The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-10-05 00:00:00

from the kmered feeney in which Romenient hag enchanted
it, and become once more clothed and in her right mind.
Besides the sympathy with which we ought
.to regard any
people or country, bowed down as Ireland is under the
chains of spiritual darkness, her propinquity, and the fact
that she co.sstitutes an integral part of the British empire,
are additional claims on your interference in her behalf on
the score of self-interest likewise • and,' be assured it is the
maintenance of an united church, built in the basis of a coin-.
mon bible, which is the grand link and real strength of the
union that holds the two countries together ; and, the llo-
mish party in Ireland, struggling for repeal, exhibits only
the wonted wisdom of their usual policy, when aiming their
first blow at the scriptural church, which is the band of either
country with the other, and the glory and pride and protec-
tion of them both. (Cheers.) The strong demands of jus-
tice ought to secure for Ireland the co-operation of England
in this mizlity struggle, that is now going forward. Ireland,
'tis true, is held fast-bound in the chains and power of Ro-
manistn, like Lazarus in his grave-clothes; but it is England
that, by the arms of her might, forced Romanism upon a re-
luctant nation in the 12th century. The learned and pious
Dr. Murray (the- Dean of Ardagh—not the Archbishop) in
his valuable outlines of the catholic church in Ireland, has
strewn us to be independent of Rome up to that period, and
traces our succession of bishops from the Greek or Eastern
Church, not from the Western or Romish—from St. John,
through Ignatius, Polycarp, Irendus, Pathinus Lupens, and
Germanus, who ordained St. Patrick, and made him chief
bishop of their schools among the Irish. (Loud cheers.)
It is after this fashion we calumniate our country, by
beseeching England to restore her to the condition in
which England first found her. When she was called the
island of saints, before her virgin soil was polluted with
the presence of a Papal pall, or blighted with the curse of a
Papal bull—(great cheers) ;—before she received as a nation
the degrading mark of the beast in her forehead. (Renewed
cheers.) Oh yes, we solicit the sympathy and aid of Eng-
land to release Ireland from the iron bondage that enslaves
the minds and bodies of her sons and daughters, that para-
lyses her energies, obstructs her improvement, and holds all
her powers in abeyance. Send the gospel to her more and
more, and even though she be fast bound, still in the grave
clothes of Popery, there is a power in that gospel of force,
sufficient effectually to cry in the name and words of the
living Saviour, " Loose her and let her go ;" and. there is
no other way more effectual for departing Romanism here
than her carrying the war into the enemy's camp, and be-
sieging her in her strongholds arid fastnesses in Ireland. To
this effect pleaded one- of her sons, of whom two nations
may well be proud, the land of his adoption, no less than the
land of his birth. Where, in the presence of nobles and
prelates, and sonic of the worthiest of England, urging upon
them the maintenance of pure religion, and the blessings of
a scriptural church, he intreated of them likewise to remem-
ber Ireland, to give her Irish bibles, scriptural schools, and
evangelical missionaries. Oh, said he, "in the name of
Him who snatched yourselveS from the grasp of antichrist
as brands from the burning—of Him who raised iour popu-
lation from the crushing slavery of the confessionalat the
knee of a mortal man, to the holy liberty wherewith the Son
of God maketh his people free—oh ! have mercy, Christian
mercy ; and therein true, holy, Godlike—justice to Ireland"
—for him I now make way. Thanking you, Sir, and the
meeting, for your kind indulgence, and apologising for the
length at which I have trespassed upon it, I have the honour
to move the resolution. The rev. gentleman sat down amid
loud cheers, and his eloquent address produced a great im-
pression upon the assembly.
The Rev. Hum{ M'NEILE, on rising to second the reso-
lution, was greeted with loud and long continued applause.
He said—Mr. Chairman—Since our intention to hold this
meeting was advertised in the public papers, I have received
a vast variety of letters upon the subject, from various parts
of the country, and from town. (Hear.) One writes, " Sir,
—What use is there. for Protestant Asssociations now ?
(Hear.) I can understand what you were about, and we
were all obliged to you, while we had an adverse anti-Pro-
testant government, but now since the change, what object
have you in these associations ?" (Hear.) Another writes,
" Rev. Sir,—What sort of Protestantism is your's, does it
rise and fall with party politics, pray have you confidence in
the present government ?" (Hear.) Another, wishing to
make himself facetious, writes, " Right Rev. Sir,—(laughter)
—What do you think of Sir Robert Peel's speech about May-

