The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-04-27 00:00:00

ALTERATION OF THE SUGAR DUTIES,

(From the Anti-Slavery Reporter.)
The attention of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery
Committee has been seriously directed to the measure which
is now understood to be under the consideration of the gov-
ernment, by which the British market would be opened to
foreign, and therefore to slave-grown sugars. A memorial to
Lord Melbourne on this subject, which is most deeply inter-
esting to humanity, has been adopted by that body, and was
presented to his lordship on Friday, by a deputation consist-
ing of the following gentlemen :—Messrs. Samuel Gurney,
Josiah Forster, George Bennet, John Beaumont, Edward
Gurney, John O'Connell, M.P., E. N. Buxton, and Henry
Sterry. The noble premier received the deputation courte-
ously, and assured them that the memorial should receive
the serious attention of the government.
The following is the memorial :
To the Rightllonourable Lord Viscount Melbourne, &c.
My Lord,—The rumoured intention of her majesty's gov-
ernment to lower the duties on the staple productions of the
British colonies, and to make such other arrangements as
shall admit the produce of slave as well as free labour into
the British market, having come under the consideration of
the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, they venture
respectfully to lay the result of their deliberations on the sub-
ject before your lordship.
That the question of the reduction of duties is deemed one
of vital importance, may be inferred from the amount of pub-
lic attention which has for some time past been given to it,
both in and out of parliament. On the one hand it is asserted
that the welfare of the country at large, but especially of the
labouring classes, and of the mercantile and manufacturing
interests, peremptorily requires the reduction ; whilst on.
the other hand it is contended, that any such reduction
would be destructive of an immense amount of capital in-
vested in the colonies, that their cultivation, as a conse-
quence, must be abandoned, and the important market they
now afford to the manufacturer and the merchant be altoge-
ther closed.
To the government, therefore, the subject must have been
one of difficulty, if not of embarrassment ; pressed as it has
been on their attention by parties of opposite views and con-
flicting claims. The committee conceive, however, that,
whilst the expectations of those who advocate the reduction
of duties as to the anticipated results of the measure are un-
duly raised, the fears of these who oppose it are as unduly
exaggerated. No doubt, the immediate effect of the con-
templated reduction would be to lower the price of colonial
produce in the British market, as it would bring the cheaper
produce of Cuba and Brazil into competition with it ; but
that it would materially increase the exports of manufac-
tured goods to either of those countries may be fairly ques-
tioned, since that, the committee apprehend, must depend
upon the increase of population, and the general distribu-
tion of wealth amongst the community—a thing which can
never take place where the great mass of the labouring popu-
lation are slaves.

That the atCmate result would be to advance the price of
the productions of those countries in the continental market,
and also in this, must be obvious, inasmuch as every ton
subtracted from the present supply of the foreign market to
meet the demand of the consumers in this, must necessarily
affect it; and, to whatever extent the reduction in the duties
may diminish cultivation in the British colonies, it must,
sooner or later, affect the exports to them. Cuba and Brazil
will undoubtedly be benefited. The British colonies may,
and most probably will, be injured by the measure.
But, my lord, there are some who cannot look on the
question as one of mere fiscal arrangement. They regard it
as involving great principles and solemn responsibilies. In
the relation which it bears to slavery and the slave-trade—in
the strength it will give the one, and the impulse it will
yield the other—the committee find an argument which ap-
peals with irresistible force to their convictions and feelings
against it. _

"It is not, and cannot be, a question with them, how far the
political interests and commercial policy of this country may
seem to require the measure; but whether the great prin-
ciples of universal justice and benevolence may not be com-
promised thereby.
That in Cuba and Brazil, the great slave-markets of the
western world, the cupidity of slave-dealers will be stimu-
lated to increase the number of their victims, and that the
cart whip of the slave-drivers will be plied with redoubled
energy to extort labour from reluctant bondsmen, should the
reduction take place, there can be no doubt ; the committee
would therefore earnestly deprecate the measure, as involv-
ing a criminal disregard of the liberty and welfare of mil-
lions of their fellow men, and of the sacred obligations of
duty to the Most High.
The committee are far from being opposed to the princi-
ples of free trade, in their fair and legitimate application.
They are not in favour of monopolies. Hence they are de-
sirous of seeing the produce of other countries, raised by free
labour, introduced into this. But they conceive that, to ad-
mit the produce of slave-labour into .the British market on
such favourable terms as these, which, it is understood, have
been proposed, would, under present circumstances, give a
bonus to slave-holders, supply a fearful impetus to the ne-
farious traffic in human beings, and consolidate a system of
iniquity, which has been branded with deserved infamy by
the people, the legislature, and the government of this coun-
try. Whereas it may be confidently expected, that the tem-
porary pressure of high prices, already in process of re-
moval, will entirely give way, if the free system, which has
happily been established in the British colonies, be not em-
barrassed in its infancy with difficulties with which it may
not be able to contend.

