The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-05-05 00:00:00

CORN LAWS.

Earl FITZWILLIAM said he had a petition to present from
the inhabitants of Sheffield, signed by 10,864 persons, each
of whom not following but perhaps giving the example to the
petitioners whose petition was presented by a noble carl that
evening (Malmesbury) stated his employment and residence.
The petitioners complained that there was an interference
with that free intercourse with foreign nations which it had
been the intention of the Almighty should be kept up by
giving to various countries various productions, and by ena-
bling them to exchange those productions one with the other.
They complained that many obstacles were put in the way of
intercourse with foreign nations by means of those laws;
they stated that the effect of those obstacles was most inju-
rious to themselves and those who depended upon them—
that they produced great commercial inconveniences, and
that, under particular circumstances, they created great dis-
trust among the great mass of the population in this country.
In the view which the petitioners took of those laws he en-
tirely concurred, and he would take the liberty of laying upon
their lordships* table the first petition, which was from the
inhabitants of Sheffield, and at the head of which were the
signatures of the master cutler, and several of the mgais-
trates of the West Riding of Yorkshire. The noble earl also
presented a petition from Bradford, signed by between 7,000
and 8,000, and about 60 petitions from places in Scotland and
England, about one-half of which were from agricultural pa-
rishes and districts—signed by upwards of 40,000 per-
sons, all to the same effect.
FRIVOLOUS SUITS' BILL.

On the motion of Lord DENMAN, the frivolous suits' bill
was read a third time and passed. The noble lord also gave
notice of withdrawing the rated inhabitants evidence bill.
The house then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY.
There having been only 27 members present at four o'clock,
the house adjourned till Friday.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAY.
After the presentation of several other petitions,
Lord LYNDHURST presented a petition from Sligo, praying
that that borough might be takeri out of schedule A, and in-
serted in schedule B of the Municipal Corporations (Ireland)
Bill. His lordship gave notice that in the committee on the
bill he should move that the prayer be complied with.

COMMERCIAL TREATY WITIt. NAPLES

Lord LYNDHURST afterwards inquired whether there
would be any objection to the production of the treaty signed
by Mr. M`Gregor and the Neapolitan Minister, at the close
of list year, and which was to have been ratified on the Ist
of January this year? The provisions of that treaty were
well known to all parties connected with the commerce of
Sicily and Naples, and they were most desirous that it should
be ratified. Connected with this subject his lordship wished
to correct a misunderstanding as to what had taken place,
and what fell from him in March last thereon. The facts
which he then stated were admitted to be correctly stated.
He agreed that there had been an infraction of the commer-
cial treaty between this country and' Naples. The noble
viscount stated that complaints had been made to the Nea-
politan Government; that an attempt had been made to ob-
tain redress. but it had not been accomplished. The noble
viscount also intimated that the Neapolitan Government de-
sired that the monopoly should last for six months longer
only. He at that time complained of the delay that had
taken place, and he stated, that if ships of war were sent out,
the matter would soon be brought to a successful issue.
however, never intended to sanction such proceedings as had
taken place on the part of her Majesty's Government, but
as to which he would now give no opinion.
. .

Lord MELBOURNE anslN:ered that it was the intention of
the government to lay on the table of both Houses of Par-
liament all the documents with respect to the subject. The
noble lord had stated with great correctness what had fallen
from him on a former occasion, but whether the inference
he had drawn from it was quite so correct, he would not
say.

Earl Fitzwilliam having moved for some returns regarding
he prices of corn in Scotland, &c., a desultory discussion
Followed.

After the presentation of some further petitions, and after
he orders had been disposed of, their lordships adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-FRIDAY.

Mr. BALDWIN took the oaths and his seat for Totnes.

Mr. C. YILLIERS, to make way for the motion on the
opium question, deferred his notice on the subject of the
corn laws from the 12th to the 14th inst.

Mr. HUME renewed his dropped notice fora select com-
mittee to inquire into the duties on imports, to ascertain
whether they were protective, or to secure revenue, fixing
the motion for Tuesday next. He also gave notice that he
should move an address for Dr. Bowring s report regarding
our commercial relations with Egypt, &c. And that on
Monday he would inquire of Lord Palmerston, if he could
get the noble lord into the house, with regard to the inter-
ference of the British government in the affairs of Mehemet
All, or for the detention of two vessels as reported in the
newspapers, and whether ministers, or Lord Ponsonby, had
given any directions relative to the affairs of Egypt.
Mr. WARD stated that when the house resolved itself into
committee on the miscellaneous estimates, he should submit
a motion relative to the proceedings of the emigration board.

FORMATION OF A PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION

AT BIRKENHEAD.

On Friday a very crowded public meeting was: held in the
Town-hall, Birkenhead, to consider the propriety of forming
a branch of the LiverpoorProtestant Association. The Rev.
ANDREW KNOX took the chair.

The-CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings, said the ob-
ject or the meeting was to uphold the institutions of the
country as they had been established our Protestant fore-
fathers, to maintain Protestant truth, to oppose error, and
to preserve the institutions of the land from the insidious at-
tacks of the Papists, who had bestirred themselves into ac-
tivity on account of the apathy into which Protestants had

for a time unfortunately fallen.
The Rev. W. M AYN MID, in a suitable address, in the course
of which he showed how thankful we ought to be for the
mercies of God to us, moved the first resolution.
The Rev. FIELDING OULD rose to second the resolution,
and after a few suitable introductory remarks, he proceeded
nearly as follows. My Christian friends. The resolution,
as you have already heard, speak of an express acknowledg-
ment, we are called upon to make, solemnly, to Almighty
God for the large share of his favour which he has hitherto
bestowed upon this nation. It also speaks cf a certain source
to which we are enabled to trace up this measure of divine
favour, and that is said to be the Christian and Protestant
character of this nation; and it still points out a duty which
devolves upon us, especially at this crisis of public affairs,
namely, that we should rely on God to bless our efforts in
the preservation of these privileges, and for the continuance
of that measure of divine favour for which we are called upon
to express our devout acknowledgments. These are the three
points into which this resolution divides itself, and but a few
observations on each will be necessary in order to convince
you that you may safely pass it. There is a question, how-
ever, which it is desirable to ask, and also desirable to have
satisfactorily answered .before we proceed further ; that
question is this—what is the use of a Protestant Associa-
tion—what are the objects which it contemplates ? (Hear,
hear.) Unless we can ask you, upon good and satisfactory
evidence, " is there not a cause," we cannot possibly expect
that you should respond to our invitation to night, and enrol
yourselves members of this proposed Protestpnt Association.
(Hear hear.) It is said by some that our object in forming
these associations is a political one. I for one beg to dis-
claim altogether such an imputation. If I believed our
present object was one purely political, I for one should not
deem it fitting: to be here either as a speaker or as a hearer ;
but it is because I believe our object is purely a religious
one, that I do deem it right to be here, and to give such
humble assistance in furtherance of the object as it may be
in my power to contribute. We have no sympathy whatever,
nor concern, with the struggles for political party in the
state ; our object is a higher, a holier, and a loftier one ;
that which we seek to accomplish, which we labour to achieve
is, the supremacy of the word of God, (cheers,) not-merely
itst authority with regard to ourselvs iiidiridually, or to our
families, or to our respective congiegations where its authority
is not denied, but its authority publicly, its authority in the
state, its authority as the ruler of the nation. (Cheers.)
Are we asked " does any one dispute this?" 1 say it is dis-
puted and denied. The flag of Scripture is no imager to be
found streaming from the- mast-head of the good old ship ;
if any where, it is found only half-mast high ; another flag,
even the flag of the man of sin, is elevated into the place of its
disprssessed supremacy. (Hear, hear.) We care not, there-
fore, who are at the helm of power, we care not by what
party denomination they may he called ; our object is, that
the Christian and Protestant flag of England should be elevated
into its proper place, that the word of God should be publicly
honoured, and as the constitution of the country is built
upon the enactments of the Bible, so the policy of the country
should be guided and directed by the same. (Cheers.) We
are, again, told that our objects and intentions are unchari-
table, and that we meet only to call names, and to excite and
stir up a spirit of animosity and of acrimony in the minds of
Protestants towards their Roman Catholic fellow subjects.
We altogether disdain this imputation. (Cheers.) We be-
lieve, nay we are convinced in our consciences, that we are
the true friends of our Roman Catholic fellow subjects—that
we are the' true advocates of their rights. Civil rights they
may have ; we cheerfully acknowledge they have civil rights,
and seek not to deprive them of them, but we conceive that
their very first right, that the magna charta of their privi-
leges is the word of God. (Cheers.) And we are only op-
posed to those who would deny them this privilege, who
would keep back from them this great charter, and who, for
their own selfish purposes, would keep them in the condition
of slaves. (Hear, hear.) Was Paul an enemy of the Jews
when he spoke against their superstitions and preached the
everlasting gospe ? No ; his heart's desire and prayer to
God for Israel was that it might be saved. When the truth
was concerned, he would have no compromise but he plainly
told them that they lingered round the abolished ceremonies
of the Jewish dispensation. " Behold I Paul say unto you
that if ye be circumcised Christ shall profit you nothing."

