The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-03-09 00:00:00

was me

ad exclusive

Mr. Gray

Mrs. W

Servia

Miss Cleaver
To conclude with the Come* of tl.
HONEY MOW/

Duke Aranza, Mr. G. VandenhofOrßolando, Mr. J. S
Balls ; Count Montalban, Mr. W. H. Bland ; Jacques, Mr
Raker! Juliann_ Mr, W i-f .

lin ; Zamora, Mrs. Baker.'
Prices of Admission :—Boxes, 4s. ; Upper Boxes, 3s. 6d.;
Pit, 2s. 6d. ; Gallery, Is.
Doors to be opened at Half-past, Six, and the Performance
to commence at Seven.
The Box-office will be--opened daily, when Places in the
Boxes may be taken of Mr. MINSTER, from Ten until Three.
A limited number of Season Tickets to be disposed of.—
Application to be made at the Box-office.

On WEDNESDAY Evening, Shakspeare's Tragedy of
KING JOHN. King John, Mr. Elton ; Faulconbridge,
Mr. G. Vandeuhoff; Hubert, Mr. Stuart; Prince Arthur,
Miss Chaplin ; Lady ConstaiAe, Miss Cleaver ; Blanche,
Mrs. W. H. Bland. After which, the Farce of TURNING
THE TABLES. Jeremiah Bumps, Mr. J. S. Balls ; Jack
Humphreys, Mr. Baker; Patty Larkins, Mrs.. Clarke. To

,
conclude with the Farce of the' WEATIIERCOCK. Tris-
tram Fickle, Mr. J. S. Balls; Variella, Mrs. Barton.
The Tragedy of *JULIUS CIESAR having been received
on Monday evening With the most rapturous applause, will
be repeated on Thursday next, with the following cast of the
principal characters :—Btutus, Mr. Elton ; Mark Antony,
Mr. G. Vandenhoff; Cassius, Mr. Stuart. To conclude
with the new Farce of the DANCING BARBER. Nar-
cissus Fitzfrizzle, Mr. J. S. Balls.
On FRIDAY, Shakspeare's Tragedy of -KING LEAR.
After which, for the first time, a new Comic Drama, called
the CROWN PRINCE. To conclude with the new Farce,
never acted here, of the RAILROAD STATION, being for
the BENEFIT of Mr. J. S. BALLS, and the last night bat
one of his engagement:

On SATURDAY—A favourite Tragedy, and other enter-
tainments.

THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL

VER. J. S. BALLS respectfully announces his BENEFIT
.I.ti and Last Appearance will take place on PrttriAY next,
the 12th instant, whehmill be presented ShakspeOe's Play of

KING LEAR
Thus powerfully cz
Lear ..
Kent.. ... Mr. Bit
Edmund,
lon this occasion, f Mr. Vandenhoff
Oswald, } 1 Mr. .S. Balls.
Cordelia Mrs. W. H. Bland.

Ur. Stuart

.Miss Cleaver. I Gonerii Mrs. paker
After which, a New Drama, called
THE CROWN PRINCB ;
OR, THE BUCKLE OF BRILLIANTS.

Frederick Stoike, afterwards a Watchman and Prince
Albert Mr. J. S. Balls.
To conclude with
THE RAILROAD STATION.

The Public is respectfully. informed, this Train will start
exactly at Half-past Ten.
Jack Robins.. Mr. Balls. Mr. S. Jones.. Mr. Baker.
'rickets to be had of Mr.:BALLs, 63, Renshaw-street.

TO CORRESPONDENTS

We cannot inform " a true conservative," why the columns
of the Standard only are open for the purpose of refuting
the sophisms of Sir Joshua Walmsley. Our conservative

contem porarie

know the best

The communication from our Dublin correspondent arrived
too late, as the pressure of our local reports had anticipated
our space. Our friends would oblige us by addressing all
letters connected with the STANDARD to the firm at the
office.

riot a copy of the STANDARD of the 19th lilt., and
have therefore forwarded the publication of this day to
Wickham.

We ha

An Englishman" shall appear on Friday.
Fairplay" gives the lie direct to the title he assumes, by
the unfair insinuation conveyed in his letter. His igno-
rance is the only excuse we can assign for his impudence.
It was impossible on Friday to give insertion to the report
of the case to which he alludes, though it will be found in
our columns to-day.

In our notice of the Theatre-Royal, in our last, some unac-
countable mistakes occurred. For " Bassanio's losses"
read " Antonio:43 losses" ; for " Mr. Holl's Gratiano"
read " Mr. Holl' Bassanio"; and for " Mr. Gray's
i
Bassanio" read 'Tlt% Gray's Antonio."

ebt Mapco! atAanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 9, 1841

Our town-councillors, in their excursive liberality,
have lately added the Jews to the number of those out-
casts from our creed and constitution, on whom they

are desirous of bestowing privilege and honour. It is
not that the Jews have themselves been very solicitous
of such advancement; they have been apparently ra-
ther indifferent on the subject. It is not that their dis-
qualifications have been discovered to work any injury
to them or to the, state ; no, nothing of this sort, has
led our councillors to make a display of their " zeal
without,lcnowledge" in behalf of their suffering bre-
thren the Jews. Itnis a mere overflowing of that milk
of human kindness which runs in such agenial cur-
rent through their veins, and comes forward uncalled
for and unrequired. They have agreed to petition par-
liament in favpur of a bill for the admission of Jews
to municipal honours—upon the dictate of that prin-
ciple of Liberalism which is at present unfortunately
dominant in thet. Council, and from no other cause that
we can immediately discover. Their worships, per-
haps, had some idle time upon their hands, and thought
they might as well employ it in "sporting an opinion"
upon the disabilities of the Jews. Wednesday was a
sporting day : Aintree steeple-chase was a-foot; and
our civic dignitaries, rather than be idle, just mounted
their Pegasus, and did a few five-bar gates and tum-
bles in honour of the Hebrews, and for 'the amuse-
ment of their fellow- citizens.

