The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-03-09 00:00:00

THE IMPORT DUTIES

PUBLIC MEETING ON THE RESTRICTIONS AND PROHIBI
TIONS OF OUR COMMERCIAL CODE.
Yesterday a public meeting was held in the Sessions -house,
of the bankers, merchants, brokers, shipowners, and others,
for the purpose of taking into consideration the restrictions
and prohibitions of our commercial code, and to determine
upon all proper measures for obtaining such alterations
therein as may appear expedient. The meeting was called
by the Mayor, upon the requisition of eighty-nine mercantile
firms. The meeting was numerously attended, by men of
all parties.
The MAYOR entered the Sessions-house a few minutes
past twelve o'clock. On taking the chair, he said the sub-
ject they had now met to discuss was one of the greatest
possible importance, not only as relating to their peculiar
situation as merchants, but as involving a question of much
higher consideration—that of employment and subsistence
for an increasing and numerous population. (Hear.) This
subject was connected with, and in fact hinged upon, a revi-
sion of our custom-house tariff. If, upon a revision of that
tariff, it should be found that commercial prosperity could be
restored, employment given to the labouring classes, and, at
the same time, with an increase of revenue to the govern-
ment, there could be no doubt it would be the duty of go-
vernment to act upon the petitions which might emanate
from this and other places upon this subject, and to follow
the course which had been so clearly drawn by the late Mr.
Huskisson. With these preliminary remarks, he should re-
quest the Town clerk to read the requisition ; and as, in all
cases of this nature, the requisitionists had been in the habit
of preparing the resolutions, he would afterwards call upon
some or those gentlemen to move and second them. In the
course of the debate, it would be his duty, as it would give
him sincere pleasure, to hear from every one an expression
of his opinion ; and he sincerely hoped that the calmness,
the clearness, and the orderly conduct which would be ob-
served in the meeting, would be found to give effect to their
petition, whatever that petition might be. (Applause.)
The TOWN-CLERK then read the requisition to the Mayor,
as it appeared in our columns on Friday last. -
Mr. Hoot' HORNBY having been called upon by the
Mayor, rose to move the first resolution. Before he moved
the resolution which had been placed in his hand, he hoped
he might be allowed, as one of those individuals who had
signed **requisition, to express his thanks to the Mayor
for having convened this meeting, and also to offer his con-
gratulations to that assembly of British merchants, in whose
presence he now stood, upon their having met to discuss a
question which, whilst it involved considerations of the great-
est importance, both to their own interests and the interests
of the nation at large, was one in which all parties in this
great town must be expected cordially to concur. (Hear.)
He thought he was entitled to say it was reasonable to ex-
pect, in the discussion of this question, that we might anti-
cipate great unanimity, and he could not believe that the unani-
mous expression of the sentiments of this great and powerful
community, and that too in reference to a subject with which
almost every member of it was more or less intimately con
versant, could fail to be received with all the attention and
respect from the government and legislature to which such a
subject was entitled. (Hear.) The resolution which had
been entrusted to his charge was to the following effect :
(Mr. Hornby here read the resolution which, with the others
will be found in our advertising columns.) He could notima-
gine there could be any doubt in an assembly of British mer-
chants as to the truth of the propositions contained in the
resolution he had just read. That commercial intercourse
between two countries differing in their climates, in their
productions, and in their soil, must contribute to the prospe-
rity of both, and must have a tendency to increase the com-
forts and improve the condition of the inhabitants of each ;
and every obstacle opposed to the interchange of their respec-
tive productions must have a tendency to circumscribe the
field for the exercise of that ability upon which the power and
industry of the nation and the wealth and happiness of the
people depend. It appeared to him that this truth was so
self-evident as to require no illustration at all. (Hear, hear.)
All classes of society were no doubt interested in the removal
of itnpoliticlaws and regulations which impeded the freedom of
our commercial intercourse with foreign countries : even men
of wealth, members of the community, although not probably
deprived of any essential necessary for even the conveniences
or luxuries of life, had a right to complain, in case unne-
cessary impediments were placed in the way of their progress
towards prosperity. But there was one class, the most impor-
tant of all, whose interests it was their especial duty upon all
occasions, both as commercial men, and as men endowod
with the common sentiments of humanity, anxiously to con-
sider, whose well-being was closely involved in the reforma-
tion of the unwise regulations which disfigured the commer-
cial code of this country : he alluded to those classes of our
fellow subjects who were dependent for their daily bread
upon their daily labour ; to whom employment was one of
the essential conditions of existence, and in reference to whom
any check in the demand for labour must be immediately fol-
lowed by the most painful state of destitution. (Hear.) In
moving a resolution which merely-contained the declaration
of a general principle, it would be out of place in him to en-
ter into those details which would be explained to the meet-
ing much more satisfactorily by the movers and seconders of
the subsequent resolutions. lie would merely observe that
they would be much more competent to deal with the subject
than he was—having been enabled to give that attention to it
which other occupations had prevented him from giving. He
trusted, however, that he should not be considered trespass-
ing upon the patience of the meeting if he briefly adverted to
the restrictions upon the fiscal regulations of one or
two articles of commerce, which, in his humble
opinion, had a most powerful influence upon the
lower orders ; he alluded particularly to the articles of tea
and sugar; the duty upon the first of these articles was pro-
bably about 120 per cent of the cost of import. He was now
speaking of that quality of tea which formed the bulk of the
import, and therefore of the consumption of the lower
classes. As to sugar, the duty was not so great in propor-
tion to the cost, but in consequence of being limited in the
source whence we could receive, that is, to our own colonies,
the price at which sugar was sold to the consumer in Eng-
land was three times above the price which the consumer in
Hamburgh was paying for the same sugar. (Hear, hear.)
They were all aware that these were two articles of universal
consumption throughout this country ; therefore, any dimi-
nution in the price would have the effect of greatly increasing
the consumption. And whilst there was not the least doubt ,
that a more judicious arrangement of our fiscal regulations
in reference to these two articles, would have the effect of
improving the revenue ; it would also have the effect of in-
crt..asing the present most scanty comforts of the poor, and
