The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-09-11 00:00:00

enjoyed by their relatives. At the risk of fatiguing our
readers, we subjoin a few of these gentlemen, with a desig-
nation of their mode of indirect dependence on the go-
vernment.
Lord Acheson.—His father created an English peer by the

whigs.
Mr. Baines.—His son made recorder of Hull.
Mr. H. Berkeley, brother to a Lord of the Admiralty, and
to a new whig peer.
Mr. C. Berkeley, ditto.
Lord Brabazon.—H is father created a peer by the whigs.
Lord Clements, ditto.
Mr. Ponsonby, ditto.
Lord Duncan.—His father created an earl by the whigs.
Lord Dundas, ditto.
Hon. Mr. Dundas, ditto.
Lord Leveson, ditto.
Hon. Mr. Moulton, ditto.
Lord Worslev, ditto.
Lord Ebringion.—His nephew (Lord King) made an earl
by the whigs.
Mr. Lambton.—His brother made an earl by the whigs.
Mr. Mildmay.—His brother-iu-law made a peer by the
whigs.
Mr. G. Bvng.—His brother created a peer by the whigs.
Mr. Broaaie.— His bt other created a baronet by the whigs.
Mr. Craig.—His father ditto.
Sir William Clayton.—His brother ditto.
Mr. O'Callaghan lather created a peer by the whigs.
Mr. J. Westenra, ditto.
Colonel Westenra, ditto.
Lord A. Conyngham, brother to the Lord Chamberlain.
Mr. Denison, uncle to ditto.
Mr. J. E. Elliott, brother to the First Lord of the Admi.
ratty. _

Cord Melgund, son of ditto.
Mr. E. Ellice, father to Lord Durham's secretary.
Mr. Evans, brother-in-law of Sir li. Parnell.
Sir H. Ferguson, brother to the new Lord Lieutenant o
F"

Fitzalan, son to the Treasures of the Household.'
Mr. Fitzsimon, brother to the Clerk of the Hanaper Office.
Mr. O'Connell, brother to the new Governor of New South
\Vales, &c. &c.
Mr. M. O'Connell, son of the former Mr. O'Connell.
Mr. J. O'Connell, ditto.
Mr. M. J. O'Connell, nephew of the member for Dublin.
. Mr. Maurice O'Connell, son of ditto.
Lord It. Gross-cut:sr.—His father made a marquis by Cie

whigs.
Mr. Cavendish.—His grandfather made an earl by the
whigs

r. Hobbouse, brother of the President of Board of Con

Mr. Hutt, brother of the new Governor of South Australia.
Sir C. Lemon, brother-in-law of Lord Lansdowne.
Mr. J. Ponsonby, son of the Lord Privy Seal.
Mr. Lefevre, brother of the Poor-law Commissioner.
Mr. G. R. Philips, his father made a baronet by the whigs.
Mr. J. Power, srep•sou of Mr. Shiel, of Greenwich.
Lord Russell, nephew-of. Lord J. Russell.
Lord C. Russell, brother of ditto.
Lord Shelburne, son of Lord Lansdowne.
Sir W. Somerville, brother-in-law of the Lord Chamber