As to the Liberal interest, we calculate that it would
derive but small accession of strength in the borough
from the representation of wards being thrown open to
Jews. We doubt if a Hebrew would get returned for
one of then], if the opportunity were afforded. It is
not natural to suppose that the burgesses would desire
to be represented by Jews; and from what we know
of the Hebrew character, it is most unlikely that any
Jew would waste his monish in trying to get repre-
sented by weight of purse against the natural inclina-
tion of the electors. \As to the Evans' and their bro-
ther " sportsmen" of the Council, we can easily sup-
pose that to them it would be all one whether their
companions in solemn assembly met were Jews, Turks,
Infidels, or Heretics ; any thing for them but the
strait-lacing of principle; hut it is impossible to con-
ceive that, in point of fact, they could calculate on be-
ing able to add to their small majority, every year
growing smaller and " beautifully less," or to prevent
the diminution of their approaching minority, by ob-
taining admissibility Yor Jews. No; the vote of last
Wednesday was a mere gratuitous display of Liberalism
for the honour and glory of the thing—a pure mani-
festation of the doctrine without the slightest regard
to any practical result, immediate or remote.

To the Jews themselves, As a people, we owe nothing
but benevolence; and we reckon that there is not a
Christian burgess in our borough but would gladly dis-

charge that duty in a suitable manner.. But we do not
owe to the Jews, nor to the Liberals, ror to any other

kindred or peoplergentle or simple, that we should un-
christianise our state for them. We owe them no
such obligation; but we oi,veit, on the contrary, to
ourselves, to them, and to the whole world, that we
should retain and preserve our Christian institutions
and national Christianity unimpaired. That is our first
duty.

When propositions such as we have now in view are
submitted to our consideration, it is fair to ask-have
we got tired of our political institutions, and do we
intend to surrender them to be made havoc of by men
who, in calling themselves Liberals, do, in fact, declare
that they have no fixed principles whatever ? If not,
then let us take our stand on the ancient ways, and not
only resist those attempts by which our constitution
must be overturned, but well mark out those who
make them. It is irrational and absurd to suppose
that it can continue long, if we fill the citadel with
enemies

Allow all places of honour, trust, and
power to be filled by Jews, Papists, Dissenters, Infi-
dels, and Liberals; and though the walls may remain
fix a little while—though the work of demolition may
be deferred for a moment—yet what can the end be
but destruction ? Enemies will not preserve that which
they hate, and when they find themselves in the pleni-
tude of power, assuWly their cry will be, " rase it,
rase it, even to the fotiiidation."
If Liberals e

sire to destroy that form of govern-,
ment and constitution under which our country has
become the glory of the earth, let them do so; but let
it be our business to resist their designs and disap-

point their malice. It. is a sacred duty incumbent
upon us, to transmit to our children, and to our
children's children, that constitution which we
have received as a previous inheritance from our fa-,
thers ; and, for this end, it is indispensably necessary
that we should place its known and trusty friends in
all places of power and dignity, and keep enemies out
of them. This is what common sense suggests, and it
Is a suggestion which we ought to obey in preference

Ind nonsense that Liberals can

A Liberal would put the management of our schools,
into the hands of Jews or Papists; for what cares he
in what religion the children of our people are brought
up : all religions are alike to him. But the Conserva-
tive, not having his religion to seek, cannot afford to
be quite so undistinguishing. He has found a creed
in the Church of his Fathers; and has taken it as the
chart to steer his earthly voyage by; and it must he,
as it ought to be, an object with 'him, second only in
importance to that which _concerns his own individual
safety, to preserve for others, as well as himself, an, in-
stitution to which •he owes so great a blessing. As

part and parcel then of this necessary system of de-
fence, we ought not to permit men who deny the Sa-
viour to be our rulers and legislators. It would be a
voluntary self-debasement—a gratuitous humiliation—
disgraceful to us alike as men and as Christians. We
Should thereby dishonour our•profession, and be unjust
not only to ourselves, but to those very persons whom
we would seem to honour by such means ; for it is
wrong, decidedly wrong, to place men in a situation
where they must necessarily be .in a state of conflict
between their secret feelings and their public pledges.
This is, indeed, Liberal practice; but, we trust, will
never be Conservative.,

It is impossible that any right-minded Englishman
could have read the speeches inserted in our last paper,
relative to the church in North Wales, without feeling
that a destructiivAblow has been aimed thereat by cer-
tain measures, either inchoate or intended. This is a
matter in which the people of Wales are not the only
parties concerned. It is the duty of every conservative
Englishman to make the call his own ; for it is part
and parcel of that system of aggression by which it is
sought to undermine the Church of England, and a
Christian estAblishment.everywhere.

The wrongs of which Wales has to complain are—
first, a reduction, in the number of her bishops; and
secondly, the tranlter of part of her ecclesiastical reve-
nues from her own poorly-endowed church and coun-
try, to England—one of these measures being already
decreed by act of parliament, and the other being at
present in progress of arrangement. Of both it can
truly be affirmed, that they are .‘.‘ heavy blows and
great discnuragements" to the people of Wales; and it

is only a matter of astonishment how such monstrous
injustice as thiy are calculatbd to effzet could have been
thought of.

The church in Wales is episcopal, as in England ;
and yet, as if episcopacy were an injury rather than a
benefit, it is•propased to merge :the sees of Bangor and
St. Asaph into one, in imitation of the lopping and
pruning system so ruinously practised in Ireland to
gratify the papists of that country. Now the church-
loving people in Wales, and the friends of the Church
of England in general, are at a loss to perceive how
this cutting down of the establishment evinces friend-
ship to it, and earnestly solicit that the sacrificial knife
may be arrested. This is what they ask, and surely
their request is neither immoderate nor extraordinary.
That, on the contrary, it is in every way reasonable,
abundant proofs have been given. The population of
the country has increased, and the pastoral super-
intendence of the church, therefore, needs increase
rather than diminution along with it.

