The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-01-26 00:00:00

"is

rpm LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

SLAVERY.

report of the proceedings. Out of twelve that spoke ou the ques-
thin, there eius only one [bat did nut ooject to the removal. tlu
Was therefore so rewhat surmised at the change of opinion. lie
Was Mill Satisfied. they were legislating- for toe few to the locuri-
venience of the many, hut he would out the couucri uu
the question. _

Mr. Councillor EARLE said, in reference to the resolution,
there was a part in which it was mentioned that all public offices
should be in that building, and he hoped souse notice would be
directed to the removal of the Stamp-office. There were rooms
appropriated in the building fur the purpose. And its reference
to Air. Ramsden's notice, he wished he and others would peruse
—if they bad not already done it—Mr. Rowland Hill's pdtriph-
let on Pustoffice reform, and possibly by the next council meeting,
it might be thought necessary to send a further tuetuorial to the
Treasury.

Mr Councillor PLATT rose to say that he was one of the twelve
who went down and exaiuinei the site of the intended Postutlice,
and he assigned as his reason for opposing the removal that
from 'the state of the apartments' as they then appeared, he con-
ceived they were not satisfactory for a Pustollice; but at the
last council meeting it was shown that the necessary alterations
could be made at a trilling expense—Mr. Alderman Evans had
stated about 1:100and then he thought they would be unobjection-
alde. it was not to the site but. to the rooms that the objections
were made, fur he thought as to the site there could be none bet-
ter, and if the alteration could be made he fully concurred in
the reonoval. If there were a sufficient number of receiving
houses, the letters might even be despatched to the merchants
with as much facility as in London.
• Mr. Councillor \VOOLWItIGHT said from the paper in his
hand, it. did not appear to be other than the site objected to,
Mr. Councillor PLATT was sure what he had said was com-
pletely contrary.
Mr. Councillor CURRIE.—WeII, then, he has changed his

Mr. Councillor PLATT said he must have been misreported.
The MA volt said that discussion was becoming somewhat out
of order, and he called upon
Mr. Councillor StiEIL, Mr) bad risen to address the council,
said, (handing to Mr. Ilan a copy of the Liverpool Standard,
containing the report alluded to,) said he found that in the
paper in the hands of one of the speakers, it appeared the prin-
cipal objection was to the internal arrangement of the build-
ing ; that the rooms weae so dark that they could nut distin-
guish between a sovereign and a shilling. But now it appeared
that objection could be done away with so trifling an expense,
that the whole of that part of the argument fell to the ground.
And as the building could be made suitable in every way for the
delivery of letters, the argument respecting the situation was
also dune away with. Ile should have been sorry if it went
abroad uncontradicted, that so many members of the council
had now changed their views; but according to the report re-
ferred to they never had the views subscribed to theta, and
therefore could not have changed them.
Mr. Councillor PLATT again rose, and was greeted with
the cries of " Spoke, spoke." This report, he begged •to say,
was quite a mistake. (Loud cries of " Spoke, spoke," amidst
which he sat down.)
Mr. Alderman LEATFIOM said Mr. Woolwright had alluded
to him as having led off the discussion, of which he had a report
in his hand. He then certainly did state that the internal ar-
rangements were objectionable, the building being dark. lie
also considered the locality nut a good one, but finding that it
was the general wish of the council that the removal should take
place, and looking at the statement of Mr. Shiel, at the last
council meeting, of the enormous expense of that building. of
£62,000 more than the estimated cost of it, he thought they
ought to make the building as available as possible, after spend-
ing so inuch of the public money, and therefore he could not
divide the council on it, which he thought would be unanimous.
lie still thought the locality was not the best.
The MAYOR then put the question to the council, and decided
that the " Ayes" had it.

PETITION FOR THE IMMEDIATE TOTAL ABOLITION OF NEGRO

The MAYOR said Mr. Blackburn's motion on this subject
stood next on the list, he should therefore call upon him. This
was a most important question, involving the happiness-of many
hundred thousand human beings, and the property of many
others, he should be excused if he called on the council to dis-
cuss it in a calm deliberate way, to avoid any useless expressions
of irtitation that conflicting interests might call forth, and to
conduct the discussion iu a way creditable to the council, and
as was becoming so great a question.

Mr. BLACKBURN then rose and said, at the last meeting of
the council he availed himself of the courteous permission of
the council to announce his intention to bring forward this sub-
ject at the next meetin,, of the council: and of course by that
announcement it was understood that he should bring it forward
at the next monthly meeting of the council; but it had so hap-
pened that a special meeting had been called, and he thought it
right to avail himself of that earlier opportunity thus affirded
to bring it under their notice, and take it up somewhat more at
large than he could have done at a quarterly meeting, when the
ordinary general business was to be attended to. He, however,
thought it right, before entering upon the discussion to state,
that, if any gentlemen were known to be absent from the coun-
cil in consequence of its being brought on sooner than was in-
tended, or there were any gentlemen present that thought
themselves taken by surprise, he WaS quite willing to withdraw
his motion fur the present, and to bring it on as he had origin-
ally intended. He was quite in the hands of the council in
that respect. He deemed it of so much importance that every
one desirous to do so should have an importunity to express his
opinion thereon. If there was no objectioo to his proceeding
he should conclude that no objection existed. After a short
pause, he proceeded. Ile entered rully into the spirits of the
mayor's remarks, with which he had thought it his duty wisely
to introduce the discussion. There was, perhaps, no subject
connected with the internal policy of our nation that required
greater caution and a more calm deliberation, and which was
more calculated to excite strong feelings, than the subject of
slavery. He had always approached its discussion with trem-
bling hesitation, and he then threw himself on the indulgence
of the council; and if, in the warmth of the moment, any strong
expressions should escape him, he hoped he should be pardoned.-

