The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-07-20 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS

The notice of Mr. Taylor's removal, which appeared in our
last, ought not to have appeared, having substituted by
mistake his advertisement for that of another person. Mr.
Taylor, we are requested to state, is about removing to
Norton-street, at which place he will continue his practice.
Much misunderstanding, we fear, exists as to the proceed-
ings of the Agricultural Society during the present week,
and we have therefore been at considerable trouble in
collecting all the particulars in our power relative to this
important and interesting event, which will be found
detailed at length in the STANDARD of to-day. We have
made arrangements for giving a full report of the great
dinner of the members of the society on Thursday, to-
gether with every incident connected with the show of
cattle and implements on the same day, and every occur-
rence on any preceding day. The STANDARD of Friday,
with the Supplement, will, therefore, contain every par-
ticular worth recording of an event which has been looked
forward to so long and with so much anxiety.

tfit Etinrpoal otanbarb.

TUESDAY MORNING, JILLY 20, 1841.

The war of class interests, so shamefully excited by
an expiring ministry for their own sordid purposes, is
over for the present, and has terminated in an utter
frustration of all their sinister expectations. The peo-
ple, taken as one body, have wisely determined that
BRITISH AGRICULTURE is in the highest degree
worthy of protection, and shall be protected at all ha-
zards. The assertion of this great and fundamental
proposition is not, really, a petty triumph gained by
one portion of the people at the expense of another;
but a declaration opportunely re-stated and esta-
blished for the common benefit of the entire
community. We are fortunately situated in this
great town for forming a disinterested and impar-
tial judgment on the question. Our advantage is
not connected exclusively with either one or the
other of the two great classes supposed to have
come more immediately into collision. If we have os-
tansibly a nearer affinity with either, it is the manufac-
turing; and if we have given a judgment which ap-
pears to be against that class, it ought to be received
with the greater deference on this account. We are
far from denying that there was a temptation held out
by the advocates of free trade. They talked of in-
creasing manufactures; and in this, as the'greatest im-
porters of cotton in the kingdom, and second only to

the capital a$ merchant; generally, tee had neccaaarily
very large intereat, They proposed the establishment
of a constant and regular trade in foreign corn ; and
it is obvious that in such an extension of trade, if it
could be safely obtained, we must have felt also a very
lively concern. But our decision has been against
these apparent advantages. We were induced to look
a little beyond the surface, and we came to the con-
clusion that no project which would put the AGRICUL-
TURE of the kingdom in jeopardy ought to be listened
to ; that this was a subject that would not admit of
being trifled with ; and that our birthright as English-
men must not he hazarded for a mess of pottage, how-
ever ingeniously it might be prepared or seductive it
might seem. In forming this opinion we placed our-
selves out of the strife of mere class interests, and en-
deavoured to feel only as Britons, and to identify our
prosperity with that of the entire kingdom. And it is
an opinion which, we trust, will grow with our growth,
and strengthen with our strength.
Manufactures are subject to a thousand accidents.
The fashions of cotton and silk, of knives, forks, and
dishes, may change ; but man will never cease to eat
or to require food while there is breath in his body.
Manufactures are highly to be prized,-but our inde-
pendence as a nation is still more so ; and without our
agriculture where would that independence be ? The
wealth of the world has fled from the Italian cities ;
but the cultivation of the plain of Lombardy at this
moment never was surpassed : all the pendants of Eu-
rope
are no longer to be seen on the banks of the
Scheldt; but the fields of Flanders still flourish in un-
diminished fertility. It is in the transference of mer-
cantile wealth to agricultural industry, and the rapid
absorption even of the greatest manufacturing popula-
tion in the labours of the field, that the real security,
in an advanced state of civilisation, against the de-
struction of commercial prosperity, is to be found.
Vast and overgrown as is the present manufacturing
population of Great Britain, says an intelligent obser-
ver, the experience of former states which have under-
gone similar vicissitudes warrants the hope that it could
be absorbed in a very short time, and permanently and
comfortably :maintained in the labours of the field.
The single alteration of substituting the kitchen-garden
husbandry of Flanders in our plains, and the terraced
culture of Tuscany in our bills, for the present system
of agricultural management, would at once double the
produce of the British islands, and procure ample
subsistance for twice the number of its present inhabit-
ants. Neither Athens, nor Carthage, nor Geneva,
nor Venice, nor Holland, he adds, had thirty millions
of inhabitants in their land territory : a nation pos-
sessing such a power, especially when enjoying the
advantages of an insular situation, is, except from
the decry of military virtue in its own people, invinci-
ble.

