The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-12-02 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

We have received the following publications, which shall be
noticed in our next number;—Blackwood, Fraser, and the
12th Number of the New Statistical Account of Scotland.
The " Examination of Mr. Blackburn's Defence" has been
received. We shall avail ourselves of the author's courtesy,
and publish some extracts in our next.
We have to acknowledge the receipt of Mr. T. J. Ouseley's
volume of Poems. We shall present the public with some of
its choice gems in our future numbers.

Elie I,t )t) Al.tanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 2, 1836.

We have been favoured with New York papers up to
the Bth ult. The contents are particularly interesting;
but we regret that our limits will not admit of any ex-
tended extracts this day. We are happy to inform our
readers that we have made arrangements for obtaining a
regular supply of papers from that city, and shall in
future be enabled to present them with the ea►liest in-
formation on the affairs of the United States. The most
recent arrivals announce that the elections are proceed-
ing with great vigour. The friends of Van Buren seem
confident of success. We transcribe the following:—

IMP )RL'ANT FROM MEXICO.
The following letter was received from the Merchants' Ea•
change Bulletin Board, New Orleans :

" VERA CRUZ, OCT. 1.
" General Bravo has been appointed to the command of the
army destined for the north. said to be front 18,000 to 20,000
strong. A detachment of 4,000, sander the command of General
Garay, was to have left Mexico for the same destination on the
16th ult., but the troops refused to march, on the ground of not
having received their pay. Within a few days past the govern-
ment has raised a loan of 800,0(X) dollars, which will enable it
to put their warriors on themarch fur Texas.
" A brig of war, built at Baltimore for the Mexican govern-
ment, had arrived at Vera Ctuz. She is intended to mount 11
18-pounders, with grenades, and to be commanded by Captain
Wise, who will take charge of the fleet said to be undergoing
repairs at Campeachy.
" The ex-President, Bustamente, who was some years since
subjected to banishment from this country, has been invited to
return. He is expected from France daily, and will probably
be appointed to the Presidency in place of the present incum-
bent."

We have been favoured with files of Sydney papers to
the date of July 25th. The Sydney Herald of that date
contains the following pungent remarks on the colonial
policy of the present government. Our readers will
perceive that the same observations will literally apply
to the mode in which the Whigs exercise their patronage
" at home" :

"'rise 'SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATIIB.—The principle of
the present home government seems to he, to amuse the British
public with a show of reforming alleged abuses in the state,
while they seize with rapacious hands the rich plunder which
some of the colonial revenues afford. In proportion as the ve-
nal propensities of whips are checked by the peolde of England,
so are the tugs made at the purses of the colonists, to provide
place and emoluments for the miserable hangers-on of that po-
litical body. This corrupt system, which we believe to have
existence in every British colony, wherein whig influence
prevails, is most strikingly manifested in the supplementary
estimates of the charges ou the treasury for the present year,
which we have now before us.. The account, we do not hesitate
to say, emir-races- items which clearly exhibit the most reckless
disregard for the opinions of the most respectable colonists, who
are thus plandelect for the maintenance of the political princi-
ples,.which some of these estimates unfold, and to which we
purpose calling the attention of our readers, though not in the
order, in which they. appear upon the printed statement."

Nothing renders a man more desPicable than duplicity
—it is "a complex vice, including in itself lying, fraud,
selfishness, and hypoCrisy—it destroys all that confidence
which gives stability to human compact—it is a moral
leprosy which separates men from the society of the vir-
tuous—even truth itself becomes suspected when found
the companion of equivocation—and charity, which
" thinketh no evil," distrusts the good offices of "such
an one"—if its beginning be prosperous, its end is con
temptible—in fine, if it be not the compound of every
other crime, it contains the elements of them. But,
odious and detestable as is this vice, it is not a stranger
in the world, though it finds chief fellowship with public
men; if somewhat shy, and susceptible of shame, in the

humbler walks of social life, she wears a brazen vizor,
and talks flippantly, and sometimes raves, when detected
and exposed to scorn and contempt in the senate—pointed
at by the finger of truth. We have seen men, and we
blush to think we are of the same species with them, to-
day advocating measures with all the earnestness of a
convinced judgment, and all the importunity of disinte-
rested zeal, who, in the brief space of a month, will op-
pose and deprecate the veiy'sanie measures with as re-
solute a determination, and apparently deep feeling, as
if they had come to the 'discussion with minds confirmed
by years of preparations—and in both cases, if opposed in
their career, or questioned as to eonsistency, they will
add imprecations to arguments—deliberately lie in the
face of public records and moral evidence ; and, if in
danger of exposure, skulk under the cloak of any paltry
evasion, the last subtet loge of this vice, though much too