Ile could not introduce that subject to their notice without
adverting for a single moment to the very satisfactory change
which bad taken place on that paint during the last half century.
Liverpool had possessed, he would not say enjoyed, a sad and
unevitable preeminence respectina slavery, and the town-coun-
cil of that borough had, in Oast ages, taken thelead in the efforts
which had been made in ehforcing and perpetuating the system;
and the council-chamber of that great and influential town had
made many efforts with that object in view. But he rejoiced
that they lived to see a change of circumstances. Times are
nue/ altered in that respect most gloriously and satisfactorily,
and no candid mall could reflect on the change is hich had taken
place without being grateful, and being constrained to acknow-
ledge that we owe much to the progress of an enlightened liber-
alism, and the genuine influence of Christian principle and
Christian knowledge, a consequence of which was that the town-
council of that great community was convened, not for the
purpose of upholding oppression,' but for the more benevolent
and suitable purpose of taking into consideration and he trusted
of adopting a measure the object of which was the justice of
proclaiming universal freedom to every subject of Victoria's
crown, of every colour and of every clime—unconditional and
perfect freedom. ( Hear, hear.) They were aware that such
was not the case at that moment. An act had passed the im-
perial parliament in the summer of 1833, having for its object
the abolition of slavery in the colonies and the dependencies
of the British crown. That act presented one of the most
splendid triumphs of Christian philanthropy awl genuine bene-
volence which had been recorded is the history of mankind.
fogy saw there a great people under the conscientious influ
euce of the improper course which had been pursued, coining
forward voluntarily, under the influence of those Christian
principles, and consenting to the payment of an enormous sum
of money—of twenty millions stealing, in order to the removal
of the great evil of slavery. It was a noble attempt, which re-
flected the highest honour on them as a nation; but there were
parts of that act that could not be spoken of in the same terms
—he alluded to that which enacted the apprenticeship system,
as it was called, which was of a different character. It might
have been expected, that after so large a sacrifice had been
made, that effectual means would have been taken, in the very
enactment itself, to secure the attainment of the object. Such,
unfortunately, had not been the case; a different course had
.been followed. Under the guidance of a mistaken philosophy,
it had been assumed, that the negro was unfitted for the enjoy-
ment of freedom—that so great a transition would not be at-
tended with safety—that himself would not be benefitted, and
that our colonies would be endangered by the change ; and,
therefore, it had been deemed proper that there should be an
intertnermediate, a purgatorial process, through which the negro
should pass, that the crimes engendered by slavery might be
purged, and the slave fitted for the enjoyment of entire freedom.
Such were the main provisions of that act, which, even after
the compensation had been paid to the planters, continued the
negroes in thraldom in our colonies, under the denomination of
apprentices,—such, he said, were the provisions of that act;
and it was melancholy to reflect that the brightest and the dark-
est features were there mingled together. They saw in it
Christian principles which reflected the highest honour on man,
and the apprenticeship system a vile substitution of expediency
for the acting out of fair and voluntary principles, by which the
negro was mortgaged at the disposal of another for a long period
of time, to the indelible disgrace of the nation and of the age.
He was quite aware that many persons were disposed to view
that act of parliament in the light of a contract or compact be-
tween the planter and the government of this country, and they
were disposed to contend, that if the conditions of the contract
have been fairly and fully complied with by both parties, it
would be not only improper, but absolutely unjust to interfere
in any manner with the bargain. (Hear.) Now, whether those
conditions had been fully and fairly, complied with by both
parties, he would endeavour to show before be sat down, but,
wavin4 that for the present, he altogether objected and demur-
red to the principle, that any contract had taken place. He
contended that the planter was not to be viewed as an indepen-
dent power in a condition to enter into a compact with the im-
perial parliament, but was himself a subject of the government,
liable tit render obedience to the laws, and not to stipulate the
conditions on which that obedience should be rendered. (Hear.)
Beyond that, he contended, neither the legislature nor the
planter bad any just or equitable power to order and make, as
the subject matter of that contract, a bargain to deprive the
aggro o • f the use of his own body and his own mind, and the
title, the inalienable title of the negro to his personal freedom—
tor that it was that which was mortgaged and bargained away by
that so called contract, which placed at disposal of the planter
one part of this population for four or six years; and he con-
feuded, no power existed on earth, nor ever did exist, by which
the inalienable right of any man to the use of his own body and
mind could be taken away and placed at the disposal of another.
The whole compact therefore was founded en fraud and injustice,
and ought never to have taken place
in He was addressing an
assemblage, all of whom, he trusted, without exception, how-
ever much they might differ their views, and would all agree
with him in considering interpretations of scriptural doctrines,
th e Bible as the grand source and fountain of moral truth—
(hear)—and they inferred from it those principles mei precepts
by which they were bound to guide their conduct. He would,
therefore, make no apology for quoting fruits the sacred Bible.
In the book of Psalms there was language peculiarly appro-
priate to that subject. The psalmist in addressing the supreme
Being, says, " shall the throne of iniquity have falsehood to
themselves, which promote mischief by a law ?" and if ever
there was ap instance of mischief framed by the laws, it was
the enactment of the apprenticeship system. For what was
that system but the doling out by line, and measure, and rule,
the precise quantity of injustice, oppression, and cruelty which
one human being should be permitted and authorised to inflict
on another. ( Hear, hear.) What was it but asserting by the
provisions of legal enactment, the extent to which nature
should be infringed, the extent to which unrequited labour,
and toil should be exacted, the extent to which the rights, and
privileges of all men should lie trampled on ; and that where
individuals were charged with no crime, and were as fully en-
titled to the enjoyment of their own privtliges as any other
human beings on toe face of the earth. lie contended that the
whole of that enactment, so far as the apprenticeship system
was concerned, was founded in fraud and injustice. The party
who gave the negro over to the master, and the planter who
received him were neither entitled to receive nor to make the
gift. It was an instance of power trampling on weakness, anti
He who looked down from his sanctuary had solemnly declared,
that the government which is guilty of making such enactments
is o a ilinThe of iniquity." Let them never shrink for a mo-
ment from carrying out their principles to their full, and fair,
and legitimate results. What was the helpless negro who laid
at their feet, concerning whom they claimed the right to legis-