He admitted no compromise of the smallest point ; Chris
must be " all in all," or he would be bold and faithful in
protesting against anything that militated against his high
supremacy. Was our Lord Jesus Christ an enemy of the
Jews when he spoke against the ignorance and blindness of
their teachers ? No ; He was their true friend ; and if we
think we see in Scripture a body of men spoken of presenting
in all their features the most exact resemblance to the church
of Rome in the present day, we look into the Bible and see
how our Lord Jesus Christ, our great exemplar, dealt with
them. So we desire to deal with the members of the church
of Rome. • We find our Lord was faitider in denouncing in
the most solemn manner the errors which led them astray
from the truth, at the same time that he was inconceivably
tender in spirit towards the victims of these gross errors. if
we, turn to the 23d chapter of the gospel according to St.
Matthew we there find a description the exact counterpart of
modern popery •, that chapter exhibits the strong language
which Jesus Christ used when reproving the sins of the
Pharisees; from the beginning to the end it resounds " woe,
woe, woe;" but closes with an inconceivable expression of
Divine • tenderness mingled .with sympathy to man—" Oh
Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets and
stonest them that are sent unto thee, how often would 1 have
gathered thy children together even as a hen gathereth her
chickens under her wings and ye would not !" This
is the conduct we should follow, and this the spirit in
which we desire to act. (Cheers.) I ask who are
the people set forth in that chapter presenting to our
Minds the exact counterpart of popery ? They are the scribes
and. Pharisees. ,It is particularly striking to observe the
close parallel subsisting between them and the priests of the
Church Of Rome in the present day. The Saviour's first
woe wo•find directed against .men who. were the sworn ene-
miese the gospel, men who "shut up the kingdom of heaven
against men,'neither going in themselves nor suffering them
that are entering in to go." . This is the :first sketch of the
picture our Lord gives of these Pharisees ; and does not the
accusation in that case most strikingly apply to the priests of
the Church of Rome. They will not enter in the kingdom
of heaven themselves, and those that are going in they pre-
vent.. In one sense the word of God is the kingdom of hea
ved, and they not circulate it ; in another „the Lord Jesus
Christ is the kingdom of heaven, but his glory they obscure
by their false 'mediatorships ; and when the people would
look at this book (the Holy Scriptures) they 'are subject to
the ban and anathema of the scribes and Pharisees, who thus
" shut up the kingdom of heaven against men, neither going
in themselves nor suffering them that would go in to enter."
Against what is the next woe ? That they make religion a
cloak for hypocrisy, and a stalking-horse for their covetous
desires and practices—" ye devour widows' houses," says
the Lord, " and for a pretence make long prayers." Does
not this describe the conduct of the priests of the Church of
Rome? They devour widows' houses, they engage men and
women to leave their money that masses may be said for their
souls. It may be said of modern Rome as was said once of
ancient Rome, omnia venalia Rome; all things are to be
had for money at Rome, masses, sacraments, redemptions
from purgatory, absolutions, unctions, and what not. All
these are to be had at Rome for money. (Hear, hear.)
These men for a pretence make long prayers, and thus
devour widows' houses. (Hear, hear.) What is the next
woe They burn with the earnestness of desire to make
proselytes—" Ye compass sea and land to make one prose-
lyte, and-when he is made ye make him two-fold more the
child of hell than yourselves. We know the earnestness of
desire in the Church of Rome to make proselytes, although
they are exceedingly offended when they see the exhibition
of any such desire among us. I am one who havi• never
concealed from the priests and members of the Church of
Romerny desire to make proselytes from among them. I
glory in that. Why should we not proselytise from error to
truth,',`frona darkness to light, from the traditions of men to
the commandments of God ? ( Hear, hear.) Yes ; but oh,
what strange proselytes the Church of Rome makes. I well
recollect an instance which occurred in connection with
my own ministry in Ireland, in which a Protestant
man married at an advanced period of life, a Roman Ca-
tholic wife. He became childish, and his Roman. Catholic
wife introduced him to her priest. The man was sud-
denly converted, although he had not only been a Protestant
all his life, but had been what was called an Orange-
man. This man at 70 years of age was baptised by a priest
of the Church of Rome ; and -I shall never forget the extra-
ordinary parade of his funeral, which was fixed on the Sun-
day, in order that there mi be a large attendance. In
this instance, although great pains were taken to prevent
such a proceeding, they showed their willingness to compass
sea and land to make if it were but one proselyte; and I
greatly fear, especially in large towns like Liverpool, where
it is not easy to watch the proselyting practice of these gen-
tlemen, there are more Protestant death beds disturbed by
their mummery than we are aware of. (Hear.) We find
also it was the character of Pharisaism in our Lord's day to
tamper with oaths—" Woe unto you, ye blind guides, which
say, whosoever shall swear by the temple, it nothing ; but
-whosoever shall swear by the gold of the temple, he is a
debtor." We have in this verse a striking and remarkable
feature of the Church of Rome. Our Lord, we find, called
those tamperers with oaths " fools and blind ;" we know of
a certain oath which was recently prescribed to be taken by
Roman Catholic legislators in these words :
" I do swear that I will defend to the utmost of my power
the settlement of property within this realm, as established
by law ; and I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly
abjure any intention to subvert the present Church esta-
blishment, as settled by.. laW.withisa this realm; and I do
solemnly swear that I will never exercise any privilege to
which I am or may become entitled, to disturb or weaken
the Protestant religion or Protestant government in the
United Kingdom."
This is an oath, mark ye, Which British Roman Catholic
legislators consented to take, but which the Roman Catho-
lic Bishop of Malta, acting under the express directions of
the Pope, refused to take, as inconsistent with his duty to
the church. (Hear.) It was, however, swallowed by these
popish legislators, and then find them voting for the sup-
pression of ten bishoprics in Ireland, which the present first
minister of the crown called " a heavy blow and a great dis-
couragement to Protestantism." (Hear.) We next find
them voting for the celebrated Appropriation clause, and,
constituting the exact majority of 25 in the House of Com-
mons, in favour of the English Church-rates bill. (Hear,
hear.) These are facts which speak for themselves. (Hear.)
It would be easy for me to follow out these parallels between
Popery and Pharisaism, but I forbear at presetit, and will
now direct your thoughts more expressly to the subject
matter of this resolution, which speaks of the instances of
divine favour, which this country has enjoyed in times past
•through the blessing of Almighty God. 'What are these
blessings ? The Reformation was one ; and if the Refor-
mation was worth effecting, it is worth maintaining. (Cheers.)
A translated Bible was another ; and if it was worth our
while to contend, as our Protestant Reformers did, even to
the death, in order to obtain a translated Bible, it is worth
our while still to continue to fight for it. (Cheers.) Our
Protestant Church establishment is another of these bles-
sings. Was it worth the while of a Cranmer, a Latimer,
and a Ridley to go to the stake to accomplish this great
blessing for our country ? Then it is worth our while to
contend for it still. (Hear.) It has acted as a break-water
for popery in this country ; and it is an incontrovertible fact,
that in every country where a Protestant Church has been
legally established, Popery has never made any way. Why
has it not made way in Sweden? Because Gustavus Vasa
established Protestantism there. 'Why has it not made way
in Scotland? Because the Regent Murray established
Protestantism there. Why not in Holland ? Because
of Prince Orange. Why in Germany? Because the
elector of Saxony established protestantism there. In Eng-
land Because Henry the Eighth established protestantism
here. You see then the importance of making a determined
stand in defence of the church establishment; for when it
falls, not only does the constitution of England fall, not only
is Ichabod written upon the walls of the country, but popery
in that hour becomes predominant. (Hear, hear.) Then
another great blessing is the civil and religious liberty which
this country has enjoyed in a larger measure, than any other
.country upor} the face of the earth. We may, perhaps, in
making this boast, be reminded of America. What? Is
there the same rneasur,3 of well regulated liberty there as
here, when, at thicoinmencement of the present session of
9angrees, a resolution was paasoci Absolutely refusing to re-

ceive any petition, during the session, for the abolition of the
greatest curse under which a nation could groan—the system
of slavery ? (Cheers.) No member of the American con-
gress will be allowed even to moot the question, whether li-
berty shall be enjoyed by three millions of her subjects !
America ! celebrated for its murderous Lynch-law ; within
many of whose States neither life nor property is secure, and
wherein prevails a savage system of duelling, and the Bowie

knife is frequently seen- to triumph over the very sword of
the magistrate ! (Hear, hear.) I say, then, in England we
have enjoyed a larger measure of well-regulated liberty than
in any other country, and that because the constitution of
the country is based upon the principles of the word of God.
(Cheers.) It may, indeed, be perfectly consistent for a Ro-
man Catholic, upon his platforms and at his dinner assem-
blies, to toast civil and religious liberty throughout the world;
but I would just ask him to put his finger upon any Roman
Catholic country where any full measure of civil and religious
liberty is enjoyed. (Hear, hear.) When the Spanish nation
sent its celebrated Armada to invade England, and to de
throne our good Protestant Qceen Elizabeth, we know that
it was freighted with a cargo of something very likely to in-
terfere with our civil and religious liberties. (Hear.) You
are aware, forthey are in the Tower of London, and I have
seen them myself, of the thumb screws and other instruments
of torture with which the Spanish Armada was freighted, in
order to give England a taste of civil and religious liberty
after the Romish fashion. (Hear.) And if I might specify
our blessings, 1 would say we have had prosperity at home,
and we have been respected abroad, and also placed in a con-
dition to be the great missionary nation to the world. These
blessings we owe to Our CHRISTIAN PROTESTANTISM. (Hear.)
Remember, I distinguish here. There is a species of Pro-
testantism which is not Christian, which is based upon expe-
diency instead of principle.- We have suffered under its
operation in times past, and we wish to guard against it now ;
what we wish now, and the object of this association, is the
infusion of a larger measure of CHRISTIAN PROTESTANTISM
into the land. (Hear.) It is for this purpose we hold our
meetings, distribute our tracts and lectures, and call upon
you to enrol yourselves members of these associations. And
if I am asked whether I really and conscientiously believe

these great privileges are in danger at the present day,
I unhesitatingly avow my belief that they are. (Hear, hear.)
We are in danger of losing all the blessings of which I have
spoken ; - and who are our enemies engaged in the assault ?
You will remember that with the downfall of the established
church, the constitution of the country is gone. We have.
first of all the POLITICAL LIBERALS, who consist of two
classes. The first class contains all infidels, deists, and so-
cinians in the land • they are all liberals to a man; they de-
test all sorts of religion, and are anxious that all religion
should be nationally cast out of the land. The next section,
consists of those who profess and feel some regard for reli-
gion, hut seeing the minds of men are divided upon the sub-
ject, and fixing their eyes exclusively upon certain abuses
connected with the 'establishments are desirous that all that
is religious should, be: torn out of the heart of the British
constitution ;. and"that the nation as a nation should know
nothing of the subject. (Hear.) Then we have upon the
other hand, those who call themselves voluntaries. They are
persons who are specially opposed, as they say upon conscien-
tious principles, to the existence of an establishment. Why
do they oppose it ? 1 may illustrate the ch cter and reason
of their opposition by a reference to a verlrcelebrated cha-
racter of antiquity of whom you have doubtless heard. There
was an extraordinary old voluntary in times past called Dio-
genes, who used to roll about in a tub ; and when on one
occasion he was asked what he wanted, he said, " Stand out
of my sunshine." Now when we see our modern volun-
taries rolling about in the tub of their discontent, and ask
them the reason of their opposition to our establishment,
they tell us it stands in their sunshine. They are not such
great men as they would be if there were no establishment,
and they would then be on a level with all the other teachers
of religion in the land; it is not so much because they wish
to step up to our level, but because they desire, worthy gen-
tlemen, to draw us down to their level. These are the vo-

luntarious gentlemen. Then, between these two sections of
political liberals upon the one side, and voluntaries upon the
other, there comes in a third party, and who is he? (Hear.)
He is the Roman Catholic. (Hear.) He finds himself in
strange company, but as his object is to obtain a certain end,
and as his alliance with these two parties is likely to attain
that end, he is satisfied for a time to be in bad company. He
differs from them both. From the political liberal he differs
in thinking that religion is a matter of no consequence, and
that the state should have nothing to do with it. What he

means by religion is, the aggrandisement and supremacy of
his church—further than that he knows and cares nothing ;
he therefore considers that the religious part of the question
is just the most important, and his greatest anxiety is that
the state should have every thing to do with religion provided
it be the religion of the church of Rome. (Hear.) He dif-
fers again from the voluntaries, although he says he does not,
(but we do not believe him), in objecting to an establishment.
Aye, he says, I object to an establishment, not choosing to
remember that the chUrch of Rome is established wherever

it can, and would be here if it could ; but he is willing to be
a voluntary, or anything you please for a time, so that it will
help to accomplish the desired end of his ambition which is
the overthrow of the Protestant Church established by law.
(hear). Now these three parties, thus strangely banded
together, are doing all the mischief in the country ; they are
the men whose machinations we are assembled to oppose.
The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through
God to the pulling down of all their strong holds ; we stand
here upon principle, with the word of God in our hands, and
as we humbly trust, with the love of that Saviour whom it
r.:veals, in our hearts. We care not what political party are
now, or may be in power ; if their principles and their acts
be consistent with the revelation of God we support them,
and if they are the contrary, we feel it our duty to give them
our most decided opposition. (Hear). What are the reasons
why we think our great Protestant institutions are in danger
from the machinations of these gentlemen ? We find popery
is now, for the first time, for some centuries at least, con-
siderably in favciur in high places, that Roman Catholics, like
locusts, have even crept into the Queen's palace. We have
them in the houses of parliament; we have them in the cham-
ber of the Privy council ; and we have them even surround-
ing the person of our beloved Queen. (Hear). Is there no
danger in this ? ' (Hear). Does any one here ask " why is
it you are so afraid of popery?" I will tell you. I believe it
to be an idolatrous system ; do you not believe the same ?
(Cries of yes, yes). The worship of the Host and of the
Virgin Mary is idolatry. (Hear). Then we have decided
that it is an idolatrous system. We say again it is a
superstitious system. (Hear). Then there are some that
tell us it is changed—that though it was all this in times past
it is not now. Let us try this. It is not very many months
since a large cargo of relicS, the skulls unit tones of holy
men; were landed at the custom-house of London and no duty
paid upon them. (Hear). A considerable portion of that
precious cargo was sent over to the island of saints, and it is
an absolute fact that in one of the principal Roman-Catholic
Chapels of Dublin, portions of these relics were daily exposed
to the view of the faithful, of course for—a consideration.
(Hear). -Superstitious ? Why have we not read very lately

in the papers of a Roman Catholic in a southern county in
Ireland, who had the misfortune to have a child somewhat
deformed in person, 'pt what was the sapient conclusion

:hat the Roman Catholic father came to ?.