" Look at the importance of North Wales," said the Rev.
Robert Davies, at the meeting alluded to, " look at the posi-
tion of the dioceses of Bangor and St. Asaph ; look at the
mountainous nature of the country, and the difficulty of ac-
cess from one place to another, and then say whether North
Wales did not present a- strong case for an increase rather
than a diminution in the number of bishops. Besides the
clergy would be placed generally at a greater distance from
their diocesan, and thus the intended union would obstruct
that pastoral _intercourse which ought always to subsist be-
tween a bishop• and his clergy."

But it is unnecessary to go into details. Every one

can conceive them. It is not those to whom the pri-
vation is threatened who are called upon to plead in
such a case, but those who seek to inflict it upon them.
We do not want to know that taking away overseers
from the flock-Or an INJURY ; that we take to be a
prima facie case of the injurious kind without proof;
but we might be curious to know what could be said.
on the other side—how giving to a large district of
country one spiritual superintendent instead of two,
should be an ftvantage to it ? But this is no time for
amusing oneselt with paradoxical trifling;, and, for our
.6. •
part, we desire no essays of the kind to feed us with
empty speculation. The short of the matter is, that a
most iniquitous attack has been made upon the church,
and, therefore, on the people of North Wales, and that
no time should he lost in hastening to avert the threa-
tened mischief. However, if there are any who desire
more detailed information on the point, we refer them
to the speechN reported in our last number, where
they will find it abundantly, satisfactorily, and ably
afforded. -

But the proposed, and already enacted union of the
dioceses, is only a part of the insufferable aggression
made, or intended to be made, on our fellow-subjects
and brother churchmen in North Wales. 'There is an
" appropriation clause" yet in reserve which is still
more monstrous, because it is an act of absolute rob-
bery—which our Welsh friends, however, with a deli-
cacy and forbearance unsuited to these days, are in-
dulgent enough to call by the softer name of " ab-

straction."

A quantum sujicit of income, or what the ecclesiasti-
cal commissioners may deem such, being allotted to
the new bishop—the solitary successor to the two sees
of Bangor and St. Asaph—the surplus is to be seized
as legitimate spoil, and carried off to poor, needy, indi-
gent, helpless Manchester, there to support a new Eng-
lish bishopric, with that title ! Is not this abominable?
We know of no reason why it should be even thought
of, except that Wales has been too patient under simi-
lar wrongs heretofore, and has already contributed
largely from her poor resources to English institutions.
" England," said the Rev. David James, in his truly elo-
quent and impressive speech, " threw nothing into the prin-
cipality, but the ptincipality was made

to throw her reve-

flues into England. Had not that poor unproductive pro-
vince appealed year after year against the abstraction of her
revenues, to support institutions in England ? Jesus' Col-
lege, Oxford, the
,Dean and Chapter of Winchester, St.
John's Hospital, Chester, the Grocers' Company, London,
and Lichfield Cathedral, all in England, had each a part of
the revenues of Wales, yet England must have more to sup-
port a bishop in Manchester, of all places in the world—
whose great merchants—nay, any two of them, conjointly,
could purchase the whole principality !"

But Manchester will surely refuse to partake of the
plunder. Of all places, Manchester should be fore-
most to protest against the meditated spoliation, for
the very reason that it is pretended to have been
planned for her benefit.

The church in Wales is already poor enough, and
instead of having any thing to spare, has really much
need of additional funds for her own exigencies. We
could quote many statements of fact in illustration of
this position, but shall content ourselves for the pre-
sent with one from the speech of the reverend gentle-
man last named. It is as follows :

" The Bishopric of St. Asaph contained about 21 livings,
each under £lOO. a-year—that is, ranging from £49. up to
£lOO. The Bishopric of Bangor contained 30 livings, each
under the value of LIQO. a-year—that is, ranging from £5O.
to £99. The Bishopriiof St. David's contained 165 livings,
each under £lOO. a-ye ; and, although the diocese con-
tained about 408 or 410 livings, returned to the ecclesiastical
commissioners, the average income of the whole of them,
rich and poor, was only £l4B. a year. There was only one
living in the diocese of St. David's, out of the 410, that was
worth above £9OO a-year ; there was not one between £5OO.
and £600.; there were just ten above £4OO. whilst all the
rest came under £3OO. a-year, and, as he had said before
about 165, ranging from £49. to £99. a-year. In travelling
from St. David's to 'thy diocese of Llandaff, there were 64
benefices not amounting. to £lOO. a-year each; and.that the
average of all the livings put together, rich and poor, would
give to each minister only about £lBO. a-year. Now this
was a state of things which ought to call forth the sympathy
of Englishmen, and make them willing to leave to the poor
Principality its own revenues to support its own ministers."