late without the sliohest limitation to their wishes—hu:nan be-
ings of the same order wire themselves, occupying the same
rink iu the creation of God —the offspring aad image of their
A onigto y parent (hear) possessing the saute constitution and
frame of body—the same talents and faculties,—minds of the
same responsibility, the seine immortality. Whateeer belongs
of right to loan belongs to him, for he is a man (hear), and to
deprive him of any of his natural rights is as great au act of
injustice, oppression and tyranny, as to despoil in the same way
a peer of the realm or a prince of the blood. The negro stood
iu the relation of natural rights on the broad platform of their
common humanity, where conventional distinctions had no
place between the king on his throne, and the meanest subject
iu the land. He well knew that the twelfth clause of the
emancipation bill enacted from and after the Ist of August,
with the exception ofeertain disabilities previously enacted,
the negro should be " to all iutents and purposes free, and ex-
empt from all manner of slavery," But such an enactment was
perfectly nugatory, and stultified itself, for the first eleven
clauses of the act went to establish a system that took away the
substratum of the negro's rights on which all the others rested.
It went to establish a system which imposed upon him what was
inconsistent with freedom, and made lion a serf attached to the
soil, bound to labour for one individual and no other, and placed
him in dependence on that individual for his daily support;
and under such circumstances could anything in the na-
ture of liberty exist ? That 12th section was bitter mockery of
the negro, adding insult and derision to the injury previously
inflicted upon him; and keeping him, notwithstanding that
enactment and the enormous compensation that had been
paid, to all intents and purposes, a slave. (Hear, hear, hear.)
He had spoken of natural rights, if there was anything that
could be called a natural right, common to every human being
—arising out of his constitution as a human being,—it was the
power lie ought to possess of carrying his own labour to the best
market, to employ himself on whatever avocatiun he pleased,
to work for whatever master he chose, and to stipulate the terms
on which his labour should be given, to move about from place
to place in search of employ went fur his own advantage. The
negro possessed all these rights—inalienable he contended they
were, and not to be taken away without injustice—and it th ise
were taken away he could have no other, for they laid at the
foundation of every other, and therefore the apprenticeship
system left the negro in a condition of perfect slavery to all
intents and purposes. Give hint the power even in this country
to prohibit a body of people from working for any one but for
himself, or on any estate but his own, and to regulate by law
the precise quantum of compensation they were to receive, and
he should find it no difficult matter, amidst the light and know-
ledge of the British nation to play the tyrant, and make them
feel that they were slaves. And if that was the case iu England,
as he contended it was, how much more so would it be in a
distant colony where the tide of public opinion was all one way
—where the master was everything and the slave nothing—
where the making and administration of the taw was in the
hands of one party and the making of the law also—where the
wealth of the community was in the hands of one set of indivi-
duals whose interest it was to trample on the rights of the other?
(Hear, hear.) He had stated that opinion boldly and frankly,
because he considered it right to go to the foundation and es-
sence of the question, and he could not do justice to his own
convictions—his own deliberate convictions on that subject—
unless he had done so. He felt it due to himself and his own
consistency to state the light in which he viewed the apprentice-
ship system, which he had ever regarded, and should ever regard,
with unqualified abhoreuce. But it was not on the ground on
which some gentlemen might be disposed to regard it as an
abstract and theoretical view of the subject; it was not on that
ground that he intended to found the appeal he made to that
council to petition the legislature on the subject; unhappily the
strength of his argument rested on other grounds so broad that
he could well afford to throw that out of the question. His re-
marks had gone to prove that such a system ought never to
have existed at all; but it did exist; it had been in operation
three yearw and a half. It had been tried and the question was,
had it answered its object, and the expectations of the legislature
that adopted it ? On this issue lie was disposed and prepared to
place the appeal he made to the council to petition the legisla-
ture; and he was prepared to show that this country had ful-
filled its contract by the payment of the twenty millions as the
full compensation for the slave—fur slave he was, though under
the name of an apprentice—while the slave for the present
hour had patiently toiled for his master, and performed his part
of the contract, that the planter had flagrantly and systemati-
eally violated that contract, and on that ground alone they
were now entitled to ask the legislature for immediate manu-
mission, and to set the question at rest. (Hear.) Let them
look for a moment at the spirit and intention of the emancipa-
tion act, and it would not be disputed for a moment that its
intention was remedial, that its grand object was to improve
the condition-of the slave—to relieve him from his many mis-
eries and sufferings, and raise him in society, until he became
a free man. That enactment they were bound to construe on
the supposition that it was remedial. Where any doubt existed
they must judge frotn the spirit and design of the originators of
the act itself. Now,'it was provided in the 12th section of the
original enactment that, after the Ist of August 184 subject
only to the obligation of a temporary apprenticeship, the British
slave, from the period of that act coming into operation, should
become and he free and discharged of and from all manner of
slavery, and absolutely and for ever be manumitted; and that
from the same period slavery should be for ever abolished and
declared unlawful throughout the British dominions. The 17th
clause enacted the necessary rules for the apprenticeship, but
which were in no case to be repugnant to the spirit of the im-
perial act or any part thereof; otherwise these rules were de-
clared to be absolutely null and void. The design of the pro-
jectors of the enactment might be gathered from a speech
delivered by Mr. (now Lord) Stanley, who bad introduced that
act to the House of Commons. He bad a short extract from
that speech, which he would take the liberty to read :
" I propose, then (said Lord Stanley), that every slave, on
the passing of this act, shall forthwith have the power of claim-
ing to be put in a situation in which he shall enjoy all the
privileges of a free man—in which he shall feel no taint of his
servile condition—in which he shall be freed from the atrocious
system of irresponsible corporal punishment—in which he shall
have the full enjoyment of his domestic ties—in which he shall
not be compelled to see those that are nearest and dearest to
him insulted by punishment or liable to degradation—in which
his evidence shall nut be disputable in a court of justice—in
which his right to property of every description shall be as
undisputed as every other class of the king's•subjects—in which
