The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-10-06 00:00:00

de
Salis, which is equally false with the preceding. It
is to the effect that the " tithes and property of the
Church were originally intended for the use of the poor."
We are free to admit that the poor were originally en-
titled to relief and maintenance out of the property
held by the clergy; but it should be borne in mind,
when we make this concession, that the Church has
been robbed of full two-thirds of the property which
formerly belonged to it. Let this be restored, and
then we shall be prepared for such an arrangement as
that which the Count de Salis has proposed, viz., the
appropriation of a part of the Church revenues to the
use of the poor.

We are glad to find the Count de Salis speaking
out so plainly on the prospects of Popery in Ireland.
We are glad to find him candidly acknowledging that
he " hopes to see the day when the national Church of
Ireland—the Church of the majority—the Church which
has preserved tranquillity in the land—shall be re-esta-
blished in a manner becoming the Irish nation."
This, to say the least of it, is plain speaking. The re-
establishment of Popery in Ireland is here plainly inti-
mated as the consummation of Irish hopes. The Pro-
testants of Ireland are now made aware of the grand
end which the Popish priests and laity have in view in
all their schemes of agitation.
It will rather surprise the English reader to find the
Popish sect designated as " the Church which has
preserved tranquillity in the land." If for " tranquil-
lity" we substitute the word " disquietude," or "
order," or ‘‘ rebellion,'' there would he some truth
and relevancy in the remark. The Popish system in
Ireland has been, for generations past, a system of tru-
culent persecution, of tyranny over the minds and
persons of the Popish multitude, and of extermination
as regards the Protestants. The only tranquillity
which We can associate with such a system is the tran-
quillity of
death.

The proceedings of the Whigs of Liverpool, as dis-
closed at the present registering sessions, furnish, we
do not hesitate to say, the most disgusting example of
political profligacy which it has ever been our fortune
to contemplate. On no occasion that we can remem-
ber has an utter disregard of honesty, of principle, and
of decency, been so unblushingly paraded before the
World ; and when it is borne in mind that the party
guilty of this grossness of conduct is one which has
always plumed itself upon its superior purity in public
matters—which has ever been foremost in denunciation
of political abuses, and whose constant outcry is for
reform, for purity of election, and for the ballot as a
preventive of bribery and corruption—we are con-
strained to come to the conclusion, if indeed we had
ever had much doubt of the fact, that the boasted
principles of whiggism are little better than a compound
of hypocrisy, falsehood, and fraud.

We entreat the attention of our readers to our report
of the various cases brought before the revising court,
in which the rates of claimants have been paid with
money furnished by the Protector Society; and to the
decision which his worship the Mayor, himself a sub-
scriber to the funds of that society, has thought it
decent and becoming to pronounce by his casting voice.
By this decision it is now established that a political
party, or an individual„.for a political purpose, can
Place upon the register an unlimited number of pauper
householders at the simple cost of paying the rates of
their cottages or cellars, and by this bold and bare-
faced evasion of the spirit of the municipal act, in
effect swamp the bona fide constituency of the borough,
and disfranchise and smother the opinions of the great
body of its respectable inhabitant householders.
We dare say his worship the Mayor, and the party
who are at present making him their instrument, anti-
cipate the triumph of whig candidates in some two or
three of the wards as the immediate effect of this deci-
sion. Possibly his worship may be correct ; but we
venture to tell him that a triumph so achieved will be
to himself and to his party the dearest-earned victory
which ever was won upon the arena of politics. It
will be gained at an expense of character incalculable
in extent ; and will be the means of introducing into
Our future municipal contests a system of corruption
to which anything hitherto witnessed can bear no com-
parison, l
arison. Henceforth the preponderance of party in
crwo Council must depend upon comparative
weight
of Purse, and the lavishness with which this
Ystem of wholesale .briberi,—for it is absurd to call it
by any milder name—is resorted to by the different
Candidates, or by associations or agents acting for
them ; and to the pure and patriotic reformers of The
year 1840 posterity will be entitled to attribute a prac-
tical repeal of the much-lauded whig municipal reform
act.

We have no wish to hurt the feelings of his worship
the Mayor by commenting upon his particular share
in producing this result. To any one who witnessed
his demeanour in the sessions-house yesterday, the
conviction must have presented itself that Sir Joshua
was not a little uncomfortable ; and if he could have
noticed the ill-suppressed scorn of his proceedings pic-
tured in the countenauces of most of his fellow towns-
men present, the worthy knight had ample reason for
such a feeling. Of this much we are certain—and we
Would press the fact upon Sir Joshua Walmsley—that
Where he has gained one vote for his party by the ne-
farious trickery to which he has been led to resort in
order to bolster up their sinking fortunes in the Town
Council, he has lost two votes for his own election as
a member for the borough.

" I do love thee, Michael Cassio—
But never more be officer of mine !"

Several of our contemporaries have been amusing
themselves and their readers during the last fortnight
or three weeks with sundry speculations on the subject
of a coalition ministry—a monster engendered in the
brains of some demented radical, and which Prome-
theus himself would find it impossible to inspire with
the instinct of life. The list of an administration,
combining men of all shades of politics, is now going
" the round of the papers," and eliciting comments of
so serious a character, that a cursory observer might
be led to attach some importance to the document. It
may not be generally known that the list in question,
which we quote for the amusement of our readers,
originated in the pages of the Colonial Magazine, into
which it must have crept by some strange oversight
on the part of the talented editor of that excellent pe-
riodical. It was put forth in an article which con-
tained some plausible suggestions on the subject of a
coalition administration. A mere glance at the sub-
joined list will serve to prove the political predilections
of the writer. Of the realisation of his plan there
cannot be the remotest expectation. The following is
the list to which we refer :
Premier—Sir Robert Peel, Bart.
President of the Council—Lord Melbourne (with a mar-
quisate).

. ,
Home Department—Lord J. Russell (with a peerage).
Foreign Department—Earl of Aberdeen.
Colonial Department—Lord Stanley.
Exchequer—Mr. F. T. Baring.
Board of Trade—Mr. Goulburn.
Indian Board—Lord Ellenborough.
Admiralty—Lord Palmerston (with a peerage).
Duchy of Lancaster—Lord Ebrington.
Privy Seal—Lord Normanby.
Lord Chancellor (in the Lords)—Lord Lyndhurst.
Court of Chancery—Lord Cottenham.
Land Revenue—Lord Duncannon.
Secretary at War—Mr. T. B. Macaulay.
Vice-President of the Board of Trade—Lord Sandon.
Commissioners of the Indian Board—Mr. Moore 0' Fer-
rall, Mr. Emerson Tennant, Mr. Colquhoun, and Mr.D'ls-
raeli.

Secretaries to the Indian Board—Lord Seymour and Mr.
Clay.
Under Secretaries of State for the Colonies—Mr. Vernon
Smith and Mr. Gladstone.

Secretary of the Admiralty—Sir Thomas Cochrane.
Judge Advocate General—Sir George Grey, Bart.
Attorney-General—Sir John Campbell, with reversion to
Sir William Follett, on Sir John's accession to the bench.