The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-02-02 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS,

We are compelled to postpone the article relative to the
" Supposed Case of Fraud" which appeared in cur last,
and regret extremely we cannot find room for it to-day.
We have not bad time to read several articles of poetry for-
warded to us. Unless they appear hereafter, the writers
may presume they will not suit our columns.
"Loyalty" wishes to know whether any public demonstra-
tion of loyalty will take place on the 10th instant.
" Examiner" stands over until Friday.

EJ)tEtbripool (ttanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 2, 1841

The royal speech, with all its omissions, has by this
time run the gauntlet of journalism, and produced
among our contemporaries a unanimity that few mini-
sterial manifestoes have the happiness to originate. It
might now be committed with a requiescat to the tomb
of all the Capulets, if, with that general apology appli-
cable to the whole, we had been enabled to assign a
special excuse for each of its several negations. The
catalogue of these absentees is certainly a formida-
ble one, and, as one counts up the sum, it is impossi-
ble to forbear asking, how a ministry, with such a mass
of important topics which they are obliged to shun,
and so few that they can venture to adduce for imme-
diate discussion, can still dream of holding their
places?

Sir Robert Inglis, on Wednesday evening, endea-
voured to draw forth from the ministerial benches some
explanation touching one of these defaulting gentry.
The repeal agitation in Ireland struck his fancy as one
not beneath the dignity of the Crown to notice, and
one which ought to have filled a niche in the royal ad-
dress, even though other topics of confessedly great
pith and moment had been unable to obtain a place
there.

In answer to this appeal, Lord John Russell was
forced upon the disagreeable duty of adverting to the
subject; and we submit that his speech on the occa-
sion, though lame and impotent as "an apology for the
omission complained of, is very sufficient, powerful, and
significant, as supplying additional ground of im-

peachment against ministers.
The sum and substance of his lordship's address,

viewed in the most favourable light, amounted just to
this, and no more, that ministers, having no intention
of interfering with repealers, could see no use in mak-
ing their treason a subject of animadversion in her
Majesty's speech. This was the net amount of his
lordhhip's defence, and it is at least plain and intelli-
gible. The movement of the separation of Ireland
from British dominion is, it seems, not so very bad a
thing in the eyes of ministers ; and as to prosecuting,
persecuting, or in any way incommoding the agents in
it, it is a proceeding of which they entertain not the
most distant idea. Such was his lordship's intima-
tion, and it is consistent with all the known circum-

stances of the ministerial position.
Nothing is now more certain than that ministers
stand in a relation to the repealers which renders it
quite impossible for them to distinguish themselves by
a hearty desire to prosecute or suppress their treason.
And what is that relation ? Why one of the utmost
concord and amity—one of close alliance. They may
deny this if they dare, but who would believe them if
they should, while their league and compact with the
head and principal of the sedition remains intact and
unbroken ! And that such is the fact, there does not
now exist even the smallest peg or loophole to hang a
doubt upon.

In a moVement such as that for the dismemberment
of the empire, it may truly be affirmed that the go-
vernment which is not against is for it. The onus of
proof, therefore, if they would char themselves of so
foul an imputation, rests with them.
Lord John Russell refuses to be hound by the di-
lemma in which his friend O'Connell would place
him, and alleges that he is neither a Conservative nor a
Repealer. That he is not the former will be readily
granted : but that he is not the latter, what proof does
he offer—proof, we mean, such as would suffice to
counterbalance the weight of testimony that may be
thrown into the opposite scale. We know of none.
The Romanist population of Ireland form their no-
tions of the Government, as most people do, by their
acts rather than by their words; and what measures
or conduct have they witnessed on the part of the Go-
vernment to make them suppose that the repeal agita-
tion is disagreeable to them ? The Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland, indeed, made a speech on one occasion, in
which he stated that those who had made themselves
obnoxious as Repealers would put themselves beyond
the pale of Government patronage; but such a menace
produced little or no effect, because it was perfectly
well understood that there was a maire de palais much
more potent in this respect than his Excellency; and,
in point of fact, numerous instances might be pointed
out of decided Repealers having receive,d promotion
both before and subsequently to this declaration.