But North Wales must have her two bishops, and
more if needs be. Let her only .6 agitate, agitate,"
and she will have them. What ! shall immense reve-
nues be taken from the crown and diverted to the sup-
port of Popery in Canada—(the fraternity of St. Sul-
pice to-wit)—and shall not Wales be permitted to re-
tain her own rightful possessions for the support of her
own Protestant Christian church ? Will Englishmen
look tamely on, and see this wrong done by a Popish.:
radical administration ? Wales cries to them to " come
over and help her," and will they unfeelingly and
heartlessly shut their ears to her supplication ? We
will not believe it. Let the inhabitants of the princi-

pality not despair, and only ‘i agitat
vigour, and the work will be done.
We shall conclude with one more extract from the
admirable and convincing speech of Mr. James, be-
cause it is one which we think calculated to interest all
good men still more in the cause. It is as follows :

with sufficient

" He was bound to confess, and it was with pain that he
did so, that the state of the church in the principality was
deplorable—, such as was calculated to call forth the sympathy
and the commiseration of every true patriot, and of every one
wjio felt interested in the success of true religion in any part
of the world. We had seen the churches deserted ; we had
seen the people leave the church in disgust, and turn away
dissatisfied with the state of things which it presented, be-
cause the church had not been worked as a system for their
benefit, in the way she should have been made to work, and
in the way he trusted she would be made to work by and by.
The time was corning, therefore, when every one must put
his shoulder to the wheel, in order, if possible, to drive for-
ward this great machinery into a proper position, that it
might work its way to the hearts and affections of the people,
and that there might be but one voice, one sentiment, and
one declaration of attachment and love to it, proceeding from
rich and poor, frcpt learned and unlearned, throughout the
land."

That monstrous job, the transfer of the estates be-
longing to the crown at Montreal to the Popish frater-
nity of St. Sulpice, was ably exposed by the Bishop of
Exeter on Thursday evening, on which occasion it was
gratifying to perceive that he was fully and cordially
supported by his Grace the Duke of Wellington. 'His
Grace declared that it was " a palpable attack upon
the principle o 1 the reformation ;" indeed he said it
was the " first"'of the kind, but as there might be a
difference of opinion on that point, we just quote the
substance of his remark. An attack, however, the
affair decidedly is, and a most gross and insufferable
,one, on the Protestantism of our nation and colonies.
The property in questim belonged to the fraternity of
St. Sulpice at Peiris at the period of the British con-.
quest of Canada; hut then, by right of conquest, de-
volved to the crowzi. It is now immensely valuable,
embracing much of the town and suburbs of Montreal.
A conveyance of the property was made by the Pari-
sian fraternity to the Canadian brotherhood of the
same name ; but the conquest of Canada by this coun-
try bad previously put an extinguisher on their rights,
so that this conveyance, though a gOod Jesuitical trick,
was a piece of mere humbug. Yet the matter has un-
accountably lain over, and now the cunning Jesuits
not only seek to profit by the lathes of the crown—(in
the teeth of that maxim of our common law which says
that nullum tempus occurrit regi)--but really, in this
gullible era of Protestantism, seem to have a good
prospect of succeeding in their attempt. The St. Sul-
pice fraternity of Canada have now actually obtained
an -ordinance from the governor and special council of
Canada, surrendering this property to them, and giving
them a charter of incorporation in order to enable them
to hold it in perpetuity ! Well may his Grace the
Duke of Wellington call this " a palpable attack on
the principle of the reformation ;" for it is both an es-
tablishment and endowment of Popery in one of the
most important of our colonies. The monstrous deed
is, however, not yet perfected; the sanction of the
drown has not yet been given to the ordinance of Lord
Sydenham and the special council, and if due weight
be given to the address to her Majesty which will he
moved in the Lords on Friday, praying her Majesty to
withhold her sanction from this ordinance, it never will
be. But we confess we are in great doubt upon the
.subject, having no confidence whatever in the anti-
Popery disposition of her Majesty's present advisers.

It is argued by a London journal that the Americans
do not secretly foment a quarrel with us for the pur-
pose of getting rid of their state engagements by hos-
tilities, because a treaty exists by which it is agreed
" that neither debts clue from individuals, nor shares
in the public funds, nor in the public or private banks,
should be destroyed or impaired on account of national
differences." But we do not think this reason suffi-
cient to stultify the hypothesis altogether. It supposes
the Americans to have the fear of treaties before their
eyes, and a proper reverence and respect for them in
their consciences ; and that is giving them credit for
more than at present we think they are fairly entitled
to. Where is their respect for international law in the
seizure and detention of Mr. M‘Leod; or where their
respect for law of any sort in the proceeding that fol-
lowed his admission to bail,° the cannon practice at his
cell door, and all those brutal mob outrages that en-
The last of these actings, it is true, was the
work of the Mere rabble, (democracy exhibited in pu-
ris naturalibus,) but the former has been sanctioned
and adopted by the state. We can very well believe
that the great body of the people disapprove of thes
insulting and most disgusting doings, and cc
a war with England with a proper feeling of aversion
but can they eontroul the turbulent, and direct th
government ? We fear not

templat

Some of the American papers continue to discuss
the question whether a war with England wolli(1 not be
rather useful to them ; and there are points of view in
which it would seem to promise them some acivantage.
A common danger would serve to bind their loosely-
jointed states a little more closely together, and enable
the executive to exert a little, more effective authority
over their Lynching mobs, which at present seem to
have got the administration of affairs entirely into their
own hands--to say nothing of those numerous engage-
ments which, if not cancelled by a war, would certainly
be placed in a state of remote settlement. In these
respects, and others that might be mentioned, a war
might be allowed to bring certain advantages to the
republicans, and we know of no reply that would be
likely to have any effect on those who so reason, but
such a demonstration from the adversary as might re-
mind them that the game is one at which " two can
play." We in England are assuredly not addicted to
quarrelling, and have a very deep and abiding convic-
tion of the horrors of war. We would, in truth, en-
dure a great deal to avoid so great a calamity. But,
on the other hand, it does not comport with the na-
tional character to submit tamely to wanton and un-
just aggression. If the Americans continue to force
on this calamitous business, England will be unani-
mous in taking .up a proper position to repel infringe.