nooth College.?" Another writes, " Rev. and Dear Sirs--
.What is to be done now about the Emancipation Bill?"
(Hear.) Another writes, •` Well, Mr. M`Neile, do you
think Lord Ashley was right to refuse office for the sake of
the Factory Children Bill ?" Another writes about the corn-
laws; another about the poor-law. I protest, Sir, if I had
been a Secretary of State, and this the meeting of parliament,
I think I could not have been asked more questions. It is
not my intention to attempt to answer them all, but I think
it quite right to endeavour to answer some of them. (Hear.)
The first was, what use is there now for Protestant Associa-
tions.? The answer is, the same use there ever was. (Cheers.)
The principles upon which Protestant Associations are based
are not principles of party politics or personal interest ; they
are the principles of unchanging revealed truth. (Hear.)
Unchanging with the things among men, they abide the same ;
—(cheers)—and we shall now ascertain who were actuated
by those principles, and who among our apparent supporters
were actuated by nothing higher than party politics. (Hear.)
In this point of view I do cordially rejoice in the aspect of
the present moment. We are supported to day in sonic de-
gree as we ought always to have been supported. Upon
one or two occasions lately the support has seemed rather to
have fallen away. There were in this town some who
began to murmur, to look coldly upon these proceedings;
by supporting us now, those persons will truly prove that
they are actuated by the vital principles of the association,
and not by party politics. (Hear, hear.) I have good hope,
sir, that we shall find such support from many seriously-
minded men who were alarmed at what they called a political
movement, but who now seeing it divested of party politics,
will join it as a Protestant movement based upon the Holy
Scriptures, and in unison with the recorded sentiments of
our established church. (Hear.) Now, sir, the grand final
objects which we have always kept in view are these—to
maintain unimpaired what the reformers of the 16th century
established, and to continue to advance, and by God's help
to complete, in Ireland, what those reformers left unfinished.
(Hear.) The grand religious principle of the Reformation
is plainly stated in the 6th Article of our church. It is this :
—" Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salva-
tion : so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be
proved thereby, is not to he required of any man, that it
should be believed as an article of the Faith, or be thought
requisite or necessary to salvation." And the grand politi-
cal principle of the Reformation is stated with equal power
and plainness in the 37th Article The Queen's -Majesty
bath the chief power in this realm of England, and other her
dominions, unto whom the chief government of all estates of
this realm, whether they be ecclesiastical or civil, in all causes
(loth appertain, and is not, nor ought to be, subject to any
foreign jurisdiction. * * The Bishop of Rome bath
no jurisdiction in this realm of England." (Hear, hear.)
Now, sir, we have subscribed these principles ; we are called
upon so to do. If these great principles, and such as these,
of our Established Church had been always and faithfully
kept before the nation by living voices ; if they had been
maintained in the pulpit and in the senate-house, as well as
subscribed at the universities, and at the ordination, I am
free to confess that we should have required no Protestant
Association except the Church herself. (Hear.) The Church
of England is a Protestant Association,—(hear, hear,)—
protesting against those corruptions, those novelties vainly
invented and repugnant to Scripture, with which the Church
of Rome had overspread the baptised community of Europe
during the middle ages. (Hear.) The Church of England,
I repeat, is a Protestant Association, and had she been
practically true to her recorded principles, which should have
required no Protestant Association within her ; she would
have been the Association herself. (Cheers.) But, Mr.
Chairman, when that faithful dealing ceased, when the re-
corded principles of our church were allowed to slumber in
the pages of the Prayer-book, until they became practically
obsolete among the people : when the conduct of church-
men, both lay and clerical, was such as to prove them either
culpably ignorant of, habitually forgetful of, or systematically
opposed to, the very principles they had solemnly sworn to
as clergymen and as legislators when it was pronounced
uncharitable and bigotted and intolerant for any one to
speak, what we all had.subscribed : when the national vessel,
' though all night upon the chart, and (as to her authorised
formularies) pointing up the stream and resisting the cor-
ruptions of Rome, and bidding fair for a prosperous voyage,
was, nevertheless, practically dragging her anchor backward,
and going down with the tide of those corruptions;—
then it was high tune that an alarm should be sounded.
(Loud cheers.) It was high time that a voice should rise
within her to condemn the culpable neglect of the crew,
and call the attention of the chief helmsmen to the chart
and compass, and to tell them of the danger and deceitfulness
of the tide. ((Loud cheers.) This is what the Protestant
Association has done. It is the voice of warning from within
the house by a friend. (Hear.) Friends indeed we are to
,the institutions of the country, so friendly that we cannot
see them shipwrecked without raising an outcry ; and
because we do raise an outcry to prevent their shipwreck,
those who are blindfolded by pride, and will not see the
breakers, nor be preserved from the danger, find fault with
us, forsooth, as disturbers of the peace ! (Hear.) We are
disturbers of a false peace, and I hope we shall continue so;
and we are disturbers of a false peace in exceeding good
company. What, I will ask, did the prophets of God do of
old ? If the Jewish Church had been true to her standard ;
if the word of God, that she prided herself upon, had been
kept practically before her people; if the words of Moses
had been sounded in the ears of all men in the kingdom,
denouncing all graven images, the bowing down to them,
the worshipping of them, and the making of them ;—(hear,
hear,)—if these words had been practically kept before the
nation, and they had been attended to by the people, there
would have been no occasion for prophets. (Hear, hear.)
The standing priesthood would have been enough. But
when those words were neglected; when the awful denuncia-
tions of God against idolatry were despised ; when the
volume of Moses was shut up ; when the men of that nation
had it not in their hearts to trust God's word ; when they
began to think that righteousness founded upon the word of
God alone was not substantial enough, that itswas too mean,
too poor, too meagre to rest upon, and they began to look
aside, and to find the traditions of men upon which they
thought they could rest, they began to introduce palpable
acts into the religious duties of men—carnal proceedings,
upon which the poor unconverted man could find repose
when his heart could find no peace with God's word because
it did not profit him ; when they began to rest upon the tra-
ditions of man, and so fell away to idolatry ; when golden
calves were set up and images were made, and men were
bowing down to stocks and stones in despite of the word of
God, which word nevertheless they still professed to love,—
then there was occasion for the prophets ; then the standing
priesthood required to be resisted, opposed, and protested
against. (Cheers.) And what were the prophets? The
school of the prophets was a Protestant association ! (Great
cheers.) Was it not ? (Renewed' cheers.) The school of
the prophets was a Protestant Association, protesting against
the idolatry of the established priesthood ;—(great applause)
of the nation, calling attention
protesting against the apathy
to the word of God, telling those who daubed the public
mind with untempered mortar, that a storm would destroy
both them and their building, telling•them they were saying
" peace, peace, when there was no peace." (Hear.) Aye,
the prophets were disturbers of the peace; and when one of
the wicked princes of that idolatrous nation said, " bast thou
found me mine enemy,`art thou he that troublest Israel ?"
The faithful member of the Protestant association—a leader
he was—said to him, " No, I am not the troubler, but thou
and Jezebel." (Hear, hear.) We plead guilty too to being
troublers of the peace, but it is in the same way that an
officer of justice is troublesome to a thief. (Hear, hear, and
loud laughter.) Now it is a very serious matter, although
putting it in this way makes you laugh, to see a nation
still professing attachment to the word of God, and then
priding themselves upon the possesion of it as a privilege
while they have practically fallen away from the power of
relying upon it, and have declined into the mire of human
traditions and human absurdities—still holding the word of
God by name and by form, but living in the depth of tres-
passes and sin. (Hear, hear.) Sir, this is instructive, be-
cause it is alarming. The thine,. that has been, is that
which shall be ; and that which is done, is that which has
been done, and there is no new thing under the sun." (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) What was written to Israel was written
for our warning ; the standing of Israel was said and by the
apostle to be by faith, and her falling by unbelief, and though
the warning was given to the Christian church that she too
stands by faith, she did not continue to exercise faith in the
woid of God. The very same thing took place in the Chris-
tian church : the power of primitive Christianity to confide
in Scripture was lost, and in proportion, as the power to con-
fide in the word of God ebbed out of man's heart seemed in
the same proportion their confidence in man may be found.
And as in Israel they had in worship, the pot, the cup, broad
phylacteries, and long prayers ; so in the Christian church,
►
there came to be a reposing in men's mind upon outwardacts,
an helping of their senses by pictures, by statues, by images :
a helping of their ears by music, and of their eyes by sights ;