probably also have a very important influence upon their
moral habits, by substituting a healthy, agreeable beverage,
for the deleterious liquids, now in use amongst them.
(Hear, hear.) Besides this effect as regarded the lower or-
ders, an increase of consumption in the articles to which lie
had alluded must necessarily be followed by a corresponding
increase in the export of products of British industry, and
consequently open a large field for the employment of the
labouring classes. There was one other which he begged
leave to mention before he sat down, and that was the article
of tobacco : the duty upon which had always struck him as
one of the most preposterous that ever entered into the
minds of statesmen to impose. (Hear.) The cost of to-
bacco, of that kind which was used by the lower orders of
the people, was probably 7d. per lb. The duty upon it was
3s. per lb. (Hear, hear.) It was acknowledged upon all
hands, that were the duty reduced to ls. per lb., the revenue
to be derived from that article would be as great as was de-
rived from it at present, from the simple circumstance that
the reduction would cut up the profits of the smuggler.
(" Hear, hear," and applause.) It would, therefore, de-
stroy the immoral influence which contraband trade
exercised upon the minds of those engaged in it ; and it
would enable the poor man to enjoy almost the only luiury
which he could at a moderate rate, and would be attended
not by loss but by increase to the revenue. (Hear, hear.)
He was aware there were many persons who doubted the
propriety of extending the use of tobacco amongst the lower
orders; and perhaps as one who made use of tobacco him-
self, he might be considered as interested in the question.
(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) But he would say that it was his
most decided opinion, that if the poor man was allowed to
smoke his pipe at a cheap rate, he would very often resort to
it as a solace in his troubles, instead of going to the dram-
shop. (Hear, hear.) Feeling perfectly persuaded of the
justice and propriety of the proposttions contained in the re-
solution he had great pleasure in proposing, that they be
adopted by that meeting.
Mr. RIPLEY, in rising to support and second the resolu-
tion, did so with feelings of diffidence and hesitation. It
had been so ably proposed by Mr. Hornby, that it was un-
necessary he should do more than merely to second it; yet
he was unwilling to pass it over without a few remarks, in
offering which he requested the indulgence of the meeting.
The system of free trade was no longer looked upon as smat-
ter of theory, for they had felt the benefits of it practically ;
he alluded to the opening of the China trade, which had
taken place about eight years ago. If his memory served
him rightly, in the documents which were laid before parlia-
ment, the East India Company's accounts separated the
China trade from their general trade, showing a profit of
something like £BOO,OOO per annum for a series of years.
At that time the East India Company had no competition in
the China market for the purchase of their teas, therefore
prices were steady, and lower than they bad been since the
opening of the trade ; so far the East India Company had
an advantage ; when the teas were got by the Company, they
supplied the market at prices averaging ls. per lb. above
what had been got by merchants since the opening of the
trade. The consumption of tea since that period was something
like 32,000,000 lbs. ; consequently the community generally
paid £1,800,000 more for the 32,000,000 lbs. of tea than
they paid at the present moment. it appeared that by the
opening of the China trade, the public had been benefitted to
the amount of £1,900,000 per annum, taking it for granted
that the consumption of tea had been 38,000,000 lbs. per
annum since the opening of the trade. He spoke in round
numbers, but he believed he was under rather than above the
mark. Now he wanted to know who had been the sufferers
by the loss of this 13,900,000 which the public had gained.
(Hear, hear.) It appeared quite clear, that if the charter of
the East India Company bad been continued, and they had
supplied the community with tea at the prices which the
community was supplied by private traders, that, instead of
showing a profit of £BOO,OOO, they would have shewn a loss
of £l,O-00,000. The manufacturers, then, of the country had
been benefited to the extent of £1,000,000 per annum. The
private traders who followed the company had, perhaps, not
found it a very profitable trade, but it was clear the public
had been benefitted to a large extent, and if the trade had not
been profitable to the private merchants, the change had not
been a very bad one. He spoke, of course, only for himself.
He was satisfied with his own trade ; he had been engaged in
it since the opening, and he believed that upon the *hole
there had been a gain instead of a loss. We had no longer
chartered companies to compete with the freedom of com-
merce, but we had what was somewhat similar, and almost
as baneful, we had high duties—duties which were in smile
cases exceedingly preposterous. He should merely quote one
instance and one only, in an article which would be of the
greatest importance to the lower classes, if we had the
honour of introducing it. He alluded to the staff of life ; not
the staff in this country, but in other countries, which sup-
ported from one to two millions of people—the article of rice.
The duty upon rice from our colonies was ls. per cwt. ; upon
that from other countries it was 15s. In times of great
scarcity, when it was necessary we should be supplied
at as cheap a rate as possible, wheat was allowed to be
imported duty free, but rice was, not. It was fifteen
shillings protective duty—a protect;pg duty of 15 per
cent. It appeared to him that when parliament should
revise our import duties that this would be found a
subject which had been overlooked. He believed it was not
generally known to be in existence, but it was a strong proof
why a revision of our import duties should be made. He
wished it to be understood he was not one of those who
would remove all the barriers of protection which the inte-
rests of the country were fairly entitled to—but it was a
question with him whether it would riot be better for all those
barriers to be swept away, and trade be left as free as the
winds, than we should remain as we were at present. He
had great pleasure in seconding the resolution.
The IVIa.eoR then put the resolution, which was carried
unanimously.
Mr. ATRIN rose to move the second resolution. He said
that it presented various propositions altogether consonant
to his feelings and wishes. It would be his duty to show,
looking at the resolution, that prohibitions, restrictions, and
what was generally called protection, were injurious, not only
to the consumer but to the country at large, and frequently
to the very parties to whom thewere intended to be a
lepro-
tection. There was an outcrymade against them, that the
principles of free trade were al ver fid,
"but," they were
asked, be kind enough to look at the. interest of the debt,
at the vested rights of our colonies, at our ships, and you
will find various reasons why you should not persevere.' He
had looked at all these questions, and he had not found them
valid in any one point. (Hear, hear.) The object they had
in view was not to injure any one portion of the community,
butthe benefit of all. It was not to lessen the means of
paying the interest of the debt, but largely to increase those