That his ch

was a fairy ! and he determined to ascertain by a stringent
process whether his suspicions were true or not. He appied
a red hot shovel to the child, declaring that if it did not
confess it was a fairy, and point out the exact place where
the true John Maloney was, to be found, it should come in
contact with the red hot shovel ! The poor child under the
influence of terror made some confession, which induced them
to stay proceedings till the next morning, but when that
morning arrived the poor child was found dead ! (Hear).
Will any one after this say that the superstitions of popery
have changed ? (Hear). Was there no one in the neigh-
bourhood to prevent the perpetration of such an outrage ?
No. Further, this is not only an idolatrous system as it
exists, and superstitious, but it is an arrogant system too.
When it pleased Almighty God lately to remove from
this life a public man, the late Under Secretary for
Ireland, what did the Roman Catholics of Dublin du ? They
made a proposal as appears by the public journals, that his
remains should be given to them for interment in a Roman
Catholic burial ground, declaring that because of his opinions
he belonged rather to them, than the Protestants. (Hear,
hear.) It is an arrogant system then. It is further still,
a blasphemous system. (Hear.) I shall read you one very
short extract in proof of this assertion. lam reading now
from a treatise, Tractatus de Ecclesice,:one of the modern class
books of the Church of Rome in Ireland, where they say—
and you will hear this upon the lips of intelligent Roman
Catholics in Ireland—if at the last day, they should be
found in error 'upon the subject of salvation, they 1;ill lay
the blame of tlAeir deception upon Almighty God himself !
Here are the very words : •
" Domine, si error est secuti sumus, Tu ipse nos decepisti
tans claro atque iterato precepto ecclesiam audiendi skid te,
nisi cum ethnicis partem habere bellemus. Fidenter dici-
mus, Domine, si error est quem secuti sumus, Tu ipse, de-
cepisti nos et excusamur." Tractatus de Ecclesire, Page
511. Dublin, 1795.
What think you of this? Is not this blasphemous? (Hear.)
This you know is the name inscribed upon the brow of the
harlot, BLASPHEMY ! (Hear). It is a treacherous sys-
,
tern also.- The fashionable policy of the modern men who
rejoice in the name of a liberal, is to conciliate popery. I say
not only that it cannot be conciliated, but that it, ought
not to be conciliated. It is the enemy of God and man.
Every kindness we can shew to the Roman Catholics per-
sonally and individually, it is our duty to do; but with the
system, whose principles are written in the council of Trent,
and whose conduct we see exhibited in the present day, is
a system which neither can nor ought to be conciliated—it
is that which every Christian is called upon by his fidelity to
God, to stand forward and oppose to the utmost of his
power. (Hear, hear.) How do we find a moderate Roman
Catholic journal in Ireland, speaking a few days since ?
Let us ponder the language of this most moderate journal—
the Dublin Register :
" England deserves but little forbearance at our hands.
Many a battle have we fought for her, many a brave Irish
heart has been drained in her defence. We deserted not
her standard when it streamed against the wind. We stood
by her side on the field, and on the wave. What return has
she made for all? Oppression, insult, and persecution.
We have failed. in our attempt to conciliate her good will.
Let us try whit ive can do by an appeal to her interest and
her fears."
What is all this for? Because parliament is about to pass
a certain measure, the standard of repeal—which is a trea-
sonable cry, (hear)—is hoisted in Ireland : and here we are
told, after all the concessions, and all the conciliation, and
all the healing measures of the last ten years, that Ireland
has never received anything from the hands of England, but
" oppression, insult, and persecution." That if parliament
passes one single, solitary measure, of which she disapproves,
behold her gratitude, " she will appeal to our interests and our
fears!" Aye, that will be the language of popery to the
last, and any attempt to conciliate it, therefore, must ne-
cessarily fail. (Hear.) Let me ask again, why are we
alarmed ? I find that within the last forty years, no fewer
than 500 Roman Catholic chapels, and colleges have been
built in the United Kingdom. There were only thirty then,
there are 352 now. (Hear, hear.) Within the last ten
years, there has been an increase of 88. (Hear.) There
are 74 Roman Catholic Chapels in Lancashire, and nine
Roman Catholic schools or colleges ; in Yorkshire, 50
chapels and two schools • in Staffordshire, 29 chapels
and seven schools ; in Middlesex, 20 chapels and 13 col-
leges. (Hear, hear.) It is remarkable that whilst Roman
Catholi - chapels have multiplied more in the provinces,
nearer the seat of government they have planted most
of their colleges; for there are more colleges, i. e. nurseries
of popery, in Middlesex than in any other parr of the coun-
try. (Hear, hear.) And in addition there are £70,000
a-year given for the direct support and propagation of popery,
in the endowment of Maynooth, and the stipends of priests
and bishops in various of our colonies. (Hear, hear.) Just
conceive what a powerful influence must be at work in these
days of retrenchment and economy in order to allow such a
large sum to be annually expended for such a purpose. In
addition to these things we have been lately astounded with
the intelligence that the Queen has been advised to grant
charters of incorporation to two Roman Catholic colleges in
England, a thing unheard of since the days of James the
Second. (Hear, hear.) I ask, if these things be so what is
the duty of Protestant Christians of the present day ? We
have national sins to be humbled for, as well as national
mercies to acknowledge, and I will tell you what our national
sins are. We have been tampering with popery for forty
years. It is little more than that period since what is called
the Quebec act was passed by which the church of Rome was
established in Lower Canada ; that was the beginning of sor-
rows ; that was the first step we advanced towards the mo-
ther of abominations. How have we been repaid for that
act? By a recent rebellion in Canada, and by a modern
attempt too likely to prove successful, to seize what arc
called " the clergy reserves, which were expressly set apart
for the support and encouragement of the Church of Eng-
land in that country. The next step was the endowment of
the college of Maynooth, and what has been the result ? We
were told by the promoters of it that a domestic college

would be likely to send fortl► an amiable, gentle, tolerant, and

benignant priesthood, for previous to this they came from
the continent, and in danger of being infected with conti-
nental principles which were not good. What, I again ask,
has been the result ? We know that the men who have issued
from that college have been the most factious, turbulent,

and disaffected,,., and greatest opponents to the church and
state, that Ireland has ever seen. (Cheers.) We were lately
told by one of those priests that there was not a priest in
Ireland who was not ready to put himself at the head of the

population in case certain ineasures of which they disapproved
passed the imperial legislature. (Hear.) Our next act was
the fatal act of 1829, the act commonly called the Roman
Catholic Emancipation Bill. When that act was passed, and
when in an evil hour his majesty was advised most reluctantly
to subscribe the royal .sign manual to it, the wooden horse
was admitted within the walls of our Troy—that horse which
is now pouring forth its armed men, filled with fury and
determination in their hearts against everything that bears the
name of Protestant. (Hear.) . And when, in addition to
the4e three national sins; the establishment .of popery in
Canada, the endowment of popery at home, and the
passing of the " relief bill, we further refer to the co-
lony of Newfoundland. where the Roman Catholics
have a majority in the House of Assembly, and where
a large and valuable grant of land has been lately made to
them for the purpose of building a Roman Catholic Cathe-
dral and palaces for their bishops, enough is said to shew
that the popish party in their ambition of supremacy, are
endangering our most sacred institutions, and shaking the
pillars of the state; and when, in addition to these, we men-
tion the National Board of Education in Ireland, we have
our national sins before us in most formidable array. (Hear,
hear!) I would advise every individual around me to make
himself acquainted with an admirable tract written by Dr.
Croly, in which he shows in a brief, powerful, and com-
prehensive way, how while protestantism was the policy of
England, she was triumphant at home and abroad, and that
whenever the slightest encouragement was given to popery,
she sunk and withered among the nations. (Hear.) I see
here the worthy secretary of the Liverpool Protestant Asso-
ciation, and I know how happy he wilt be to furnish you
with copies of it. There you will see our good Protestant
Queen Elizabeth, during her reign, raising the dignity of the
English nation to the highest pitch abroad, enabled to repress
all seditions and treasons at home. and to cause her name to
be feared throughout the world; there you will see James
the First ascend the throne, and as his policy was Protestant,
the same results followed. • When his son Charles the First
came to the throne, we do not see that he actually took into
his councils Roman Catholics—but at all events he married
the Popish Infanta of Spain, and what disastrous results fol-
lowed. •Again ; with Cromwell ; his policy was Protestant,
and in consequence of it he almost realised his splendid
boast, that he would make the name of Englishman as
much dreaded abroad as that of ancient Rome was. Charles
the Second was a concealed Roman Catholic, and it was in
hia reign that God visited the capital with two of the most
fearful visitations with which any city was ever visited—the
plague and the great fire. We know the respective histories
of James the Second and of William the Third, of glorious,
pious, and immortal memory. (Loud cheers.) And when
you read the history of our country since this sketch, and
since 1829, you will see the dangers in the present day are
but the beginning of the troubles which I believe will never
pass away till we have repented of these national sins, till we
have ceased to endow the Church of Rome at home, and in
our colonies abroad ; till we have obtained the withdrawal of
of the grant to Maynooth, TILL WE HAVE REPEALED THE
ROMAN CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION BILL, 'and consigned
to its merited destruction, THE NATIONAL BOARD OF EDU-
CATION IN IRELAND.. (Hear.) 'l'o conclude. I will relate
an anecdote of a great general of our country iii illustration
of our own duty at the present crisis. When once pressed,
with a little band of men, by a formidable enemy, he was
counselled to retreat and 'retire lest discomfiture should be

the consequence, just as many faint-hearted persons tell us
to retire. " Sound to the charge," said he, " I will advance ;
my cause is good, my sword is good, and I have every con-
fidence in the bravery of my followers, and with the blessing
of God we will conquer." Then, added he, " with regard to
enemy, we will kill some, of some we will make prison-
ers, and some will Mil away." It is precisely in this
spirit we would act; this is the example we would follow •,
with Christian protestantism inscribed upon our banners, and
the sword of the spirit in our hands, which is the word of
God, some of our enemies we will kill—with kindness, of
some we will make prisoners—prisoners of hope, and if there
be any that run away from us, we will with all diligence
pursue them as they fly, and say—" turn ye, turn ye, why
will ye die ?" The rev. gentleman then resumed his seat
amidst loud cheers.

The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, and declared it to have
been carried. .