DEC. 2, 18:16.

narrow to conceal them—contrition and amendment:
neither felt nor purposed—such men would be a nuisance'-
in private life, which the laws and discipline of society
would soon abate; but, to the infamy of our public coun-
cils, and especially under our present administration, it.
may be told, that the men who can act best the Proteus
of the day, practice duplicity with the hest semblance of.
virtue, is the man highest in esteem, most in requisition.-
and who best promotes his temporal interest.
After such a portraiture of a detested vice, it might,be
supposed that we should single out the wretch to whom it •
is faithful in every lineament, and hang him up as an ob-
ject of universal detestation. We, one day, may pefform
that painful duty, and when we take the pencil for. the'
purpOse, we shall not lay it down till we have finished a
group of the same feather. At present our design is to
expose the gross, tangible, inconsistency of those who
profess, and call themselves, and are, by a deluded peo--
ple, believed to be, the friends and advocates of unhappy'
Ireland. Such an exposure may serve, in the approach-
ing session of Parliament, to moderate the course of un-
principled policy intended to be pursued towards that
unfortunate country.

When the Irish municipal reform bill was under dis;
cussion in the House of Commons, it was contended by
Mr. O'Connell, anti the ministerial carcass of which he
is, virtually, both the head and tail, that precisely the
same plan ought to be granted to Ireland that has been
adopted in England—that there was an exact parity of
circumstances between the two countries demanding it,
anti an exactly similar constitutional right which claimed
it.—that Ireland asked, and could not justly be refused,
a uniformity of legislation for the whole kingdom—to
make one provision for England, and another provision
for Ireland, was, they said, to create invidious compari-
sons, and to be guilty of partial distinctions—it was to
treat her as a vassal, not as a subject. We had granted
her but half emancipation, whilst she stood not on the
same level with us who made her free ; anti was not, in
every respect, regarded in the British senate as a British
subject. This was the language heard from the "centuni
ora," the hundred mouths of the hydra-headed monster
of Irish reform—a brainless head !—a head like that dis-
sected by Addison, where the vessels that produce blush-
ing could not be found—a head that has no communica-
tion with a sound heart—between which and thecon-
science all the channels are obstructed—a little month,
and the waters of oblivion had washed away, at least for
a convenient moment, all remembrance of -this flowery
oratory. Ireland, that had raised herself on tip-toe, in
order that she might shoulder England as her equal po-
litical and civil sister, and caught the cry of corruption,
and asked the blessings of reform, now bends the knee--
piteously whines out her inferiority—renounces through
her ministerial organs all thought of equality—declares
that she is centuries behind us in civilization and the arts
of life—in wealth, and as an object of legislation ;—yes,,
Ireland, in which Mr. O'Connell asks for " justice,"
and by "justice" tells us he means equality of legisla-
tion. This high priest of duplicity, in the golden clouds
of incense that rise from the altar of his sacrificed coun-
try, loses sight of equality of legislation, and tells us,
what almost enrages patience to hoar, that the poor, the
starving, naked poor, the %ictims of his political selfish-
ness, cannot he provided for, by laws similar to those that
provide for the poor in England. Away, then, with the
principle of uniform legislation—the frothy argument
evaporates that proclaims the policy and right of Ireland
to be identical with that of England, and that 'the same
provisions which advance the interests of one will equally
advance that of the other. We do not now discuss either
the question of :he Irish municipal reform, or the expe-
diency of introducing our poor laws into that country--
with those questions we now have nothing to do—we
have accomplished what we designed, when we prove,
out of the mouth of our adversaries, that there is no jus-
tice in the position, that in all cases for Ireland and
England the same system of legislation is eligible,
though we may hope,,that this exhibition of political tur-
pitude may also not be without its use.
Henceforward, then, never let us hear, when. an Iris?,
question is under the consideration of Parliament, that
this or that 1101"% r right as regards Ireland, because it
has been adopted in England. No I—we have, "ex con-
fesso," the admission of the leader of agitation, an ac-
knowledgment, that every question must rest upon its
own merit's. Poor laws for Ireland is an Irish question,
so says Mr. O'Connell—poor laws for England is nn
English question, so says Mr. O'Connell. So we, say,
adopting his own principles, municipal reform for' Irish
corporations is an Irish question—Municipal reform for
English corporations is an English question: Let these
things, therefore, never again he confounded, and' much
error anti sophistry, confusion and injustice, will be avoid-
ed in the discussion of Irish measures. But will Mr.
O'Connell—will his ministerial colleagues—be governed
by this conclusion. No, not an instant. Whenever it
shall favour their designs, Ireland will be made to claim
the protection of the very same laws as those admini-
stered in England; and when it shall favour their designs
she will demand laws peculiar for herself. We have,
however, done our duty in exposing the inconsistency,
the gross duplicity, of this party in the state; and we
hope, and trust, our labours will not be wholly useless
when reform shall again sound the trumpet for the battle
of innovation. One further premonitory caution 'we
would add, as a security against this illegitimate species
of reasoning. The same faction which to-day *ill quote
England as a precedent for Ireland, will to-morrow quote
Ireland as a precedent for England. They justify the
claims of Ireland to an English municipal reform ; they
will, if they succeed in destroying, or mutilating the es-
tablished church in Ireland, justify the same course in
England, and plead Ireland as an example. We warn
our constitutional friends to keep alive to this most dan-
gerous, because most specious of all sophisms—it has
already made dreadful havoc in the laws and institutions
of this country. Parliamentary reform became a prece-
dent for municipal reform, anti both are pleaded as pre-
cedents for church reform ; and thus onward will it pro-
ceed, in endless progression, uniting objects that have
no connexion with each other. But we shall not suffer
our readers to slumber whilst the wolf is prowling round
the fold.