Japan is a country of nearly the extent and about
the population of the British islands : it has neither
foreign trade nor maritine powers ; and it has long
been the object of covetous desire to the Chinese
government, which possesses ten times its population
and'resources. Buf Japan still maintains its indepen-
dence, and has done so inviolate through a succession
of ages ; and history has recorded that on one occas-
sion, when two hundred and fifty thousand Chinese
soldiers landed on the Japanese territory to effect their
subjugation, not one man returned to tell the tale of
slaughter to his country. The cultivation of Japan is
conducted entirely by means of little farms, of which
each cultivator is the owner ; the whole country resem-
bles a continued garden ; and in rural labour its im-
mense population, without any foreign commerce, find
ample means of substance.

Our inference from these and a thousand other facts
and considerations then, is, manufactures if you can,
but agriculture at all events ; with this " monopoly,'
as some foolish people call it, all our other blessings
are connected, and we must preserve it.
But our agriculturists must be on the alert. We
live in times of rapid change, and rapid movement,
and it will not do for this great class alone to slumber,
we do not mean merely as to the processes of culture.
or to improvements in farming, but as to whatever may
conduce to secure or improve their condition generally.
That such is not the case, we greatly rejoice to think;
have we not at this moment a very striking proof to
the contrary, in the immense assemblage of gentlemen
from all parts of the kingdom collected in Liverpool
this week brought together by a laudable desire to

advance the interests of their noble science ? From
such meetings in whatever point of view. regarded, we
cannot but anticipate great good. Information will be
reciprocated—useful knowledge disseminated—sound
principles confirmed—and good fellowship promoted.
Agriculture must have its league as well as cotton, or
mere science ; but unlike the " league " of certain
gentlemen not far from us, it will be a league both for
the defence and advancement of all that is most dear
to Englishmen.

The late election returns have shewn how thoroughly
conservative our rural constituency is ; but we
own this does not satisfy us. Why should there be
such a difference—why should there be any difference
between the towns and counties ? Radicalism nestles
in the towns ; but if the Conservative Aristocracy and
landed gentry did their duty, this would not be the
case. Their influence would be but in the towns. The
Clergy have much in their power; but the Aristocracy
have much also by promoting education—Church in-
struction, the formation of Conservative and Protestant
Associations—and,'the dissemination of sound knowledge
in every town. We shall have pleasure in return-
ing to this interesting subject.

The Whigs have had Ireland under their care for
the last ten years, and it plainly appears, from what
has just taken place at the elections, that they have
wrought no improvement whatever in the character or
feelings of the people. O'Connell has had himself
returned for Meath, putting out Mr. Corbally, a Ro-
manist, because an anti-repealer. Since his expulsion
from Dublin, however, he has turned his thoughts to
the county of Cork, and is resolved to abide by his
return for that county. Take it as complimentary or
otherwise to the great man, we certainly have no hesi-
tation in admitting the fact, that there are perhaps a
dozen seats iu Ireland which he might have for the
asking. Now, this we adduce as one proof amongst
many, that the Irish masses have undergone no change
of opinion within the last ten years, and that they are
at this moment as ready as ever to attach themselves
to the car of Juggernaut. But the contests which
have taken place for counties and boroughs still more
strongly develop the fact. Here the priests have
swayed them with even more than their accustomed
potency; and although they have not been in every
instance successful, yet the servility and pliancy of the
multitude under their hands was never at any time
more conspicuous. Then, to what purpose, we ask,
has been the government of the Whigs in Ireland ?
They have kept it tranquil; yes, as men would keep
a tiger tranquil—by feeding him to excess, and humour-
ing him in all his savage propensities. Thus a fero-
cious animal might be kept for a little time tranquil;
but it is obvious that no essential change would be
made in his character, or improvement in his habits ;
and he would be ready as ever, on the slightest provo-
cation, to " turn again and rend you." Such a pro-
ceeding is exactly analogous with the policy on which
the Whigs have acted in Ireland, and the fruits cor-
respond precisely with those for which we should look.
The Whigs have not only done nothing to break
down the power of the priest; and the agitators, but
they have, on the contrary, done every thing to
strengthen it. The consequence is, that the people
have made progress, indeed, but it is only from bad to
worse. They have become still more unfit
.for liberty.
The privileges of freemen are only dangerous weapons
in their hands. To talk of extending the elective fran-
chise in Ireland—of lowering the qualification of voters.
Why, it is stark, staring-madness. The rabble of the
country are already virtually enfranchised. The rag-
ged, houseless vagabond, who can wield a shillela or
a pike, is, to all intents and purposes, an elector—on
the legal principle, that a man actually does that which
he gets another to do—qui facit per alium facit per se.
The mob who can produce no certificates of registry,
because they have never hail any to produce, can yet
intimidate, and compel other s who have the misfortune
to be privileged in this way, to vote as the priest com-
mands, and thus enjoy unbounded licence in the elec-
tion of " tit and proper" persons to serve in parliament
for Ireland. It is plain that there is already far too
much enfranchisement, and ;the improvement would
consist in diminishing, and not in increasing it.