means, and to make the public creditor's security doubly se-
cure. In proceeding he should attempt to show that, by
encouraging and extending oar manufactures we should
thereby encourage and extend our commerce and im prove the
revenue; and that in doing so we should become the best
of all missionaries, by spreading knowledge and civilization
over every portion of the earth. They would also be-
come the best of all peacemakers, by binding the va-
rious nations of the world together in the firmest of all
bonds, that of mutual interest, and the supplying of
each other's mutual wants. He could not approach this
question without at once casting his eye upon that great man
whom all must acknowledge, however they might differ from
him upon general politics, as the great commercial reformer
of the day, the immortal Huskisson. (Loud cheers.) Let
them recollect the difficulties that surrounded him—let them
recollect the prejudices of the very party by whom he was
supported—let them recollect how he was assailed all over
the kingdom, and how he was insulted repeatedly in Liver-
pool, and they must concede to him not only the wisdom to
discern, but the courage to persevere, till he obtained a large
portion of reform in the commercial code of the country.
Mr.Huskisson did much, and his only regret was that he was
unable to do more; and the only regret of that meeting, as
friends of Mr. Huskisson, was, that his life was cut off
so prematurely, and anxiety that his successors had not
justified' the expectations naturally formed from their
ability, talent, and power, in the carrying out of the wise and
beneficial measures of their great predecessor, Mr. Hus-
kisson. (Hear, hear.) Let him (Mr. Aikin) recall to their
recollection,instead of dealing in these generalities, that Mr.
Huskisson was principally assailed and abused because of his
reciprocity treaties with the Northern Powers ; by the fearful
forebodings and foretellings that sprung up on all hands that
he was about to destroy the " wooden walls" of Old England,
by giving privileges and powers to the Northern States of
Europe, that because they could do the work cheaper,
they would do it altogether. Let the meeting recollect those
professions and then see the results. We should find
that, although we had not so much of the carrying of salt to
the Baltic ports, we had that which was worth ten times
more, the carrying of sugar and coffee and various products
from the east and west to the Baltic ports—that, in fact, we
had the profitable part of the carrying trade, and that we had
left the unprofitable part to those who had chosen to confine
themselves to it. He spoke this as a shipowner.—(hear, hear)
—Let the meeting recollect that by those treaties of re-
ciprocity, every port in the North of Europe was open to
British ships, and that Mr. Huskisson secured this at the very
time when we were upon the eve of losing it and other means
of intercourse with the nations of Europe, inasmuch as they
were about to adopt the very restrictive measures which we
so long before felt the effect of upon ourselves. He wanted
to show, first, a few instances of what had been done, in order
to justify them in demanding large improvements, with re-
gard to what remained to be done. He would recall to their
recollection the time when discriminating duties in favour of
Irish manufactures were thought necessary to increase those
manufactures. He need not call to their recollection the
frauds that were committed byexporting cottons from England
to that country, pretending that they were the manufactures
of Ireland, and then getting the drawback, leaving in effect
a very great expense on the revenue, but adding very little to
it. He recollected being told that if those discriminating
duties in favour of Irish manufactures were done away with,
Irish manufacture must cease altogether. But what was the
immediate result of their abolition? Why, from the first,
within one year after the abolition of those discriminating
duties, calicoes from Ireland were actually sent into the Man-
chester market ; and that we had from Dublin some of the
finest prints in the three kingdoms in the London markets.
Every one recollected the inconvenience and annoyance that
took place from the examination of the luggage of passengers
from England to Ireland, in consequence of those duties,
that it was like passing the frontier of different nations. But
now we might go in peace from the one country to the other,
and in the absence of all those guards which never secured.
Now instead of looking to Flanders as the only place for our
supply of cambrics, Flanders was exporting flax to Bel-
fast, where it was spun and woven better than in any part of
the world ; and why ? Because it was not trifled with.
(Hear.) A great many other instances might be cited : the
article of silk was a striking one; but he should proceed to
consider the improvements which remained to be ef-
fected, rather than those which had been accomplished.
Let him first call attention to one of the most im-
portant—the article of timber. (Hear.) It would not he
denied that of all the manufactures of Great Britain, the
manufacture of ships was not the least important ; yet,
would it be believed hereafter that in Great Britain, upon the
success of whose fleets depended the security of the country,
and the nursery of whose seamen was in the manufacture of
those ships, the manufacture Of ships was not only
not encouraged, but absolutely discouraged, that while
we had an opportunity of building the best ships in
the world, relatively in point of quality, and absolutely
of the very best materials, those materials were actually
burdened with a duty that almost destroyed the chance of
competing with foreigners? This was a subject with which
he was familiar. There was no timber so well calculated for
one part in the construction of a ship as the English oak ;
that is, for the ribs of the ship ; the next best wood they
could get, for the bottom of the ship, was rock elm, which
was obtained from Canada. But we wanted a great part of
the other materials ; we wanted planks and spars, and we had
to look to other portions of the world for the best of these
requisites. Now, it was most extraordinary that we had
frequently fine Riga masts rotting in our yards, although our
ships were using the inferior pine brought from North Ame-
rica. For other parts of ships it was most advantageg us to
go to Riga and Dantzic for masts, for instance ; to Canada
for rock elm, to Honduras and the Gulf of Florida for
mahogany, and to the Brazils for various woods. Now give
him these, the best materials, at the cheapest rate, and
he should not only have a better, but he 'believed a
cheaper ship than could be produced elsewhere. Was it not
extraordinary, while we looked at the great advantages of
North America for ships, as possessing the best materials,
and ready to give them to us at a low price, that we
should pass a law which approached to a prohibition upon the
manufacture of ships compared with what Americaherself had
to pay? Did not the meeting see that this prohibition was
not only a tax upon us, but that it operated as a bounty for
the construction of their ships to enable tham to compete
with us? When he was examined before the Committee of
the House of Commons upon this subject, he was asked,
" Oh, Mr. Aikin, I suppose you are so great a friend to the
principle of free trade, that you would build your ships at
Hamburgh, or on the Elbe, and ask for a British registra-
tion ?" He said no ; but he wished to have the same privi-