he shall enjoy every right and every privilege of freeman,
subject to this restriction, and this restriction only, that he shall,
for a certain time, remain under contract to labour industriously
in the service of his present owner, but his then employer."
Now such was the spirit of the act, and such was the declaration
made concerning it by thatdistinguished nobleman who brought
it in. Inquire then whether it had been acted upon by the
planter, and was the condition of the slave at the present mo-
ment, such-as they were entitled to expect it to be. 'lshere were
many points that might be adverted to, and he should feel it
his duty to trespass on the indulgence of the council in advert-
ing to several of them; it was necessary that he should do so,
but he would be as brief as possible. it irst, as to the labour
exacted from the slave under the apprenticeship system. The
law provided that an enactment should be passed by the colon-
ial legislature for tke express purpose of carrying into effect
the original intention of the imperial parliament, and that very
strict regulations should be adopted directing the precise amount
and quantity of work and sustenance so as to secure the advan-
tages which it was the intention of the imperial parliament to
confer on the slave: but he believed that he was correct in
saying that up to the present hour, there did not exist in the
colonies any enactment that came up to the requirements and
stair • it of the imperial act, and that the neg,roapprentice remained
entirely under the caprice, the will, and wish of his master, and
dependent on him under all circumstances attending his labour.
It was provided that prmdial slaves should be employs d in home-
fed colonies, where a certain portion of land was allotted to
them, and that the slave should work 40,i hours a oveek. In the
foreign-fed colonies, where the provision is imported and dis-
tributed, the hours of labour are 45, but no provision was made
in the imperial act to fix the precise times those 45 hours'
labour should be exacted, and at the present moment they were
at the mercy of their masters to exact the whole of the 45
hours without intermission; and the only check on this tyranny,
when fully carried out, was the power of the special magistrate
to inflict a trifling fine on the master for this cruelty, which was
often exercised, which did not go into the pocket of the slave.
Let them advert for one moment to Jamaica, where a sharp
contest had been carried on as to the way the 45 hours should be
divided—whether into the Bor the 9 hours' system. According
to the nine hours' system, the negro worked nine hours a-day
the four first days of the week, and four and a half hours on the
Friday. and by that arrangement he had the half of Friday for
the cultivation of his ground for his own support. Now they
had the statement of the Marquis of Sligo that the nine hours'
system was advantageous to the master as the eight hours; yet
many of them, from mere caprice or love of annoyance, insisted
on the men working eight hours aolav the first four days of the
week and eight and a half on the Friday, thus depriving the
negro of the opportunity of labouring for his own subsistence,
and that, the Marquis of Sligo said, the masters did merely for
the sake of annoyance. (Hear, hear.) And in one district
of Jamaica, particularly in St. Thomas-in-the-Vale, this an-
noyance was carried to such an extent that a great portion of
the population was in a state of starvation, and so reduced to a
state of weakness, that they were incapable of the labour re-
quired of them. Of that they had the undoubted evidence of
persons who had witnessed what they related, and could bear
testimony to its truth. He would not dwell longer on this sub-
ject of employment but pass on to the subject of food. Food
was to be provided the apprentices, or land, in home fed colon-
ies, but up to the present time there was no law whatever to
determine the quantity of land to be given to the slave for the
support of himself and family ; there was no law to regulate the
distance it should be from the plantation on which he was em-
ployed; there was no law to give hint sufficient time for the
cultivation of his ground, and in many inalances for want of
food they were in a state of starvation. And in colonies where
they were foreign-fed, by provisions imported from other places,
the condition of the slave was not at all, better; and it was a
fact—he would not go into detail, as the geutlemen around him
might ascertain them for themselves—that the allowance by law
did not amount to one-half the quantity allowed them while in
a state of slavery—not one-half the quantity of farnaciuus feud,
most important of all to the slave, which was allowed to them
by law when in slavery. There were oneor two points incidental
and apparent, to show the animus of the planters towards the
negroes to which he would advert. There were certain advan-
tages and indulgencies, as they were called and allowed under
the former system, which were not forced by law, but customary
indulgences constantly afforded the gangs in the fields, but tint
included in the letter of the law, and therefore it was now con-
tended that they could not be enforced as the word iu the act
was maintenance, and not indulgence. It was the custom, when
in slavery, and working under a tropical sun, to employ song
that were not able to perform other labour, as water carriers,
to carry water to quench the thirst of the slave. But as this
indulgence was not secured by the law, it was withdrawn. 'I he
water carriers were not permitted to attend gangs in the fields.
and in consequence it frequently happened that the slave, la-
bouring under the heat of a vertical sun, left his labour for a short
time to procure water to quench his thirst, and in many instanc-
es. when lie has done so, he has been actually brought before
the special justice on a charge of absence from, and negligence
of work, and he was punished for getting water to quench his
thirst, as though it were a crime committed against the laws.
Another indulgence was, that for a gang, a person was em-
ployed to cook their food, so that when the tune came for them
to be relieved from labour for the dinner hour, they found their
food prepared for them, and it became a season of rest and real
refreshment, but that allowance was withdrawn, and the food
was not cooked for them—they had to cook it for themselves in
the interval of labour, and therefore the interval of rest had
ceased to be an interval of rest at all. (llear, hear.) He men-
tioned that, though a trifling thing, to show the animus which
guided the masters in the administration of the law. On the
subject of punishment, he must remark, there was decisive evi-
dence that the condition of the negro was not one whit better—
perhaps rather worse than when a slave—and the amount of
punishment was quite as arbitrary, and quite equal to what it
was before. He held in his hand a short statement drawn from
a tabular view, of the amount of punishment inflicted in differ-
ent colimies for a certain period of time deducted from official
returns, evidence which could not be contradicted. In the
table they had the view (tithe punishments inflicted in Jamaica,
Barbadties, British Guiana, Grenada, and St. Lucia, and he
found that in the firs: 22 months—from the Ist of August, 5834,
to the 31st of May, 1836—the total I unishments were 09,440, of
which 17,050 %sere by flogging, on whom
eshtigiitably amount of
-lashes inflicted was 353,601, and 82,390 pui
went, hard labour in penal gangsohe-tread-mill, ettlitary con-