'Me Whigs have been adding strength and efficiency
to this vile tyranny of the mob. They have been in
league with the great mob idol, and they have been
incessantly offering incense to all their other idols ;
and these false gods justly reward the base idolatry
with which they have been worshipped, by exciting in
the people the strongest feelings of hatred towards
every other rule, authority, or dominion whatsoever
than their own.

Sir Robert Peel is reported to have said, on some
former occasion, that his "great difficulty was Ire-
land." It is uncertain, and rather unlikely that the
Right Hon. Baronet ever did use the expression ; but
if on any former occasion he might have looked upon
Ireland as a "difficulty" in the way of his government,
certainly the Whigs have been doing all they could to
make that difficulty as great as possible up to this
hour. They have augmented the power of the priests
and enemies of England vastly—they have almost, if
not altogether, abaudoned the people to their training;
and the fruits are now apparent. Thus is the difficulty
of governing Ireland, by Sir Robert Peel or any con-
stitutional minister who will not play into the hands of
O'Connell and the priests, necessarily and most formi-.
dably augmented. But though Sir Robert Peel avows
himself a " moderate" man, we trust and believe he is
a man of sufficient moral courage to do what the exi-
gences of his situation may at any time demand him.
We believe that the Irish " difficulty" will not deter
him from acceding to the desire of his Sovereign to
form a new administration ; and that, as first Minister
under the Crown, he will consult only the dictates of
an honest and impartial judgment touching the policy
which ought to be pursued in administering the affairs
of Ireland in particular. It is the inert, indolent,
timid man only who sea. a lion ever in his path ; and
it is natural that such a man should gladly enter into
a compact with any adventurer or undertaker who
would promise to remove the:lion for him. But such,
as may be easily supposed, is the very way to keep the
lion there. Now, the Romanist population of Ireland
are the lion—O'Connell is the undertaker—and, as
every body knows, Lord Melbourne is the minister.
O'Connell has made a good thing of the lion ; he is
the Irish lion-tamer. But he is lion-tamer only to the
man that will pay him handsomely for doing the trick;
and if any one says he will govern Ireland without his
assistance, he swears the lion will eat him up ; for that,
although he, Van-O'Connell, the showman, has kept
him quiet for a while hack, by almost super-human
exertions, yet, that he is a very savage and furious
beast still, and quite unmanageable by any body but
himself.

The difficulty of governing Ireland, like many other
difficulties which exist only in the imagination, would
vanish before the man who was perfectly resolved to
overcome it. The moment it is known that Sir Robert
Peel has resolved to dispense with the subsidiary go-
vernment and deputyship of O'Connell and the Priest-
party, a new power will start into existence which will
go far to counterbalance the loss he may sustain by the
promulgation of this fact—and from the very starting
post, we do assert, that the Right Hon. Baronet will
be just as well able to govern Ireland as Lord Mel-
bourne, or any other minister who ever did, or would
so degrade the authority of the Crown as to enter into
a base compact with its most decided enemies. As to
all other policy requisite for the government of Ireland,
present or future, there is but one principle on which
to base it, and that is the principle of bringing the
mind of the people into conformity with the principles
of the constitution under which they live. All other
policy is deceptious and false. The whole and sole
object of the priest and repeal parties is to oppose the
action of this principle. They stand between the peo-
ple and the government, and say, this shall not be
done. We will educate the people, and train them up
in our principles, and then, when they are old, they
will not depart from them. This malign and untoward
interposition must be removed. The government
must obtain access to the people directly, and a wise
and good government will make that access work
beneficially for just and good principles. The people
are the basis—the substratum on which the constitu-

tion is built; and if that basis be not sound and good,
of what avail will be your building ? The regeneration
of Ireland is more than the work of any single ad-
ministration—it must be the work of time ; but the
great work will not have been even begun till this great
principle be attended to. We are no advocates for
violent changes or precipitate measures ; but we are
decided advocates for the adoption of just principles,
with whatever moderation, caution, or discretion they
may be acted upon.