4 helping of these feelings by penitences, and by the lama-
tlons of their flesh. And when there came to be a misstating
of that laceration for penitence, and a misstating of flint
music, and those pictures for devotion ; when there came to
be a constituting of religion, these things, which were first
introduced to help the senses of the poor creatures who had
not any faith in the word of God, then there came a
reformation. (Hear, hear.) And what was the reformation?
Here again we find a Protestant Association. The truth is
always the same ; the gospel is one everlasting gospel. We
should then remember that redemption was not an after-
thought for the remedy of an evil that already existed, and in
reference to which it might be suited ; but redemption was a
forethought, an eternal thought, before ever there was any
man, before there was any evil, on purpose that God might
be glorified. This truth was revealed when it was required ;
this truth was corrupted by man ; this truth was received
by Protestants—protesters against the corruptions,—and this
has been done repeatedly since the foundation of the world.
God raised up, a protester against idolatry in the person of
Abraham ; God raised up protesters against national idolatry
in the institutions of Israel ; God raised up protesters
against Isratlitish idolatry in the office of the prophets; and
in the Christian church, when the very same truths were
corrupted—for it was the same Gospel—by the innovations
of Romanism, God again in mercy raised up protesters in
the persons of our Reformers. (Cheers.) And has there
not been idolatry of late years ? Was not a Protestant Asso-
ciation required again ? Oh ! sir, now we come to the sore
place. It is easy for men to admit that the ancient Jews fell
away, and for Englishmen now to admit that, to a certain
degree, Romanists fell away ; many will admit they fell away
wholly : but it is not so easy to acknowledge the falling away
which justifies our protest. There has been a falling away,
and an attachment to the Established Church should not
hinder us from declaring.it. (Hear.) There was a deadness
which came over the Established Church of this country ;
there was a paralysis as to divine truth ; there was an order,
a decorum, a propriety ; there was a good deal of learning
among some of the clergy; there were those who could
anatomise Greek sentences and tell the structure of a Greek
play ; there were those who could explain all the arcana of
science, though there were not many of that kind, but there
were some ; there was order, regularity, decorum, and pro-
priety reigning about the members of the Established
Church, and there was a great cry of " Our Church ! our
Established Church ! our Apostolic Church ! What so
good, what so excellent as our Church ?" " Our Church,"
was in every body's mouth ; but the Scriptures, the articles,
the homilies, the formularies of the Church—every one was
ready to praise them, but they were lying quiet alllthe time !
(Hear, hear, hear.) Hundreds praised them, but no one
preached them! (Loud cheers.) Sir, this is the justifica-
tion of the Wesleyan Methodists ;—(hear,)—that, in point of
fact, if they had preached a better Gospel than they did,
there would have been no call for a protest. (Hear, hear.) I
am not afraid to say so, though it may be called calumniating
may brethren. (Hear, hear, hear.) I love them, I love
the Church well, I love her articles well ; but I-may not
doubt the blindness that was in her, and which called for
a protest. (Hear.) Now, sir, upon another point, allow
me to illustrate this a little. The principles of the Esta-
blished Church, with regard to the state of the heathen, are
very strong ; so they are with regard to the state of the
Jews. The 18th article declares, they are to be had ac-
cursed who say—who presume to say—that man may be
saved by any sect, or by any law of nature, provided he
takes care to frame his life accordingly. They are to be had
accursed who say so ; and the reason assigned is, " Holy
Scripture does say that there is only one name, Jesus Christ,
whereby we must be saved." Our Established Church does
not indeed say much about the poor Jews; but what it does
say is in the form of a prayer for them that they may be
saved, that hardness of heart and contempt of God's word
and commandment may be taken from them, and they may
be brought back to the remnant of the true Israel, to be
saved in one fold under one shepherd. Here then it is
involved distinctly in the principles of our Established
Church, that the heathens and the Jews are in a lost and
undone condition. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I say that
if the practise of our Established Church had been con-
sistent with her principles, if she had acted towards
the heathen as men ought to do who sign that article,
if she acted towards the Jews as men ought who use that
prayer, she would have been a Missionary Society, she would
have been a Jews' Society, and there would have been no
occasion for the Church Missionary Society in the midst of
her, or for the Jews' Society in the midst of her. (Hear.)
But this did not take place: our church held these princi-
ples, but did not act upon them ; she held that article, but
did nothing for the heathen ; she used that prayer, but did
nothing for the Jews. ( Hear, hear, hear.) Oh, it is a so-
lemn charge, and I am glad to see you feel its solemnity.
Was there not a cause for a Church Missionary Society ?
Was there not a cause for a Jews' Society? (Hear, hear.)
Was that an unfriendly movement? Was the Church Mis-
sionary Society an unkind association ? No : it was a re-
metnbrancer of the church's duty ; it was an advocate for
her sound principles ; a protest against her inconsistent prac-
tice. (Hear.) The same may be said of the Jews' Society.
(Hear.) Those societies began, they moved, within the bo-
som of the church. The attention of a few persons were
called to the subject; they felt for the heathen, and they in-
stituted themselves an association to help them. The heads
of the church did not join ; the •prudent people did not join;
the large class of discreet people did not join at first. They
said, " Oh, this is going too far." Some said, "It is an
improbable thing to suppose that the heathen are in a, lost
' state." Some, who had signed that article, nevertheless be-
gan to feel and say, " Surely men may be saved in any state
provided they are sincere"—men who had sworn to that ar-
ticle, and who cried out, " Our glorious church," " our
homilies," and " our prayer book ;"—but they did no-
thing. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Jews' Society
moved as the Church Missionary Society had moved :
they moved by degrees at first; they moved steadily ;
they got information about the state of the Jews, about the
state of the heathen, and about the fearful doings of heathen-
ism. They were not accounted enemies to the heathen foL
doing so ; they were not accounted in an angry spirit against
the heathen because they did so. Some of them brought
home heathen idols, and exhibited them upon the platforms,
in order to excite indignation against idolatry, and to create
sympathy for the poor idolaters. This was accomplished,
and many joined them. It was the same with regard to the
Jews' Society. And what has been the issue ? The issue in
these two cases has been very delightful. They sounded an
alarm ; they shewed the inconsistency of conduct that had
been going on, they called attention to it successfully, and
when they had done so they did not subside back into the
apathy of the church, but they persevered till then had turned
up the church to the character of themselves, till they had
made the church a Church Missionary Society, and the
church a Jews' Society. (Loud cheers.) Our prelates have
now joined those societies. (Hear.) The Archbishop of
Canterbury and the Bishop of London have become their
patrons; and it was well to see the dignity, the graceful dig-
nity, the unaffected good feeling with which our venerated
prelates have joined those long despised societies. It does
them honour (cheers) ; it shews they are above petty jea-
lousy, and can acknowledge the fault of past neglect ; they
are above all this kind of feeling;, and their conduct fills the
bosom of every Christian patriot with joy and gratitude un-
feigned. (Hear.) Well; so much for heathenism and for
judaism • now we come to Romanism. The church was as
neglectful of her principles upon the subject of Rom
isin, as she had been upon the subject of heathenism and
judaism. Sir, her principles upon this point are stronger
than they are upon the others, they are more pointed'
more undeniable. " Our church !" remember, "
great Diana"—l do not say that in despite or ridi-
cule, I say it honestly as the readiest phrase that occurs—
" our church" declares concerning Romanism that its doc-
trines are " blasphemous fables and dangerous deceits."
She declares concerning the practise of Romanism in the
mass that it is " idolatry to be abhorred of all faithful Chris-
tians." What, does " our church" use such language as
this ? what " our church ?" Do you not love the articles ?
Oh, by all means, and the Homilies too. Listen, listen,
listen, then to what they say. (Cheers.) Now if the church
required upon the subject of heathenism, and if it required
a remembrancer upon the subject of Judaism, did she not,
nay, does she not, require a reinernbrancer upon the subject
of Romanism? (Loud cheers.) Let any liberal in the
kingdom answer that. (Cheers.) I have said it in a tone
and in an attitude of defiance, and I maintain it. (Renewed
cheers.) I will tell you what our opponents will say; the
only plausible attempt to get rid of this difficulty will be
this—" that heathenism is certainly destructive to men's
souls—that we must admit, and that Judaism is so also ; but
as for Romauism it is not destructive to men's souls, and,
therefore, there is no occasion to adopt the same measures
with regard to it that we did with regard to the others—
consequently, the analogy and the argument fails." Now,
sir, is Romanism not destructive to the souls of men ? (Loud
cries of " Yes, yes.") _