lain.
Mr. W. 0. Stanley, brother of the Secretary to the Trea- 1
sure.
Mr. Villiers, brother of the ambassador at Madrid.
Mr. J. H. Vivian, brother of the Master-Gen. of Ordnance.
Besides these individuals, a more diligent search would
discover fully fifty more whose relatives have potent motives
for supporting whig-radical government. Many members
have suns in the navy, and a glance at the navy4ist will
show how these gentlemen prosper; others have connexions
in the army, and even there they are not quite unheeded.*
Some have brothers or cousins in the.church, and if so, stray
deaneries or bishopricks may fall to their lot, as they did to
Dr, Denison, Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Stanley, of Norwich-
and Dr. Howard, Dean of Lichfield, who were well repre,
sented in parliament ; like Dr. Lon ;ley, Bishop of Ripon,
brother-in-law of Sir Henry Yarnell; Dr. Allen, Bishop of
Ely, tutor of Lord Althorp; and Dr. Otter, Bishop of
Chichester, the father-in-law of a liberal member for Derby,
Other members may happen to have friends in the colonies.
or relations who have no peculiar dislike to visiting remote
settlements. If so, dozens of places are constantly to be had
inevery quarter of the globe. There 'is something good
ready for every one who wants; just as the child's game of
"open your mouth, and shut your eyes, and see what God
will send you." But certainly the shutting the eyes is the
main point in the whig proceeding.
With such lists before them as we have produced, how
does it happen that no jealous whig opponent of the influence
of the crown now makes a motion like Lord Brougham's?
There is more provocation than ever, more corruption, and
there are more, placemeu iu parliament. But, in truth, the
influence of the whig radical faction. We find among the
votes of the current year charges which clearly denote the
creation of a very large number of new places throughout
the country. In Ireland there is a charge of £66,700 for the
expenses of criminal prosecutions, the chief part of which
goes in the payment of salaries, and not a small number of
those entirely new ones. In England there is an item of
£54,000 a-year for poor law commissioners, all of which is
spent in the payment of newly-created officers. Further OD,
we find £14,700 a-year for slave commissioners, who enjoy
almost absolute sinecures; £9055 a-year for new superin-
tendents of factories; £6,000 for new inspectors of prisons ;
£5,000 a-year for the steam navigation from Egypt to In-
dia;. £5,1110 for the criminal law commissioners; £4,213
for the record commissioners; £4,000 for the Scotch church
commission ; £2,500 for the ecclesiastieal oimmission ;
£4OlO for the hand-loom weavers' commission.; £7OO for.the
Irish chaaity commission ; £7,000 for the Irish boundary
survey; and £12,700 for the Irish railway commission. All
these charges are entirely new, and all, with very- many
more that might be named, go to the payment of new place-
men. We find an annual grant in the estimates of this
year of £50,000 for the purposes of the Irish Board
of Education; in 1836, the sum toted was only £35,000.
Another charge of a peculiar nature is £13,000 for law
expenses, a hich appear to have increased £3OOO in a single
year ; while Lord Palmerston's official charge is an increase
of £lO,OOO on the charge of two years back. The expenses
• of Canada are increased exactly 1;500,000, while the grant to
the church in that colony is reduced by about three thousand
pounds. Some of the usual miscellaneous estimates against
which the whigs used formerly most loudly to protest, are
• now under their superintendence .raised to au extraordinary
height. The consular department for 1838, is £107,993; the
repairs of. palaces, gardens, and public buildings, £74,986;
the convict establishment in New South Wales £235,000;

the charge for printing, £197,796. - Many other charges .to
which Mr.: Hume and-the rest of the :whig-radicals used to
object altogether, are continued by the present ministers,
contrary to their repeated professions and promises. -What
has induced them of late to acknowledge the propiety of it
grant of £35,909 a-year for secret service money; and what
has caused theit opposition to cease to that large vote ot
nearly £70,000 a-year to Irish charities •which the much
abused tories used regularly to obtain ? These iniscellaneout
estimates have been rapidly on the increase from- the day
Lord'Melbourne came into office, and have placed immense
means in the hands of the ministry for cm rapt purposes.
They have increased, because the influence and patronage of
the government has been widely extended under all sorts of
pretences, and in every possible direction.
In the colonial department Lord Glenelg has the patronage
derived froin the new magisterial system in the West Indies
to which .f.:6900 is annually voted; he has the appointment
of the managers of the £3.1,000 a year voted for negro edu-
cation; the patronage of a few snug foreign jobs like the
Malta commission; the appointment of the new chaplains
.and schoolmasters to New South Wales and Canada ; the
appointment of placemen in all new settlements, as South
Australia, Graham's Town, New• Zealand, &c., the manage-
ment of the emigrant agencies, for which parliament votes
nearly, £2OOO a year, and the patronage of the whole esta-
blishment at St. Helena, which the government of this
country has recently taken from the hands of the East India
Company. All this patronage is new, and now for the first
time enjoyed by a colonial secretary, in addition to the pa-
tronage of the West Indies, Canada, New South Wales, and
all our other colonies as before.
At home the whigs have had an increase of patronage to
an immense extent from their factory, poor-law, municipal
corporations, registration, tithe, prisons,lndia charter, bank-
ruptcy, imprisonment for debt, Irish constabulary, Irish poor
law, criminal court, and real property acts. The system of
centralization has been carried out to a very great extent,
and at every step of its progress fresh patronage has been
thrown into the hands of the government. In Ireland espe-
cially, jobbing of the grossest description has been carried
on, and in all parts of the United Kingdom money has been
squandered on commissions of heterogeneous characters.
Not content with his share of this patronage, the Marquis of
Normanbv has thought proper to assume the office of ap-
pointing the sheriffs at his own discretion, in direct contra-
vention of the law. Revising barristers, commissioners,
either handloom or educational, or ecclesiastical, or munici-
pal, or boundary; inspectors of prisons; superintendents of
factories; assistant poor-law commissioners; registrars of
marriages and deaths; paid-recorders, official assignees, now
appear in every corner of the country, and increase and mul-
tiply with alarming rapadity. Next year we are to have a
rural constabulary force, with some thousands of new places,
and, if possible, a new mode of managing counties, and a
complete tribe ot stipendiary magistrates. So numerous in-
deed are the placemen in these pure, no-patronage days, that
as Mr. Sydney Smith sagely declares, the onus of proving
he is not one now rests upon every honest man; and seri-
ously, this is not so very much exaggerated, when it is consi-
dered that, in addition to all these new places, the customs
and excise still reirain with their 16.1;00 places. In olden
times, ministries were quite content with these sources of pa-
tronage, and with- the army, navy, and colonies; but now
Risings are quite altered; commissions, and all the other new
places we have named,:.have sprung up to keep these liberal
and enlightened reformers in office. At the present-moment
our army is larger than it has beeu fur years; our navy em-
ployed is very much augmented, and yet neither nor both
satisfy the whig-radicals ; they go on creating place after
dace, and with -a sinking revenue increasing considerably
.he public expenditure.
(To be continued.) •