Lord John Russell alluded to the police and military
expedition sent down to the north of Ireland in conse-
quence of the obtrusive incursion made by the agitator
into that generally tranquil and prosperous portion of
the kingdom, but not one word of censure or remon-
strance (lid he litter against the originating cause and
author of the demonstration. Nay, his censure was
reserved rather for the adversaries of the disturber, and
he did not scruple actually to arraign as culprits those
, who were likely to: check or obstruct his mischievous
career. Let his lordship then say what he pleases as
to his not being a ,repealer—this is clear, that his feel-
ings are far from being in unison with those of the
true and tried friends of her Majesty's crown and un-
severed dominions. And this circumstance, we may
depend, has been already joyfully noted down by the
hierarchal and jesuit advisers of the repealing popula-
tion. In short, it is a fact worthy of the gravest con-
sideration everywhere, that the Government of the
country is in close, alliance with the main instigator and
conductor of a great treason in a portion of the em-
pire, and that their position is such that they dare not
make that treason a subject of comment ; and that
neither against the notorious author of the sedition,'or
any of his associates, do they venture to utter one
word of remonstrance, or an expression of any sort
that would be likely to interrupt the pleasing harmony
that subsists between them. This, we say, is a re-
markable fact, and one that warrants us in affirming
that a ministry thus tied up and involved with traitors
is itself a participator in their criminality.

When Lord Stanley had made up his mind to attack
that corrupt system by which Popish priests and de-
magogues in Ireland are surprised to find themselves
so well represented in the House of Commons, he
must have foreseen that he would bring a storm of fury
and rage about his ears, and consequently must have
felt little emotion at the realization of what he antici-
pated. We are happy to find that neither all his fa-
tigues in the last session, nor all the ingenious devices
resorted to by the enemy during the recess, -were po-

tent enough to make him waver in his course,—and
that on the very first day of the present session he
gave notice of his intention to introduce his promised
bill. By proceeding in a manner thus prompt and un-
flinching, his lordship has earned the applause of. all
good Conservatives; and, with such approbation to
cheer him, we should hope that he will at no time feel
himself greatly cast down by all the censure that Pa-
pists and Radicals can heap upon him. But, inde-
pendently of all social sympathy or antipathy, praise
or blame, his lordship has everything to sustain him in
the merits and justice of the case which he has taken in
hand. A popular clamour is easily raised ; but a case
strongly armed in honesty, and founded on good sense,
is not so easily subverted.

The simple object contemplated by his bill is the re-
form of abuses and the prevention of frauds. It does
not seek to curtail rights or to limit privileges, but ra-
ther to give them greater vitality and raise them to
more honour, by liberating them from the contiguity
of unsound, hypocritical associates, just as a gardener
gives fresh vigour to his plants by clearing them of
weeds and rubbish. The gross frauds and foul per-
juries that have disgraced the register in Ireland are
now matter of history. The record of these abomina-
tions remains, and cannot be gainsayed. No man,
either in or out of Parliament, has had the hardihood
to deny or defend them. The Irish Attorney-General
owns the soft impeachment, and runs a race with the
noble lord to see which shall first have the honour of
putting an end to them ; and Lord Stanley will have
the satisfaction to think that, if by any accident his
measure should be defeated, and that of the Government
carried, the merit of any good that may thus be achieved
will be entirely his. What a testimony to the worthless-
ness of the vile clamour that has been raised against him
may be seen in this competition ! It is nota tacit, but
a moral and most significant admission of the necessity
for that reform which he took as the basis of his pro-
cedure ; and as well might Mr. Pigot, or the Govern_
ment itself, be made the object of incendiary attack—a
mark for popular malevolence—and a scapegoat for the
multitude—as the honourable member for South Lan-
cashire. But they are wholly excused by their indul-
gent friends, and pitied rather than blamed ; because,
it is argued, they could not help themselves. What
they do, they do reluctantly, and are forgiven ; but
upon Lord Stanley, as the original author of the ca-
lamity—the individual through whose unwelcome ac-
tivity and unsolicited exertions a friendly government
was pressed from without, and coerced into at least an
attempt to spoil sport on its allies, and do damage to
itself—upon him all the vials of their wrath and indig-
nation are most liberally poured out. Lord Stanley
has never been met out of doors, or, indeed, we might
almost say, within, in the fair field of discussion on
the subject of his bill ; for there the overthrow of his
adversaries would have been certain—there those po-
tent weapons, scurrility and falsification, the only in-
struments on which the Irish demagogue places any
reliance, would have been wholly unavailing—so that
now the question really is, whether a bill confessedly
required—a bill intended for the benefit of all persons
having a bona fide title to the elective franchise, and in-
jurious only to those whose title is spurious and ficti-
tious—shall, or shall not, in obedience to a factitious