JAN Li A.RY 26, 1638.-

finement, confThement in dark cells, fines, &c. A great portit
of these punishineots were inflicted at the will of the special
magistrates, without any pwer of appeal from his decision on
the part of the apprentices; and many of the offences were of •
the nature of insolence, ;is it was called!; almost anything might
be called insolence, for which they suffered the infliction of 20
lashes ; and absence from work to get a drop of water to quench
their thirst, was also punished as a crime. They were aware
that by the imperial act, one clause specially forbade the flog-
ging of women, that that horrible barbarity should for ever
cease under any circumstances: it was a distinct provision of
the emancipation act that women should not be subject to the
lash. Had that been acted upon ? Nu, there was decisive
evidence that the flogging continued in Jamaica to the present
hour. And, how was that brought about? Why, by a legal
quibble. 'l 'he apprenticeship system enabled the special justice
to send poor wouten to a prison, dud to the tread-mill, and there
the apprenticeship law left them, and they came under the oper-
ation of the colonial law of prison discipline, where part of the
punishment was the infliction of the lash, so that the flogging
of women was accomplished. It reminded him of a practice in
one of the commonwealths of Europe some centuries ago, of
burning heretics. There was no vestige in the ecclesiastical
law which condemned a man to be punished. The ecclesiasti-
cal law did not condemn them to be burned; oh no; but it
handed them over to the civil power, after convicting them of
heresy, and the civil power burned them. So it was in Jamaica.
The apprenticeship law did not punish women, but it handed
them over to the prison, there they were scourged without
mercy. He was not going to draw on their feelings, but there
was one circumstance which occured in prison discipline in the
Island of Jamaica, which he must allude to. A miserable female
was put on /o the tread-mill in an advanced state of pregnancy,
and there she was flogged as they all were. The driver stood
over them and 'touched them up," as it was technically called.
After the usual period of the revolution of the mill, ten minutes,
she descended, and on the floor of the prison she gave
birth to a dead child. The manager of the treadmill did not
at first observe what had happened, and began to remonstrate
at the people in his usual violent way, and to drive them out of
the place. And it was a fact, that that miserable being was
left to take away her dead child, atter remonstrating with the
keeper. " I cannot leave my picaninny on the flop." She
took it away with her own hands, arid with a hoe dug a grave
for it. After that, he need hardly tell them that for weeks she
remained in the utmost danger. So the law remained in the
colony precisely in the same situation as it was before. And,
perhaps, while he was then addressing them, many a miserable
female in that that distant settlemeu twas dancing the treadmill,
and writhing under the lash of some monster in huuman form,
and the piercing cries she uttered were ascending to beavers ; and,
if they, without remonstrance, suffered this horrible system to
go on, the God of justice might well say, "it is the voice of
thyfellow-creature's blood that crieth unto us from the ground.'
(Hear.) There were various other topics equally illustrative
of the great facts he was endeavouring to prove, that the spirit
of the abolition act hail not been acted on in the colonies ; but
he would not trespass further. Suffice it to say, that the con-
dition of children, of women in slavery, the condition of aged
persons, who were past labour, was universally considered to be
worse under the apprenticeship system, than it was under the
system of slavery. If children were born before the operation
of the emancipation act in August, 1814 the master had no in-
terest in them, and became indifferent to their preservation,
and it was a wet knovin fact, that if a pour woman was obliged
to attend her sick, and dying child, she was compelled to make
up for her absence by labouring for her master, in her own time.
The number of infants that perished through such a system,
from want of care and nourshinent, would be unknown, until
the awful day when all secrets should be disclosed. Enough
had been said, be thought, to show that the position from which
he set out in his address, that the planter had not fulfilled the
conditions which were required of him in the enactment of the
emancipation laws. The appretentice was at that moment in
no better condition than the slave. His condition had not been
in the slightest degree improved. He contended that by lave
the whole s)stein had failed, and therefore, they were bound to
demand of the legislature an immediate interference to eman-
cipate the slave from his condition. And this was the object
he had in view in addressing them on that occasion. He en-
treated the council to present petitions to both houses of Par-
liament, imploring the legislature to put an end to the system
that •now existed in the colonies. He was deeply sensible of
the importance of fixing this great principle on the minds of
the council, that there was no condition of relief for the slave
but bestowing on him entire freedom. If any other method
were resorted to, it would certainly fail. He knew many gen-
tlemen who were of opinion that the it int having been settled
by the abolition law, and the time of its expiration being only
two years and a half, it might be allowed to go on ; or that the
law was satisfactory, and that its failure must be considered, not
from any inherent vice in the system, but from a want of a pro-
ber administration of the law, and the course was to implore the
government for a proper administration of the law. He was
prepared to meet that objection. He thought it a plausible
one, but a very unsound one. He was prepared to hold that
the law was to give protection and freedom. It was a remark
made by Mr. Burke, when speaking of the subject, that " all
legislation in the regard to the Condition of the colonies was
utterly nugatory, because it wanted the executive principle—
the existence of the means of the executive to carry it into
effect." He apprehended that that remark was precisely true
just now, as much so as it was when made. In order to the
making of any law effective which had fur its object the pro-
tecting of one class of society from another, two things were
essential. The first was, that there should be in the law itself
such a machinery set up as was calculated to secure its being
carried into effect as intended; that it should have such con-
ditions in the shape of penalty as would insure obedience to it;
and the other thing essential was, that it should be adapted
to the state of society for which it was intended, that is that
there should exist in society some class of persons who were
possessed of both the ability and will to see the law carried into
effect. In the colonies the apprentices were in abject slavery,
in ignorance the most deplorable, and in a state of want of
means of information so complete, that it was whollyi impossible
that they should know what the law was capable of altering,
or to unite with his fellows to obtain the redress of grievances
by law. Harassed and oppressed if he coinplained,. his com-
plaint might be deemed frivolous and recoil on himself in
punishment, the negro sank down in desponding submission,
and the pla.nter.had no inclination to carry the law into effect, •
he had the power but not the will. - The law we. made against
himself; it was against his own ma'-'iractices that-the law ivas
directed, and it was against reason to suppose that a man could
he at one and the same time determined to enforce and to break
the law, And this had been acknowledged by this country
when they sent out special justices. In the very appointment
of these special justices government declared that they did not
think the resident gentry and magistrates of our colonies were
worthy to be trusted with the administration of the law. He
need not tell them that that special scheme of justices had en-
tirely failed. It was not to be denied that the vast majority of
those sent out as special justices had drank m the spirit of
slavery, and had become the willing instruments of oppression
to the negro though sent out to prevent it ; and the very few
individuals who had manfully discharged their duty, had been
persecuted by every means and driven away. The adoption of
special justices had therefore entirely failed, and the conclusion
was, that the relief• of the apprentices by any other means than
perfect freedom was a matter perfectly impossible. He con-
tended that from the circumstances of the case, when the law
deprived the man of the power of defending himself, it deprived
him of the power of affording protection, The law recoiled on
itself, and left the helpless apprentice under the unmitigated
pressure. The immediate abolition of this apprenticeship sys-
tem was, therefore, the only effectual course, and, snore than
that, it was the only safe course, and he stood firmly on the
ground of evidence when he made that assertion. The cuckoo
cry of the pro-slavery party, in all periods, had just been this,
"insubordination and revolt would necessarily result in the
colonies if they met this question, therefore be quiet, say
nothing about it." If you stir up the negroes to regard their
rights and privileges, the result will follow that they will rise,
and the whites will be put down of course. '('here was some-
thing very anomalous in the fact, that the white should
be continually living from age to age under the influence
of this sort of creed. Was it consistent with the experience
of mankind generally, that persons blessed with wealth
enough to employ labourers, lived in continual dread from
the labourers they employed, if they used them with any
degree of justice and fairness ? No; bad as human nature was,
and depraved as it was, this was contrary to ordinary experi-
ence. Any man who had capital to employ, who could give
labour to the poor, if he acted towards them with fairness, could
count on their protection, and might live amongst them with
saftetv to the end of his days. But such had not been the case
in the West Indies. How did they account for this constant
oppression on the mind of the planters? He asked no other
proof that the treatment of the negro had be en harsh and cruel
in the highest degree; and he doubted not but, in the solemn
stillness of midnight, the time for sober, serious thought and
reflection, that many a planter and many an attorney, and many
an overseer in those distant colonies, had turned pale at such
thoughts as these, " We have been harsh and cruel task-masters
to these our brethren; we have exacted an enormous amount
of toil, and recompensed it with a miserable pittance, barely
sufficient to support life. To this we have added cruelty ; we
have lashed their bodies; do they not bear marks on their per-
sons of our barbarity, injustice and cruelty? We have added
insult; have we not spoken of them as of inferior
beings to our-
selves, and in the light of beasts of the field? '!'hishis
roust,
in the
very nature of things, have produced on their minds resentment
and hostility; and if their spirits are broken by this conotict,'
and now bowed down to the ground, the very first emotion that
will rise in their minds, when free, will be hostility and. revenge.
Revenge is the watchword which will resound from hill to hill,
and the rivers will flow with blood." (Hear.) " Conscience
does make cowards of us all." But though these fears did ex-
ist, and though they were the natural result of this state of so-
ciety, he verily believed that these fears were groundless ; he
was persuaded they were utterly groundless. He would not
conceal that there existed in the colonies grounds of fear. H.
warned them not to be too sauguine for the permanent peace of
that part of the empire. He would warn them not to trespass
too far on the feelings of outraged and oppressed humanity In
the classification of slaves, which had taken place into prandial
and non-prmilial, the prandial labourers having an apprentice-
ship of six years to undergo, and the non-prandial four years,
tnere was abundant evidence to show that gross frauds were
practised on the negro; that a very large portion of the non-
pimdial slaves in British Guiana had been classed amongst
the prmdials. Large numbers of apprentices were anticipating
that their deliverance was at hand in the month of August, 1838,
and expected to be set at liberty, and would find their mistake;
and would they attempt to persuade him, that this would be
submitted to? When they knew that this was done in direct
violation of the wish of the mother country, that man must
truly be a bold man indeed who could look at such things
without apprehension. It was the last drop which made the cup
overflow, and perhaps the last drop which might result in sting-
ing the negro into such a measure of resentment as might result
in turmoil. And if the flame of rebellion broke out into a few
states, how should they stay it? Would it not wreck the very
frame-work of society there. Now, the only way, he contended,
to prevent this danger, was to grant in August, 1838, complete
emancipation of the slave. Let them all become free; it would
be a measure perfectly safe to the colonies and highly advanta-
geous to the planters themselves, inflicting no injustice through-
out the kingdom. Let the trumpet of the jubile sound through-
out the length and breadth of the land, and the negroes would
look on it as an act of grace, and would heal all the sorenesses
which existed, and lay the foundation for permanent peace in
the colony. This was the only safe course, and the only effec-
tual course. 'l'o carry out those views which he had already
stated, he entreated the council to present petitions to both
houses of parliament, praying them to bring the apprenticeship
to an end on the Ist of August, 1838. For this purpose he had
prepared a petition, and put d into the hands of the Town-clerk,
who would do him the favour to read it, and he would sit down.
He considered that measure to be one of justice to the planter
and of humanity to the apprentice, and one that Great Britain
demanded at their hands. He should rejoice if this council
were one of the first in the realm to step forward and demand
the abolition of the apprenticeship. In conclusion, they would
pen mit him to say that he had a settled conviction, and under
that conviction he felt it his duty to come forward on that occa-
sion, that until the measure prayed for in the petition was
granted, and had become the law of the land, nothing virtually
had been done to ameliorate the condition of the apprentice,
and to lift him up from the deep degradation, natural and moral..
in which slavery bad involved him; nothing had been done that
had the slightest tendency to communicate the substantial
blessings—to spread abroad the imperishable glories of British
law,aud British religion in those gloving ref/iota of .the

