The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-03-02 00:00:00

WATERLOO COURSING MEETING

NOW ON VIEW, FOR A FEW DAY ,
IN THE COMMITTEE-ROOM OF
THE LYCEUM, BOLD-STRE,,BT
THE PICTURE of the WATERLOO RSING
MEETING, painted by Mr. ANSDE , containing
Portraits of the Earl of Sefton, Earl Talbo mes Aspinall,
Esq., Wm. Blundell, Esq., Daniel Nei , Esq., James
Rigby, Esq., Benjamin Jones, Esq., Ja es Bourne, Esq.,
James Ball, Esq., Jonathan Williamson, Esq., T. Reddish,
Esq., &c., with upwards of Sixty Portraits of other distin-
guished individuals.
OPEN FROM TEN TO FOUR O'CLOCK.

THE EXHIBITION
OF
PICTURES BY THE OLD MASTERS
POSTOFFICE• PL A CE.

'THE GRAND PICTURE of the MAD O NA of
LORETTO, by DOMENICHINO, from t. Gallery of
His Rqyal Highness the DUKE of LUCCA, wit, everal other
Fine Pictures belonging to the Proprie r .f the THREE
CARACCI, have been added to this intett ing Collection,
which is NOW ON VIEW for SALE b rivate Contellet.
Admittance, is ; Season tickets, ss.

Open from ten till five ; and in tb
nine. Brilliantly illuminated by Gas

evening from six to

JOHN BENTLEY, Keeper

jB. HEWITT, SHORT-HAND WRITER and PRINCIPAL
• REPORTER to the Liverpool Standard, respectfully
informs Professional Gentlemen and Partieslinterested, that
he purposes to supply accurate VERRA.TIIVI REPORTS of
the Trials in the Nisi Prius Court at the Visuing Assizes, on
terms peculiarly moderate.
References permitted to Gentlemen of the highest re-
....

ddressed to the STANDARD OFFICE, rill receive

immediate attention

e ._

TO CORRESPONDENTS

We have been at considerable trouble to procure two copies
of the STANDARD of Tuesday last, in compliance with the
wish of our correspondent at Glasgow, but have not been
able to obtain them.. It affords us much gratification to
make public the concluding portion of the communication
referring to our efforts in collating all the particulars of the
late melincholy catastrophe. It is as follows :—" But for
the list you furnished of those who were lost, I probably
never should have heard of what had become of a near re-
lative, (a brother,) and you are entitled to the warmest
gratitude of myself as well as of other relatives wbo may
be similarly circumstanced, for the exertions you seem to
have made to get such list published."
In the letter of Mr. Edwards, inserted in the STANDARD of
Friday last, the following sentence, at the close of the reply
to the second objection to the Pastoral Aid Society, should
have stood thus—" to pay and support such persons as
'Would cause no damage to the church by withdrawing from
its ministry." The average income of the incumbents
assisted by the society should have been '` £163 a-year."

EN) Rthrrpool ktanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 2, 1841

' It is one of the few sayings of the Colonial Secre-
tary which we quote with pleasure, that " we cannot
afford in this country to have revolutions every year."
We English are essentially a domestic people, and well
know what an uncomfortable thing it is to live perpe-
tually in. the midst of brick and mortar. We love or-
der and neatness in our dwellings, and do not object
to all such trifling removals as may conduce to these
ends; but to meddling with foundations—to the un-
fixing of main supports—or to frequent alterations in
the principal arrangements of their domiciles—the
people generally entertain a rooted aversion—calculat-
ing, perhaps, that a remote and doubtful good to be
attained at such risk and such a sacrifice of immediate
comfort, may not be worth the cost. Much on the
same principle, and for the same reason, they dislike
yearly revolutions in government.

Our more mercurial French neighbours assign to us
as a reason for this a certain merely physical vis iner-
tice of constitution which they suppose we owe to cli-
mate or some other, natural cause, and give us no cre-
dit for it as a virtue; a virtue, however, it certainly is,
by whatever means it may be attained.