antagonism got up by a few interested demagogues, or,
to speak more correctly, perhaps, by one only—be
abandoned ? If legislation for Ireland, and, we must
add, for the united kingdom also—for the pending
question has become a national one—can be suspended
by such means,. why then we must admit that one im-
portant advantage which Ireland might fairly have ex-
pected to derive from the union--namely, a fearless
and independent spirit in legislating for her benefit,
has been lost to her.

A notable argument has been recently put forth by
some Radical journals, for which we doubt if Lord
Stanley, with all his circumspection, is perfectly pre-
pared. It is to the effect that all the perjuries com-
mitted at the Irish registrations have been owing to
Tory mismanagement—to the stringency and niggard-
liness of Tory concession; and that the only proper
way to get rid of the acknowledged evils is to remove
those misplaced barriers which tempt Irishmen to err.
Subject them to any inferiority, says this logic—fasten
upon them any conditions, limitations, or provisos cal-
culated in the smallest degree to check-the rampancy
of priests or demagogues, and they will break through
such cobwebs--such ropes of sand; and even justify
themselves in so doing though the feat should be per-
formed by perjury and fraud, and displaying openly
the most shameless contempt of every moral and reli-
gious tie. Such is the new plea on which it is con-
tended that Irish Papists should be put on an equality
in every respect with the constituency of this country;
and surely it speaks volumes for the modesty and the
morality of liberal advocacy. It is a beautiful combi-
nation of Socialism in theory and Jack Sheppardism
in practice. Is a law disagreeable, then by all means
swear through and through it. Let no scruple of re-
ligion or conscience hinder any man from seeking his
advantage by such means. The error is venial when
the law is unjust. Such is the doctrine—congenial in
every respect with that which asserts that the treason-
able cry of Repeal is only the natural and legitimate
fruit of Tory misgovernment. Can the force of im-
pudence go further ?

It was our intention to-day to have offered a few
remarks upon the report of the Special Committee of
the Council appointed to examine the proposed Dock
Warehouse Bill, and upon the debate to which its
presentation gave rise. We abstain, however, for the
present; until we shall be better able to ascertain the
feelings with which that report is viewed by the two
contending parties—the warehouse-owners and the
promoters of the bill. By all disinterested persons,
we think, the importance of an agreement of the points
disputed being entered, into, before any application is
made to parliament, will be admitted to be necessary,
in order to strengthen the hands of our representatives
in endeavouring to ward off the numerous hostile ag-
gressions which are about to be made against the in-
terests of the town; and although we might. differ in
some degree with particular portions of the report in
question, yet we trust that it will be made the basis of
a satisfactory arrangement.