JANUARY 426. 1

Mr.--BlackbOrn sat down amidst loud applause.
The Tow N-C.I.ErIK then read the following resolution and pe-,
titian proposed by Mr. Blackburn, As follows:
"That petitions.be presented to both houSes of parliament,.
praying for the abitlition of the apprenticeship syStem in all tl}e
British cblenies, that the meinbers fur the boiough be reqnested.
to present the same to the Commons, that the Earl of Derby be
requested to.present the same to the Lords, and that the follow-.
ini,cbe the petition:— .
" Showet h,—That your petitioners, in common with the coun-
rY generally, regarded the abolition act of 1833-as designed by
the imperial parliament to provide the means of inouediate rebel
and prqgresstve improventeut to the negroes in the British
colonies.
"That your petitioners regret -to find that the said act has
been proved, by official and accumulated evidence, to have be-
come, in the hands of the administrators, an instrument of
cruelty and misrule; and, that by colonial statutes some of the
worst teatures of slavery, with great agnravations, though under
a milder name, are still permitted to exist.
"'That the apprenticed labourers are not allowed adequate
maintenance; that the privileges nominally :onferred upon
them have not been duly enjoyed; that the whip is still severely
used; that the flogging of women is still practised, in manifest
and flagrant violation of the spirit of the abolition act, and the
recorded intention of its projectors.
" That no sufficient protection has ever been afforded to the
faithful special Magistrates, in the fair and conscientious admi-
nistration of justice between the employer and the apprentice.
That your petitioners are apprehensive that no such altera-
tion or amendment of the said act can be made as will obviate
the evils resulting from the enactments of colonial assemblies,
or render it beneficial to the negro; and that any act which
does' ndt confer upon hitn entire emancipation will assuredly'
furnish occasions of injustice and oppression.
"That as the slaveholders. have received the sum -if twenty
millions sterling to repair any loss which they might sufferfro(n
the projected change, and as the conditions on which the grant
was made have been systematically violated, in despite of the
imperial legislature and the repeated remonstrances of collinial.
governors, your petitioners are entitled to seek the immediate
liberation of the negroes from every species of thraldom.
" Your petitioners, t herefore,earnestiy implore your honorable
house to pass a law for the entire abolitionof the apprenticeship
system, and the deliverance of the negroes in our colonies from
every vestige of bondage on the Ist of August, 1838.
" And your petitioners will ever pray," Sic.
Mr. Councillor JOHN CROPPER begged leave to second, the
resolution. 'He did so being fully persuaded that every senti-
ment that Mr. Blackburn, had uttered-could be substantiated on
official documents.
mr. Councillor G. H. LAwnsTic3 rose to oppose the petition
on account of its iriegularitv for discussion there, and also be-
cause he was interested in the welfare of the colonies—not only
because he was connected with them, but because he
.was
anxious for..tlii, prosperity of:the negro, , and also because he
felt it inctimbeut on hint to
,protest against-discussions of that
nature in that council, for.it did seem to him that if every indi-
vidual came forward with subjects of that kind, not appertain-
ing to the town, there would be no end to them. Discussions
•on " Vote by ballot," " extension of suffrage," and " aneual
parliaments," might be brought on, and that council might he
-transferred:into , a mere,frothy, frivolous debating society. He
honoured. the.feelings of those who had introduced the subject
in this town, and .amongst them numbered some of his heist
friends; -but he did think they might turn their philanthropy
to better account in those places where slavery really existed in
all its horrible barbarity—to Cuba, to the Brazils,_ and to the
United States, and endeavour to present the traffic of slaves
/rather than attempt to interfere with and upset the abolition
act and infringe a solemn compact with the nation. Surely
they were not in earnest in expecting that any success would
attend their agitation of Ibisquestion—an agitation which even
Mr. Fowell Buxton repudiated -and the Edinburgh Reriew dis-
countenauced, though it did not condemn, tie was free to
confess that it might have the erect of showing the colonial
legislature that the eyes of this country were upon it—that
though it had done much in a state of great difficulty and ex-
citement more was expected from is, and that equ.d and not in-
operative laws most preVail—that protection for all parties was
demanded from this country. Still, this advantage, if it were
one, he was of opinion, would he more th+a-costnterbalanced by
the spirit of and discontent it might engender in the
minds of labour;rs towards their employers. He knew the
abolition act had been of benefit to the planter, and of still
greater benefit to the slave,and he believed without the apprentice-
ship system before freedom idleness would have taken the place
of industry and perseverance, which were becoming more and
more apparent. He thought it too much to ask parliament to
interfere in the system which was working satisfactorily to the
planter and beneficially to the tregroes, on the strength of the
representations of a few individuals. It was the opinion of many,
he did not give it as his own, that the negroes were better off
now than they were likely to be when they were free in 1840.
He concluded with proposing the following resolution, as an
amendment :—" That this council looks forward with satisfac-
tion to entire extinction of slavery in the British colonies as de-
termined"by the emancipation act,- and sees nu reason to in-
terfere now with its provisions.").
Mr. Alderman SHAND seconded the amendment. He con-
tended that the negro would be benefited by emancipation, yet
it would have the contrary effect.if it Caaltl upon him too sud-
denly. People did not immediately give freedom to their chil-
dreq, but,made aPpientices of them. He thought it would ap-
pear presumptuous in the Council, to get up and tell the
government that they were in error; that what they had decreed
should take' place in 1840, the Town Council of Liverpool
wished to have done in 1838. If they wentam, the effect of this
agitation:would be to set master and. negro in opposition. It
would be, much more wise to south than to irritate. The coin-
positio.sl which bad been so much spoken of, was but a poor
compensation in a pecuniary point of view, for he had known in-
divildals who were impoverished by the chonge which had taken
place.. It was said that the 20 millions had been given fur
nothing, and that
.it had also been given on certain conditions.
If so, the blame rested on those who had taken suanuch money
out of the people's pockets for nothing,.
Mr. Councillor Comm. said that the Council bad not taken
up the subject, but it had been forced upon the general attention
of them and of the country, and it was impossible fur any iudi-
vidtial to look on without feeling intensely. He did nut know
however how far the Council ought to go in a matter of this na-
ture. He thought. inquiry ought to be made respecting the
frauds4lleged to have been committed, and that for the remain-
ing (Wp years -he.law ought to be -strictly. enforced. If Mr.
Blackburn could modify his resolution down to this point, he
should be happy to uo with hint.
• Alderman Buowlx siguified his accordance with what
ttad.lastfallen frotu Mr. Currie. He ,wished Mr. Lawrence so
•
etif • his amendment that it should trine the government to
urea
the fulfilineut of the contract for the next two years.
Sir
• Councillor G. H. LAWRENCE and Mr. SHAND acquiesced
end retired for the purpose of altering the amendment.
Air Couucillor David HoorisuN supported Mr. Blackburn's
resolution. He contended that nothing had been shewn to prove
at the apprenticeship system was any amelioration of the
slaves' condition and at all fitted him tor perfect freedom, but
ot the contrary that he would be as unfitted or more so at the
ermination of his apprenticeship as if einaticip 'led at once. -
I%lr. Councillor G. H. LAWltlitscE here -returned with his
altered ameut;tnent to the following effect
"That this council looks forward with satisfaction to the en-
tire extinction of slavery in the British colonies, as determined
h..Y. the emancipation act of 1833, and feels bound to call upou
the goverinuent to. see that none of its provisions are in any way
violated."
Mr. Alderman BROWN was not satisfied with the amendment.
Mr. Councillor PLATT supported the motion arid congratula-
ted the council on the altered tone of public feeliug on this
subject withip. the last half-century. Alderman So (EL supported the motion. He thought
the amendment not improved by the alteration. He contended
that it was a subject very fitting for the. council to debate on.
That council was to take into consideration all matters of local
importance and a question in which the payment of 20 millious
was a questiOn fitting to be taken up by one of the greatest
commercial communities in the world. He contended in re-
ply to Mr. Shand that 20 millions was ample compensation.
There were about 800,00( slaves including the aged and children
and 20 millions of. money paid for these was equal to £23. for
each .slave, robust, and infirm which he cunteuded was a very
liaudsoine equivalent. It was very good advice to tell theta to
go to Cuba, the Brazils and the United Slates; it was "go
where you like, only leave we alone."
Mr. Councilor Bot.ToN supported the motion.
Mr. Councillor COGLAN rose in support of the motion. He
said his remarks would have this novelty attached y them,
compared with the speakers that bad gone before hint that they
would be brief. Mr. Coglan then in exemplification of lireoity
spoke for a quarter of an hour on the s-aute points as his pre-
decessors.
Mr. Alderman EVANS said when he gave a pledge of brevity
he would keep it better than his friend hail done (a laugh).
Ile thought if the Council went to Parliament too Ireptentiv,
and when the occasion did nut appear to call for it, they might
injure their immediate interests. He should wish to see a
good amendment offered, otherwise he .should vote for Mr.
Blackburn's motion. 'I hey ought to look upon the twenty
millions of money paid and the time of the negroes as a bargain.
It seemed wrong to ask for a remission of two years of time
from the planters- without offering compensation tor it. If they
did not Q, so they would be inflicting innumerable private
wrongs. He thought if they were to urge a partial manuutis-
sion, whenever the planters violated the laws, Parliament would
meet their views.
Mr. Alderman BRoWN proposed a second amentment to the
following effect:
" That petitions be presented to both houses of Parliament,
praying that such measures may be devised and adopted as will
effectually secure the protection, relief, and benefit to the negro,
really intended by the apprenticeship plan of 1833, against any
futAtrefiolaiion. Or, that if it shall appe.as-iWParlianient that
such security against future violation cannot be effected then,
that an act tnay be passed for the determination of the whole
apprenticeship system, and the absolute abolition of slavery
upon theist of August, 1838."
Mr. Alderman LEATHOM was sorry to hear Mr. Blackburn
make some of. the statement he had done. He had the oppor-
tunity of seeing the papers of some estates iu the West Indies,
and.cuuld, therefoie, speak to the facts of their management.
He. denied that the master had the power or making the ap-
prentice work 45 consecutive.hours without incurring the dis-
pleasure of the goiernor, and being fined by the law. As to the
food, the cooking. was made ready for the labourers, as it always
had been, and the returns gave the number of cooks employed.
As to the education, and religious instruction of the appren-.
tices, he could only say that schools were provided, and that
there was a chapel on the estate, of which he Nitta:lll:irk, spoke,
where a friend of his had seen 12:10 negroes regularly and de-
voutly assembled as„in any chapel in England. If Mr. Black-
burn was aware of any isolated cases of wrong, he should not
vtsit the whole of the planters with their fault.
Mr.: Councillor ltamsnuN read an extract from Lord Sligo's
report, to prove that abuses against the law existed in the
colonies.
Mr. Councillor BLACKBURN replied at considerable length,
when • -
Mr. Alderman EVANS tendered in the resolution he had
thought of moving as a third amenoment to the following effect.
That petitions be adopted, concluding with a prayer, that
an act may be passed that will grant emancipation forthwith in
everk. case in which the act of 1833 shall be found to be violated
—such emancipation extending to all slaves upon the planta-
tion or elsea here, the property of the offending planter."
The-Mayon went to the division, when the following were
the results :
Mr. G. 11. Lawrence's amendment-7 for, 40 against.
Mr. Brown's amendment-15 for, 31 agaiust.
Mr. Evans's amendment-1a for, 31 against.
The original tnotion-42 for, 7 against.
The original motion was carried by a majority of 35-
BV-LAws.
The next question for discussion stood in summons as fol-
lows: •
31The hy.laws made tinder the 99th section of the municipal
corporation act of 5 and 6 Win. 4, c. 76, as they now statid, in
consequence of the Liverpool. amendment act of last session,
whereby most of such by-laws are•superceded ; and the plotter
course, therefore, amending and simplifying the local code."
Tbev were referred to the Finance Committee, cud the count
cif Woke up at a past_three o'clock.