c.-1 say, no. (Much laughter.)
—Go on, sir it's only a woman. (11e-

A FEMALE VOICE
ANOTHER VOICE.
newed laughter.)
Mr. 111'NEILE.—I admit the supposition either way, as
there seems to be a difference of opinion there. (Cheers.)
If it be not destructive to the souls of men, then, sir, I plead
that our articles should be altered, that we should not be any
longer required to subscribe them as if it were so destructive
(hear,)—and if it be destructive to the souls of men, then I
plead that our practise should be mended, that we should be
no longer required to act as if it were not destructive.
(Cheers.) What is it to act as if it were not destructive ? Why,
it holds out to you that the Roman Catholic is in as fair a
way to salvation as the Protestant : it holds out that men
who in defiance to God's word bow down to images,—I will
not quibble about worshippiug—
A VOICE.—I deny it.

Mr. M'NElLis.—lt pleased God to prohibit the outward
act of bowing down, concerning which their can be no mis-
take, for the words are—" thou shalt not worship nor bow
down." They cannot deny this, and they know they can-
not. (Cheers.) I had an opportunity of seeing all this
verified within the last few months, in the south-west of
Ireland, on going into the Roman Catholic chapels there.
Unknown, and a stranger that I was, I witnessed poor
ignorant devotees upon their knees, many of them bare
knees, upon the eirthern floors of the chapels, with scarcely
an exception, pointing towards the picture of the Virgin
Mary. (Hear.) it would have been bad enough to point
towards the crucifix, for we abjure the image of any thing,
but even with two objects before them, one representing the
Saviour, and the other his mother, I observed them con-
tinually bowing down to the mother. (Hear.) To say that
men who do this, and men who tremble at the wrath of God,
and will not bow down to any image, nor worship it at all, may
equally be the.children of God—this is to treat them alike;
this is to act inconsistently with our own profession. (Ap-
plause.) Now, Mr. Chairman, the only men consistent with
the articles are those who go with us, and the only men con-
sistent with the practice are the Puseyites, who want to make
it appear that we should not go against Rome, but that mat-
ters might be settled. (Hear.) Au attempt has been made
to shew that the Thirty-nine Articles may be signed without
repudiating the Council of Trent. I say that the writers of
those tracts are the only really consistent men with the prac-
tice of the present day, and the only men bold enough to
avow it ; while thousands who repudiate their books are
acting upon their principles. (Hear, hear.) I therefore ask
every man who holds the true principles of the Church of
England, and who praises our established church—l ask them
to come forward and act upon her principles. (Applause.)
Why will you praise the articles of our church, which you
believe to be the truth, and yet neglect to act upon them ?
Do you prefer the reputation of prudence, of judgment, dis-
cretion, and gentility, and therefore forsake the bold, faith-
ful, honest protest of our reformers, in support of which they
died, and in defence of which we live? (Cheers.) This is
an answer to the question, What are Protestant Associations
for? They are for rousing the slumbering church, for mak-
ing her stand to her tackle. (Hear.) Is she not roused?
It is very hard to awaken her ; but she has lately been awoke,
and she is now putting forth her strength. She has put out
her any, against heathenism, and there's vigour in it; she
has also put forth her arm against judaism, and there's vigour
in it; episcopal vigour is in them both. (Heai.) The arm
against Romanism inside of her is a little one yet, but me-
thinks it is a strong one. (Hear.) Aye, it is a strong one,
and it will gather strength. If I do not mistake much, if
properly conducted now—if there is no flippant excuse for
calling this a political movement—if the lal.ourers in our
church see to her documents—if the movement of church ex-
tension shall not be an outward movement only, but a move-
ment to extend her articles as well as to multiply buildings, we
shall have a strong protest against Romanism. (Loud cheers.)
I am thankful for, and I hail the specimens of that here. We
have a Church Building Society in Liverpool; and we have,
in the course of last year, made three appointments to
churches under that society, and two out of the three have
stood upon the platform to-day, joining us in our protest.
(Load applause.) I might content myself with this sort of
argument to conclude this address now, but I want to try to
answer another question of those which 1 told you were put
to me by letter, and that because I am sure some of our
friends have been watching to hear what we have to say about
It. It is asked, "Have you confidence in the present go-