Dr. ORPEN, in moving the next resolution, snid, that on
the great question which had brought the meeting together,
laymen felt as much interest as the ministers of the church,
because they were convinced that pope6r was the worst spe-
cies of idolatry that had ever existed in the world. (Hear.)
The Rev. HUGH M'Nisma on rising to second the resolu-
tion was received with great applause. He said—l have been
invited to second this resolution ; and in doing so, it may
be profitable to call the attention to what some of our enemies
may allege to be an inconsistency insthe representations that
have already been made. (Hear.) You have heard the
Romish system denounced idolatrous, superstitious, arrogant.
blasphemous. Under some of these heads you have had
statement made calculated to make you think and feel that it
was morally impossible that such a system should pass current
amongst men, or should increase under any circumstances
among reasonable beings. Yet in the very same speech, you
heard it alleged that nothing but a Protestant establishment
by authority can prevent that system from spreading in every
country. How is this? It it be so vile, if it be so
abominable, if it deserves all the epithets given to it in that
speech, supported as they were by the argutnents you have
heard, how is it that it should require a Protestant establish-
ment by authority to prevent its increase among reasonable
beings Now, this is one of the ways in which our enemies
place the matter. They say if the Romanist system be so
vile as you think it, why oppose it; leave it alone, it cannot
succeed ; on the contrary, if, as you admit, it has succeeded,
if it does succeed, if as you say it has increased in England,
if its places of worship from thirty have become more than
five hundred and fifty, then it cannot be the vile thing that
you describe it. Here is one of the dilemmas in whicu they
think they entangle the advocates of Protestantism. I have
now given utterance to one of the favourite arguments of the
liberals. I like exceedingly to enter at once into our enemy's
strongholds, because .1 feel our case is so strong as to be able
to overturn them ; I never like begging any question, but I
like proving our paint. (Hear, hear.)- I am asked, then,
by these gentlemen, " Why is it that ,a system so vile ns tkes
such progress, and requires such efforts to resist it ?" The
answer is brief: the proof of it may 'riot be quite so brief,
but the answer is this—the world is fallen. The world is
fallen ! The application of the answer I will now shew as
briefly as I can. It requires no'cultivation to produce in the
natural soil of this world weeds of every description. Docks,
thistles, nettles, and other vegetable vilenesses flourish in
the soil of a fallen world if that soil be let alone ; but it
requires constant care and patient toil to produce good wheat
in that soil • it requires the constant use of the eradicating
hoe, the plough, or the spade to guard against the constant
growth of tares, and to produce that salutary and nutritious
food of man. (Hear, hear,) The soil of the earth we tread
upon is in this respect an apt emblem of the character of
those who tread it. The- human mind is a. fallen soil, It
requires no cultivation to produce pride, malice, covetousness,
idolatry, blasphemy, envy, hatred, perjury, and all un-
charitableness ; these are the clocks, these are the nettles,
these the vegetable vilenesses ; leave man alone, and these
are the bad produce, the polsonous luxuriance of every com-
munity. (Cheers.) These are the very features you have
heard stamped upon the .Popish system, these are*the natural
produce of fallen mans heart. (Hear.) It requires no
cultivation to give increase to Popery. (Cheers.) Leave
man alone, and you will have it in abundance, just as if you
leave the natural soil alone, you will have weeds in abun-
dance. (Hear, hear.) But it requires constant care, vigilant
efforts, and unwearied toil to produce truth and holiness and
love—that is Scriptural Protestantism as my rev. friend has
expressed it. Scriptural Protestantism my friends, is the result
of pains-taking discipline, the result of prayer and preaching,
. and all the legitimate means used by those to whom the Scriptu-
ral trust has been committed—private means by private men,
and public means by publics men—and the result of ell
this, carefully followed out, and constantly exhibited, is
scriptural protestantism. (Cheers.) Here there is the rea-
son why a system, although verily as evil as my reverend
friend has described it, does, nevertheless, make progress in
this world unless checked, as he has shown it is in Holland,
in Germany, in Sweden, and thanks be to God in England.
(Cheers.) If the reformers of the sixteenth century had let
England alone, if they had taken the advice now given to
us by our liberal friends who say, " for mercy's sake do not
agitate this question among the people, be quiet, leave the
thing alone, leave England alone, for we are doing very well ;
leave protestantism to itself, it will increase, for it is the
truth, leave the reformation to itself, and do not agitate this
matter"—how, I say, if the reformers of the sixteenth cen-
tury had left England to itself, she would -have remained
overgrown by the weeds, the poisonous weeds of the middle
ages. (Cheers.) If the reformers of the second and third
centuries had left the Roman empire to itself; it would not
have been weiged down under the polytheism of paganism.
(Hear, hear.) If the reformers of the first century, and the
great reformer, our Lord Jesus Christ himself, had left
Judaism to itself, it would have remained infected with the
traditions of men, and the pharasaical performances which
made void the commandments of God. (Hear, hear, hear.)
If the ancient Prophets had let their nation alone, it would
have followed the worship of Baal, :and polluted the land
with idols. If Moses had left his brethren alone, they would
have been content with their slavery—with the meats and
onions and flesh-pots of Egypt—and have been content to
spend their lives to the death in bondage. (Hear, hear.)
Nay, if Almighty God had left the world alone, even after
the solemn warning of the deluge, it would have turned into
a second and a worse hell, where all the fierce mental pas-
sions of malignant demonism would have been added to the
carnal vileness of unrestrained brutality. (Cheers.) But
God in mercy protested
.against the downward career of our
species, and calling to himself a man from Mesopotamia
made'him and his family witnesses against the flow of cor-
ruption ()Nile human species, getting up a standard for truth
in the world. (Hear.) Moses protested and rescued his
brethren "from the slavery of Egypt; the priests protested
and caused the images of Baal to be broken down in the land,
from Dan to Beersheba, and our Saviour and the apostles,
protested and put to shame the pharisees. The first re-
formers in the infant church of Christ protested, they stood
to their protest whilst cast to the lions in the Roman Amphi-
theatre, and the blood of these martyrs proved the seed of
Christ's church. (Loud applause.) Our reformers of the
sixteenth century protested, and from the embers of the
fires that consumed their perishing bodies there arose
a moral, an imperishable flame, which has kindled and burnt
in England ever since, in the light of which the British con-
stitution, with the Bible freely circulated, and all the holy
and blessed consequences in public, private, and domestic
life, all the endearments connected with a national establish-
ment, all the softness and sweetness of retiring love which
glows like so many gentle and benignant flowers—all these
fill the land with fragrance, and have sent up sweet incense
to God—all, I say, have been warmed by the flame that
burst from the expiring martyrs. (Cheers.) The flame that
was lighted under the walls of Oxford, the martyrs declared
never would be put out, and it never has. (Loud cheers.)
Thanks be to God we are witnesses this night that it has
not, and that it cannot be put out. (Renewed cheers.) But
there has been mischief done, although the light has not been
put out. (Hear, hear.) I agree with Daniel O'Connel (hisses)
in these words, " I am a repealer." (Laughter.) He says,
" Hurrah for old Ireland, I am a repealer ;" so say I ; and
there will never be real justice for Ireland till she has our
repeal. (Cheers. What is it? I am a repealer, sir; and I
believe that the worst enemies of the Irish population have
had their powers enlarged, and their machinations increased,
by the operation of the emancipation bill, falsely so called,
in such a way as that they are rivetting the fetters of
mental and bodily slavery upon that population ; and what-
ever name they may give it, under whatever specious form they
may present it to win the good opinion of the unsuspecting
English, it is a fact that the bondage of Romanism is made
more intolerable since the passing of that act; the difficulty
of the people to get the Holy Scriptures, the bars against
hearing the gospel, the almost impossibility of hearing and
reading the glad tidings of salvation in their own houses,
which might have been done before that measure, and now it
cannot be done, and the only way to restrain the resisting
power, the only way to put the people in a safe condition for
' the liberty in which we can have free course to preach the
gospel in that country, without risk to the people themselves
as well as to the preacher, is again to put Romanism where
she must always be, unless she is at the top—if she is not to
be dominant she must be coerced. The Romish system will
not bear parallelism. Parallels suppose equality ; Romanism
rejects equality. Romanism claims supremacy ; parallelism
is impossible. If the system could be really parallel with
British enjoyments, if the Romisb system admitted of British

light, if it truly recognized the last resort of British justice,
if the Roman Catholics really and truly enjoyed the privileges
of the British constitution, if jurors. ould be depended upon,
if they were not afraid in the jury-box with regard to the
verdicts they should bring in, if witnessess could be depended
upon, if they were not under restraint because of the sur-.
rounding people and the priests watching what testimony they
shall give,—if these things could be depended upon as.in

Engla-nd, I say of the testimony of witnesses, if the free un-
fettered verdict of juries in which British liberty rests, and

without which it cannot continue, could be depended upon in
the Romish population, then politicalequalitv might be what
some call it, justice to Ireland. (Hear.) But as it is, po-
litical equality upon tilt statute-book becomes injustice to
England in the practice. Injustice to England, I said,—
for equality is utterly impossible. The systems can't be
equal ; they cannot continue parallel ; the Romish system.
must either be so placed under restraint as to have no prac-
ticable opportunity, or it must be so placed above compare
as to have no hindrance, no opposition, in the way of its uni-
versal power. (Hear.) Romanism is not a lovely thing to
be fondled up to a certain point, and there kept still; it is a
mighty engine urged forward by the hosts of wisely or-
ganized men, cunning, crafty men, taking counsel together
peaceably and quietly, and putting on any external exhibi- •
tion that best suits the feature of the times they live in, and
the country it is intended for—wearing one feature in Italy,
another in Spain, another in Austria, another in France,
another in Ireland, and another in England, just to suit the
tone of the times, obtaining in theory the name of unchanga-
ble,.and exhibiting in practice a perpetual camelion. (Hear,
hear.) It is never the same. What a mystery of iniquity is
here ! Its present aspect is this country is two-fold. It has
one species of books for England, and another for Ire-
land ; it has a modified theology fit for the English mind in
which all the baser principles are completely obscured, in
which the most amiable sentiments are professed, and the
charity which is known to be the idol of the present indiffer-
entism is highly extolled. But it has a different species of
book for a different species of readers. I think it may be
well to supply you with one specimen of this difference—sit
specimen of the mode in which a certain subject is treated in
a book intended for the amiable, intelligent, and educated
population of England, and how the same subject is treated
in a book intended for the practical purposes of Romanism in
other' countries. (Hear.) Here is a specimen of the lan-
guage in which they treat on one subject when intended to
suit the taste of English readers. You will observe I
am going to meet the reproach so frequently thrown out
against us that we slander the system, that we are
bigotted misrepresenters of our Roman Catholic fellow-
subjects. lam not willingly a misrepresenter of any
one, but I have been painfully compelled to the conclu-
sion that Romish writers misrepresent their own system, in .
order to deceive British Christians. (Hear, hear.) The
subject which I have selected to supply you with a specimen
of this is their treatment of images. I hold in my hand a
'book of the celebrated Mr. Gother, which has gone through
a great many editions ; this is a new edition printed in Edin-
burgh in 1836, and intended for the reading of Englishmen
and Scotchmen; (Here the rev. gentleman read a passage
from Gother, containing a softened gloss on the use of images.)
This sounds very simple and very innocent ; and this is al-
leged to he the only use Roman Catholics make of pictures.
Here is a representation of the case in a book intended fur
English readers. 1 protest that if I had access to no other
books upon the subject, if I were so easily to be taken in as
to take Mr. Gother's word without examining other books,
or to take the celebrated Bossuet's word, who wrote for the
purpose of sal% ing over the mischief popery creates, by ap-
parent sympathy for the people among whom it rests—l say
if I were content with this sort of reading I should be a libe-
ral. I should say, my good friend Mr. Oak' is a perfect
bigot to ascribe such sentiments to persons who write so gen-
teely as this. (Hear.) Now here is the very delusion they
have practised upon England, and here is the very delusion
we want to dissipate by means of Protestant Associations;
we do not desire to misrepresent Popery, but to draw away
the mask by which they misrepresent it in order to gain upon
you. (Cheers.) Now, I will give you the use of images as
it is set forth practically to my poor fellow-countrymen, and
not to them only, but to the great bulk of what is called the
Catholic world. I turn to the Second Nicene Council, ap-
proved by Pope Adrian, kept by the whole church, declared
to be a general council, arid referred to by the inspired as-
sembly of Trent. At that council the Bishop of Constan-
tinople told these circumstances concerning the use of images
as a practical illustration of the sentiments he laid down.
" A carter went, with his goad in his hand, into one of
the churches of that city, (Cyprus) to say his prayers. In
the midst of his devotions, he chanced to see an image of the
virgin in co'ours on the wall; upon which he lifted up his
goad. and struck out the right eye of the figure. On leaving
the church, he returned to his tcarn and soon afterwards
having occasion to use his goad, the instrument broke, a
fragment entered his right eye, and blinded him. This man,"
adds the bishop, " I myself have seen, and I know him to
have only one eye." _