;On the arrival of the Dover mail-coach at the Elephant and
Ca~litionSatorday morning, an outside passenger, a poor Wan,
Jr, death.

SIR ANDREW HALLIDAY. ON THE WEST= INDIA
. • QUESTION. .
To the EditUr of the Dumfries Galloway Courier.

Stis,-1 have read with some attention, and am sorry to add,
with deep regret. the letters which have appeared in the
COurier, train the pen of my old and insist esteemed friend, Dr.
Duncan, of Ruthwell, on- tne West India Apprenticeship
Sysi im." That a clergyman of the Doctor's good sense,
sountg judgment, and high character, should lend the sanction
of fits name to the circulation of reports,, in every instance
groSsly exaggerated, and, in many, utterly false, has surprised
me not a little, and the more especially as the Rev. Doctor
appears to be perfectly ignorant of the true bearing of the titres,
lion on which he has written. It may be possible that in Ja-
maica some irregtilaiities have taken place, and some cruelties
have been practiced. but I can assure you, sir, that, even in
that colony, they could neither be so frequent or so continued,
unless, indeed, all the authorities were asleep, and the law
totally disregarded. That this, however, is not altogether the
case, we have proof in a trial that lately took place in the.
island, where an apprenticed labourer recovered thirty pounds
damages against the keeper of a house of correction for putting
him to hard labour when the sentence of the magistrate was
simply imprisonment. I have no reason to speak well of West
India planters They persecuted me with a rancour that perhaps
ue.er was
:equalled, because they supposed that. I was one of
their enemies—int, character having precedel me as a humble
philantropist, and my zeal, like Dr. Duncan's having out-run
discretion. A most horrid instance of cruelty and barbarity
was detailed to me in a manner most circumstantial, by a cler-
gyman of great worth, and long experience too, in the colonies.
lie had the details from the suffring individual in a public
prison, and they were in a great measure confirmed by the
keeper of the prison. The object of their being mentioned to
me, was to get an investigation ordered from the colonial office
(with which it was known I corresponded), as it was said the
local authorities wished to screen the guilty planter, and had
refused. to hear the slave's. complaint. Now, sir, through my
representation, an inquiry was ordered—the whole matters fully
and fairly investigated—and then it turned out to be an artfully
contrived tissue of falsehoods, founded upon a very trifling
incident, or rather accident, that might have happened in even
the best reaulated European family, as well as between a West
Indian planter and his slave. .if, then, a man who hadsexpe-
rience—who had resided for years in the colonies, could be so
easily imposed upon, we may well suppose that a wandering
philanthropist like Mr. Sturge—Who went out on purpose to
collect such tales, would find no lack of' informers. I never
met with more shrewdness, cunning, aye, and sly wit among
any race of men, than 1 found among the negro population of
the West Indies. They will comprehend in amoment your
object or intention in entering into conversation vvith them—
more especial'}- if a stranger in the colonyand they are sel-
dom at a loss, in framing a romance to suit the taste of the in-
quirer, or to gratify him with such information as they see, he
is in quest of. BLit lam wandering from the suhject, which is
the principal cause of my-addressing you—the question of abol-
ishing "the Apprenticeship. system!' And now, sir, 1 assert,
without the fear of contradiction from practical men, and I
can prove trout the most ample, satisfactory, and authenticated
documents, that whatever may have taken place in Jamaica,
the system has worked well—is working well—and that to
alter or interfere with the existing arrangements would be
far more ruinous to the negro population than to their mas-
ters the planters. The apprenticed labourer is now as free as
any labourer- in England, or any farm servant in Scotland.
His interests are more strictly cared for, and his comforts more
firmly secured, than are those of the labouring population in
Britain. Every bias of the law is in favour of the negro and
against his employer,,so that if cruelties are practised, or injus-
tice done him, the whole power of the court is at his command;
,find in the colonies (at least those which I have visited) neither
power, wealth, nor rank, could save a guilty master from that
punishment which the law inflicted. But, as I have already
said and shown, that I have little reason to praise West India
planters, I must, in justice to that greatly misrepresented and
calumniated class of men, state, and I do it with pleasure. that
there have been few instances indeed, in the inward and lee-
ward colonies, where any disposition was shown either to con-
travene the law or ill-treat the negro. It is impossible to do so
with impunity. In the colonies, where the proprietors are, for
the most part, resident, the utmost harmony and good order
prevails among all classes of the community. Whenever there
was anything like harshness in the commencement of the sys-
tem it was only when the estates were under the management
of hirelings; and I imagine the disorders that have taken place
in Jamaica may be traced to the same cause; and from these
hirelings, whether attorneys, managers, or overseers, not being
so strictly looked after as they have been in the lesser colonies.
It requires some person more acquainted with human nature
than au bon. Earl or a noble Marquis to govern properly a
West India colony. Look at the good order, industry, and
happiness which such men as Sir James Carmichael Smyth can
procure for a whole community, by merely carrying into effect
the wholesome laws which have been passed for their govern-
ance. Sir Lionel Smith has neither the temper norahe talents
of the governor of British Guiana; but still I am certain, that
since he assumed the command in Jamaica, thoaltuses upon
which Dr. Duncan has so largely commented,.never could have
taken place. But ought a whole nation to be. ruined and laid
desolate because there are a few individuals a ho may have com-
mitted robbery or murder to be found within the boundaries ?
Are our West India possessions to he lost and destroyed be-
cause in Jamaica there are one or two cruel managers? trod
forbid! As well might yon turn ten thousand children of seven
years of age into the streets of Loudon, and tell them to pro-
vide for and manage then own concerns, and expect that they
would be able to do so, as suppose for a moment, that the great
mass of the negro population of our West India colonies could
exist or prosper if released from the superintendence of their
white masters and employers. Except in some of our oldest
colonies, such as Barbadoes and Antigua, the cegto is a perfect
child in intellect, and perfectly without care or consideration
fur the future. The present system ought rather to be prolonged
than shortened, if we have any, the least regard for the temporal
or eternal welfare of our sable brethren. The character of the
people has changed murein the last three years than even the
most sanguine could have anticipated—the value of moral con-
duct begins to be understood—religiots knowledge is eagerly
sought after—the churches and chattels are crowded, and
schools cannot be built fast enough—every day the people ate
becoming more orderly and industrious, and instead of this
country being a loser by the sum, huge as it was, that they
paid for the chains that bound the slave, it will, in a short time,
(unlesi the devil, in the shape of some radical Ex-Chancellor,
unhinge. the whole frame,) be retained a thousand-fold. Al-
ready have our exports to the colonies been snore than doubled,
while the increase of their staple products exceeds by a third
the most prodtictive seasons of slave labour. Let all such good
men as my Rev. Friend of Ruthwell join in petitioning the go-
vernment to send out only such men to the West Indies as are
fit to be Governors and magistrates—men who will carry into
effect the regulations of the legislature, and act uprightly. Age
and infirmities are not compatible with such important trusts;
political interest nor private friendship ought to guide the Mi..
luster in these critical times. If a colony is well governed
unuer the existing laws, there can be neither oppressors nor
oppressed. The utmost extent that a labourer can be com-
pelled to work is icily 45 hours in the set en days.. if he work
71 hours daily, he is employed for ,six days; but if be works for
9 hours. daily, which was the term of slave labour latterly, he
has fulfilled his duty to his master in jive days, and has the
sixth to himself. This, now, is generally the arrangement, and
if the sixth day is given to his employer, he has regular wages.
In fact, sir, 4 never witnessed more contentment or real hap-
pines than amongst the labouring classes in our windward and
even our leeward colonies; and why disturb their tranquillity?
All the non-prtedial will be free in six or seven months—the
prce,lial in two years, from August next. This, now, is perfectly
understood by all and contentedly acquiesced in; 1 never heard
the least impatience expressed in any quarter. But there are
many men, alas! who think they know better whatl is good for
us than we do ourselves; and such, I fear, are the would-be
philanthropists who have begun to agitate the question of the
West India. apprenticeship system. I enclose a few remaiks
extracted from a Demerara paper, and I can from personal
knowledge corroborate every sentence of what the editor has
stated. I pray you find a place for this extract in your widely-
circulated journal, and you will oblige, sir,. yours very truly,
ANDREW HA LLIDAY.

