up for us; for if such fearless conduct meet
not with our marked approbation and support, how can we ex-
pect any one to enter the lists for us. And, if any other reason
is wanted, it is our duty to show to his oppressors, and our op-
-pressors, our contempt and disapprobation of their conduct.
Obviously, the thanks of the electors of our ward in particular,
and that of those in every other ward in general, are eminently
due to Mr. James Heyworth.
I feel, too, that the thanks of all independent men are due to
'Mr. Samuel Holnie, for the prompt manner in which he drew
,the attention of the public, through the medium of the Trades-
Imen's Conservative Snciety, to the meritorious conduct of Mr.
Heyworth, in exposing the delinquencies of the Council ; and
though his talented and piquant letter to the chairman pro tem.
of the meeting, not being able to attend himself, was not, evi-
dently, intended to be made public, as, doubtless, from his
known courtesy. it would have been couched in more softened,
though not one iota less firm language ; for it contains only his,
as well as that of conservatives generally, sentiments avowed
both in private as well as in public a thousand times over.
The vauntings of the radicals, as put forth in their hireling
journals, upon their supposed vanquishment of Mr. Heyworth,
in their cowardly attacks upon him in the Council-room, re-
minds me of those juvenile rhymes, perhaps not in the Rath-
bone collection—

"Father, mother, and I, with a stout and sturdy hand,
Beat a very little boy until he could neither walk nor stand."
Where was that mild and religious gentleman, Mr. Black-
burn, the divinity lecture' of the Town Council, in whose ac-
count of the Irish schools there are more misstatements than in
the same length that I ever read in any other document pro-
fessing to come from a gentleman ; and the most charitable
construction that I can put upon it is, that it was made in a total
ignorance of the subject. Where was he, when his friend—
pot he by name Bully—for there is one in that august body by
name Bully, as well as one by nature—Bully. I say where was
he, whose theology is put forth so ostentatiously, wheir God's
holy word is to be sacrificed to help forward the Socinian scheme
of educating youth without religion ? Where was he when his
-friend insulted the laws of righteous heaven, by seeking to em-
brue his hands in the blood of his fellow Creature ?
A word or two about the schools, and then I have done.
Where are now those ministers that our voluntaries are so fond
of boasting of, now that the schools are abandoned by the clergy?
Abandoned, did I say, yes, but not willingly. Had the Town
Council left them as they found them, the clergy would still
visit them, but now they cannot, now they dare not; true, still,
the altar is there, but the sacred fire is gone. Where are those
men, the pride and boast of the voluntary system? The foot of
no teacher of religion, I speak of the south school, ever enters
there except that of a Romish_ priest; and, as a dissenter, a
Councilman, and liberal, said to me, a few days ago, with a sort
of leer—" it will be well if he confines his instructions to his own
children ;" and it is a fact, those few protestant children who
remain in the school, "those few sheep" have no religious in-
struction whatever, except what they receive from the gratui-
tous zeal of the lady of a Councilmap, who, as if she felt con-
scious that her husband had been instrumental in bringing
upon the school its present moral dearth, thought she ought to
do something in mitigation of its degradation. "She bath done
what she could;" and let us hope that she, uninfluenced by
those principles which have blighted and deadened the better
feelings of her husband, in secret, unseen by mortal eye, un-
heard by mortal ear, pours forth, in tears, a prayer;' and such a
prayer as woman, for her husband only, can pray. But what
will become of those little rhildsen, when, from choice or ne-
cessity, this benevolent lady withdraws from the school? Is it
not more than probable that the result will be, (what my friend,
the Councilman, in his iuuendo, hinted it may now be,) that it
will become a popish seminary?
It is not generally known, that soon after the election of the
first Council, a committee was formed to investigate the con-
tracts of the sale of land made by the old corporation ? From
their silence upon the subject, the result may be easily guessed
at ; had anything wrong been found on—would they have ob-
served such a dignified silence? And such was the examina-
tion _to which some of the old servants of the corporation were
subiett, that questions were put involving ideas that never en-
tered, from their wickedness into their minds, and could only
emanate from those of the darkest hue.
I never enter the Town-hall, through its dark and tortuous
passages, made so by late changes—would that all their changes
had been so harmless—though lights are kept constantly burn-
ing, showing that though the light of reason (according to
some) may enter there, the light of heaven, in more senses,
perhaps, than one never can • I say I ❑ever enter there but I
am reminded of some ancient mansion, once the abode of the
noble and the good, that has fallen into the hands of some ras-
cally attorney, sufficient, of the old furniture remaining to show
its former splendour.—Yours,
AN INHABITANT OF KIRKDALE.

Flan IN OLDH A 7,1-STREET.—On Saturday morning as police;
officer Brien, No. 327, was passing the premises of Mr. Bd.
mmulson, Oldham-street, he discovered them to be oh fire he
immediately gave the alarm, and three young men', Messrs.
M`Carthy, Aspinall, and Smith, who were returning from the
fire in Pownall-street, came to his assistance. They gave the
alarm to the famil, and gained admittance to the premil"es ;
and before the engines arrived they succeeded in getting the
under. Muth praise is due to them for their exertions.

TO THEIR. HONOURS THE COMMITTEE OF THE
NORTH CORPORATION SCHOOL,

MAY IT PCfiASr YOUR HONOURS,--1 Thady Brady, of Kit-
megranny, schoolmaster, seeing that Mrs. Fianntigan continues
to boAier me, and that I'm torn to pieces between the priest
and the parson, wittiont being able to please either of them,
humbly beg your honours to give me the place of master to
your girls school, where I'm told you turned the parsons out,
after the holydays, so that I'll be quit of them any how, if I
come : and as I see you're very particular about qualifications,
I just beg leave to acquaint you with mine. And first as to po-
litics; I'm an unflinching reformer, and for universal suffridge,
and vote by ballot, and peerage reform, and the voluntary sys-
tem, and all that; and as soon as I get a vote, I'll give it, of
course, as my employers bid me.
2d.--As to religion I'm of the ould church, and "admit the
Holy Scriptures according to that sense wiiich ourholy mother
church has held and doeb hold; neither will I evertake or interpret
them otherwise than according to the unanimous consent of the
fathers, and I acknowledge the holy Catholic Apostolic Roman
Church for the mother and mistress of churches, and promise
true obedience to the Bishop of Rome." But, nevertheless, I
have no objection to teach what's commonly called "The
Church Catechism," because, in the first place, one of your
honourable committee says, " it's full of popery from beginning
to end ; " and next if it is'nt, one of your honourable committee
(teaches it, although he thinks it "full of idolatry; " because as
he justly argues though it's idolatry to him it isn't so to them;
and if they will be damned their own way it isn't my fault, any
how; so that I'm not particular, and will teach any thing you
wish me to teach in school hours or out of school hours when
or how you please—and if that it is not liberty Of conscience I
don't know what is. Next as to morals, I understand
.yon are
not so particular as to what a man was so that he is reformed. I
was a little given to liquor but now am a tee-totaller. And
then as to my wife, I hope you'll take it for granted that I am
married, without requiring me to bring marriage lines, because
I've lost mine (if 1 ever had any) and bee-fuse I know some of
you are not over strict in that way, and think that if folks Eve
comfortable as man and wife together, it isn't liberal to ask
whether or no they had a few words mumbled over them by a
priest or a parson. In short, please your honours, I'm sure
you'll find me an enlightened man in every way and do any
thing, and say,any thing, and teach any thing your honours
please, and if that wont please you, I don't know what will; and
so hoping for a liberal answer, I remain, your honours' humble •
servant, at command.
Kilmegrannv County Clare. THADY BRADY.