As one of these hostile demonstrations, we pointed
attention in our last to the agitation in Manchester of
the question of Inland Bonding, and endeavoured to
urge upon our fellow-townsmen the necessity of being
prepared to resist, with all the influence at their dis-
posal, the concession of the measure in question. That
the influence brought to bear in its favour will be great,
we are well convinced. The representatives of all the
large inland towns will be unanimous in its favour;
the ministry, anxious to conciliate the good opinion of
these communities, will render it every assistance :
and, unless the authorities and the leading inhabitants
of our own and other seaport towns are on the alert,
to rebut the fallacies and misrepresentations of its ad-
vocates,—which is a matter easy of accomplishment,—
we see little reason to doubt that the legislature, imper-
fectly acquainted with the subject, will be won to accede
to the' bill. To enable our readers to judge of the
nature and correctness of the arguments put forth by
its advocates, we now return to the subject, and take
the opportunity at the same time of noticing a few
observations contained in the Manchester Courier of
Saturday, in reply to our article of Friday last.
The position which we endeavoured to maintain
was, that, so far as the interests of Manchester and
the other inland towns are concerned, the advantage
of inland bonding and the hardships of the present
system are alike exaggerated ; and that, as a measure
of public utility, the concession of the privileges de-
manded by these towns would be positively injurious.
We repudiate altogether the compliment which our
contemporary pays us on the score of the " zeal which
we have displayed for the interests of our own town."
Our observations-were not directed to set up the in-
terests of Liverpool against the reasonable and just
claims of Manchester; but, on the contrary, were in-
tended to disabuse the mihds of the public, and the
people of Manchester in particular, with respect to a
few of the many fallacies resorted to by the advocates
of the measure.

In the short notice which our contemporary bestows
upon us, we cannot, we must confess, find out that he
has met even one of our arguments, or negatived one
of our assertions. We endeavoured to spew that
Manchester would not—connected as Liverpool is
with most of the principal manufacturing towns, by
railway or canal conveyances—become to any great
extent the depot for the raw material of their manu-
facture, or for foreign and colonial produce, We

never, as our contemporary assumes, " lost sight en-
tirely of the fact that Manchester is the centre of a
vast manufacturing district, consuming all the articles
and most of the luxuries of life ;" but we did express
a doubt of the usefulness—on the score of economy or
convenience—of making Manchester a bonding town,
when it is notorious that a considerable portion of the
district, of which she claims to be the centre, is as
closely connected, and almost as closely located, with
Liverpool as with herself; and when, in our opinion,
no satisfactory grounds of public utility could be held
out to justify the change.

We readily grant that it may be a point desired for
the property of individuals or communities to be bond-
ed as near as possible to the location of its owners and
consumers. It may be gratifying to the local vanity
of our Manchester neighbours to be able to walk down
to the Old Quay or to Castle-field, and inspect their
merchandise deposited under the Queen's lock ; but
we must and will maintain that the advantage in ques-
tion is much more limited than our contei.porary
would have us believe. In the great majority cf cases
such merchandise will have been previously ware-
housed and bonded in Liverpool, and very little of it
most assuredly will be transported to Manchester di-
rect from the vessels in dock. How small a set=off
against the expense of removal from warehouse to
warehouse under bond, will he the saving of a few
journeys to Liverpool, we leave our readers to judge.
The point, however, with respect to which we wished
to disabuse the minds of the people of Manchester,
was the expectation that, by the concession of the pri-
vilege of bonding, that town would become, not only
the depot, but the market for bonded produce. This
point our contemporary has not touched; but, in re-
ference to our suggestion that the abolition of the
• cotton-duty would remove a great portion of the
grievances of the cotton-spinners, he puts forward in
behalf of Manchester a claim at some future day to be
recognised not only as the market, hut also the port of
the manufacturing district! " Would," says he, "that
the import duty on raw cotton was taken off ! Then
we could almost afford to make the Irwell navigable
for vessels of the first class, and build them too for
ourselves"! Aye, and sail them too, we suppose.
We might inquire of our friend where, in that case,
he would get his wind from; for even a " flat" upon
that noble river, we know, requires occasionally some
other aid than that tickle element is inclined to bestow,
and steam towing is a little expensive. Our contem-
porary, however, must have been joking; for he may
rest assured that inland bonding may do, but an " in-
land port" never will.

The Courier, in conclusion, refers us to the argu-
ments (!) of the speakers at the late public meeting in
Manchester. We will on an early occasion do so, and
venture to promise our readers therefrom as rich a
collection of rhodomontade and castle-building as they
have lately met with.