leges here as they had there. In all probability he should I
be twitted and told that he built his ships in the Isle of Man.
He did so. There were some half dozen vessels built there
in the course of a year, and this had actually been petitioned
against. If it was an evil to build them in the British de-
pendencies here, let them go to the British dependencies in
Canada and New Brunswick, and they would find bounties
and encouragements to build their ships there—but did they
not think that. he would not rather build his ships under his
own eye in the ports of Great Britain? Did they
not think that, instead of building his ships in the Isle of
Man or in the colonies, it would not be better to allow him
to build them in the ports of the mother country?—
There was some wisdom in the one proposition—the
other was paltry. He was at this moment discharging
a cargo of pitch pine from America. He intended that cargo
for the Isle of Man, but he found it would be more advanta-
geous to land it here. He had to pay 55s duty per load, or
300 per cent. upon the cost price, which he could have saved
by sending it to the privileged ports of North America. But
to go there in the winter months was not a very comfortable
proceeding ; therefore, he would suggest the propriety, if the
legislature were determined to persevere in this course, of
allowing him to put this pitch pine in bond here, and sending
him upon a pilgrimage or survey to do some service to the
state : but to send his ship to a privileged port of North
America in the winter season would be to injure the ship and
the cargo, and to do no good to any body. He trusted how-
ever, that we were upon the eve of wiser and better measures,
that they would be allowed to build their ships in Liverpool
—and indeed in all the ports of Great Britain by the simple
means of being allowed to get the best materials at the best
market, and at the lowest price. (Hear.) There was ano-
ther article to which he would call attention, namely, the
article of coffee. (Hear.) There was a duty of 6d per lb upon
it if it came from one portion of the West Indies, and is 3d
if it came from another portion ; but if it made a voyage of
discovery—so to speak—for a short time, it was allowed to
come in on paying a duty of 9d. (Hear, hear.) The conse-
quence was that a great quantity of coffee had been lately sent
upon this " pilgrimage.' It went first to the Cape of Good
Hope, and then it was allowed to come in on paying the 9d
duty. lie did not think it could be argued that the flavour
of the coffee was improved or that it was benefitted in the
slightest degree by its long voyage ; he did not believe that
there was any thing magnetic in the touch of
the ground of the Cape of Good Hope to improve it. Allow
him here to correct a mistake. It was generally supposed
that it was an evasion of the law to send the timber and the
coffee of North America to the Cape of Good Hope. The
intention was deliberate, and it was a moral law—but it was
a law passed for a very different purpose. There was an old
law which punished our colonies in various hideous ways,
and which prevented them doing many things ; it required
that everything which they produced should touch British
ground, the ground of the mother country. The thing was
now reversed a little—and whatever was produced in one
part of the country must touch colonial ground in some shape
or other, and then it may come in upon more liberal terms.
The consequence was that a great deal of coffee had been
sent to the Cape of Good Hope, and in passing the entry it
was reported as being imported from a British colony, be-
cause the words " produced from it" had been long ago
obliterated. This was done to a considerable extent. Allow
him nbw to call attention to another subject in which he had
always been largely engaged. Perhaps it might be said that
in speaking upon it he was not studying his own interest
with regard to free trade in the article ; but he was prepared
to shew that it would be an advantage to every one, not only
connected with dealings in it, but that it would become a
safer and a better trade if wiser measures were adopted.
(Cheers.) Looking at the produce of sugar, he would men-
tion that at the commencement of the present century we
consumed only something like 70,000 tons a year; yet, from
lliat period to the present it had increased to 200,000 tons.
It was going on increasing every year, till the late high prices
and other causes checked the consumption, and it was ten
per cent. less than it had been, notwithstanding the popula-
tion had gone on increasing to a very considerable extent.
(Hear.) Let him now look at the effects produced by these
measures of protection. Let them recollect that, in the
course of the years of which he had been speaking, sugar was
at one time as high—he meant the average price in bond—as
80s., and afterwards it fell down to little more than 20s.
Now take from 80s. and 20s. the expenses of freight, the cur-
rent expenses of landing, &c., and see what the result was to
the planter. The 80s. encouraged the extension of its pro-
duction ; it became a hotbed to stimulate production; and,
in the course of a year or two, more was produced than this
country could consume. The consequence was that they
were obliged to take the corresponding price which could be
obtained for the surplus upon the continent. But what was
the result of the 80s. price ? It was not only to the Men who
who got this price for one or two years, but it induced many
to spend their money upon estates in the colonies. Having
made their purchases and speculations, then prices came
down to that which would scarcely pay for the production,
and ruin came upon the parties so protected. (Hear.) The
same thing might occur again. The late high prices of sugar
would, no doubt, stimulate the production in India to a great
extent, and there was the danger that the quantity might
again exceed the quantity this country would require. The
moment they were in a position to export the surplus,
down came the price of British plantation sugar to the price
of foreign, which at the present moment would be to the
planters a ruinous rate. (Hear.) He thought it would be
wiser and better as regarded the country, and the individuals
protected, if throughout there had been a moderate protec-
tive duty; and be thought that the Brazilian Association of
Liverpool had done themselves infinite credit by broaching
the question as they had. He did not mean to say that men
aught not to have their just rights; but he did say, taking
all the relative circumstances into consideration, it. was wiser
and better in them to propose a moderate protective duty,
than to insist upon a total and immediate repeal of all pro-
tective duties. (Hear, hear.) He thought it was more likely
to remove strong prejudices, and to disarm bitter hostility,
if they left their opponents without a foot of ground of com-
mon sense to stand upon. should they attempted to resist the
claims they had made. There were many other articles tq
which he could make referenee ; but he should only be an-
ticipating many of the speakers who were to follow him,
therefore he should abstain from occupying the attention of
the meeting any longer with regard to detail. He should
only occupy their attention for one moment further, whilst
he spoke of that which was very strongly urged by a great
many not advocates for protections or restrictions, namely,
that it would be wise to cling to protections and restrictions,
and hold them in terrorem over those with whom we made
treaties. If others were foolish, do not let us be so :