vernment ?" Now, there Is an absolute confidence which we
forbidden to place in man at all—" Cursed is the man
that trusteth in man." This sort of confidence for the
eventual well being of our country, we can place only in the
long-suffering goodness of God, to revive among the people
—for he works by means—such an account, and such a de-
termination of Protestant principle, as shall practically bear
up any government, no matter of whom composed. It can
only be done in this way. (Cheers.) The days are gone
when rulers forced measures or opinions upon the country,
and the days are come when the country forces measures
and opinions upon the rulers. (Hear, and cheers.) The
powers that be are ordlined of God, but he works in various
ways, and in the movements of his providence either the pro-
gress of society in this land, the powers that be now, are in
the last resort, the electors of the united kingdom. They
have lately spoken, and spoken well. (Hear, hear.) Our
object is to continue to give them such instruction that the
next time they are called upon to speak, they will speak still
better—(cheers)—for the success of this will depend upon
the scriptural nature of our cause, and the promised blessing
of our God. We go on with our instructions to the people.
We know very well the sagacity of the remark of the right
hon. baronet, now at the head of affairs, " that the battle of
the constitution was to be fought at the registry." We
know that the men going there ought to have Christian in-
struction as to how their duties are to be performed ; we
know it to be the duty of the Christian clergy to give men
instruction with regard to every department of duty, in public
and in private, as individuals detached front all others, as
links in the chain, to fathers, mothers, children, husbands,
wives, masters, servants, rulers, and subjects. (Hear, hear.)
It is the high duty of Christian ministers to enlarge over
all this fold, and be impartial in the administration of
sacred instruction. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We continue
to give Christian instruction to show parents how to act
in their families, and rulers how they should act in the state.
And who are the rulers ? The sovereign has the chief rule ;
the administration rules under him ; and the legislature rules ;
but these are not the only rulers. Very few months ago the
legislature was dissolved into its component parts, and who
were the rulers then? (Hear, hear.) Who were the rulers
three months ago? The electors were the real rulers. We
want, then, to teach the real rulers their duty, to show them
how they should give their votes upon Christian principles,
to teach them to connect every branch of their duty with the
Bible, that so, when they are to be called again to the re-
gistry or to the hustings; or when in the mean time they are
called upon to pay their taxes, they should pay Tribute to
whom tribute is due, and custom to whom custom, they will
exercise their privileffes upon christian principles, and with a
view to the glory of G)d in the representation of the state.
(Hear, bear.) To carry on this instruction, to prepare the
minds of the people to go to the registry, and to the hustings
upon christian principle is our object, and our confidence
under God, is in our christian instruction. (Hear. hear.)
When that shall be done. and it shall be plain throughout the
united kingdom that such are the principles of the electors,
then whoever happens to be in the adm•nistration, will tind
it convenient, as all administrations must find it convenient
to act upon the public opinion of the country. (Hear.)
Public opinion must go before the acts of the admi-
nistration in this matter. We appeal to the pub-
lic, and continue our instruction to the public, and
if the public will but be as ready to receive it as in some
places they hitherto have been ; and if the thousands who at-
tend our Protestant churches and our Protestant meetings
will carry out the instruction we give them into the details
of life, we shall by and by have such an expression of the
opinion of the electors of Great Britain, given in the regis-
tration courts and upon the hustings, as will make it, I re-
peat, the easy duty of the administration to adopt Protestant
principles of legislation. (Loud cheers.) So much for ab-
solute dependence ; but now, sir, there is relative depend-
ence. There is a relative dependence to be placed upon some
men in preference to others, and if the question be asked
upon this ground, " have we confidence in the present go-
vernment?" our answer is unhesitatingly, " we have confi-
dence in the present government." (Cheers.) They are the
very best men in the whole kingdom, in the present state of
public opinion, to be in the administration of government—
(cheers).;—and I hope and trust that the hundreds and thou-
sands Of our Protestant friends, who have been under our
Protestant instruction, they who have assembled so repeat-
edly in our Protestant meetings, will place a confidence of
this kind in the present government, and that they will, in
every way in their power, strengthen its hands. What, in-
deed, must you have if this government retire? What can you
have? Do you expect an angel from heaven to come down
and conduct the administration, or do you imagine that the
old reformers will rise from their graves to form an admins-

tration ? (Hear, hear.) Who would you have then? In
the name of common sense, give God thanks that you have
got the very best men upon the face of the earth for a
government. (Cheers.) That is my answer to the question :
" Have you confidence in the present government ?" (Cheers.)
[A note was here handed to the reverend gentleman, request-
ing him to inform the auditory that the collections having
been comaratively small, increased contributions would be
desirable—which he did.] I was asked further, he proceeded,
" What do you think of Sir Robert Peel's speech about
Maynooth College ?" I will tell you what I think. I think
of that exactly the same as the hon. member for Kent,
Mr. Plumptre. I would with him divide the house and
the country upon it; but at the same time, I say with the
hon. member, that I would give the right hon. baronet all
the support in my power upon his general policy, notwith-
standing. Hear.) That was the language of Mr. Plumptre
iu the House of Commons—a sound Protestant, Christian
legislator; who maintains his protest where principle is
concerned, and in every other point he recogwises the hand
of God in giving us the very best man in the kingdom, per-
haps, to be the head •of the kingdom's administration.
(Cheers.) And so must we. (Applause.) We must con-
tinue to petition that the laws relating to that seminary
should be examined; that the pledge given by the Irish
parliament for its support be withdrawn ; and that the
sin of giving direct support to error be discontinued.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) We Teest ask for till.'; and
we must get 20,000 more names added to the 20,000 already
appended to our petition against Maynooth before the time
of sending it up next spring. (Hear, hear.) It is impossi-
ble that men who think freely should agree on every point.
Men who think will think differently. The unity that arises
iron