The documents laid before Parliament clearly prove, that
the deficiency in the supply of produce from the British colo-
nies during the last two years, has arisen partly from the
great change which has taken place in the condition of the
labouring population, considerable numbers of them having,
either wholly or in part, withdrawn from agricultural employ-
ments ; partly from the unjust and severe laws which have
been allowed to go into operation, to coerce labour under a
state of freedom ' • partly from the injudicious arrangements
of some, and the dishonourable proceedings of other planters,
in the management of properties confided to their care ; and
partly from providential dispensations, such as the long con-
tinued and heavy rains in some colonies, and the length and
severity of the drought in others. But these causes, the
committee sincerely trust, will not be permanent in their
continuance. To the Government they would confidently
look to remove every unequal andl unrighteous law, and to
purify and strengthen the administration of justice. To the
proprietary body they would look to adopt such wise mea-
sures as shall promote the cheerful labour, and the full de-
velopment of the industrial energies of the liberated bonds-
men ; and, above all, they would look to the Divine blessing
to crown the great work of emancipation, which they are
anxious everywhere to promote, with abundant success.
The committee are much gratified on being able to state
that, in the judgment of practical men; founded upon accu-
rate information, no fears of a short supply of produce for
the present year need be apprehended ; that the prospect of
an increased quantity from the British colonies may be rea-
sonably anticipated. in 1842 ; and that there is every reason
to believe that each succeeding year will yield still larger
supplies than have hitherto been imported from them into
this country. The late complete assimilation of the duties
between East and West India sugar, will also greatly add to
the stock of that necessary article for home consumption.
In conclusion, the committee would respectfully, but ear-
nestly, entreat your lordship, and your lordships colleagues
in office, that, in the contemplated alterations in the tariff of
customs duties, provision may be made for the exclusion of
the produce of slave labour from the British market, and for
the greater encouragement of free labour, by all practicable
and legitimate means, throughout the world.

On behalf of the committee,
HENRY TUCKETT, Chairman

London, March 26th, 1841

CUR/OUS OCCURRENCE.—Two ravens were seen a feiv
days since fighting in the air, near the mouth of the river
Yealm, and at length fell together to the ground. An ob-
server hastened to the spot and secured them both while they
were thus hotly engaged, and locked in each other's claws.--
Western Luminary.

Lord MORPETH said, he regarded the amendment of Lord
Howick as merely verbal, and was prepared to abide by the
test proposed by government.
Mr. C. Wool) observed, that the Bill as it now stood de-
stroyed the whole qualification based upon property, and
made the franchise dependent solely on occupation, but the
amendment proposed would not prevent Ministers from after-
wards adding their own new qualifications also.
Sir G. GREY opposed the amendment, and was replied to
by Mr. C. Wood, after which
Lord STANLEY rose. That amendment was no verbal

one, he said, which raised the question whether the whole
existing law and principle of beneficial interest should be
swept away. The country would not easily be persuaded to
treat that as a trivial matter. He agreed with Lord Howick
that an undue and unnatural diminution of the Irish
constituency, from the amount intended by the Reform
Bill, was not to be permitted. It was therefore assumed tnat
such a diminution had already taken place. Mr. O'Connell,
however, had expressed his opinion during the progress of
the Reform Bill, that it would not bring the number up to
30,030. There was so great an excitement on the first
registry after that bill, and so little opposition, that the
numbers amounted to 52,000. They still increased, nomi-
nally, till the octennial period ; and then, of course, they
were reduced by the striking off of many thonsands. Yet
at this day they were between 40,000 and 50,000, exceeding
by many thousand persons the numbers which the Reform
Bill was framed and expected to yeald. When he should
see an alarming diminution of the constituency, he should
gladly co-operate with Lord Howick for the redress of that
evil ; but he would not, because some gentlemen declined to
grant leases of their property, consent to inundate the con-
siituency by letting in voters without any property whatever.
Mr. O'CONNELL pettishly said that no impression could
be made upon the house by that important fact. Lord
Howick would have better evinced his good wishes towards
Ireland by moving to restore the 405.-freeholders than by
aiding the opposition.

Load J. RUSSELL said he thought £5 the proper quali-
fication, but had given way to the general proposal for £8
in the hope that the question might be settled. The amend-
ment was not much more than a question of wording, but he
would not concede it because it would introduce inconveni-
ences into the subsequent clauses.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said the noble lord had done what he
usually did when his case was peculiarly defective—lie had
made a general declamation on popular rights, to raise a
cheer behind him ; and under the cover of that cheer he had
retired from further discussion, and fancied he had made a
successful speech. Referring to the expectations entertained
by the framers of the reform bill, and by Mr. O'Connell
himself, with respect to the numbers of the Irish consti-
tuency, he showed that these numbers did now far exceed
all those expectations. But if the numbers were really
diminished, what were the remedies proposed ? In thirty_
two Irish counties, the Government prodosed the same
uniform franchise which belonged to the borough ; ex-
cluding property, and giving everything to occupation. If
property were excluded from the county franchise in Ireland,
how could it be retained in England ? And what confidence
could be placed in the legislation of a set of Ministers, who,
after taking time to deliberate throughout the recess, had
brought forward such a measure as this, suddenly changing,
two or three days ago, their £5 to an £8 qualification ? Lord
John had twitted the Conservatives for not accepting the XS.
Their objection was not to mere amount—it was to principle ;
they required for the counties a qualification of property,
not of occupasion. To the general principles laid down
by Lowick he agreed, although lie did not intend to
support his details. The effect of the present amendment
was the same as if it had been an abstract resolution affirm-
ing the principle of beneficial interest as a part of the fran-
chise ; and that amendment he should support. If it were
carried, it must be fatal to the principle of this bill—to that
principle which went to exclude property from its influence
in the franchise of counties ; and if counties in Ireland, then
of counties in England also. He vindicated, by reference to
the testimony given in 1825 by the leading Catholics, the
disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders under the Relief
Bill ; and concluded by strongly declaring his opinion that
the conduct of ministers on this question had disentitled them
to the confidence of parliament.

The committee at length divided on the important motion,
" that the words proposed to be left out stand part of the
question," when the numbers were—

AYES
NOES
MAJORITY AGAINST MINISTERS-21

The debate will be resumed, PERHAPS, on Wednesday