let us be wise, and by wisdom set an example to the world.
It was encouraging industry in a course that was unprofit-
rble ; it was leading capital into a channel that was unpro-
fitable, whilst there was no doubt upon the minds of practical
men that the best policy all governments could apply to in-
dividual pursuits, was to interfere as little as possible with
them, so long as those individuals conducted their business
with honesty and propriety. Although the resolution would
bear him out in doing so, he should not refer to the demoral-
ising effects produced in consequence of smuggling, nor to
the interference with the wise providence of the great Crea-
tor of things, who had given a variety of climes and soils,
and various articles for the wants, use, and protection of
mankind ; but he would conclude with one very important
observation, which he wished might reach a high quarter.
It was an arrangement that no allusion should be made in
this meeting to party politics, and that no subject should be
introduced like 'y to lead to controversy. He should not
make any exception, but he could fancy the possibility that a
government might exist without having the power to carry
all the measures which it deemed necessary for the welfare
of the country. He meant the supposition of such a possi-
bility occurring ; and then he should say to such a govern-
ment, " I cannot blame you if you are unable to carry your
measures," but I should say, " I do blame you exceedingly
if you do not propose them." (Cheers.) "If you do feel
and see the absolute necessity for the welfare of this great
commercial country, and feel strongly that it is absolutely
necessary to adopt certain measures to retain the advantages
which we have always had, then you must propose your mea-
sures, explain them and enforce them, to the utmost extent
you have the ability and power. If you are not seconded by
parliament, if you are not followed by the demands of the
people, let the fault be with the parliament and with the
people, but for yourselves can be the glorious self-satisfaction
that you have attempted, at all events, to do your duty."
(Cheers.)