The parliamentary session has not as yet fructified
with discussions of great pith and moment beyond
those which we notice elsewhere, if we except one
which took place in the Lords on Friday, between
Lords Wharnclifie and Normanby, with respect to the
indulgence granted to the Chartist convicts, Frost,
Jones, and Williams; and another in the Commons,
on the same evening, touching the new bill to extend
the duration. of the Poor Law Commission for ten
years after the expiration of the present duration of
nine.

With regard to the first of these topics, Lord
Wharncliffe reverted to the enormous crime of which
Frost and his companions had been convicted, and
recited a portion of the strong and impressive lan-
guage made use of by the Lord Chief Justice of the
Common Pleas, in passing sentence upon them; he
then alluded to the commutation that had been made
in their punishment, to the ,profound sensation that
had been awakened in the public mind by the report
that still further favour had been extended to them on
arriving at the place of their ultimate destination, and
concluded a clear and temperate statement of the whole
matter by a few plain and pertinent questions addressed
to the ministerial bench. The Marquis of Normanby
replied, and in his reply was, as usual, most exuberant
and energetic on every point that was of no conse-
quence. He admitted the enormity of the offence
committed by the transported convicts to its full ex-
tent, and added that what he had since heard tended
to " confirm him in .considering that the sentence

passed was a just one." He justified its mitigation
from a capital to a secondary punishment, as though
any objection were now raised on this score; but on
the only material point he was perfectly blank, or
pleaded an ignorance which can only be taken as a
confession that the charge against ministels or their

officials is true.
He could not tell whether one of the transported
had been made an overlooker of a calling, Gr whether
another had received an employment under govern-
ment congenial with what he had been accustomed to
in this country. On this head he could give no infor-
mation ; but he would admit, generally, that it was
" possible" that Frost might have obtained employ-
ment in writing instead of working in a chain-gang—
as a clerk instead of a common labourer—because he
believed that such a change of occupations was no
favour beyond what other unhappy persons in similar
circumstances very commonly enjoyed. But his lord-
ship seems to have forgotten that in making this
avowal he almost, if not altogether, admits the accusa-
tion to be trove. The gravamen of the charge is, that
men convicted of high treason, with every circumstance
of aggravation, have received great indulgence of
which they were unworthy, and of which the example
is evil--and the Home Secretary does now in fact
admit this ; but he adds, by way of extenuating the
act, that this indulgence, though great and positive as
respects these individuals, was a mere nothing by
being common and usual in the settlement. This is
his lordship's understanding of the treatment pursued
towards " learned clerks" when they get into scrapes,
in our distant penal colonies; but we do hope, for the
honour of our country, and for the sake of that dis-
tinction between crimes which no interval of space or
form of situation can obliterate, that his lordship is
under a mistake.

It is altogether incredible to our mind that mere
reading and writing should operate such a charm in
favour of felony, even though the framing of its dis-
cipline should have been committed to Whig hands.
We regard the supposition rather as one trumped up
to serve a purpose than as one at all consistent with
realities. Those great accomplishments of " reading
and writing," it is manifest, afford no security what-
ever against the commission of great crimes; but is it
now to be understood that they shall entitle a man to
easement of punishment, and thus serve as an encou-
ragement to vice ? Is_ intellect thus to be exalted at

the expense of virtue ? Is this a sample of the " use-
ful" information that Whig governors are anxious to
disseminate among the people ? Once upon a time it
was received as an axiom, that light and knowledge
only served to aggravate the criminality of those who
sinned in defiance of them ; but here is a practice
alleged to prevail in the treatment of convicts that sets
the doctrine entirely aside, and which implies that
literary and intellectual attainments mitigate guilt, and
in themselves afford a recommendation to favour, in-
dulgence, and promotion ! But we repeat that we dis-
believe the statement, and regard it as a mere error of
the imagination of our too lively, sensitive, sentimental,
and altogether romantic Home Secretary.
With regard to the bill for continuing the Poor Law
Commission for ten years : this is a measure which,