5,00 d feeling, froM admitting on some points that there
must be a difference, and maintaining a common ground on
others is a Christian unity. Men who are not allowed to
think, who are ground under the despotism of a great tyrant,
may seem to have unity, as popery seems to have it, but it is
the unity of the church-yard ; death and corruption are at
the bottom of it. (Hear, hear.) Again, it is asked, " What,
now, about the emancipation bill." I will answer that in
the language of a speech which I had the honour of delivering
in the presence of one of our hereditary legislators, at a large
meeting at Whitchurch three years ago. Upon that occa-
sion I came to the inquiry, " What is to be done ?" I said
" This is a serious question. And in reference to it I will
call your attention to the language of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. He was lately, as you know, re-elected at Ports,
mouth, and of course addressed his constituents. It was a
part of his duty to defend the government in which he held
so distinguished a place. In doing so he could scarcely
avoid some reference to those appointments in the Treasury
and the Privy Council to which my reverend friend has di-
rected your attention. After defending them, and finding
fault with those who objected to them, he continued thus :
" The truth was, the object of these parties was to raise
the old no popery cry. Of all the courses that could have
been pursued, certainly this was the most mischievous and
silly. There might have been wisdom in keeping to the old
system of exclusion ; but, having altered the law,—having
chtintqed the constitution in that particular, to attempt to pre-
vent 'that which by law was now permitted,—to say to the
Catholics, we have passed, indeed, the law, hut we never in-
tend to carry it into effect, was to pursue a course in which
there was neither the courage of resistance, nor the merit of
yielding when you can no longer exist. It avoided both the
old-fashioned sincerity of expression, and the more recent,
and more natural, and more liberal mode of conciliation. In
fact, the tories must attempt to repeal the concession to the
Catholics,—if they dare attempt it—or they must be prepared
to see the bill that emancipated the Catholics carried into
real, honest effect."

Nly comment upon that, was this, and I give it again as my

answer to t

lie question—

" There is good sense iu this. It is very fair, and will
commend itself, I think, to public opinion. But notwith-
standing its simplicity, I cannot but think that there is a
mistake,—that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has distin-
guished between things that ought to be united, and said ` or'
when he ought to have said and.' We must carry out the
bill that emancipated the Papists into real, honest effect, and
we must return to the principle of exclusion. (Cheers.) For,
let me ask, what was the principle of the bill of 1829? It
was this, that no man, because of purely or exclusiveiy reli-
gious opinions, was to be debarred from political privileges.
Let this principle, then, stand. Let there be no priva-
tion of political privilege on account of merely and exclu-
sively theological difference of opinion. 1 sin quite aware
that many who, on most subjects, are with us, will not
be entirely xi ith us on this ; but as long as an indi-
vidual who denies the divinity of our Saviour is eligible
to political power, so long the idolater who asserts the di-
vinity of a bit of paste, is equally eligible. As long as the
belief of the Socinian does not exclude from political privilege,
so long the belief of trausubtantiation cannot consistently
exclude either. I say, let the principle of the bill stand, that
merely religious opinion is to be no ground of exclusion from
civil privilege. (Hear, hear.) If the members of the Romish
system differ from Church of England Protestants only in
religious sentiment—if they differ from them solely on a theo-
logical dogma-then I say it was the sense of the nation that
there should be no exclusion on that account, and that all
difference should cease politically. Hence the eagerness with
which it was disclaimed that any other difference did exist.
For, my lord, although it was a principle of the bill of 1829,
that no merely religious difference should cause exclusion, it
was not a principle of that bill—it is nowhere to be found in
that bill—that principles of intolerance should not exclude.
(Cheers.) It is nowhere found that a divided allegiance should
not exclude. (Cheers.) It is nowhere found that principles
inculcating perjury should not exclude. (Cheers.) It is
nowhere found that principlesof immorality, which call crimes
duties and duties crimes, should not exclude. (Cheers.)
Therefore all such principles were denied—denied on oath
before parliamentary committees. You have heard some of
the denials. (Hear, hear.) The nation believed them, and
supposing, accordingly, that there was no difference except
on a dogma of religion, the nation said, we want no political
exclusion because of religious dogmas, and the bill was
passed. (Hear.) The Duke of Wellington, who was the
main agent in passing this bill, said. that if there were a dis-
appointment—if it were found that the bill did not answer
the purpose—if Ireland was not pacified—if the nation was
not improved by the consequences of the bill, he would come
down to parliament and ask for fresh powers to meet the ex-
igencies of the case, and he had no doubt the legislature
would repose the same confidence in him as they had shown
in enabling him to pass the measure. (Hear, hear.) The
government and the crown in 1829 tried an experiment.
They said, the Established Church of this realm, with
all the advantages connected therewith, has hitherto
been protected by a species of exclusion which is no
longer tenable—exclusion because of transubstantiation.
We determine to withdraw this species of exclusion.
Instead of excluding because of transubstantiation, which
the nation would no longer bear, they substituted an oath,
whereby every suspected member of the church of Rome—
for they were still suspected—who took power or office under
the crown of England, should swear that he would not abuse.
the privileges he might acquire to injure the settlement of
property, or the Established Church of these realms. This
oath was substituted for the previous test against transub-
stantiation, which had kept them out, They would not take
the test against transubstantiation. What, then, was to be
done ? Some guard must be had for the Church of Engird.
The principle of the bill of 1829 was to remove the religious
cause of exclusion, and to secure the Church of England by an
oath. What, then, becomes the duty of a government, having
tried the experiment, and being intrusted with the institution
of the country? Here was a long-suspected party, suspected
of having designs against the state, and on that account kept
from political sower. Now came a time when they must he
admitted, and -a
security is taken against the suspected dan-
ger. The nature of it is clear in the bill. The preamble of
the bill sets forth as an hypothesis, that the Church of Eng-
land shall be secured in all its rights. This provided for the
suspected danger, in admitting the members of the Church
of Rome to political power; so that a principle of the bill of
1829 is indefeasible security, to the Church of England. We
say, let the bill 01 1829 ' carried out into real, honest
effect." It contained two principles : one was, that religious
opinions should no longer be a ground of political exclusion.
That was our agreement, and we have stood to it. (Hear.) It
contained another principle, which was, that political privi-
lege conferred on Roman Catholics should not be turned into
an engine against the established church. That has failed."
And now what do we say ? We say that the men who carried
that measure, and who are determined that one part of it
shall stand, are in duty bound to sae that the other part of it
shall stand also. (Cheers.) Let the principle stand, as 1