Mr. HENRY HARRISON said that after the able speeches
which had been made it would be arrogance in him to add
one word to what had been already said, and therefore he
should content himself with merely seconding this resolution.
The MAYOR then put the resolution, and it was carried
unanimously,

Mr. Toniisaid the requisitionists who had been the means
of having this meeting convened, had done him the honour of
requesting him to propose the third resolution, to which he
regretted his inability. It was far from his intention, as it
must be to their wishes, to make a long speech, but at the
same time he would endeavour to compress within as small
a compass as possible the few remarks which he felt the
importance of the subject demanded. Be would first read
the resolution, and then make his comments. (Mr. Todd
then read the resolution.) It would be at once seen that
a distinct proposition of great importance was here ad-
vanced, which it would be his duty to demonstrate. That
proposition was that taxes upon raw materials and upon
the necessaries of life were prejudicial to the national pros-
perity. (Hear, hear.) The resolution went further, for
it did not rest with the assertion of the general prin-
ciple, but it pointed out the special injury which
had always resulted from the existing system, namely, the
emigration of our working population, and the encourage-
meat of rival manufactures among our neighbours. (Hear.)
To an enlightened audience such as he had the honour of
addressing, it would be needless to enlarge upon the perma-
nent importance of maintaining the supremacy of our manu-
factures. Our prosperity depended upon—nay, we existed
as one of the great powers of Europe by our successful efforts
in commerce. We were essentially a trading people, and the
renowned chief, thougha pestof society,lwhom the great cap-
tain of the age had laid prostrate, was not far wrong in calling
us "a nation of shopkeepers." How needful it was then
that our rulers should foster and encourage by every means
in their power, the success of our commerce, and that they
should aid, by all means, the efforts of those whose ingenuity, in-
dustry, and perseverance, had contributed so largely to the
national welfare and prosperity. But had that fostering care,
had that vigilant superintendence, been exercised over our
commerce, and in aid of the labouring classes, which might
have been extended? The contraction of our ingenious but
crushed workmen answered " No"! Many of the continen-
tal manufacturers, and of other parts of the world, many, he
should say, of the continental markets, and the markets of
other parts of the world, where the fabrics of our foreign
competitors, met and supplanted the products of British in-
dustry, answered " No." (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.)
It remained so; and our government, blinded to the
consequences, relying too much upon the great natural capa-
bilities which we possessed, and upon the untiring industry,
energy, and perseverance of our labouring population, had
recklessly continued the taxes upon raw material, and upon
the necessaries of life. He was well aware that the term of
the various " necessaries of life" naturally suggested the
article of corn. It would have been impossible, in a meeting
called to discuss the policy of our entire system of imports,
that an article of such importance and magnitude should
have been wholly omitted or passed by in silence; but he
would respectfully deprecate any attempt to raise, at a meet-
ing like this, any argument upon a topic of such importance
and such magnitude—a topic which had attracted the atten-
tion, and exercised the eloquence, of the ablest statesmen,
and which of itself was amply sufficient to occupy the time
of a meeting called for the discussion of that special object
alone. He would therefore confine himself to classing
amongst the many necessaries of life, rice, &c., the taxes
upon which had led to the emigration of the most useful
classes of the community, and to the setting up of foreign
manufacturers in competition with ourselves. Thus far he
had-addressed them without adducing any proofs in support
of his arguments, but in support of them he would refer to
two official documents of great importance, lately published,
which abounded—nay, overflowed—with ample evidence of
the truth of the propositions before. These documents
were—lst. "The Report of the Select Committee of the
House of Commons, appointed in the last session of
Parliament to enquire into the whole system of our Import
Duties," and the other was, "The report of the Commis-
sioners appointed to enquire into the condition of the Hand-
loom Weavers." Both of these important documents showed
that for a long time past a demand had existed on the part of
Russia, Germany, Prussia, and the Netherlands, for the most
able artisans, who had been induced to settle there, to in-
struct the inferior classes among the natives of those coun-
tries. And it was very important that it should be borne in
mind that that demand had been for the most able of our
workmen—(hear, hear)—the absence of whom had occa-
sionally been severely felt when sudden activity in our mar-
kets had led to an increased demand for our manufactures.

It would be easy for him to quote whole pages from the evi-
dence of these important publications to show. that the high
sort of living in England had occasioned a very extensive
emigration of the useful classes to which he had' referred ; and

in addition that the taxes upon raw materials had raised un-
paid competition on the part of our continental neighbours,
who now met and supplanted us in supplying articles for
markets which we used to have exclusively to ourselves. It
was no reply to these arguments to say, " look at the increase
in the general amount of our exports," because we
were all aware that new markets were constantly opening
that no sooner were they supplanted in one particular arti-
cle than our enterprising and ingenious manufacturers turned
their attention to some other which had not yet met with fo-
reign competition. It happened, too, that those articles, the
exports of which had increased, required a much less degree
of manual labour than those articles the exports of which had
decreased—which was more particularly the case when we
came to refer to the great exports of cotton, woollen, and
flaxen garments—while the manufactured articles of which
those raw materials formed the basis, had in the aggregate
exports to all the world very little increased ; whilst those
markets which used to be our best, such as Russia, Ger-
many, and the Netherlands, had very nearly, if not altoge-
ther, fallen off. He would' bring his address to a close by
reading a short extract from a part of the evidence, in illus-
tration of the last part of his proposition. Mr. J. B. Smith,
president of the Chamber of Commerce, Manchester, and
extensively engaged in the cotton trade, said, in Question
2035

" The Germans have become manufacturers of cotton and
woollens and hardwares to a great extent. We now supply
them with cotton yarn, where we formerly supplied them
with cotton goods. In 1820 Germany was the best customer
we had for cotton goods : she took nearly £3,000,000 value,
and now.she does not take one."
2036. " Unless we take the produce of Germany and Rus-
sia, I look forward to our losing not only the trifling trade
we still have in cotton manufactures, but also the trade in
yarn, because Germany is now establishing cotton-spinning
concerns of herown."

2061-65. " The increase in the export of yarn between
1828 and 1838 was 114 per cent., and in the export of goods
only 25 per cent. ; and therefore the measure of increased
demand of cotton goods on the Continent between those pe-
riods may be regarded as 114 per cent. ; and had they conti-
nued to import manufactured goods from this country in-
stead of manufacturing themselves, instead of 25 per cent.
increase, the increase in goods might have been 114 per
cent."

-2666-67-68-69-70-71. "25 per cent. is the increased ex-
port of cotton goods to all the world between 1828 and 1838,
but there is an actual diminution in the export of cotton
goods to Europe. The export of cotton manufactures to
Russia, Germany, Prussia, and the Netherlands, has, in the
above period, fallen off upwards of three millions sterling ;
while the increase in the export of cotton twist to the same
countries, during that period, has been £3,400,000 ; and
there is no doubt that this decrease in our exports of cotton
goods has arisen from manufactures being established in
those countries,"

Mr. Todd then concluded in the words of the resolution, by
expressing his conviction that it was highly desirable to ex-
empt from taxation all raw materials used in manufactures,
and on articles of the first necessity to the industrious and
labouring classes.
Mr. RICHARD MOON seconded the resolution, which, on
being put by the MAYOR, was carried unanimously.
Mr. CHARLES HOLLAND moved the next resolution in a
very long address, in which he entered at great length upon
the question of import treating it as one of political eco-
nomy.