In such a case there would be
no party distinctions among us. All such differences
will be forgotten in a cause so sacred as the vindication
of our common country. Atie should feel that the war

ments on her right

was purely defensive on our part, and we should

unanimous

The news brought by the Westchester, Captain Fer-
ris, certainly does not tend to disperse the cloud whicl:
hangs over this grave matter. The offensive report
agreed to by. the committee-in Congress raises a suspi-
cion in our mind that the M`Leod and boundary ques-
tions are, in fact, only used as pretexts for the display
of a hostile spirit already in existence, and that then

is a secret wish in certain quarters to pick a quarre;
with us. We trust such parties, however, may be

disappointed

At the meeting held yesterday on the subject of the
import duties, the several resolutions were unanimously
ngreed to. It is quite right that such questions should
be treated in such a way, and gratifying to perceive.
such a mode of procedure, as in this instance, realised.
To be sure an attempt was made by a journeyman
tailor named Duffle to introduce the subject of the corn
laws. He was replied to by Mr. Rosson •in a rather
jesuitical style, but with more candour by Mr. Rath-
bone. He was, however, kept, or rather cowed, down
by the influence of these " reformers ;" nevertheless,

as Mr. Moore observed, the compact under which
many were induced to sign the requisition was practi-
cally broken.

We are happy to be enabled to state that the family of the
Rev. Mr. Webster, whose lives were lately placed in con-
siderable danger through the effects of arsenic, are now quite
recovered. Nothing has yet transpired to fix suspicion on
any party as connected with this mysterious affair.— Wor-
ceder Journal.

DREADFUL ACCIDENT AT ST. BRIDE'S CHURCH, LON-
DON.—A MAN BT.TRIED ALIVE!—On Thursday afternoon,
about half-past t o o'clock, the following dreadful and fatal
accident occurred at St. Bride's Church, Fleet-street, to a
young man, 22 years of age, named Henry Thompson, who
was employed as assistant to Cox, the grave-digger of St.
Bride's. It appears that the unfortunate young man was
engaged in digging a very deep grave in the chu,-,llyard, and
had reached the depth of 17 feet, when suddenly the sides
and a whole tier of coffins (the ground being very crowded),
gave way, burying the unfortunate man. An vlarm being
given, every assistance was immediately rendered, and a num-
ber of men and policemen began to dig, but, notwithstanding
.every exertion, from the soft nature of the soil, which con-
tinually felt in, and the number of coffins to be removed, it
was nine o'clue\c before the body was extricated ; life was, of
-course, extinct., The unfortunate deceased was unmarried,
was the sole support of an aged mother, and born. a very re-
spectable character.—Morning Ilerald.

A GLANCE AT THE POLITICS OF THE WEEK

(FROM OUR LONDON 'CORRESPONDENT.)
During the present week the " shabby administration"
has been practising assiduously the " art of sinking" ; and
has succeeded in finding a " lower deep" of infamy than the
lowest which it has hitherto occupied. To be ankle-deep in
mire is sufficient for the'ambition of most lovers of unclean-
ness ; but the government of Lord Melbourne is not con-
tented with less than a total submersion. To rake in the
gutter for stray morsels of culinary garbage, is an .amtise-
ment proper to a certain domestic and unclean animal ; but
the Popish-radical brood of Downing-street must lie down
and luxuriate in the " verdant mud," until, coated with its
streaming impurities from the proboscis to the tail, they
present objects offensive alike to the,eye, the touch, and the
smell of all who lose to breathe the fresh air of heaven.

A magnificent majority of -FrvE VOTES crowned the ardu-
ous labours of the ministerial whipper-in, after four nights'
debate upon Lord Morpeth's " obstruction bill." To secure
this mighty five, threats of dissolution, cajolery, promises of
patronage and honours, were liberally showered down upon
the ministerial benches ;' and, even when secured, it was only
a colourable majority after alt. It was only a postponement
of a certain conclusion—defeat, shameful, utter, and irreme-
diable. The bill was allowed, it is true, to progress to a
second reading ; but ditLtinctly upon the understanding, ex-
pressed by at least a dozen of its pro-tempore supporters,
that the qualification clause—the lowering of the franchise,
which is in fact its principle—might be altered in committee :
and the sanction of the house to the whole bill, as presented
by ministers, is therefore plainly in abeyance until such an
alteration can be made; and the retention of office in the
meantime, by ministers, a direct and palpable usurpation,
perpetrated in defiance of the known opinions of parliament
as to the measure upon the passing of which they have risked
the fate of the government.
Well, indeed, might the tongue of the bantam minister—
Lord John Russell—falter, and his cheeks assume all imagi-
nable colours, as they did, whilst on Monday night he mo-
destly proposed to the House of Commons, to defer the com-
mittee on the bill until—after Easter ! " I know, gentle-
inen," was the spirit of his abject and contemptible appeal,
" I know that this house will never sanction, in its present
shape, so unheard of a violation of the faith of parliament as
this bill constitutes.' But look at our position. If you ex-
punge, or interfere with, the £5 rating clause, you bring
down upon our L9jAerable heads the indignation of the mem-
ber for all Ireland, and the lash of his tail; if you touch that
clause, you crush t!e rising hopes of the revolutionary fac-
tion in Great Britain, whose representatives we have thus
bought to our aid. Denude us of these two sources of
strength, and what are we in this house? A ' miserable mi-
nority,' powerless and characterless ! Allow us, therefore,
to throw you a sop to stay your stomachs until after Easter.
We will give you cartloads of blue books to read—oceans of
evidence and information prepared by the industry of- our
poor-law commissioners ; but do—do let us have the forty-
two days between this and the 23rd of April to provide for
our Irish allies, and the endless variety of cousins, second
cousins, brothers and wives' brothers, who claim kin to men
in office,—in order that, when we go hence, it may not be.
said of us that we were a thcughtless race and of ungrateful
blood!"