said at Whitehurclt ; let there be no exclusion for religious
opinion; but let the principle stand also that the Church of
England shall be defended against these new legislators.
(Cheers.) If the mode they took, then, of seeuring the se-
cond part has proved a failure, what then ? Then they must
either remove the first or amend the second. (Cheers.) The
nation will not remove the first. A government that at-
tempted it would be immediately hurled from the seat of
power; the nation will not do it, and the government cannot
do it till the nation will. What, then, should be done ?
Amend the second—(hear, he2r)—and we call upon the
government to carry the bill of 1829 into "full and real
effect" in every one of its clauses. (Cheers.) We ask them
to carry it out honestly. They are carried out, and no doubt
will be carried out in that part which gives concession, and
all we ask of them is, that they will take the whole bill,
not parts of it only—(bear. hear)—that they will take the
part of the bill against Jesuits, that part of it against the
usurpation of Roman Catholic prelates—that part of it which

would confine John .114 Hale for signing himself John loam,
and that part of it that opens parliament to members of the
church of Rome. (Hear.) Let us have the whole bill—
every part of it. (Cheers.) They will say we are madmen
for supporting the repeal of the emancipation bill : no sir,
we do not ask for that at present. We do not think it
possible that the nation would give it, and we should be
mad to urge upon government that which must drive them
from the seat of power, and open it to men ten thousand
times worse than they. (Hear.) We say carry the whole
bill ; you are enamoured of part of it, now be honest and
carry the whole of it. (Cheers.) If you will excuse one
short quotation more from a speech of your humble servant,
I will draw to a conclusion. Upon the matter of the in-
tolerant principles alluded to in the former quotation, I took
the liberty of using these expressions at a meeting in the
beginning of this year; and now that the political crisis
is past, I call attention to them :—" We have been
before the public as detectors and exposers of a deep-
laid dangerous conspiracy against the state. We have

named the leading conspirators. We have got possession of
copies of their secret papers, and laid them before the pro-
per authorities. We have challenged them, by name, to
come forward and defend themselves against such high
charges. We have adduced evidence to prove, that in viola-
tion of their solemn oaths, they have been secretly circu-
lating amongst our fellow-countrymen manifestoes, procla-
mations, and laws of a foreign potentate utterly subversive
of the government and the established religion of England."
You have heard how the conspiracies of Romanism works in

those important statistical items of infor
reverend friend, Mr. Nolan :—" We hay

ion giver

to prove further, that some of our fellow-countrymen,-under
the delusion that the said foreign potentate was their lawful
and true sovereign, have proceeded to act upon the procla-
mation and laws so circulated, to the defrauding endangering,
and, in some instances, assassinating the subjects of our
most gracious queen. These charges have not been vague in
themselves nor anonymous in their origin. No such plea

can be put forward to justify the silence of the parties
accused. Our accusations have been advanced openly and
boldly in our proper persons, and in the presence of assembled
thousands. They have been precise and pointed; they have
been reiterated. Still the accused parties have made no defence,
courted no investigation, adduced no counter evidence, and
the eflect, though slow, has been sure. Our speeches and
publications have told, and are telling, more, perhaps, than
many who are influenced by them are folly conscious of, or
willing to admit. The conspirators and their dupes have ai-
fected to despise us. Professing a wondrous attachment to
liberty, the Romish conspirators have obtained the zealous
but hood-winked co-operation of the liberal party, and have
been endeavouring to persuade themselves that the " no
Popery" party in the state is so small and contemptible, that
our agitation would produce no effect, and that consequently
their best policy was to pretend not to hear us, or to hear of us.
In this calculation they are beginning to perceive that they
are greatly mistaken. The Protestant feeling of the country
has been largely awakened. Many persons who did not see
their way to go so far as to join Protestant Associations, have
nevertheless associated themselves with Educational Societies
and Church Building Societies, and Pastoral Aid_ Societies ;

and the country is hi an essentially different condition from
what it was ten years ago. The electoral constituences of
many of our towns, great and small, have partaken of this

rescuscitation of protestantism and we confidently anticipate
a practical exhibition of a great amount of this change at the
approaching general election." (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Here, again, I repeat the challenge. (Hear.) The names
of the leading conspirators against the religion, the liberties,
the properties, and the lives of the Protestants, are Dr.
Murray, popish archbishop in Dublin, Dr. M`Hale, popish
archbishop in Tuan, and Daniel O'Connell, Esq. (Hear.
hear.) The names of the witnesses ready to substantiate the
charge of conspiracy before parliament are, Dr. Mortimer
O'Sullivan, the Rev. Robert James M'Ghee, and the right
hon. Lord Roden. Here, now, are the conspirators named,
the nature of the conspiracy exposed, the secret papers de-
tected, and laid before the authorities of the state ; the
evidence of Dens's Theology, with all its horrors being
circulated by the authority of these bishops in Ireland,
whilst they were denying it upon oath in England, is
now placed in both your Universities by Mr. M`Ghee ; it

is open to the inspection of all your leading scholars

open to an examination before a committee of your heredi-
tary legislators. The rev. gentleman proceeded to call for
this investigation' not for the sake of angry discussion, but
as a great judicial inquiry, in which a fair hearing should be
given to the case on both sides. He concluded his speech,
the latter part of which we arc obliged to omit for want of
room, by a most eloquent comparison between the emancipa-
tion of slaves and the glorious gospel emancipation, which
our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects would enjoy if they
abandoned their errors, and embraced the truth as it is in
Christ.
The resolution was then carried.

Mr. PARKER, in moving a vote of thanks, said be would
put the meeting in possession of the sentiments of Lord
Sandon and Mr. Cresswell upon the value of Protestantism,
as there seemed to have been some little misapprehension
upon the subject. (Hear, hear.) At a meeting in that very
place, on the 21st June last, Lord Sandon used the following

language :—" Let us have commercial England,
England, colonising England, protestant England

enthusiastic cheering.) Let us support the church, s
she was delivered to us by our ancestors, moral and rt-1

,
without being superstitious. (Vehement applause
such, we may endeavour to preserve her, and as s
may bind ourselves solernly to hand down to future gem
tions. (Protracted cheering.) I see that your spirit is
awakened—l see that you are ready to do your duty ; set an

example to all England, and God gi-ant that all England 111.
do its duty to you."