y.
NORTH MIDLAND RAILWAY.—C. R. Co!vile, Esq. haring
applied by notice to the Lord Chancellor for an injunction
against the North Midland Railway Company, to ;:top the
proceedings of their works through his land in Duffield, the
case was heard at the Chancellor's private residence at Wim-
bledon yesterday, which motion *as dismissed with costs.--

Derby Mercury.
IMPRISONMENT FOR SMALL DEIITS.—IO the discussion
which has taken place dining the last few years, upon impri-
sonment for debt, there is one part of the subject which,
comparatively, has met with little attention, though on the-
score of humanity, at least, it demanded attention as much as
the harsh and impolitic system of imprisonment upon mesne
process. I allude to imprisonment by summary execution
for small debts proved in local courts, for their recovery ;
and I am speaking more especially of the practice in the
country, where I have had more opportunities of observing it
than in London. I will illustrate it by one of a class of
cases, of which scores fell under my cognisance in my own
neighbourhood. A poor artisan (say a cobbler) gets behind
hand with his bakei, shopkeeper, or leather-cutter; the diffi-
culty of getting out of debt is always proportionate to the
facility of getting into it; and the ultinact ratio is to summons
him to a Court of Requests, perhaps ten miles distant from
his home. The commissioners of the court are uniformly
persons in trade, and therefore not very patient of this petty
sort of insolvency; the debt is, of course, taken for granted
• on the part of the plaintiff, and execution is instantly recorded
against the defendant. A little time is occasionally given; if
the debtor can turn himself in that time well for him ; but if
not, he is taken away to a house of correction, perhaps 20
miles off, and here . the law (" the perfection of reason")
begins its process of retribution. By a sort of legislative
arithmetic, for each shilling of the debt and costs the debtor
is to suffer one day's durance ; and as these courts reach, all
debts under £5, there maybe 99 days for the debt, besid4l6
or 17 more for the costs. The term, therefore, of his impri-
sonment may extend to 17 meeks, which is just one month
more than he would be sentenced to for poaching or petty
larceny. Nor is his treatment one jot better than these his
compeers in crime—the poacher and the thief ; for I suppose
that debt, from its punishment, must be a crime also. Like
them, at four o'clock on bitter winter evenings he is locked
pin a cold solitary cell until eight in the morning. Like
them he is restricted to so many pounds of bread, so many of
potatoes, Sec. per week. Like them. he is debarred from, tb
visits of his family' and friends; and nothing, not even a
clean shirt, can retch him; nay, not even a letter from his
wife, unless first open and inspected by the keeper. Indeed
he is by all the rationale of punishment a felon ; a truly
Roman construction of the word debtor to be sure; but, in
this age, is it consonant with our ideas of justice, or, in a
social point of view, proper Or politic ? Will the new bill
remedy this evil? If it does, the extent of the evil still
deserves thus recording; and if it dues not, the advocates of
humanity and common sense have still something to do.—
Correspondent of the Morning Herald.