Such, in effect, was the language of this small morsel of
humanity ; and I need scarcely say that in London—and, I
doubt not, in the country as well—it has excited amongst all
classes only one feeling, that of utter and uncontrollable
disgust. No sense of mere shame, it is evident—no motives
such as those which induce to the actions of honourable men
—will drive away the brood of carrion birds who have fas-
tened their talons in'the vitals of the country. No pressure,
except one from without, or from behind, will drive Lord
Melbourne and his crew of incapables from the sets of go-
vernment; and it may become a question for consideration,
some of these days, whether it may not be necessary for the
conservative party to resort, as the last alternative, to mea-
sures of obstruction, similar to those by which Lord Stan-
ley's bill was attacked in the past, and as it no doubt will be
attacked in the present, session.

The debate on Tuesday night, on the motion of the mem-
ber for Kilmarnock, and especially the lucid statements
brought before the house by the honourable mover himself,
have made an impression upon the public mind (with respect
to the abuses of the national bounty which exist in the Col-
lege of Maynooth, if not also to the policy of the grant itself,)
which will now, I am convinced, be difficult to gloss over by
the same " ad captandum" arguments with which the sub-
ject.has been hitherto met. It is true—and it is to be re-
gretted—that' the countenance afforded to the hon. member
by the leaders of the conservative party in the house was but
scanty ; yet it must be borne in mind that the opposition
offered to it was equally feeble. Most gladly would govern-
ment and " the tail" have got rid of the proposed bill alto-
gether—had they dared to make the attempt; but it is a
gratifying fact, tvkich I would impress upon your notice,
that not only were ;they afraid to attempt a direct opposition,
but that, had they done so, they would have been signally
defeated.

The speech of Lord Morpeth, in reply to Mr. Colquhoun,
was perhaps one of the molt extraordinary pieces of iratoerti7,
,nence ever uttered within the walls of the House of Com-
mons, and may fairly be said to constitute another ministe-
rial step in the downward march to infamy. Amidst a hete-
rogeneous mass of prate about " exploded doctrines," " un-
just charges," " illiberality," and other fluent nothings, his
lordship announced to the house, as a discovery of his own,
that " so long as the doctrines taught at Maynooth were
those entertained and authorised by the Roman Catholic
church, parliament had no right to interfere." Yet not five
minutes before asserting this proposition, he had ridiculed
the notion that the " exploded doctrines " in question, as to
divided allegiance, &c., were entertained by the Roman Ca-
tholics of this country or of Ireland ; and had pointed to the
bands of Mr. O'Connell, uplifted in pious horror during the
address of the hon. member for Kilmarnock, as evidence of
their being discountenanced. On his lordship's own sheav-
ing, then, here is a case for inquiry at least—a case which, I
imagine, it will not be easy to get rid of. Tie doctrines
taught at Maynooth are not those which are professed to be
entertained by the Roman Catholic church of the present
day; and parliament may, therefore, justly and properly in-
stitute an inquiry upon the subject.
I will not trust myself to do more than allude to the com-
parison, very gratuitously introduced into his lordship's
speech, between the chastity of the women of Ireland and
that of our own countrywomen—to the disparagement of the
latter. The people of England have not forgotten the odious
calumny which was on a former occasion attempted to be
fastened upon the character of the matrons and daughters of
their land, by the foul tongue of a foul traitor: and the re-
petition of a similar slander from the lips of a cabinet mi-
nister, affords a striking proof of the degrading state of
slavery in which the present government is held by that same
traitor, who thus compels his abject tools to adopt his very
obscenities ! His lordship, however, may safely be left to
receive his reward from the hands of the wives and maidens
of the West Riding, on the next occasion of his presenting
his graceful person to their notice ; when, unless the York-
shire character has deteriorated of late years, he is not un-
likely to be greeted with a shower of rotten eggs, if nothing
more fitted for the purpose is within reach.

The ministerial patronage of Popery is not, it appears,
confined to the mother country, but is also rife in our colo-
nies. On Thursday evening a petition was presented to the
House of Lords by the Bishop of Exeter, from a number of
the inhabitants of Upper and Lower Canada, praying their
lordships to withhold their assent from an ordinance in coun-
cil procured by the personal interference and 'exertions of her
Majesty's present Governor-General in Canada, for the in-
corporation and endowment of a monastic institution, under
the title of the " Seminary of St. Sulplice"—in direct vio-
lation of the act of union of last session, and of the great
principles of the Reformation. I need scarcely direct your
attention to the able and luminous speech of the right rev.
prelate, by whom the prayer of the petition was supported,
and the nefarious project which it denounced, laid bare and
exposed to the observation of the country. It cannot, how-
ever, be other than highly gratifying to every lover of our
Protestant constitution, to notice as the foremost to raise his
voice upon thi§,question, the Duke of Wellington. " The
first circumstance," observed his grace, " which attracted
my attention on presenting this ordinance, was the striking
violation which it contained of the act of last year, and of the
established constitution of our country. This is, I believe,
the first direct breach which will have been effected in the
principles of the Reformation ; and your lordships and the
country owe a debt of deep gratitude to the rev. prelate for
bringing the subject under your notice." There are few in-
deed who will not echo this sentiment of the noble duke, and
who will not rejoice to see him occupying once more his posi-
tion in the van of the established Protestant constitution of
the realm.