Now what impression is that intended to have upon the
mind of the reader with regard to the virtue of images ? "We
protest," says Bossuet, " that Catholics ascribe no virtue to
images—they have only the same regard for them as any
affectionate Protestant might have for anything that had
belonged to his friends." Aye, but the carter that the Bishop
of Constantinople told about had a very different view ; he
felt what it was to touch an image. " Another man," says
the Bishop, " of the city of Citium, in the same island,
being employed to hang a church with veils, in honor of the
festival of the blessed virgin's assumption, in the course of
his work drove a nail into the forehead of an image of St.
Peter, painted on one of the seal's. He 'fastened his rope,
and spread the veil; but, before an hour was over, he was
seized with an intolerable pain in his head, particularly iu
his forehead; this continued two days of the testival, during
which he lay in great torment. It happened, however, that
the bishop of Citium [ward of the occurrence ; and he, after
giving the man a severe reprimand, directed him to go and
take the nail out of the image : lie ‘.l.d so, and, as soon.as
the nail was extracted, his pain ceased."
(Laughter.) Now I pray you, Mr. Chairman, to observe the
connection with which I read these things. It is not to pro-
duce the passing laugh—l wish I could read them without
producing it, because when all we say and do is reported the
laugh seems as if we were laughing ot our Roman Catholic
brethren. (Hear.) God forbid. I would not willingly laugh
at any of their absurdities any more than I would commit
any other sin, but I cannot be restrained from showing you
the excess of the misrepresentations, of the deceit, of the
men who know that this is the use of images upon tens of
thousands of people; I say the deceit of the men who put
out such books as this to snake the people of England believe
that the Roman Catholic's worship of images is perfeCy in-
nocent. (Hear.) This is the c. w-gc, - that-- ropery- has
two faces. I want you to see that it has one face
all blandness and all charity—and, indeed, as I sad before,
I do not wonder our liberals are deceived who will ► ot tab'
the trouble of searching for the other face. (Hear.) Then,
they say, that other face has been expunge d long since; is
was lost in the middle ages, end you are ungeneteit s ots
to rake up those stories and tell what re sae l at the Seemed
Council of Nice, as if it were in operation now in Ireland.
A VOICE.—Hear, hear.
Mr. ieltNeree.--That is a liberal, I suppose. (Hear.) 1
would ask hits—Did you hear Mr. Cild's story about the
fairy, that occurred in Ireland the other day ? (Cheers.)
I have said enough now, Mr. Chairman, to show your
friends in this place, in this large respectable and influential
assembly of your parishioners, our object in forming pro-
testant associations. If any man ask us "Is it right to
form such associations—is it right to go about agitating this
question." I ask him " is it right to keep England protes-
tant? (Cries of Yes, yes.') If it be right to keep Eng-
land protestant, then it is right to use means for the par-
pose. (Hear.) To expect results without suitable means,
is the basest enthusiasm of an unreasonable mind; but to
use the means is sound practical wisdom. We anticipate
results; so do some who do not join our agitation. There
are many who say, keep England protestant certainly, but
we will not join protestant associations." Who are the mad-
men then—the men who expect the harvest without the seed,
or the bold industrious labourers who drive the plough,
break up the fallow ground, and work it in spring time, that
they may leave a harvest as the legitimate result ot their
pains taking and toil? (Hear.) You can all do something.
Yon have had a petition against any further grants to MaY-
noatli, I am informed. A petition against Maynooth
shows the nature of one part of our proceedings. Some'
thing was said by my friend Mr. Ould about politics,
and I confess I stood in doubt, at first, of what my friend,
meant when he said, if this were a political object he would
not be here. Sir, it is a political object. (Hear, hear.) The,'"
are various senses in which that word may be used, and be
was right in the sense in which he used it. It is a political
object in this way—it is a political object, because it inter-
ests the whole kingdom. What is the difference between 3
political and a religious object ? I said I felt in doubt, and 1'
was staggered when I heard my friend distinguish between
political and religious, and say this was entirely a _ Yell;
gious question. I know, however, that he and I agree ;
know his meaning well, and I only refer to it that you nlef
know mine. The politicians have assailed our religion, an°,,
they have mode the defence of the Bible to be a politics'
question; we cannot defend the use of the Bible without be-
ing accused as political partisans ; we cannot defend the.
free circulation of the whole Bible in the native language or
the country, or its use in national education, without being
abused for it as politicians. It is thus, not because we volun-
teer political movements, but because our opponents vo-
lunteer anti-religious movements. (Cheers:) NVe are there-
fore brought into collision with them. It is not, however'
a party political question, and as my friend puts in that wort"
Ido not object. Maynooth was founded by Mr. Pitt'
forty-five years ago this summer, and has been supported
by every British minister since, of all parties, there-
fare when we oppose Maynooth, it is not a party Question.
Sir Robert Peel would support Mavnooth it' he were
prime minister to-morrow, and I should be as much opposed,
to him as I ain to Lord Melbourne, so would Mr. Ould, an
so would all the protAtant associations in the kingdo"2"
(Cheers.) We will make this quite clear as regards WO;
politics—we are repealers of a measure which the Duke "'
Wellington and Sir Robert Peel carried. We want them to
acknowledge that they were wrong. We ourselves truly be-
lieve and think they were wrong. I wish the noble dukes
whose 71st birth day has been celebrated here to-day—(greel"
cheering)—oh !if lie would redeem the pledge he gave i:11
1829, how would your cheering for him be heightened an
improves'e ! (Hear, hear.) H said if the emancipation bell
did not tranquillize Ireland, he would go down to the house
and ask for additional rowers—and he had the same con -
deuce in their lordships granting them, as he now had in ask-
ing them to pass the present bill. (Hear.) Has it tranquil-
lized Ireland? (No, no.) Here is a curious specimen e",
their tranquility, scarcely dry in the newspapers, where 41'
great arch agitator, my brother repealer, only he means $
different act, said—
" Why, they did not give us religious liberty until the
year 1829—and then they did give it to us, even ? Was it
free gift ? Were we not imploring them to give it to '7,
before they consented ? Oh ! yes, we were imploring, tr
be sure, but we implored. with five or six millions at our
backs. Whenever you want to persuade a stubborn felloeif
who won't go on, bring five or six and twenty fellows w,l,thtl
von—if you want to cow a fellow who won't,do what is ring
by all means have as many of your neighbours looking at )•r'
as you can."
Perhaps you do not know what this means, but I dare say
knows it very well—
" So we took five or six millions to look at Wellinet on
and Peel and Co., and behold they took the infection
as if we had the cholera. Peel and Wellington took tlje
emancipation cholera, and we succeeded in infecting thee';
(Great cheering.) Yes, we got the emancipation, and howe
We got it, and no thanks to them—that is the way we got jct., !
No thanks to them ! 0 grateful, grateful Mr. O'Connel
(Hear.) But there is another passage in this speeclethe
have a little more interest in. He says—
" Stanley may have the advantage of the bigotry 801 10
dominent in England, and which holds out such reivara! rlt
those unprincipled and mercenary scoundrels who go au°
slandering the people o f Ireland.'
He calls an exposure ut popery slandering the Irish peoeler ‘vs.
hence he means the speakers at the Protestant Aescclati'se,
Those unprincipled and mercenary scoundrels ! M r.Chairineto
conscience has been a subject of pains taking study 'ol' ee-
for some years. and I have seldom met with a more instrve
tive sample than that presented by Mr. O'Cotinell• is
manner in which he so rudely assails others as mercenary his
but the unintentional vibration of his conscience 111,"1-;eee.
tongue. (Hear.) Mercenary ! Where are our rents
~eeee,
cenary ! Where are the collecting boxes for Robert Mu"Nere
Mortimer O'Sullivan, and Hugh Al'Neile ? (Hear.) ,ere
defy him or any man to point out a single instance in. w7t. ifi
we have been paid for our Protestant agitation, whileall
easy to see that his agitation would have been seety
and brief but for the thousands wrung out of the ET I
earnings of a priest-ridden peasantry. Scoundrels •,tit
do not know the exact etymolo of that word.
its practical application is obvious. Again, I ref
eef the
the valuable lesson to be derived from the study 0
human conscience.. Men have been detected, thieves

been detected by the power of conscience—unprincipled mer-
cenary scoundrels have been detected by the unconscious
power of conscience. It has broken out in spite of them ;
and when speaking of others before they have had time to
collect 'themselves and find more appropriate- language, the
unworthy object, painted upon the retina of self application
has been exhibited from the tongue, and they. have described
themselves to a nicety in the attempt to calumniate others.
Now all this is-said, sir, for the purpose of intimidating Eng-
land, for the purpose of browbeating the House of Commons,
in order to prevent them from daring—aye, daring—(hear)—
yes, the British House of Commons must not dare to do
what Mr. O'Connell does not approve of—to place the Irish
Reform Bill upon the principle of the English as to annual
Registration, to remove the names of men who have for-
feited their qualification, or of men who are dead, and thus
to close the door which is now open for fraud, and perjury,
and deception. What is opposition to Lord Stanley's Bill, but
a determination to keep that door open? (Hear) The in-
consistency of that opposition, is as flagrant as its corrup
tion. (Cheers.) Mr. O'Connell has made the welkin ring
with bawlings for assimilation between the English and Irish
Reform Acts : but it was all pretence to swell the rent.
This is proved, because when in some important particulars,
assimilation is proposed, he takes fright, and exemplify-
ing the epithets he so lavishly applies ; in other words,
personifying the unprincipled and mercenary scoundrel,
he unbawls what he bawled before, and says, No,—lf you
pass that Bill, if you dare to deprive us of getting
votes from purgatory, then what is his threat? then
nabocklish ! (t.oud cheers.) If I understood Irish better
than I do I eould not in two hours give you the power of that
word.. It means . something of this kind—"if they dare !
aye, let it alone boys till the time comes, and then we'll"—
(hear, and cheers). Hear what this man, who speaks from
hi • conscience, and describes himself so accurately says. He
called that high-minded senator, the noble Lord Stanley,
a scorpion and a Nero. But you will remember him as the
man who accurately describes himself. (Hear.) He says,
about emancipation—
" The Tories. were somewhat like the bad school-boy, who,
fwhen he has got something good in his mug, spits in it for
ye! that his neighbours should be asking him for it. Accord-
ingly, having got the emancipation in their mug, they spit in
Ithink
it for fear it should do any good from it."
quite enough now has been said to lead to the.esta-
blishment of an energetic Protestant Association at Birken-
head. You have signed
you have a petition against Maynooth, and
ha petition for Church Extension. That lies at the
root of
our enemt ie matter.
ys as drawn up
(Hear.) You heard Mr. Ould describe
the churin beautiful array of battle against
ch. Now
that are a • acid ,a( one to the multitude of petitions,
Inglis in u p to strensthen the hands of Sir Robert
(We will). Soproaeaja-
g motion for church extension.
I thm for nationalan know whether you have sent np a peti-
The mum t religious education.
„_ - N.—Not yet.
M ciaaa—Well, when you have you will have com-
pleted the circle in all but one point. You must be repealers
(Cheers.) You must ask for the regeneration of the coun-
try, and for the preservation of our liberties, by placing Pro-
testantism where alone it can be safe. (Hear.) Rest assured
it never can be safe upon a level, because Popery is
essentially intolerant, and systematically usurping, and
never can be quiet except when it is in supremacy. (Loud
cheers.) It is not yet so. Our sovereign • must be a
Protestant; our sovereign must be a member of the Es-
tablished Church. That law still stands. The Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland must still be a member of the
Established Church ; the Lord Chancellor of England
must still be a member of the Established Church ; the Lord
Chancellor of Ireland must still be a member of the Esta-
blished Church. We have so much of the constitution of
the country left yet; but I say, unless our Protestantism be
re-established, these lingering remnants cannot remain.
You must either go forwent or go back. (Hear.) If you
vote a parallelism between Popery and Protestantism, how
shall you retain what then becomes an inconsistent insult to
the Catholic religion ? 'You will soon hear all the old argu-
ments about persecution applied to the remaining restrictions
~you will have it said you keep up the esprit du corps by
these invidious distinctions ; why not open the woolsack
for your Catholic fellow Christians, as well as the other
parties in the state? (Hear, hear.) Then what is the next
Step ? What an insult to the old religion to prevent the
throne from being occupied by Catholics? What is the an-
swer? It cannot be given by any man who will justify the
the'act of 1829. The principle of that act gives up all ; and
the points still so retained are inconsistent with it. I would
undertake to prove that the reservation of the crown and
Woolsack, and the vice-regal crown in Ireland, are- flagrant
inconsistencies—that they stand now as blots upon your sta-
tute book. (Hear.) You have passed the principle, and re-
fused to carry it out. But there was more than one princi-
ple in that bill. 'One principle was that there should no
longer be exclusion from political power in consequence of
religious belief. I say, then, after this, there is an inconsis-
tency in still . excluding Catholics from time offices I have
'lamed ; but to pass from this subject, I would say there was
another. principle in that bill, and that was that the esta-
blished church should .sustain no damage by the passing of
it.. There was security, or rather there was supposed to be
security taken for the accomplishment of this part of the con-
tract. The contract on one side was that political offices, as
Parliament, and the various offices of the state, with the ex-
ceptions already made, should be open irrespective of reli-
gious belief; the contract upon the other side was that the
established church should sustain no damage, and in order
to make good that side of the contract, an oath was required
from those who availed themselves of the first side. Now,
I say one side of the contract has been kept to this moment,
and the other violated. We have kept our part ; we have
opened the offices mentioned in the act to Roman Catholics,
but they have not kept their part, far they have availed
themselves of the opening so made to injure our established
church. (Hear, hear.). What should the result be? If a
Sontract be made ; if there be a condition upon either side ;
1t one party is found to fulfil their condition and the other
Party to violate theirs, what should the result be ? I grant
first step should be expostulation. 1 would go to the
violating party and say, ". you should have kept your part of
the bargain as we have ;" but if you found upon expostulation
they would not do so—if you found them quibbling and say-
14g they have not. although they have, most flagrantly vio-
lated it by using their influence to do away with ten bishop-
rics of the Established Church, after swearing not to injure
that church as established; what should the result be? What
Would any.plain man of business say and do ? Ido not say
You should proceed to repeal the contract ; I say that it is
repealed by time violation of it, (Cheers). One party has
not Stood-td it, and therefore he has absolved you from your
Part. As to all .moral obligation the repeal has beeucarried,
1-Ty the disastrous conduct of one of the parties, and we
want the legislature to ratify that repeal, in order that we
,toay not be .bound when the other -party has ceased to be
nound. Yet they will say this is intolerance, that we would
drive them into the Atlantic if we could. I protest if I had
the power I would drive them all whither I would go myself,
upon-the wrings of faith in time enjoyment of the Holy Spirit ;
I would .set before them not the foul idolatry which neu-
tralizes the Gospel, but Jesus Christ crucified ; I would set
before them not the atoning work of man, or time helping
work of man to atone, not the purifying fire of purgatory, not
the absolving pretences of the priest, but the all-sufficiency
of time Lamb'of God, who taketh away the sins of the world.
(Hear.) . 1 would set before them that blood which cleanseth
from all sin, which whosoever believes is made whiter than
snow,-is loved with the pure love wherewith God loved his
own Son, and embraced in the arms of • everlasting mercy,
cleansed from every defilement of flesh and spirit, received as
a member of Christ, of his flesh and of his bones, an heir of
everlasting glory, so that to be absent from the body is at once
to be present with the Lord, beyond the reach of masses or
Prayers or man's performances in the holy enjoyment of him
who loved him and gave himself for him. (Hear.) This,
sir, is the emancipation we would propagate ; this time liberty
which no man can repeal ; this the power of God to salvation.
0, we desire to propagate these truths among the Irish peo-
Ple ; we desire nothing more than an opportunity to proclaim
this fully to them ; but whilst doing it we desire to maintain
the fountain from which it springs, the base upon which it
. rests under the good providence of God, and that is British
liberty. (Cheers.) We have been taunted by hon. and right
hon• gentlemen with holding the absurd notion of striving to
Propagate the gospel by means of force. We never enter-
tained such a notion. Having disposed of this charge, The
rev gentleman concluded as follows :—I hope that your wor-
thy pastor and chairman will not differ from but agree with
:Mr. O'Connell in being a repealer. He (Mr. O'Connell)
Said--" They say we are mad if we anticipate the repeal—it
is impossible repeal should he carried." What was his an-
swer ? " I say it is impossible that it shall not be." And
What he said of the repeal of the Union we say of the repeal
of the Emancipation Bill. Madness to ask for its repeal!
No ; but it is real madness to expect tranquillity in our Pro-
testant empire without its repeal.\ Lord Stanley's bill,
though excellent in itself, is but a palliation of the mischief,
not a remedy. Against even this, however, the Agitator is
in arms, and profiting by the fearful success of his threaten-
ing in times past, he is again treating England as a coward,
and has pledged himself, in time speech just quoted, that if
Lord Stanley's bill was carried he would die upon the floor
of the House of Commons. He said, " I will stop that bill
or I will die upon the floor of the house." What ! Is Eng-
land to be threatened, to be cowed, to be put down by the
brawling of a man like this, in a speech, too, that goes through
the length and breadth of the land upon the birthday of Wel-
lington ? (Cheers, and cries of hear, hear.) Surely the
man is infathated ! Surely he has been allowed to utter a
threat to rouse the generous blood of the British Lion, which
will say—" No, no; whilst you patted me it was all very
bUt if you begin to threaten, take care, nabocklish I', (Great cheering.) The motion was then carried.
The Rev. C.J. Amiuros moved the formation of the
Birkenhead Branch of the Liverpool Protestant Association,
the rules of which he read. The motion was carried unani-
mously.