The following are the remarks of the editor of the British
Guiana Gazette on the meetings lately held in England:—
" In zeal for the cause of human rights, and for the untram-
!netted mental and bodily freedom of the whole human race,
we (if we be acquainted at all with our own hearts) would yield
to no contender for the entire abolition of slavery on the face of
the globe. Cruelty and injustice could not be more detested
by any Sturge, Palmer, or Lloyd, in England, Ireland, or
Scotland, nor by any lady whose nettle appeared in the Glasgow
petition to the Queen, than they are by ourselves; but if the
principal object of these philanthropists (for such we really be-
lieve them to be) be the
.moral amelioration of the sable popu-
lation of the West Indies, we doubt much whether it would not
be retarded rather than advanced by the immediate and total
annihilation of the apprenticeship..
" The narrations of the speakers at the several mehtings
which have been lately held at home are well calculated to rouse
the sympathies of a humane mind, and to lead to resolutions of
a rash and hasty character in kindly bosoms, which, if the sub-
jects to which they relate were better understood and tnore ma-
turely considered, would never have been forested.
"'I hat negroes, or, indeed any people, are better fitted for
religious and moral improvement when they are impressed with
the idea that industry and sober habits are necessary for their
well-being, than when they have no ambition to obtain a
higher station in society than that of the wandering and unci-
vilized tribes of men in their natural condition, is nearly a self-
evident fact which has been often tested by experieuce. It is
by acting upon this priaciple that the present Moravian mis-
sionaries are more successful, in proportion to.their numbers,
in civilizing and moralizing, than any other society, who have
their labourers in the field of missions. The use of the spade
and plough, of the scythe and the reaping-hook, is by them
taught simultaneously with the doctrines of Christianity at the
greater number of their stations; and by these means they in-
fuse a spirit of contented industry and independence, which
would' be much 'longer in taking possession of the untutored
mind, in the absence or neglect of such inst.' uction.
" In all the districts of this colony, where subordination, con-,
tenteduess' and attention to business prevail, these is always
found to be the most numerous' attendance at church and
at school, and we are much mistaken, if an attempt were made
by a clergyman to seal home, religious instruction on the negro
mind, if he would not find it touch more practicable among,
those who are under the influence of the apprenticeship, than'
he would among Many who are entirely free. It is prestimed.
there are few' in any. part of this dependency, upon estates
where the appredticeshipis working as it ought to do,' who do
not attend public worship on the Sabbath; and we are well as-
sured, on the other hand, both from personal knowledge and
from respectable authority, that of the free negroes who are go-
ing at large about Georgetown and its vicinity, very few indeed
does the worshipping teinple ever cover.
" These gentlemen,:philanthropie as they are, who have con-
tributed so much to inspire the lit itish mind with an abhorrence•
of the condUct of the West Indians generally, ought to reflect
on the moral -consequences of passing an obliterating sponge
over the Act of August, 1831; and to ponder-deeply whether
they will net, by their precipitancy, roll back the tide of im-
provement and amelioration which is, undoubtedly, in general,
gently flowing, and which would, in all probability, if let alone,
bear and float the long benighted negro to the happy shores of
Christian knowledge and dignified citizenship.
The proceedings and enactments of the British legislature
in the formation of the emancipation act, were founded on the
soundest policy, and on a deep knowledge of human nature.
The greatest friends to the unrestrained privileges of mankind,
(among whom are we ourselves,) must see the direful conse-
quencesthat would have attended upon the unrestrained eman-
cipation of the negoes at the commencement of the apprentice-
ship, and, we verily believe, that many of these consequences
would even yet be the result of its entire abolition.
" To many of these lovers of mankind in England and Ire-
land, and particularly to the fair daughters of ' Glasgow and its
vicinity,' who never saw human nature only in its highest state
of elegance and refinement, it may appear highly laudable to
urge upon the government the beneYolence of the sudden and
final overthrow of the bondage of their sable brethren. But
while we do not ield to any of them in sympathy towards
suffering humanity, we beg to assure them, that our most firm
conviction is, that suet, a measure, under present circum-
stances would tend but little to better their temporal condition,
and wiitild certainly much retard their religious and moral
amendment. It there be any truth in the horrible relations to

which we have•so often alluded, they are rare cases.'and there
is sufffeient.authority in the hands of the magistrates to put an
rrtinediate'stop to them. No magistrate can be doing his duty
in any..diiirict :where idleness, insubordination, and thievint;
characterise the labourers, or where.sitvage, unnecessary, rod
;unrelenting cruelty is practiced .by.. masters and drivers, and
"where each or any of these is known to exist, we humbly:con-
ceive that by a strict vigilance on the part of governors and
sheriffs, they might soon he put a stop to.
" if a man has been a few times deceiVed by rogues, it makes
him that he will scarcely trust honest men ; just so it is with the
people of Engldnd. They .have heard , several appalling ac-
counts of horrid cruelty in Jamaica and some other of the
islands, and so the whole apprenticeship must be abolished •in all
our West Indian territories. If these ladies and gentlemen
wouVallow their reflecting powers to keep pace with their.b.-
nevolence, they would -pause before they would be instrumental
in effecting a measure which, although it might gratify one
part of their desire for doing good, would throw a great (r-
-stacle in the way of that mental enlightenment, in comparison
with which, these very individuals esteem all earthly gains as
nothing.
"Some means that would cause careless add partial magis-
trates to perform their duty faithfully to both parties—that
would check cruelty and unnecessary afflictions by the master,
and subdue the disposition to disobedience and idleness in the
servant, would gradually effect a greater good than could pos-
sibly be done by the immediate abolition of the apprenticeship."

ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE, •
GREAT. CHARLOTTE-STREET, LIVERPOOL

rilH IS EVENING, FRIDAY, Jan. 26, and following night,
will be perfertned a grand Military Drama, founded an
Anecdotes during the present struggle, called
WARS IN SPAIN;