Upon the whole the proceedings of the week have been of
a damaging character to the hopes and projects of the Romish
faction. The attention of the legislature, and, I may add, of
the influential portion of the press, is becoming daily more
attracted to the workings of this subtle enemy of the liberties
of mankind; and it is not difficult to foresee the approach of
a period when a'pseudo liberalism will no longer be able to
mask its designs from the full view of the people of Great

Britain

" What is to be the issue of the present ruffianly temper of
the people of the United States toward England ?"—Aye,
what indeed !—is the question which is occupying the atten-
tion of all classes of the British people, and which you will
perceive has been met in a noble spirit by the Conservative
party in the House of Commons, during the debate upon the
army estimates. A judicial murder, or failing this, a more
summary revenge from the bands of an infuriated and lawless
mob, there is little reason to doubt has been already, or will
be, committed upon the person of a British subject ; and the
result—the admitted result—must be a declaration of war by
this country against the government of the United States.
Upon a thread depends the issue ; and who, I ask, can fore-
see its terrible conclusion? Yet with such a state of things
staring us in the face, we are blessed (!) with a government
which, for the sake of the hollow support which it receives
from this revolutionary faction—the sympathisers—of the
House of Commons and the country, proposes to reduce in-
stead of augmenting the number, and increasing the efficiency
of our military establishments ! But such a policy is not to
be wondered at when we remember that the party of which ,

that government is composed, is the Game which gloated over
the disasters of their country at the commencement of the
revolutionary wars—which on every occasion endeavoured to
throw impediments in the way of those, by whom the energies
of the country were directed to the defence of its institutions ;
and whose CHIEF even dared to insult the principle of mo-
narchy and of human nature itself, by presenting himself
within the walls of the House of Commons, clad in gala
attire, on the day immortalised in the history of national
crime, as that'on which the monarch of France—the unfor-
tunate Louis the 16th—was guillotined amidst the demoniac
shouts of the blood-stained mob of Paris ! That a govern-
ment composed of such a faction, allied with Popery, infi-
delity, and treason, should designedly and deliberately
weaken the arm of England, at the moment when she is
menaced with hostilities, is, I repeat, little to be wondered
at; but whenever and wherever the first blow may be struck,
there is still spirit and loyalty, and the love of fatherland,
sufficient in the bosom of the great mass of the people to
hurl indignantly from their usurped seats those mercenary
ministers who would betray Till

ATIONA L INTERESTS,

AND ENDANGER TUE NATIONAL SAFETY, to secure for
themselves the approbation of a mob, and a few weeks or
months additional place and payl
• London, Saturday evening.

TO THE CONSTITUENCIES OF PROTESTANT

ENGLAND.-LETTER I.

Infandum, Regina, Jubes renovare doierem."—Vtan

FELLOW-PROTESTANTS,

For a period of nearly twelve years we have been contented
to stand by, calm and tacit spectators of the progressive en-
croachments which a hostile principle, unchained by the fatal
credulity of the legislature, has been directing against the
constitution and the Protestantism of the empire. Clinging
to the faith which, in the fearful crisis of 1829, we were will-
ing to repose in the integrity of the British parliament—re-
lying upon the unsullied honour of that great statesman, who
then emphatically assured us that, if the measure of eman,
cipation should be attended with results dangerous to the
established religion of the empire, ne " would be the fore-
most to come down to parliament and propose, a measure
'—we have passively and patiently watched
the rising of the waters of Popery throughout the land, sap-
ping at first, by their insidious action, the foundations of our
holy church—;weakening her bulwarks and polluting her
altar-stones—until at length the " surging flood " threatens
to break down its feeble banks, to sweep away in its resist-
less course the landmarks of soeiety, and to engulf alike the
religion, the property, and the liberties of the British people.
For twelve years, I repeat, we have passively contemplated
the growth of this giant power; and if the time has now

for its. repeal,".

come when the same unresisting course is no longer open to
us if the crisis has arrived when forbearance becomes cow-
ardice—nay, guilt ; when the Protestants of England are
compelled, in defence of their own liberties—in vindication
of the church and the faith of their fathers—to " set their
against the legions of Antichrist, to take up
ion, and to thunder In

battle in array

the weapons of constitutional agi

the ears of the adyancing enemy their stern resolve, " Thus
far shalt thou go, ahkl no further :" who can deny their right
to turn round to thelegislature, and to point as their justifi-
cation—when seeking a return to the " ancient ways" of the
constitution by a reversal of the fatal concession of 1829—t0
the violation, by Popery, of every pledge upon the faith of
which that measure was conceded? Who can deny their
right to advance to the THRONE ITSELF, and, laying before
the footstool of the Sovereign the iniquitous bill of Lord
Morpeth, to exclaim, in vindication of the course of agita-
tion which must inevitably be the result of its passing into a
law—which may Heaven avert !—" JVe sought not this agi-
tation ; our hands have not lighted this flame ; ' Infandum;
Regina, Jubes renovare dolorem' " ?

No man, assuredly, will be bold enough to deny the perfect
right of the. Protestants of this great empire to call upon
parliament to reconsider any measure, the working of which
is found to be dangerous to the constitution. No man will
be hardy enough to deny their right to insist upon the com-
plete fulfilment of each and every of the conditions upon
which such measure was conceded, or to demand the aboli-
tion of the measure as the alternative of their non-fulfilment.
It is notoriously the fact that the Roman Catholic Relief
Bill of 1829 was hedged round with conditions, to be ob-
served on the part of the Roman catholic priesthood and
laity, of which hitherto not one solitary condition has been
adhered to, in spirit or in semblance. The titular designa-
tions of the Roman catholic hierarchy were to be laid aside.
Has 'that been done, I ask ? No I On the contrary, those
very, designations have been paraded in petitions addressed
to the legislature and to the throne itself. The rights and
the integrity of the " Established Church of Great Britain
and Ireland" wore to be respected and held inviolate. Has
this condition, secured by the exaction of a solemn oath,
been adhered to ? No ! That oath has been trampled upon
like chaff. The emissaries of popery in Parliament have
treated the condition and the oath alike with derision. The
Rornislk priesthood have laughed them to scorn. The rights
and property of the church have been the objects of fierce
assault, frbm popish mobs, lei' on by priestly agitators, gut
of doors ; and from popish members, encouraged—to their
shame and infamy be it recorded !—by professing Protestants
within the walls of the British legislature. Ten bishoprics
have been abolished in Ireland, and the incomes belonging
to them alienated. One-fourth of the tithes of the Irish
church has been swept away ; and we have been insultingly
told in the House of Commons during the past week, and
the threat was cheered by Protestant as well as by popish
members, that the people of Ireland—that people who in 1829
sued to us with " bated breath and cap in hand" for the
simple boon of.emancipation—would insist upon despoiling
her of the remaining three-fourths—" would never be con-
tented whilst any part of the imposition lasted !"