After a few other remarks had been made the meeting
separated.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]
ROYAL GEORGE, STEAMER.— In reference to a paragraph
Which appeared in the Mail of Thursday last, headed "Wood
Iron, 'we arc authorised to state, that the Royal George,
iron steamship, left Glasgow at 12 minutes past 7, and the
Admiral, wooden steamer, at 20 minutes past 8. The iron
steamer arrived at the Rock at 3 o'clock, and the wooden
steamer at half-past four. The time, therefore, occupied
from Glasgow to Liverpool by the wooden steamer was 20
hours 10 minutes, and by the iron steamer 19 hours 48
minutes ; leaving a difference in favour of the iron steamer of
22 minutes, exclusive of 25 minutes taking cargo at Renfrew
and detention at Greenock, which would make a total gain of
47 minutes in favour of the iron steamer.—Mail of Saturday.
GLASGOW STEAMERS.—The new wooden steamer. Admi-
ral, upwards of 400 horses power, left Greenock on Tuesday
evening last, about half-past 11 o'clock, and arrived at the
Rock at 20 minutes past 4 o'clock, on Wednesday. The
iron steamer Royal George, left Greenock same evening, at
10 o'clock, and reached the Rock at 3 o'clock on Wednes-
day, making the passage in 17 hours. The distance was thus
run in only a few minutes less time by the Admiral than by
the iron vessel, not much more than half the power of the
wooden vessel.—Albion of yesterday.
- The above gratuitous lying which is seemingly in-
tended to gull the public, needs no other contradiction than
the follov.ing statement of facts:—
First trip out, the difference in time of arrival taken from
opposite the Clarence Dock was precisely one

Iron boat arrived at
Admiral
Difference in start fronaGreenock was I. 37

This time of start from Greenock, therefore, taken into
account, the Admiral's gain on the first trip was about 37
minutes.

Second trip to Greenock,—Admiral started first by 4 mi-
nutes, and arrived first by 38 minutes; difference again in
favour of Admiral, 34 minutes,
Third trip from Greenock,—Admiral started first by 15
minutes, and arrived first by 55 minutes : difference again in
favour of Admiral 40 minutes.
Their trial trips have been performed in calm weather and
smooth water, circumstances the most disadvantageous (in a
trial of speed) for a sea-going vessel like the Admiral ; and
any invidious remarks about " difference of power," will
have small weight with those persons who choose practically
to make themselves acquainted with the difference between
the Admiral steam-ship and any Iron steam-boat trading to
this port.
DAVID MAc IvEu. and Co.

• • FIRE ON THE NORTH UN lON RAILWAY.—On Thursday
bight, when the London and Preston mail train was on its
• way to the north, and not far from the Wolverton station,
°, ne- of the carriages (the one belonging to the North Union
'ine) was perceived to be on tire ; and before any means
• could be used to quench the flames, the whole of the car-
'nage, with the greater part of the parcels which it con-
tained, (in number thirty-one) were consumed.—Preston

THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL.

THE LAST NIGHT OF THE MOUNTAIN SYLPH.

Last Night but Three of MISS ROMER and
MR. G. STANSBURY.
91 HIS present TUESDAY, May 5, 1840, will be per-
ig formed, for the last time, Barnett's celebrated grand
romantic Opera, entitled the
MOUNTAIN SYLPH.
With all the original Music, as performed in London, up-
wards of two hundred successive nights, at the Theatre-
Royal, English Opera,
The Musical arrangements under the direction of Mr. Aldridge.
E01ia.... (the Mountain Sylph).... Miss Romer,
As originally performed by her in London.
Hela.... (the Wizard of the Glen).... Mr. G. Stansbury.
Donald Mr. Barker.
Christie.. Mr. Baker. I Bailie Macwhapple.. Mr. P. Crowe.
Jessie.... Miss Grant. Etheria.. Mrs. P. Crowe.
To conclude with the Tragedy, written by the Reverend
R. C. Maturin, called
BERTRAM.
Bertram.. Mr. Stewart.
Imogine Miss Cleaver.
On WEDNESDAY, the Opera of LOVE IN A VIL-
LAGE. Rosetta, Miss Romer; Hawthorn, Mr. G. Stans-
bury ; Justice. Woodcock, Mr. Baker; Young Meadows,
Mr. Barker ; Hodge, Mr. Slaiter ; Deborah Woodcock, Mrs.
Clarke ; Lucinda, Mrs. P. Crowe ; Madge, Miss Grant. To
conclude with the Melo-Drama of the MILLER AND HIS
MEN.
On THURSDAY, the Opera of THE LOVE SPELL
will be repeated for the last time, with other Entertainments.
On FRIDAY, Mr. 0. STANSBURY'S BENEFIT, and
the last night of the Engagement of Miss Romer and Mr.
G. Stansbury.

Ebt Etbrrpool &tantratt.

TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 5, 1840.

Advices have been received from Jamaica to the 20th
of March. Our files of the Royal Gazette and Ja-
nzaica Standard only extend to the 14th of the same
month. The news contained in these papers is, on the
whole, of a more favourable character than it has been
for some months previous. The liberal, wise, and con-
ciliatory policy pursued by his Excellency Sir Charles
Metcalfe, since his assumption of the government of
the island, had succeeded in restoring general confi-
dence. Political agitation had, in a great measure,
been suspended. All parties were regaining that happy
state of puce and comfort inseparable from the well-
doing of a community. We are sorry, however, to
find that the Baptist missionaries and their coadjutors
have again been endeavouring to disturb the peace of
the island, by inflaming the minds of the negroes, and
creating a bad feeling in them towards their employers.
It is evident, from the reports before us, that the ob-
ject of these restless agitators is, to instigate the black
population of the colony to rebellion. We cannot, on
any other supposition, adequately account for their ex-
traordinary proceedings. It appears that the negroes
were beginning to alter their ways, and to evince a
greater readiness to accede to such terms as the plan-
ters could afford in return for their labour. This dis•
position to labour alarmed the grievance-mongers—
their craft stood in danger—their agitation was likely
to receive its death-blow. Conscious of this, Mr.
Knibb—the O'Connell of Jamaica—and the worthies
who, like him, fatten upon the miseries of the negroes,
immediately began to fulminate their anathemas against
Sir Charles Metcalfe. Their firebrand organ, the Bap-
tist Herald, has indulged in a series of virulent and
and abusive tirades against his Excellency, in which it
is more than insinuated that the policy which he is now
pursuing will lead to incendiarism and bloodshed. The
truculent language of this abominable publication is
calculated to incite the coloured population to rebellion.
We sincerely trust and pray that its diabolical attempts
may end in failure. We have great confidence in the
firmness and integrity of Sir Charles Metcalfe, and we
have' our hopes that he will finally succeed in repairing
the mischief created by his intemperate predecessor.

Sir Charles Metcalfe had given great satisfaction on
his tour through the island. It seems to be his con-
stant study and endeavour to conciliate all parties.
While a portion of the Baptist missionaries were re-
viling his government, he confounded and put to shame
the sedition-mongers, by partaking of their hospita-

lity.
The Royal Gazette gives but an unfavourable account
of the agricultural prospects of the island. Some pro-
perties were doing well, but it is surmised that the
whole of the present crop will not exceed two-thirds of
the last. The crop of 1839 amounted to two-thirds of
that of 1838. The crop of 1840 will only be two-
thirds of that of 1839. And yet Mr. Scoble and his
fellow-agitators have. the audacity to allege_that_there
has been no falling off in the trade and produce of Ja-
maica ! Can the power of impudence go any further ?
The falling off in the staple products of Jamaica is
ruinous in the highest degree. Renewed agitation, and
the threatened equalisation of the duties on sugar, will
assuredly prove the death-blow to Jamaica as a sugar
colony.

The coffee-crop in some districts, it is stated, will be
lamentably deficient. In the parish of St. George,
where 931,000 lbs. were made, the quantity has been
reduced to 157,000; and in the beautiful and prolific
parish of Manchester, which has been torn and dis-
tracted by internal dissensions, the decrease will be
tremendous. " But," as is well remarked by the Royal
Gazette, " coffee is a production which will thrive in
the island, provided the planters can obtain labourers
and the only way to overcome the dfniculty is, by a de-
termined and energetic spirit of immigration. Let tie
tide of immigration flow towards the island, and it will
yet recover itself—without immigration it must retro-
grade." This is language with which we most heartily.
agree. We rejoice to find that the question of immi-
gration is forcing itself more than ever upon the notice
of the colonial press, and „assuming an accumulated
degree of importance. Would that we could persuade
our brethren of the conservative press in England to
bestow more attention upon this subject, and to join
with us in a simultaneous effort to force it upon the at-
tention of the Home Government.

The silk companies in Jamaica were going on pros-
perously. Mr. Whitmarsh with the Alpine, and Mr.
Bradford with the Multicaulis, were both sanguine;
and the Royal Gazette expresses a hope that a supply
of silk would, ere long, reach the London market from
the island. _ _

The spirit of improvement was effecting wonders in
Kingston. Considerable taste is said to be displayed
in the various public buildings in process of erection.
A company was in course of formation for supplying
the city with water, and hopes were entertained that a
gas company would be soon established.
The Planters' Bank had declared its first dividend at
five per cent, for the first six months, placing a large
amount to the surplus fund. This institution appears
to be in a very prosperous condition, having recently
had a large increase of wealthy shareholders, connected
with the agricultural interest.

We have received our files of the Guiana Times and
of the Guiana Chronicle to the 6th of March, inclu-
sive. We regret to find the latter of these journals
occupying so much of its space with paltry personal
disputes, instead of devoting its energies, as hereto-
fore, to the social and general improvement of the co-
lony. This is a time when personal animosities should
give way, in each of our western colonies, to a grand
and simultaneous effort to procure the inestimable boon
of free immigration. Everything should be made sub-
servient to this. Of course, we are alluding only to
secular matters when we thus express ourselves.

e have already transferred to our columns an ex-
cellent article from the Guiana Times, on the state and
prospects of British Guiana. We hope that its peru-
sal has effected much good.
We learn from the Guiana Chronicle that the Court
of Policy at Demerara had voted considerable sums
for the support of parochial clergymen throughout the
Colony, as well as for the promotion of religious edu-
cation in general. We mention this in answer to the
cavils of such men as Mr. Scoble, with whom it is a
customary charge against the planters that they have
done little or nothing in the way of instructing, or pro-
viding for the religious wants of the negro population
of our colonies.

We regret to learn from the Guiana Chronicle of
February 19, that an incendiary fire had taken place
at Malgre Tout, by which property had been destroyed
to the amount of three or four thousand pounds ster-
ling. Governor Light had offered a reward of one
hundred pounds far the discovery of the perpetrator
of this outrage. Several of the planters had also sub-
scribed liberally for the same purpose.
The Chronicle of March states that the "good work"
of immigration was progressing. Two schooners had
just arrived with a number of immigrants from Barba-
does. They were procured through the active exertions
of Mr. Day. The success of this experiment induces
the Chronicle to inquire whether it would not be expe.

dient to try the other islands, in several of which, it is
said, there is a redundant population.
Great complaints are made respecting the conduct
of the German immigrants who had arrived in the
colony,—especially of their refusal to pay the expenses
of their passage, &c. It is not, however, alleged that
they are unfit for the work provided for them.