The Conservatives of Carlow have gained a glo-
rious victory, and DANIEL is beaten again! a thousand
thanks to the brave men of Carlow ; they have done
themselves immortal honour. Let the siege of Derry
live in story—we desire not that it should ever be
forgotten, but let not the "apprentice boys" be jea-
lous—nor let the maiden city think her fame dimi-
nished—if " Colonel Bruen and the unconquerable
men of Carlow," participate henceforth in those bright
glories which they have so long and so deservedly en-
joyed. Colonel Bruen has been the mark above all
other men for the combined powers of popery, knavery,
conspiracy, treachery, and villainy of every sort. And
why ? simply because he refused to truckle to priests
and agitators, and would bow down before no image
which Daniel O'Connell their king had set up. Colonel
Bruen stood alone, and defied all their malice; he has
suffered much at their hands, and. has sometimes been
worsted in his contests with them, but he never gave
up—never yielded to them one inch—never stooped to
conciliate them—never abated one atom of his political
and religious professions—and never declined to en-
gage them in open and honourable warfare. The
wretches, goaded to madness, at last resolved in one
desperate fight, in which no means fair dr foul should
be left untried to defeat the gallant colonel—and this
is the very fight which has now just come off. The
young Daniel O'Connell was put up along with _Mr.
Yates, the former nominee of the old borough-monger,
and never before were such exertions used, or such
courses taken, to carry an election. It would take a
volume to describe the acts and outrages, the devices
and atrocities perpetrat&d by the priests and their dis-
ciples to effect this object. The old O'Connell went
about to fair and market canvassing, preaching, de-
nouncing, accompanied by a creature named Steale,
who being half a maniac himself, is well calculated to
(1.0 the business of dementing others. The priests
thundered out anathemas, curses, excommunications,
and proscriptions, and a ferocious rabble were drilled
to beat, drive, and carry away all who should oppose
them ! but we forbear entering upon particulars! suf-
fice it to say, that nothing which the devil could sug-
gest to a popish priest to forward the Popes work, was
omitted; and that after all their hellish inventions
and diabolical doings, their malice was disappointed,
their hopes were baffled, and they were comfortably
beaten. Daniel the elder fled from the field on the
penultimate day of the fight, and thus is the prediction
of the honest Carlow journalist literally fulfilled—and
Dan is driven further South to look for a seat, not for
the younger Daniel indeed but for himself. Colonel
Bruen and the Conservative Electors of Carlow are
worthy of a statue. They have achieved a glorious
victory—an electoral Waterloo that decides the fate
of priestcraft and O'Connellism in that
county, we
trust for ever. Of Colonel Bruen it is impossible that
we could speak too highly not only for his constancy
in this matter, but as a resident landlord, a consistent
politician, and a gentleman in every sense of the word.
The steadfast adherence of so large a body of his
Roman Catholic tenantry to him, in defiance of the
nefarious schemes used to separate them from him,
would alone be a sufficient attestation to his generous
character as a landlord. As a Conservative, no more
need be said to prove his unflinching steadness, then
that he is hated by the priests and the demagogues
most heartly. We happen to know however that he
is a man whose private character is perfectly consistent
with his public, and Ivould make hime an acquisition
1d honor to any party. He is a member of the
Church of England by profession ; he is by his liber-
ality, kindness, and never failing charity to all
around him, a Christian in every sense of the word
in practice.

A London contemporary speaks of an important meeting
of prelates which was held at 'Lambeth Palace, not long
since, at which he states it was determined, forthwith, to
ordain bishops for several of our colonial and other posses-
sions abroad, for whose maintenance funds are to be raised
by subscription. The Church-loving public, we are sure,
would be rejoiced to hear of the ordaining and sendipg out of

bishops to the remote parts of her Majesty's dominions,—
but not altogether so, if this were done merely as an act of
the prelates without the authority and sanction of the state.
That there is some difficulty in the matter must be confessed.
If the funds to maintain the bishops be entirely supplied by
private bounty, what right, it might be asked, would the
Sovereign have to appoint ? This is certainly true ; but this
objection would be removed if the state provided the funds,
or were to provide them in part, and the crown were then to
send its conye d'elire to certain trustees of the joint-stock
prelates, let them lie with a veto on the returns they might
make. The objection which would weigh most with us, as
to a mere episcopal without a regal appointment, is, that
such a proceeding would be something very like an initiatory
movement for the devorcement of Church and State,—a re-
sult which we can never contemplate without the utmost
aversion. The measure is, however, in very safe hands, and
we are under no alarm on the subject. Under any circum-
stances the ground of complaint which has so long existed,
touching the want of an Established Church of England
in the colonies, will, we trust, soon be removed, if not
entirely, yet to an extent of vast importence.