Not one of the securities then adopted by the legislature in
1829, to ward off from the national establishment the danger
which was justly apprehended from the admission of Romish
councils into the legislature, have bee-i found effectual ; and
yet by the measure which has just now, under the fostering
care of her Maje Sty's government, received the sanction of a
majority of the House of Commons, it is proposed to remove
the last barrier which the bill of 1829 erected against the in-
roads of popery ; and to swamp the Protestant constituencies
of Great Brilain, by admitting to the exercise of the fran-
chise the entire body of the democracy of popish Ireland. It
is notorious—

ay it is admitted—that the disfranchisement
of the -10 s. freeholders in that country, was regarded by the
supporters of the constitution as an indispensible accompa-
niment to the concession of the emancipation bill. Without
that disfranchisement it is well known that his late Majesty
George the Fourth would never have been prevailed upon to
give his assent to the measure. Without such a security
against the dictation of the priesthood in Ireland, it is well
known that the House of Lords would never have been won to
pass the bill. And yet now, when all other securities have
been swept aside as useless—when all pledges, and even
oaths have been broken like rotten threads—when the howl
of the Itornish wolf is at our doors, and his blood-stained foot
has even troubled the waters from which the youth of Pro-
testant England derive the sustenance of life—when the
cowled form of popery stalks insultingly through the land,
and the mass-house and the nunnery rear their stately
towers, mocking as they overshadow the moss-grown walls
of the village church and the green graves of our fathers—
we are called upon to yield up the last hope of Protestantism,
which is built upon the fidelity of the respectable yeomanry
and the gentry of Ireland—and to place our religion, our
property, and our liberties in the hands of the fierce and law.
less instruments of a tyrant priesthood—the spawn of May-
nooth—the children of the mother of abominations !

The constituencies which will be created by the bill of
of Lord Morpeth are not, it is true, the identical constituen-
cies which were destroyed by the bill of 1829. The restora-
tion, openly, of the 40s. freeholders of Ireland would have
been a step too bold—too glaringly dishonest—for even a
Whig ministry to adopt. But in spirit—in effect—the sub-
stitution of a £5 rating, as the qualification, for the present
£lO franchise, is equivalent to the restoration of the free-
holders of 1829. The constituency which will spring up un-
der such a franchise—a constituency controlled by an over-
riding power in the person of the landlords, or by the still
more stringent tyranny exercised by their priesthood—is pre-
cisely that which it was sought by the bill of 1829 to replace
by an independent and respectable yeomanry ; and in reality,
therefore, the Present bill contains an open and a direct
abandonment of the whole spirit of the emancipation bill,
and a glaring violation of the faith due from the British le-
gislature to the Protestants of the empire. By the passing
of this measure the last legislative restraint of Popery will be
removed ; and by the same event, then, ought Protestantism
to be enabled to stand up erect and unshackled before par-
liament and before the country, and demand that measure
of protection which the sovereign and the members of the
legislature have sworn to render to her! By the passing of
this bill Popery will have attained the full measure of her
' demands in 1829, freed from the conditions upon which alone
theXtvere granted; and Protestantism will, at the same
time, have no more faith to observe towards the legislature
in respect to that compact; but is free as the winds to adopt
those measures which are the best calculated to replace her
in that strong position from which she was driven in 1829.
The conclusion, then, for which I would at present prepare
the minds of the Protestants of Great Britain, is plainly and
simply this :—A struggle will in all probability have to be
decided by the constituencies, in which the question will be
primarily the passing or the rejection of this bill. Prima-
rily, I repeat : such will be the object to be struggled for ;
but in reality the question at issue will be this :—" Are the
Protestants of England content to submit the pure faith, and
the sacred institutions of their fathers, to be trampled under
the feet of rampant Popery ; or will they take their stand
now, and stand fast upon the rock of the constitution—abid-
ing by the principles established at the reformation—seeking
no compromise, and permitting no compromise, but con-
tending for the truth, and for the whole truth ?" This, I
repeat, will be the real matter at issue. By the agitation of
Lord Morpeth's bill the whole question of Roman Catholic
emancipation must inevitably be re-opened.

We shall be called upon to decide—not whether the parti-
cular step in tha onward march of Popery shall be submitted
sto—but whether Popery herself shall be driven back to her
tarting place. We shall be called upon to consider whether,

indglng.from-the experience of the past, the •liberties of Eng-
land are secure so long as, upon every question by the deci-

sion of which the temporal interests or spiritual predominance
of the Church of Rome can be, in the most remote degree,
affected, the feelings and the wishes of the British people, as

expressed within the walls of the House of Commons, are to

be overridden by a tyrant majority of members, representing

a .1
a Popish democracy, or, more properly, perhaps, a Popish
priesthood—alien to Great Britain in feeling, and inveterately
hostile to her religion and the social habits of her people.
To the consideration of the whole question—" Popery or no
Popery within the British legislature!—we must at length
inevitably come ; and in a future opportunity I shall endea-
vour to offer to your notice a few facts, which you will, I
trust, not deem altogether irrelevant to a proper considera-
tion of the question at issue.

Liverpool, 3d Afarck

PIANO-roaTx Turn:
and We can safely recc

PIANO-FORT/s

AN ENGLISH PROTESTANT,
1841.

LOCAL NEWS

Hui tuner,

Any one

hould apply to hit:. Shad,

they can be suited by him at an

BinxtN

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Gas and W

works bills, each of

terday week