We have received our files of the Sydney Commercial
Journal, and of the Sydney Gazette, to the ith of De-
cember, inclusive. From these papers we learn that
Mr. Abraham Polack—the George Robins of Australia
—had placed in the hands of trustees the whole of his
property, for the purpose of securing to the creditors
of John Thomas Wilson (whpse escape we mentioned
in a recent number) the sum of fifteen shillings in the
pound, and for the further purpose of meeting all his
own liabilities. Mr. Polack was about to sail for Eng-
land.

Intelligence had been received from Bathurst of the
capture of five bushrangers, who had escaped from the
gaol at Goulburn. They were taken by Ensign Hil-
liard, of the mounted police, and a small party. When
seized, they had in their possession eleven stand of
arms, five horses, saddles, ammunition, &c.
The district of the Hawksbury had been visited with
a tremendous hail-storm, from which the crops are
said to have suffered severely, whole tracts being beaten
down by its violence.
The Sydney Gazette declaims very strongly against
the appropriation of the land fund of New South Wales
to defray the charges of the embryo colony of New
Zealand. A portion of the colonists had come forward
and petitioned for direct taxation, rather than thus
cripple the resources of the colony.
The wheat market at Sydney, in consequence of the
reports of the partial injury of the crops here and there,
was endeavouring to get up, but it was expected that
the attempt would prove fruitless. The first quality of
flour was quoted at from 365. to 50s. per 100 lbs.; se-
cond ditto, 308. ; ration ditto, 255. to 285.; bread,
ls. 4d. per 4 lb. loaf. In the market for vegetables,
turnips were sold. at from 3d. to 6d. per bunch; car-
rots, 4d.; broad beans, 2s. per peck; French ditto,
2s. 6d. ; potatoes, from 14s. to 18s. per cwt.
The rates of insurance to London and Liverpool, at
Sydney, were from 21 to 31 per cent. Freights to
London and Liverpool were—wool, ltd. per lb. ; oil,
old measure, from f 4 ss. to £4 15s. per tun; timber,
£5 10. per load ; flax, £6 per ton.
In another column will be found several extracts
from these papers. It appears that the colony is in a
very thriving condition. Trade was brisk, and pro-
duce abundant.

We beg to call the attention of our readers to a
conversation which took place on Friday evening in
the House of Lords, on the presentation, by Lord
Fitzwilliam, of a petition from the " bankers, mer-
chants, and other inhabitants of Liverpool," for the
repeal of the corn-laws ; which petition the noble earl
took the liberty of assuring the house was "agreed to
unanimously at a meeting convened by the mayor by
public advertisement."

We pass over the inaccuracy—to use a very mild
word—of this statement. His lordship is far from
being a Solomon, and no doubt was duly crammed
for the occasion by some of thoSe unscrupulous gen-
tlemen who do the dirty work of the Whig faction in
Liverpool. Our business at present is to notice ano-
ther repr,esentation of the noble earl, which we imagine
will be news to some of those weak people who have
allowed themselves to he deluded by the plausible
speeches of the anti-corn-law agitators.
In answer to a question from Lord Wynford, whe-
ther the petitioners who now called for the repeal of
the corn-laws were ready, at the same time, to forego
the protecting duties on Manufactures, his lordship
replied, " that the .petitioners were unanimous upon
that point. They were willing to forego the whole of
those protecting duties." Now, with all submission to
Lord Fitzwilliam, his lordship is a noodle to suppose
any such thing. We readily grant that the cotton-
spinners of Manchester—the Gregs and the Philipses
—the men of the League, with sour Cobden at their
head, and sweet, tender-hearted Thomas Potter for
their tail—are quite sufficiently imbued with the Mal-
thusian doctrines of free trade, to consent to any sacri-
fice of their neighbours' comforts which will result in
filling their own pockets. These men are satisfied that
they themselves have little to fear from foreign com-
petition in the home market, and are quite ready,
whilst eating their cheap foreign loaf, to enjoy, at the
expense of the British artizan, the luxury and the
cheapness of foreign boots, shoes, gloves, silks, lace,
furniture, &c. ; but we really imagine that the indus-
trious portion of the inhabitants of Liverpool, whilst
petitioning for a repeal of the corn-laws, contemplated
nothing of this kind as its accompaniment. The
shoemaker or the cabinet-maker would scarcely be
benefitted by a reduction in the price of his loaf, if
the condition of that reduction was to be the diminu-
tion of his wages to the level of the miserably-paid
workmen of Belgium or Germany ; and we scarcely
think that the great body of the well-paid artizans of
Liverpool are anxious or able to enter into a competi-
tion with the lightly-taxed and miserably-paid artizans
of the Continent.

In one respect, however, we fully coincide with the
Manchester repealers, whose sentiments Lord Fitz-
william erroneously represents as those of the oppo-
nents of corn-laws generally. If the protection hitherto
accorded to agriculture be withdrawn, that given to
manufactures of every description must he also with
drawn. If the farmer and the farm-labourer he placed
in competition with the same classes in other coun-
tries, these parties will demand, and have a right to
demand, the same facilities and the same cheapness
which the foreign grower possesses. They will de-
mand a free ingress to the cheapest markets for every
article of consumption or use. They will no longer
be compelled to take their shoes, their gloves, their
hats, and their clothing from the British manufacturer;
and the artizan will find that the fancied advantage of
eating a cheaper loaf will be more than counter-
balanced by his diminished means of paying for it.

We wish that our industrious fellow-countrymen
would reflect a little before they countenance, by their
signature to anti-corn-law petitions, such utter de-
struction of their comforts and means of existence as
would surely follow the granting of their prayer; and,
in the name of the industrious artizans of Liverpool,
we protest against the assumption of Lord Fitzwilliam,
that they have ever contemplated giving up that legis-
lative protection against foreign competition which
they at present enjoy. These men may have been
deluded by quacks and theorists such as his lordship,
but they have not yet become totally insane.

On Wednesday evening the bill of Lord Stanley,
for amending the system of registration of voters in
Ireland, will either be allowed to go into committee
and have its merits fairly examined in detail, or be
factiously burked by the venal majority of the House
of Commons. The former course would at once be
adopted by a body of legislators whose real object was
the good of their country, and not merely that of party.
As a measure of detail, in which there may fairly exist
some differences of opinion, and some principles en-
tertained in common by both sides of the house, the
legitimate and honest course would undoubtedly be to
go into committee ; but we must confess that we have
doubts whether this will be permitted. The ministe-
rial lash will, we fear, be unsparingly used, and the
true interests of the British people postponed, to
assuage the howl of Irish agitation, and to procure a
' few more weeks or months of pay and patronage for a
ministry, whose only claim to the support of its party
is the facili\ty with which it abandons principle at the
bidding ofliction, and the baseness with which it yields
up bulwark after bulwark of the British constitution, to
be trampled beneath the feet of a fierce democracy !
Whatever fete, however, may attend Lord Stanley's
bill in the House of Commons during the present
session, we are satisfied that its ultimate success will
he secured, at no distant period, by the concurring
voice of the vast majority of the empire. It cannot
now be concealed that the agitation, got up in Ireland
to impede it, is a failure—an utter and ridiculous
failure. The treasonable spoutings of the hacks of
Irish faction have led to no corresponding demonstra-
tion on the part of the Irish people. The cry of repeal
has been raised, but even that cry has fallen upon list-
less' or averted ears. The great Leinster demonstra-
tion, on Tuesday last, which was to have surpassed all
former efforts of the agitator, presented only a " mile.

rable account of empty benches," and an equally mise-
rably display of empty braggadocio. Ireland will not
listen to the voice of the charmer, " charm he never
so wisely." Her interests—the interests of the moral
and industrious portion of her population—are beco-
ming day by day more strongly bound up with those
of the British nation ; and the trammels of a blinding
superstition, the goading dictation of a tyrannical
priesthood, and the disgusting whine of a bloated
mendicant, pampered by the dishonest gains wrung
from her fears and her credulity, are not strong enough
to burst asunder the feelings of kindly affection and
mutual interest, with which time is cementing toge-
ther the people of Great Britain and Ireland.
The same result has attended the numerous attempts
made to stir up an opposition to Lord Stanley's mea-
sure on this side of the Channel. The ministerial
press has in vain fulminated its slanders against the
motives of its author and its supporters—in vain mis-
represented its provisions and condemned its princi-
ples. The jaded hack of the treasury, dispatched
under the tutelage of the Coppock, of Reform Associ-
ation and Ludlow notoriety, to the fondling care of
our Coppock,—the Coppock of Stockport,—has made
the appeal ad ?nisericordiam to the provinces; and
equally in vain. The tag-rag of Liverpool, the men
of motley, hodmen and nightrnen, lumpers and exca-
vators, with a sprinkling of hangers-on of the corpo-
ration and a few of the " galled jades" of that august
body itself, are, at the moment we write, assembled in
Clayton-square, to witness the:performance of a farce,
in which the actors are equally as worthy of approba-
tion as their illustrious progenitors of the time of
Bottom the weaver ; but, alas ! the roaring of their
lion is infinitely inferior to the performance of that
renowned professor of the histrionic art, and marvel-
lously more like the braying of a certain quadruped
than the notes of " any sucking dove." The farce
itself is farce travestied ; and the world may go to bed
assured that its actors will not succeed in setting either
the Thames or the Mersey on fire. The provinces will
not move. England will dance no longer to Whig-
Radical piping; and, " strange to say,"—we quote
the doleful but candid admission of the Liverpool
Mercury,—" the people of England and Scotland, if
we may judge from the absence of public meetings
and the paucity of petitions, seem to think that this"
(Lord Stanley's bill) " is a matter which does not affect
them" !

So far as regards the people of Great Britain and
Ireland, the principle and necessity of Lord Stanley's
bill are approved; and it now only remains to be seen
how the measure will be treated by the House of Com-
mons, which affects to represent the opinions and feel-
ings of that people. We have certainly little confi-
dence in the honesty of a portion of that house; but
we think it will require a somewhat extraordinary de-
gree of reckless assurance in ministers and their sup-
porters, to refuse to commit a bill, the main principles
of which they have already admitted. However well
it may accord with the peculiar notions of morality
which some of these gentlemen entertain, to vote that
black is white, for a factious purpose—to deny to-day
what they affirmed yesterday—to refuse an acknow-
ledged good because the hand that offers it is not
smeared with the honey of the treasury,—the people
of England will not for ever submit to have this jug-
gling policy played off under their very eyes. If there
is in Lord Stanley's bill any portion of good—any
portion of the principle of the measure brought for-
ward by the Irish government of Lord Melbourne in
1835, and which at that time met with the cordial
support of these tricksters—let that portion be given
to us, and let the details and its mode of application
be regulated in committee. If we cannot have a com-
plete cleansing of the Augean stable of Irish corrup-
tion, let us have at least so much as the government
of Lord Melbourne have before offered us. We our-
selves contend that the measure of Lord Stanley is, in
its main features, identical with that of Sir Michael
O'Loyhlen, the IVitig Attorney-General. If it differs,
that difference is in matters of detail, which we are
perfectly willing to leave to the judgment of a com-
mittee of the House of Commons ; and, even if we
get only the leading principles of the measure, we are
content to accept of these as an instalment. The
Whig-Radicals have themselves taught us the value
of taking a part as an instalment of the whole. Let
us, therefore, have an evil, admitted by the government
itself, corrected by the best measure we can get. We
care not ourselves from whom it comes.
But this degraded administration will not—DARE
NOT—meet the question except on the grounds of
faction. Skulking behind the brazen shield of O'Con-
nell, they will only bring against the sound arguments
and convincing statements of Lord Stanley and his
supporters, that shuffling evasion which characterises
all their policy; and, under the tricky pretence of
seeking protection, as ministers, from the assaults of
Conservatism, they will repudiate those principles to
which, as men, they stand pledged before the House
of Commons and the country. They will succeed, we
dare say, in defeating, by misrepresentation and fraud,
an attempt to control the system of perjury, priestly
intimidation, and corruption, upon which their present
tenure of office is based ; but they will effect this at a
sacrifice of honour, consistency, and truth, which will
stamp them as THE BASEST AND MOST PROFLIGATE
PARTY WHICH EVER WIELDED THE GOVERNMENT
OF THIS GREAT EMPIRE !