' we trust, will not receive support from Conservatives—
if any they shall give it at all—without the closest
scrutiny. The noble lord who introduced the bill,
pleads as a set-off against the monstrosities of the new
Poor Law, the abuses 'that existed under the old—re-
minding us of the certainly not unimportant fact, that
before the year 1819 the enormous sum of eight mil-
lions sterling had been annually raised and expended
for the support of the poor. This fact unquestionably
proved that there was something unsound in the sys-
tem, and in a state of society which imposed such im-
mense taxation on the great bulk of the people for the
sustenation merely of the indigent—and together with
the disclosure of gross abuses growing out of the ad-
ministration of the old system, led to the change
effected, or designed, by the new law. All this is
matter of history. But as there is no human institu-
tion without its evils, it would be most egreious folly

to suppose that the new law is exempt frol t its share.
Of the errors and evils belonging to it the whole king-
dom has now heard, and there is no man that pretends

to the ordinary feelings of humanity but must admit
that they are of such a kind as can be no longer en-
dured in this Christian country.

We trust that no Conservative will adopt the prin-
ciple, that a successful operation in finance is a perfect
criterion of excellence in a work of benevolence, and
that that law must work well which effects a certain
saving in pounds, shillings, and pence. The bitter
complaints uttered against the new law can no longer
pass unheeded, nor the grievances inflicted by it go
unredressed. We would have Conservative members
of the legislature, and,Conservatives everywhere, fore-
most in probing this festering wound to the very
bottom—not passing by on the other side, but coming
forward with the oil and wine, or whatever may be

necessary to its healing; for we can confidently assert
that a new lease of the Whig commission for TEN
years, and the re-enactment of a law under which so
many unnatural restrictions and grievous cruelties
have been and may again be inflicted on the poor, will
not be patiently borne by the country.

The Cambridge packet-ship, Captain Bursley, which
sailed from New York on the Bth ult., arrived at Cork
on Thursday last, and was there wind-bound. Owing
to the prevalence of strongish easterly winds she has
not yet arrived, and is probably, at the time we go to
press, beating up the channel. We have not therefore
received our accustomed file of papers. One of the
passengers, however, (as we learn by the Albion) landed
at Cork, and reached this port on Sunday, bringing
with him a broken file of New York papers. These
do not contain any important commercial intelligence.
It appears from the New York Morning Herald that
the returns respecting the Bank had created a panic in
the Stock Market, and that the shares of the establish-
ment had consequently declined 12 per cent. in 5 days.
'lt was generally apprehended that the Bank could not
resume payments in specie on the 15th ult., the day
fixed by the Pensylvaman legislature for the resump-
tion by all the banks, and the doubt was whether, if
that bank could not do so, the other banks of Phila-
delphid would do so independently of that establish-
ment. The immediate assets of the bank were accord-
ing to the returns 3,568,431 dollars—aud the liabilities,
circulation and deposits 1 I ,205,022 dollars. The
report of the dividend committee makes the money paid'
out during the preceding six months for expenses, in-
terest, &c., to exceed the profits by four millions of
dollars. t was estimated that the excess of expendi-
ture over income for the ensuing six months would be
about eight millions of dollars. The rate of exchange
on England was 1081 to 108 L

A piper of the Bth ult. states that a hostile spirit had
again been manifested in Buffalo ; that a British offi-
cer had been arrested and imprisoned; and that his
release had been demanded by the British minister,
but refused by the American executive. Our con-
temporary adds in his condensation of these accounts
" A public meeting had been held at Buffalo, respect-
ing the burning of the steamer Caroline, and a series
of highly inflammatory resolutions had been passed.
Mackenzie and several other refugees were, it is
added, on the spot to take advantage of the prevalent
excitement."

We deeply regret to state that the paper of the Bth
ult. contains an account of the wreck of the packet-ship
Garrick, Captain Palmer, from this port. That vessel
sailed from this port for New York on the 13th Decem-
ber with a valuable cargo. It appears that on the 7th
ult. she got on shore about 25 miles south of Sandy
'Hook, probably in the fog. It was supposed that all
the passengers might 'safely land, 'particularly as the
weather had moderated. The letter below affords some
further particulars.
The following letter we copy from the Cork Constitution
of Saturday last. If the Cambridge arrives this morning, we
shall give the contents of any papers in a second edition :
" LOSS OF THE GARRICK, AMERICAN LINER.
" TO THE' EDITOR OF THE CORK CONSTITUTION.