. ,
Mr. Cresswell, at the nomination of candidates a few days
afterwards, said :—" I have been abused here for having
alluded to your Protestant Church, and your Protestant
altar. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) lam not surprised, gentle-
men, that they should abuse me for it ; they had rather that
I had said something about them. (Hear, hear.) They
would, if possible, forget, and make you forget, the dis-
approbation with which their attack upon our Protestant
Church, our Protestant religion, and our Protestant educa-
tion were received, and they blame me, therefore, for still
holding them up to the feelings of dislike and disappointment
which they excited. (Loud cheers.) He trusted that this
explanation would be satisfactory to the meeting. (Cheers.)
A doxology was then sung, and the meeting separated at a
quarter to five, highly pleased with the proceedings.

THE RECTOR OF HEYSHAM.--We are most reluctantly
compelled, by the want of room, to withdraw our report of
this case, which terminated on Thursday evening in the
commissioners deciding that there was not sufficient evidence
to justify further proceedings.
The steam-ship Caledonia made the passage to Halifax in
four hours less than twelve days.

WEST INDIA LINE or STEAMERS.—We understand that
government has fixed that the first of this new line of
steamers, one of which, the Forth, was built at Leith, shall
sail from Southampton on the 25th October.

DANCING.—We beg to draw the attention of families to
Mr. Harwood's advertisement which appears elsewhere.
His mode of teaching is excellent, and his style that which
is at once fashionable yet unostentatious.
We understand that Mr. Stonehouse•'s cheerful Masonic
song of " Prosper the Art," which has created some little
conversation amongst the fraternity, will shortly be published
by Mr. J. A. Novello, London, who is one of the craft.
We believe there is already a goodly list of subscribers.
IMPROVEMENTS AT BIRKENHEAD FERRY.—Wearehappy
to see that the Corporation of Liverpool are making improve-
ments in the landing place at Birkenhead which will render
it one of the most commodious on that side of the Mersey.
A number of men are employed in removing the dilapidated
and useless pier, or erection, on the north side of the slip,
removing the rock below, so as to deepen the approach, and
carrying out the river wall, bounding the road to the hotel, a
considerable distance to the northward. When the'w•orks
are completed the steam-boats will be enabled, when the tide
is up, to be alongside the new wall, in a sheltered and conve-
nient position.

Mr. George Robins announces in our columns to-day the
sale of a " little principality," in the vicinity of Hereford
and Brecon, an estate approaching 6,300 acres of land, with
manorial rights extending over 20,000 acres. The castle of
Langoed is very ancient, and stands in need of beautifying ;
it is placed on the bank of the famed Wye; the shooting-box
is in the centee of the manors. The present rental is about
£4,300 a year, and the property within ten hours' ride of
London.—Morning Post.
Church preferment is evidently in the ascendant ; it was
fully and practically demonstrated yesterday. The Rectory
of Black Notley, about eleven miles from Chelmsford, (with
a snug parsonage house and glebe, with the commutation
upon the tithes, which has recently taken place, leaving a
clear income of £lOO a year,) was yesterday sold by Mr.
George Robins, at the Auction Mart, for 1,910 guineas. It
should be observed, the incumbent is a healthy young gentle-
man of 37, consequently, according to the tables, his life is
worth 30 years' purchase. If it be so taken, the interest
and compound interest will approach £lO,OOO ; and it is

difficult to believe an advowsou of £4OO a year in possession
would sell for so large a sum. We are led to this calculation
because we augur well from it ; no longer will it be stated,
"The Church is in danger." It is already another and a
gratifying instance of the growing confidence in "Sir Robert
Peel's Administration."— Morning Post, Wednesday.
NEW MEDICINAL PLANT.-Dr. Jeffreys, of Liverpool,
has lately brought into use a plant called Matico, the Piper
angustifolium, as a styptic. It is much used in South Ame-
rica and Belgium, to stop the hemorrhage from small vessels,
leech-bites, or incised wounds. It may be applied in leaf,
or in fine powder. It is said also to be taken internally for
the same purpose, in form of infusion, in the proportions of
about half an ounce to a pint of boiling water. In Peru the
plant is called Moho Moho, and is extensively used for the
same purposes as cubebs, which this pepper much resembles
ill smell.

IMPORTANT TO THE LANDED INTEREST: THE CHESHIRE
FERRIES.—We understancPthat, at a meeting yesterday of
the proprietors of the Birkenhead and Woodside Ferries.
Messrs. Willoughby, of the former ferry, expressed their
determination to adhere to the practice of allowing the inha-
bitants to cross the river by contract, which has been conti-
nued for so long a period with advantage to both. The
Woodside Ferry Company are still resolved to permit no
such contracts to be entered into for crossing by their boats,
and we hope the public will therefore appreciate the kind in-
tentions of Messrs. Willoughby's, who have come to their
resolution solely with a view to do all in their power to in-
crease the convenience of the residents on the Cheshire
shore. It will be remembered that this subject was noticed
in a very recent number of the Standard.

CHARGE OF ASSAULT.--On Wednesday last, at the Po_
ice Court, Mr. Grace, attorney, was placed at the bar of the
Police Court, on a charge of having. assaulted Mr. Hamer,
landlord of the York Hotel. The complainant stated that
about nine o'clock on the previous night Mr.. Grace had
come to his house inebriated, and had called for a glass of
liquor, which he refused to give him ; upon which he at-
tempted to take a glass served to another person, and sonic
words having ensued between them, he (the defendant)
struck him so that his nose bled. The defendant, being asked
what he had to say to the charge, replied that he attributed
his conduct to having drunka
it::: much,
rckiad l
kindly
nfedetililnagt he regretted
what had occurred. He added that he thought the (Mtn.
plainant might have shown
before the public as he
,hafidndeodnhei,liai
than to bring him as he
entertained no ill will towards him. Mr. Rushton, after
a similarpilantuthreie acoganisnesrtvahtiivme
strongly admonishing- the defendant, with reference to '
reentatioh of
complaints of
interest, in the
and costs.
Mr. Freshfield has offered himself for the rep
the city of Hereford, u
worn of Mr. Hobhouse.

Mr. Alderman Thompson, M.P., is about being created a
~•„net. A similar distinction will also be, conferred on
mr. B. Bond Cabboll.-21forning Herald.