If a man clenches his fist, and stands in a menacing
attitude before another, though he strike no blow the
laws consider him as a violator of the peace ; and if a
man ask for charity, and present to you that compound
of wood and iron, called a pistol, though be do no vio-
lence, and threaten none, he is considered as guilty of
robbery, and would, in a criminal court, be visited with
the 'punishment assigned to that offence. Is it not a
subtle piece of political casuistry, that shall distinguish
between these cases of civil delinquency, and the ap-
pointment of an armed fleet to the ports and rivers of a
country, with which we are not at war ?—is not a hostile
intent presumable in this instance as well as in the
others, from the awe inspired by the appearance of pre-
meditated force ? " What mean ye here, riding out an
Atlantic winter," might a Portuguese say to our British
Admiral in the Tagus, " if you are a non interfering
nation ?" What answer could be given by the incon-
sistent ministry from whom our Admiral has received his
appointment ? Will the) have the barefaced impudence
to say, that they have no other object, no other motive.
than the protection of British property ? But whatever
may be the assigned motive, this formidable array
evinced its purpose, when civil rebellion threatened to
revolutionize Portugal—at the request, or command, we
care not which, of the Queen, our fleet disembarked its
force!, whose presence checked the career of insurrec-
tion, and restored the agitated, and precipitately flying
Regent to her throne. Is this non-interference ?—Were
there a tribunal before which our ministers could be
summoned, and put upon their trial, would there be any
chance of their acquittal ? But why do we call public
attention to these facts? We reply, for no other reason
than to expose here, as we have done in our leading
article, the uniform duplicity of our present administra-
tion—without principle to guide, or firmness to act, they
temporize, till they lose all respect in the eyes of their
own country, and of the world—if interference be ex-
pedient, let them show decision—if nun-interference be
theiro policy,
teeth
titl)t,n if y
er noutummeneaacneTlowt,ag to bite--butnotthetail nor
show your