" Hibernian Commercial Hotel, Friday Night.
SIR,—You will please report, in the next number of your
paper, the arrival of the packet-ship Cambridge, from New
York, in 21 days, off Cove, 25 miles S.E., having expe-
rienced head winds and calms nearly the whole passage.
The packet-ship Garrick (one of the New York liners) was
wrecked on the American coast on the 6th instant, twenty-
five miles south of Sandy Hook. She was insured in New
York for 90,000 dollars : she had a valuable cargo on board,
probably worth £200,000. At the time we sailed (con the
Bth instant), all the passengers were not off the wreck, but
hopes were entertained of their getting safe on shore. I
landed this day at Cove, having fallen in with a pilot-boat
about 30 miles south-east of Cove. The New York money
market was easy, and money abundantly in the hands of
bankers and brokers. Cotton market steady.
" I am, in haste, your's,
" JAMES D. ROCHE,
" Firm of Roche Brothers and Co., New York,
cabin passenger, packet-ship Cambridge."

In American papers received last night, which came by the
Cambridge, off this harbour, are accounts given of a fire
which took place on the Gth January, irr New Orleans, when
property to the amount of 31,000 dollars was destroyed, and
three lives lost.

LOCAL NEWS,

The royal mail steamer Britannia will sail, on Thursday
next, for Halifax and. Boston. She will, we hear, be full of
passengers.

The export of manufactured goods to the United States
continues extensive. The steam-ship President, which will
sail on the 10th instant for New York, will, we. hear, have a
large freight.
During the last month the visitors of the Liverpool Chari-
table Society have visited upwards of 600 different families,
and have expended more than £6O among the several objects
of their charity.

STEALING FROM A SHOP.-At the Police-court yester-
day, a woman named Alice Powell, was committed for trial
at the sessions, on a charge of stealing a piece of print from
the shop of Mr. Owen Jones, linen-draper, Whitechapel.
He pursued the prisoner, when she ran off, but she escaped.
Information was given to the police, and from the descrip-
tion given, constable Deevin (No. 251) apprehended her.
She afterwards dropped the piece of print. She was com-
mitted for trial.

STEALING CLOTHES.-At the Police-court, yesterday, a
woman named Mary O'Neale, who had an infant in her
arms, was placed at the bar on a charge of stealing a bundle
of clothes. Inspector Andrews saw the prisoner on Satur-
day night at seven o'clock, going along by Everton-crescent,
with a bundle on her head. He questioned her, and her re-
plies being unsatisfactory he took her to Bridewell. The
clothes were examined, and found to be marked Thomas
Mellor. They consisted of towels, table-cloths, &c., and
were the property of Mr. Mellor, of Edge-lane. A little
girl named Eliza Whittle, said she lived near the Dog and
Gun public-house, in West Derby ; that her mother was a
washerwoman. On Saturday night she was with the clothes
cart which she left at the shop-door of Mr. Auchie, in
Brunswick-road. After purchasing a loaf, she returned to
the cart and missed the clothes. Mr. Mellor's servant girl
stated that she had given the clothes out to be washed to
Mary Whittle, the sister of the last witness. The prisoner
was committed for trial.