A word at parting to our Conservative friends in
the House of Commons. We must observe the ab-
sence of no Conservative member on Wednesday even-
ing, unless from urgent necessity. . The contest in
which they are now engaged is no mere tilting match,
no jousting with blunted spears for a lady's glove,—
but an encounter, with vizor down and pointed lance,
upon the result of which depends, in all human likeli-
hood, the happiness and security of millions of our
fellow-beings. The question at issue is one upon
which Conservative and Protestant England is pre-
pared to stake her all, and she will not lightly suffer
her claim—her righteous claim—for JUSTICE to be
perilled.
We would suggest also to those country gentlemen
who, although on most questions of real business

agreeing with the leaders of the Conservative party,
are ready, at the sound of the treasury whistle, to rush
to the rescue of the present servile and degraded fac-
tion, that upon this question the sound portion of the

people of England are resolved to think and judge for
themselves. Vulgar insolence, nicknames, and bare-
faced misrepresentations, may pass current, instead of

argument, with a Liverpool or a Dublin mob; inane
twaddle, coming from the mouth of a member of the
government, may be swallowed by a herd of noodles
assembled at a half-crown dinner in the enlightened
borough of Stockport i—but, on a great question like
this, the people of England, we repeat, will read the
evidence—the debates in the House of Commons—

and judge for themselves. 'We should therefore sug-
gest to these trimming gentlemen that the eve of a
general election—and to that we are approaching—is
not the best possible time to venture upon a factious and
dishonest vote.

There was a time when the gatherings of Whig-
Radicalism in Liverpool comprised some portion of
respectability—when decent men, hahited in broad
cloth, were not ashamed to be found listening to the
professions, and applauding the principles, of our
would-be Solons. But, alas ! that time has gone by;
and even the prospect of hearing the laboured elo-
quence of a Blackburn, a Currie, and a Rathbone,
with the assured certainty of seeing once again the
everlasting white ducks of our dear, delightful colonel,
can only muster a ragged concourse of idlers, from
whose " most sweet" persons it would be difficult to
collect the materials for one decent suit, presentable at
church or passable at a wake.
The assembly which on this good " Saint Monday"
has graced the area of Clayton-square, to petition—
save the mark !—against Lord Stanley's bill, was most
assuredly not one which is calculated to convey the
idea of any additional strength or respectability ac-
quired by Whig-Radicalism in Liverpool, or, at any
rate, of that portion of it which is content to rake in
the same gutter, and feed from the garbage polluted
by the foetid breath of the mendicant ruler of Ireland,
Popery, Socialism, and Socinianism contributed their
hordes from the docks, the alleys, and the stews ; but
the respectability of the Whig party kept aloof, and,
except the few exhibitors upon the balcony, a sprin-
kling of Conservatives drawn together from
.curiosity,
and a few moderate Whigs looking unutterable things
as they buttoned up their breeches-pockets and slunk
Away dissatisfied with their company, the entire re.

spectability of the meeting might have been transported
by one omnibus licensed to carry thirteen inside and
one out.

Meagre, hov ever, as the meeting was in respectabi-
lity, and, considering the means and the time chosen
for assembling it, in numbers also, it was evidently an
object of gratification to some of the leaders of the
Whig-Radical party, who have not lately had an op-
portunity of riding the high horse in public. The
countenance of William Rathbone was radiant with
pleasure; and, as he expressed his wish that " HE
HAD THE VOICE AND LANGUAGE OF AN ANGEL,"
we were at a loss whether these attributes were in-
tended to match the august assembly he was address.
ing, or his own refulgent looks.
The proceedings, of which we have given a brief
sketch,—as much, however, as their importance de-
manded,—were of the kind usual at such demonstra-
tions. A few got-up speeches were delivered : the
leaders of the Mercury and Albion, with the bragga-
docio and stage-thunder of the Irish showman, were
hashed and re-hashed. Words were "plenty as black-
berries," but of argument there was literally none.
The bill of Lord Stanley was set up in (Ifigy, and then
valiantly knocked down, amid the cheers of the motley
assemblage. We could have fancied, if we did not
know the men, that the speakers were ashamed of
offering argument, or even truth, to such an audience.
In that case they would have explained the working of
the present system, and the difference between the
proposed system of Lord Stanley and that which the
Whigs a few years ago themselves proposed, and which
the agitator himself advocated. But, knowing the men,
we cannot wonder that no such explanation was at-
tempted, and that, during the whole course of the
proceedings, not one syllable was uttered to intimate
that the present system of Irish representation was
any other than perfection itself.
Upon the individual eloquence of the speakers we
shall not venture to set ourselves up in judgment. We
never thought much of the talent of our Liverpool
Whig-Radical illuminati; but we must confess we
never thought so little of it as this evening, after hear-
ing their laboured efforts at a meeting, in which they
had all their own way. We should seriously recom-
mend some of these gentlemen to withdraw their most
sweet faces from the public for the future. It is of no
use, we assure them, attempting to `. call spirits from
the vasty deep" when none " will come when they do
call," and we particularly press this advice upon Mr.
Wallace Currie who is—we assure him with all pos-
sible respect and esteem—no conqueror.
As a whole the speakers were worthy of the audience,
with the exception of one gentleman, Mr. Rosson, we
believe, who is evidently as far superior to the company
he got amongst, as " Hyperion to a satyr." His
address was, of course, heard with listnesness and
impatience.

The resolutions adopted at this trumpery affair will
no doubt go forth as the unanimous voice of the people
of Liverpool, we readily acknowledge, and that they
had, as any other resolutions would have had, the al-
most unanimous assent of the meeting. But when
we still state, that the slightest evidence of dissent
from the opinions of the speakers, and of the Irish
portion of the audience, was rewarded at once by a
savage assault, and the dissentients unceremoniously
handed off by the police to meditate in a lock-up
house upon the Whig Radical interpretation of free-
dom of discussion, we do not fear that the country
and the legislature will attach more to them than their
true weight, which is nothing.

We perceive from the advertisement, that a general
meeting of those ladies and gentlemen who feel inter-
ested in the establishment of the Liverpool Female Or-
phan Asylum is announced to take place, this day, in
the Lecture Room of the Royal Institution ; when his
worship, the Mayor, will take the chair. We under-
stand that the Rev. Rector Brooks, the Rev. Hugh
M`Neile, and others, will address the meeting, in advo-
cacy of the truly benevolent objects of the proposed
charity. We trust that there will be a full attendance
on the occasion, and that the meeting will result in a
fresh impulse being given to the promotion of a cause
which presents so many claims upon the sympathies of
a Christian community.

EMIGRATION.—A number of Prussians arrived here with
Mr. Phillipson, by the Tiger, Capt. Knocker, from Hamburg,
on Tuesday last, on their way to Liverpool, and from thence
to New York. We arc informed that great numbers will
pass through this port and Newcastle, to emigrate by way of
Liverpool, during the summer.—Hull Times.

THE ANATOMICAL VENUS.—We are happy to hear, that
our townsmen are likely soon to become well skilled in the
anatomy of the human frame, for their studies of the beauti-
ful subject, known by the prefixed title, have been indefa-
tigable. Ile ladies, too, have rivalled the gentlemen in their
desire to contemplate the mysteries of structure in the genus
Immo. The crowd of ladies who thronged to the exhibition,
on Friday last, was so great, that if female curiosity continue
to increase in the ratio that it has done, the proprietor of the
figure will be compelled to appropriate an extra day for the
fair ones.

STEAMER ADMIRAL.—This remarkably fine vessel arrived
here yesterday, on Tier third experimental trip. W e cannot
praise her more highly than by saying, that of the many tine
steamers that Robert Napier, of the Vulean Foundry,
Glas-
gow, has yet turned out of his hands this one excels them
all, a credit to him and an ornament to the port. It appears,
that in speed, &c., she has realised the sanguine expectations
of all interested, and is believed to be the fastest merchant
steamer afloat at this present day. The Admiral proceeds
to Glasgow this day, or to-morrow, and in the course of a
fortnight, when her cabins are finished, she will take her
place permanently on the Liverpool and Glasgow station.
THE LAw OF EVIDENCE.—AIthough this may, to the
uninitiated, appear at times somewhat arbitrary, and scarcely
just, it is yet said to be beautiful in itself, and to be founded
upon very correct principles ; but, whatever may be thought
upon other testimony, that of enemies, when favourable, is
invariably deemed authentic—because unsuspicious ! Who,
therefore, for one moment can doubt the sincerity of the
following recently published testimony respecting ATKIN-
SON'S INFANTS' PRESERVATIVE, by one who is anything
but a friend to the present proprietor of that deservedly cele-
brated medicine ?—" To all mothers and nurses," says he,
" it is confidently recommended, being entirely free from
those narcotics and pernicious drugs which are too commonly
introduced into medicines for the use of. children. It is a
most safe, agreeable, and useful medicine, almost invariably
giving instant relief in all those numerous disorders of the
stomach and bowels which arise from a redundanee of acidity,
as well as from other causes which produce flatulency,griping
pains, looseness, convulsions, internal fits, the thrush or
frog, difficult teething, the rickets, worms, &c. It may be
given with perfect safety to-the youngest and most delicate
infant, and i s use persevered in without the slightest fear of
ill consequences. In most cases it gives immediate relief by
neutralising the acidity and soothing the pain, and soon re-
stores the little sufferer to perfect ease and health."
INQUEST.—Yesterday an inquest was held before Mr.
Curry, on view of the body of George Crumbie. It ap-
peared that on Sunday morning, about three o'clock, John
Poole, a policeman, was called from Hill-street, by hearing
a rattle sprung, and on going into Gardner's-court, Perry-
street, was informed that there had been a fight in a house
there, and that a man had been killed. He went into- the
house, and saw a man lying dead upon the floor, stripped to
the waist. There were two officers and a surgeon in the house,
besides another man and a woman. He was informed that
the deceased had been fighting, and that the man who had
killed him was up stairs. He went up and found the prisoner
in bed. He was also stripped to his waist, and there was much
blood upon him. He gave his name as John Milan. He
admitted that he had been fighting, and that he was intoxi-
cated at the time. A labourer, who lodged in the house with
the prisoner and the deceased, said that about 1 o'clock that
morning, deceased and he came home, neither of them very
sober. Prisoner came in soon after ;he was not sober either,
and brought with him some rum, of which they all partook.
The deceased shoved the prisoner's wife on one side, and this
caused a quarrel, and they both stripped to the waist. They
were separated, but began again. They fought several rounds
and had a good many falls. The List round the deceased fell
undermost, and the prisoner fell across him, and the deceased
never moved afterwards. The deceased struck the first blow
before they fought. An alarm was given, and the doctor and
the police officers came in. The deceased was about 30 years
of age. Other witnesses corroborated these statements. Mr.
Hutchinson, surgeon, said he was called in to the deceased
at the time stated, and found him dead. He had made a post
mortem examination, and the deceased was much bruised
on the head, and there was an extensive effusion of blood
at the base of the brain, which, in his opinion, caused death.
The heart was also diseased. External violence was, he
thought, the cause of death. Some further evidence being
required, the inquest was adjourned to this day.
INQUEST.—On Friday an inquest was held at the house of
Mr. Westmore, in West Derby, before John Hey es, Esq.
and a most respectable jury, on view of the body of Sarah
Watkin, a young woman, 18 years of age, who came to her
death under the following singular circumstances. On Wed-
nesday night about 8 o'clock, deceased and her sister Eliza-
beth were fetching clothes from some lines not far from the
house—there is a pit close to the lines, and a girl, named
Susan Queen, about 19 years old, was fetching water from
the pit—the sister of the deceased had part of a blind cord in
her hand which she shewed to the girl, who asked her for it,
and was refused : the girl got hold of it, and just at the time
the deceased came up and said, " give it me, won't you."
Susan Queen had not it at that time but they struggled to-
gether in play—both of them fell to the ground, and being
close to the pit, both of them rolled into it. The sister of the
deceased tried to catch hold of them, but could not succeed,
and then she screamed out for help ; several persons came,
and soon rescued Susan Queen, though nearly lifeless, but
the deceased was longer in being got out, they were obliged to
get drag-hooks, and when she was brought to the surface life
was extinct. She must have been in the water a quarter of
an hour. It appearing evident that the deceased and Sarah
Queen were merely struggling in play and not in anger, the
jury returned a verdict of accidental death.
1N QU EST.—On Saturday an inquest was
of the Horse and Jockey, public-house, Warrington,heldatthheestbigtne
John lieyes, Esq. coroner, on view of the bodf gyaofe
whoohn d K ei
en
, yon, a Chelsea pensioner, about 68 years (
suddenly in his own
disease.
by himself,
the deceased lived in a house
complained of
house. It appearedbu byen tdhtet.
heavtli doenndeci
of
thatf the
witnesses who lived nest door one had heard him com-
plain
On witneas returningfrom her work
psllaleinseowf phaiminsengeTneereasldley,ybnuiFthntoltesotf, ahney
thenpar icuar
ehisth vel d
alarm,ow
feeling rather worse.
She throughgav
perceived him lying on ' the 'next day, at noon,
theshe fllrokr.ed
several persons coming up they broke. open his door, anda
found him quite dead.—Verthet, died by the visitation of
WA.