Let us obsefie those Whose- thoughts are ever con-
stantly occupied with great political changes—men
whom the Scripture decides as emphatically "given to
change," and we perceive that, finding their whole
happiness and pleasure in mere excitement, they are
thus deprived of a most important element of national
prosperity—namely, a state of mind fitted for attending
to the sober and ordinary affairs of industrial occupa-
tion. Such men miss the end by taking excessive care
about the means. This theory is so true, and indeed
so,obvious, that it scarce stands in need of any experi-
ence or any illustrations to confirm it. We can appeal
to our own example ; for if we are a people indicated
as averse to revolutions, so we can boast of being a
people enjoying unexampled national prosperity. What
revolutionising nation has ever been a happy one ?
What have our neighbours to boast of as the result of
all the revolutions they have gone through within the
last fifty years ? Would not a little English phlegm, a
little of our national ponderosity added to their own
extreme levity, have been useful—would it only have
saved them from a few of those horrors which they
have endured during the above period ? National
prosperity is indeed viewed by us as quite inconsistent
with perpetual gadding after change; and so deeply
rooted is this idea in the mind of the people, that the
very name of a professing patriot, political agitator,
or trading politician whose staple merchandise neces-
sarily consist§ in " change," is synonymous in their
conception with whatever is odious and disreputable.
Now what should we think of the minister or emi-
nent statesmen who would desire to change the na-
tional character in this respect ? Should we not say,
that he was the greatest possible enemy to his country
and the happiness of his fellow-men ? National.cha-
racter, we grant, is not easily altered ; yet it will yield
at length, like that of an individual to ordinary ap-
pliances.

It is the unfortunate position of our present minis-
ters, who have come into power under the impulse of

a popular movement, and constitute therefore what Is
called a movement ministry, that they are under a stern

necessity of resorting to that species of instrumenta-
lity, to keep themselves in power, Which most injuriously
disturbs the public mind, and tends to deteriorate the
national character in the respect of which we have-been
speaking. Could they sustain themselves without re-

sorting to revolutions, or revolutionising, we believe

there is so much conscience left in them that theN
would gladly do so; but though they se(
ompelled by the

what is right, they are

force of cir-

cumstances to pursue what their judgment condemn

They hare come in on the moverment principle, and

they cannot retreat from it

We have their pledges and promises in abundance
that the Reform Bill was to be a final measure ; and
feeling the magnitude of the change they were then
about to effect, they were perhaps,

some of them at

least, sincere at the moment in giving these assurances.
But titne rolls on; new wants arise; there are men in
the outermost 'circle who have made no compact with
finality; new demands are made, and the abandon-.
went of " finality" becomes eventually as inevitable by
the movement minister, as the adoption was once use-
ful, when moderate men who could not otherwise be

got to move were to be gained over.
The Irish Registration Bill of ministers is allowed
on all hands to be an abandonment of finality, and the
final doctrine of the Reform Bill. It is a breach of
faith on the part of Lord John Russell and the Grey
party; for, however the matter may be sought to be
concealed, or to be smuggled through under false co-
lours, the violation of the Reform Bill which it would
effect is evident to all. The wound is attempted to be
made where one might have expected that it would—

through the weak side—the diseased member of the
kingdom ; but all perceive that if the inoculation be
wrought' there, the consequences 'muSt he felt else-

where—the virus must spread throughout the w

body. And thus it is that we are met by the compact
entered into by-ministers and the Popish-rebel party in
Ireland. The priesthood and their lieutenant well
know the power they have gained, and the proper way
as well as manner to use it. Will England suffer her-
self to be dictated to and domineered over by such a

power? That is now the simple question. To this it
has plainly come, and England must either submit to
the domestic tyranny of Popish priestcraft, or rise, in
her strength and crush it altogether : one or the

The debate on the Irish Registration Bill came at
length to a close last Friday morning, when minis-
ters found themselves in a notable majority of 5. On
an analysis of the division, it appears that the thing has
been carried, as is usual of late, against the majority
of British members by the O'Connell tail, and by that
instrumentality alone. The entire number that voted
was—for the hill, 299 ; against, 294—majority, 5. But
of these 265 British members voted against the bill,
and but 240 for, leaving a majority of British mem-
bers aga.inst it of 25 ; thus showing conclusively by
what power it is that this country is now ruled.
Such a victory as this would be the undoing of any
other ministry; but in the eyes of the Melbournites it
is, doubtless, a happy escape, and a " glorious" majo-
rity. Had they been beaten on this division they must
have turned out. No love of place, no court favour,
no hardihood of face could, on such an event, have
kept them in. Their doom would have been sealed.
How great then must have been their joy when the
tellers announced a result that saved them from a fate
so shocking !