ROBBERY OF A FEMALE.-At the Police-court, yesterday,
a woman named Mary Ann Blackburn was placed at the bar
under the following charge :—Mary Roberts said she was the
wife of William Roberts, a brass-founder, and lived in Peter-
lane, College-lane. On Sunday morning last about half-past
one, she had some words with her• husband, and left the
house to go to a friend's in Vauxhall-road. She went there,
but did not succeed in getting into the house ; she then
determined to walk about till they got up. Between two
and three o'clock the prisoner, Mary Ann Blackburn, came
up to her and asked her where she was going ; she told her
she was waiting until her friends got up. The prisoner
asked her to go to her house, and she went with her into a
house in Pye-court, Gascoyne-st.eet. The prisoner said,
you'll give a glass for bringing you to a good fire." Wit-
ness saw that she had got into an improper place. and said
I'll give you a glass if you'll come out. She went out with
the witness, and another woman followed her. The prisoner
asked her if she had any money, and on her saying she had,
she (prisoner) said " let me feel ;" witness refused, and pri-
soner said, with an oath, that she would feel. The prisoner
then forcibly lifted her cloak and dress, put her hand into
her pocket and took out three halt-crowns, one shilling, and
a sixpence in silver ; the prisoner handed something to the
other woman, who ran off. Witness held the prisoner and
gave an alarm, till a police officer came up and took her into
custody. The prisoner denied the charge. She was com-
mitted for trial at the sessions.

ACCIDENTAL DEATH.—An inquest was held yesterday,
before Mr. Curry, touching the death of Andrew Ford.
The deceased,• who was about 45 yeari of age, was a porter.
On Saturday week, the deceased and some other men were
at work at Mr. Brown's shed, at the bottom of Robert;
• street, weighing out-cotton: The deceased was trucking the
bales to the scales. The cotton was piled twelve bags high.
While the deceased was in the act of placing a bale on the
truck, and which was placed on its end, a great number of
the bags, which were piled up as stated, fell and knocked
him down, and three or four of them remained on him ; they
were immediately removed from off him. He was raised up,
being unable to rise, he was bleeding at the wrist; the bales
were piled up in the usual way adopted in sheds and ware-
houses. The deceased was taken to the northern hospital.
The house surgeon said that the deceased was brought there
On Saturday week ; his left hip was dislocated, and there was
a fracture of the same leg, and a compound dislocation of the
right wrist, with fracture of both bones of the same fore arm ;
his neck and back were very much contused. He died on
Sunday morning last, in consequence of the injuries he re-
ceived. The jury returned a verdict of " Accidental Death."

A "DEAF AND DUMB" FORTUriE-TELLER.—On Thurs-
day, Robert and Mary Brecham, a middle-aged man and
woman, both Irish, were brought before Mr. Maude, at the
Borough Court, on the following charge :—Mr. Sawley stated
that,.on Tuesday forenoon, before ten and eleven o'clock, the
female prisoner went to the Royal Oak, .Hanover-street, and
pretended to be deaf and dumb ; she made signs to the bar-
maid that she would tell her fortune for five shillings, and
wrote something on a small slip of paper. She succeeded in
obtaining a shilling from the girl, and promised to return the
following day, and to let her know " all particulars." She
did so, and again wanted five shillings; another shilling was
eventually given her; and she then produced a paper, in
which the lady's marriage was predicted to take place in less
than three months. Unfortunately for the sybil, some men
from Hollinwood, perceiving the game that was going on,
took advantage of her weak point, and plied her with tumblers
of ruin and water, till she began to chatter very freely. A
policeman was sent for, and she was given into custody. In
the course of the afternoon, the male prisoner went to the
police-office, and inquired if a deaf and dumb woman had
been brought there, who, he said, was his wife, and that they
had been married twenty years. Witnesses were called in
proof of these facts, and the female was committed for two
months. It appeared that she had been practising these-im-
positions for some time in Liverpool. Amongst the articles
found in her possession, was one of father Murphy's cards,
intimating r
that she had taken the " tee-total" pledge.—
Manch Couri
MASFER HUMPIITEY'S CLOCK.—Mr. Wareing Webb,
the agent to Messrs. Chapman and Hall, has favoured us
with the last part of " The Old Curiosity Shop," by Boz.
This exquisite work, on which " Boz" may assuredly rest his
fame, has at length arrived at a- candusion. The story of
" Barnaby Rudge" will be commenced in the next number.
We have seen a statement in some of the London journals
that " Boz" is to be paid £11,500 for the work. If this be
true, who shall say that literary labour is not rewarded ?