Mr. MooitE seconded the resolution. He said that, al-
though the question appeared to have been exhausted, there
were one or two subjects reniaining which might still be
touched upon with advantage. The two branches of com-
merce in which he was interested had been already brought
under notice. These were sugar and coffee ; and though the
heavy duties to which they were subject had been stated, it
would make the matter plainer if he stated the cost of them
in bond. Brazilian coffee could be had in bond at 4id. per lb.,
and that would enable the meeting to judge more correctly
of the heavy import duty to which it was now subjeet. With
regard to sugar, a still greater difference existed. He held,
and many others did, sugar which could he sold at the rate
of 24-d. per lb. (hear, bear) ; and if a moderate rate of duty
was levied upon it, the public would still be enabled to enjoy
a luxury, or rather a necessary of life, from which many of
them had been of late almost entirely excluded. There was
one subject respecting shipping which Mr. Aikin had mooted,
and to which he would refer, viz., to the number of vessels,
and to the manner in which they were employed. From the
port of Liverpool upwards of 30,000 tons were employed in
the Brazilian trade; 48 or 50 vessels :annually went to one
port of the Brazils alone, and they would hardly credit when
he told them that in the year 1838, out of 48 vessels leaving
Liverpool for one port in the Brazils, not one of them re-
turned here. (Hear.)
There must be something practically
and radically wrong in this. (Hear, hear.) It might be
said, perhaps, that cargoes could not be got, but he would
take leave to state that the coffee crop alone in that port that
year, exceeded 60,000 tons ; and instead of loading only 48
vessels of the tonnage that left this port, it wouldhave
loaded 300. (Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who
would advocate any sweeping or sudden measures of equal-
ising duty. All were agreed that some change was neces-
sary, but it sbOuld be decided among them what that change
should be. He would allow the colonies a fair protection,
but he would not sacrifice to them equally important inter-
ests, nor would he revolutionize them by suddenly withdraw-
ing the protection under which they had flourished, and con-
tributed to the greatness of the nation. He would have the
question so arranged that it might both forward the revenue
and increase the comforts of the poor man, by enabling him
to obtain the necessaries of life at prices within his means.
It was wisely observed by Sir Robert Peel, that during 20
years peace the nations of Europe would not stand still—
rTiching us in the
that the continental nations must progress, and make con-
siderable strides towards API, perfection of
Y might progress, but they
our manufactures 110 doubt. Th.e
might progress too fast, and it behoved us to take such
measures that we might still keep and maintain that marked
difference between us and them which had always existed ;
but he thoughtthiswouldnotbethe case long, when he stated
the progress which France had. made.• For instance, in 1829
she exported manufactures to the value of 64,000,000 francs.
In 1839, ten' years afterwards, she exported no less than
1,005,000,000. In 1829 her tonnage amounted to 647,000
tons. In 1839 it bad increased to the enormous extent of
1,200,000 tons. These were facts and figures which nothing
could overturn, and they marked a progress which perhaps
many at that meeting were not aware of. Again, we all knew
that coal had contributed to the greatness of England and to

the facilities of foreign manufactures—that to it we were in-
debted in a great measure for the position which we main-
tained in foreign markets. Now, in France, in the year
1829, the production of coal, which certainly was of inferior
quality to that of England, was 17,000,000 metrical quintal,
In 1839 the production was :30,09%000 quintals, exclu ive of
a large importation. He stated this to show and to prove
that where there was such an enormous increase in the pro-
duction of this mineral, there must be corresponding activity
scmewhere. It must be consumed. It had not been taken
out of the bowels of the earth for nothing. It must have
been consumed in her furnaces and in her manufactories—in
those things, in fact, which contributed to the greatness of
the nation. To show the meeting it was so, he would state
that in 1828 France had 393 furnaces, producing the amount of
3,000,000 of metrical quintals. In 1839 she had 475 furnaces,
producing 3,477,000 quintals of iron. Her refining furnaces
in 1828 numbered 2293, producing 1,500,000 quintals. In
1839 she had no fewer than 1500 refining furnaces, pro-
ducing 2,21,000 quintals. So that the meeting would find
a similar increase in the number of her furnaces, in the
produce of iron, and in coals, shipping, and exports. The
exports of woollen stuffs from France in 1829 amounted
in *due to 30,000,000 francs, and in this article there had
been a most extraordinary increase, for in 1839 it had ac-
tually doubled, the exports amounting to 60,000,000 francs.
Her exports in cotton manufactures in 1829 amounted to
47,000,000 francs. In 1839 they amounted to 85,000,000
francs. The consequence had been that a corresponding
diminution in the price of these articles had taken place
throughout Ira ce, which had allowed many of the poor
to clothe themselves in cotton and woollen manufactures
which, some few years back, they could not afford. He
had just stated a fact to Mr. Rathbone which he would
mention to the meeting, in order to shew how much in some
articles the British merchant was interfered with by the fo-
reign manufacturer. In the letters he had received that
day from the Brazils, he found a fact stated which should
tell its own tale. In the common article of domestics [cot-
ton goods] and which had always been largely exported
there, he was told that in consequence of the introduction
and sale of 700 bales from America, the sale of his were for
the present put an entire stop to. (Hear, hear.) The
proposed revision of the import duties had already excited a
deal of jealousy on the continent,; and he himself believed,
that whenever we obtained a more equitable adjustment of
our import duties, that the port of Southampton and some
pther ports of England would become depots for supplying
the continent with coffees and sugars, which could not at
present exist, because we had not the twofold application of
home consumption and export. He had been assured by a
German resident in Hamburgh, that the revision of our im-
port duties would be one of the most fatal blows ever struck
at their prosperity. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Moore, in conclu-
sion, deprecated some pointed allusions which had been made
by Mr. Holland to the corn laws, because he had signed
the requisition upon the distinct understanding that that
question was not to be mooted.