What is to become of the bill is a question that
gives them no concern whatever. The bill was never
set up except on the principle well understood in the
Irish quarter sessions courts, and elsewhere, and re-
duced to vulgar practice in the form of cause and cross
cause—a mode of defence suggested by the skillful
attorney when he finds his client hard run. In such
case he advises turning ronnd and assailing the enemy
as plaintiff, and the feint not unfrequently secures a
good retreat. The Morpeth bill was in its origin a
mere measure of obstruction, and if it effect dip ob-
ject it will have done its master good service, though
it should never pass itself. If it only muddy the
stream and spoil the fishing of a rival it will have proved
a capital invention, however worthless for every other

purpose,

We shall enter into no over-curious speculation as
to how both or either of the bills may ultimately be
disposed of ; it is something too distant for immediate
consideration; but this we will say, that nothing has
transpired in the course of this long and tedious four
nights' debate that should cause the noble member for
North Lancashire to withdraw the measure introduced
by him, or to regret the circumstance of his having
introduced it. All manner of abuse has been cast
upon him ; hut the case that he has established and
the necessity for perseverance have not been shaken by
anything elicited through the whole discussion.

O'Connell threatened to enrol him as a member of
the "loyal" repeal association—a most biting piece of
irony, to be sure—just as if repeal would not have
been as rife and disaffection as redundant in the O'Con-
nell market, had Lord Stanley never made any attempt
to check the abuses and remedy the evils of the exist-
ing registration system ; nay, we believe, he is to be
held responsible for the breaking out of a rebellion in
Ireland, should a favourable opportunity offer (through
a war with France, or America, or both) for the O'Con-
nellites to exhibit their love, loyalty, and gratitude to
England in that shape. Strange that so mighty an
effect should spring from so slight a provocation !
Lord John Russell too declares that Lord Stanley's
attempt to restrict the franchise in Ireland had some-
thing to do with that renunciation of finality to which
he was driven on this occasion.
Well, we believe there is a certain amount of truth
in both these statements, and that thus the matter
stands : terror at the restrictions which his lordship's
bill would impose, goaded the repealer to madness;
and the necessity of the case forced the noble lord, the
member for Stroud, to a closer embrace with the mon-
ster, who is equally the tyrant, the terror, and the
guardian sentinel of the ministry.
Lord Stanley may have thus much to answer for ;
but to cast blame upon him for such a reason would
be much like condemning the skillfutthysician for de-
tecting and bringing to light a latent disease that,
lurking in the constitution, would ultimately destroy
life, and of which no cure could be made while it re-
mained concealed in its source, and known only by its
deplorable and devastating effects.

Permit the existing registration system of Ireland to
go on, and Popish priests to wield the representation
of that country at tl4eir pleasure, and a short-lived
truce, a little temporary peace may perhaps be pur-
chased ; but the monster evil of Popish domination
will be every day getting stronger, and more difficult
at some future day to be combated. The battle of the
constitution can be as well fought in the name of these
two conflicting registration bills as in any other what-
ever. There is on the one side democracy, revolution,
popery ; and on the other Old England, the Church,
and Conservatism as easily found as if they were dis-
tinctly set forth by name.
Lord John Russell wound up his speech on Friday
morning, with the addition of one or two words that
we need not quote, in which he protested that he was
not frighted by the threats of rebellion, and now acted
under no cowardly motive, in the following terms :
" Prejudices might have in olden times prevailed in this
country against the people of Ireland, but these prejudices
are rapidly dying away ; and he had no doubt that the people
of England were most anxious, willing, and ready to do any-
thing which they might conceive of benefit to the people of
Ireland. The latter had suffered much on account of their
religion—exclusive corporation monopolies had been granted
against them,—but these sufferings and the monopolies were
now at an end, and he was confident that by the fair working
of our free constitution, the people of Ireland would gradu-
ally obtain a further increase of their rights, and secure the
permanence of our institutions."

•
Now this is a sort of language very apt to take with
of England. It sounds well, and
the good people
seems vastly generous and liberal ; but it is grossly
deceptions, because it shuts out the proper question at
issue. "Prejudices have prevailed. against the people
of Ireland ;" but what is meant here by " prejudices,"
we beg to ask ? What is here called " prejudices" we
conceive to have been a very just dislike to barbarous
habits, and an abject superstition ; and such prejudices,
we trust, have not passed, and never will pass away
from the people of this country. We grant that they
may not have always exhibited themselves in the best
mode; but their existence, in the abstract, is a circum-
stance to be rejoiced at, not deplored.

But the people of Ireland hal

Lceount of their religic

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lly forget that

with Protest

You may make Pay

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on the one' hand

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