Mr. HOLLAND explained. He had merely alluded to the
corn laws as one of those matters which affected our com-
merce and manufactures, but without at all intending to en-
ter into the merits of the question, or making it a prominent
topic.

Mr. RICHARD BATESON supported the resolution in an
address of considerable length, in the course of which he
called attention to the fact that the duty upon mahogany had
caused the entire ruin of the export cabinet trade, and that
it was gradually ruining the whole trade. He called on the
meeting to avoid party discussions, and to unite all their
energies in obtaining the revision of our commercial code.
Some allusions which Mr. Bateson made to the rival regis-
tration bills now before parliament, called several individuals
to call him to order in the course of his address.

Mr. DUFFEY said he found from what had passed between
Mr. Moore and Mr. Holland, that there had been an agree-
ment to talk of all monopolies but the greatest of all. He
found that there had been a sat of under current at work,
and that it had been cunningly agreed to talk about all mo-
nopolies that impeded them in their particular pursuits, and
in their particular lines of business, but not about that which
most oppressed the poor man. He found they had agreed
to avoid all reference to this. How shameful was this !

Mr. Rossox said—No, no. He beggdiOcallMl.-buffey
to order. No one who had heard the resolutions could sup-
pose for a moment that they did not include the corn-laws,
although they were not expressly mentioned. He (Mr.
Rosson) was as firm an enemy to the corn-laws as Mr.
Duffey, but he must press upon Mr. Duffey the extreme
impolicy of throwing any obstacle in the way of a discussion
like the present, when he must see if he could reflect for a
moment that a meeting of this description would operate in
the strongest manner in supporting the opinions in which he
agreed with him. It was now for Mr. Duffey to consider
whether he could raise an obstacle to the future discussion
of that important question, or whether he could throw away
their new allies, for every gentleman who had entered on the
subject discussed that day, must ultimately contribute, whe-
ther they thought so or not, to the solution of that still
greater and more important question.

Mr. DUFFEY attempted to speak, but was interrupted by
The MAYOR, who said that by the terms of the resolution
the corn question was scarcely called into discussion. He
was quite sure that the gentlemen who had devoted so much
time to the preparation of the resolutions intended that they
shonld be such as would best promote the object in view,
namely, increasing the revenue, and giving employment to
the working classes.
Mr. DUFFEY was very glad to receive that assurance from
the Mayor. He was, however, only a plain, simple man, and
understood men only by what they said. Taking that view
of the case, and when he heard one gentleman telling another
that it was improper for him to refer to the corn-laws be-
cause there had been an understanding that they were to be
avoided-

Mr. RATHBONE called the speaker to order.
Mr. DUFFEY said he was referring to Mr. Moore.
Mr. RATHBONE said Mr. Moore had used no such words.
He (Mr. Rathbone) was, like Mr. Duffey, a plain man. It
had been said that the corn-laws should not be made a pro-
minent topic ; but he must say that, in the way he read the
resolution, they were adverted to.

Mr. AticEN; as chairman of the Anti-Corn-law Associa.
tion, could not patiently listen to such a charge as that ad-
vanced by Mr. Duffey. The fact was, that they had held re-

peated meetings in that place, under the presidency of the
Mayor, to petition for the revision of the corn-laws ; but
every one, whether friendly or unfriendly to the corn-laws,
who could see the distinction between a revision of the im-
port duties for the sake of revenue and not for protection,
would see that the corn and food of man should not be sub-
ject to taxation, either for revenue or for protection. He
therefore trusted that the gentleman would give them an op-
portunity of confining themselves to the object of the meet-
ing.

-111 r. L. HEYWORTR also spoke to the same effect, and
quoted the Spectator's summary of the evidence before the
import Duties Committee—[Mr. M`Gregor's]—to satisfy
Mr. Duffey that with the expected change, the corn laws
must be revised.

Mr. DUFFEY.—Perhaps I have misunderstood something
that has been said. I think it better to say no more.

The MAYOR then put the resolution, and unani-
mously carried.

Mr. RATHBONE proposed the next resolution. He re-
joiced that his brother merchants had at last come to their
senses, and that each of them conceding a little they had
united in asking for the great objects for which the commer-
cial and manufacturing interests were engaged, namely, the
employment of their own capital advantageously to them-
selves, and to the support of the poor by giving them labour.
(Hear.) It must be clear to the intelligent operative, that
wages did not depend upon anything but upon the demand
there was for their labour: therefore, they (the meeting)
were best promoting the interests of the poor by giving the
greatest possible demand for that labour, so that whilst capi-
tal had its remuneration, the poor man should be adequately
paid for that labour which promoted their prosperity. He
had some few facts to relate, in order to illustrate the
duties on mahogany, to which Mr. Bateson had alluded ; but
as the time was far advanced he should only just mention
the figures :—from Honduras, one of our own colonies,
the falling off in the importation was very great, and the ex-
ports had also very greatly increased. The result had been
that a very lucrative business in Lancaster in cabinet work,
which was of great importance to the poor, inasmuch as they
could work at it both winter and summer, had been cut off.
It had also damaged Liverpool, for, instead of supplying the
West Indies with manufactured work of our own, they went
now to Hamburgh for it. In 1839 there were imported
1,083,191 tons, whilst last year there had been only 618,000
tons ; shewing that we were really furnishing means to the
Continent for cutting the throats of our own poor people,
because, for the mahogany which the manufacturers of
Hamburgh could get for £45, we were obliged to pay £9O.
(Hear.) Mr. Rathbone, in conclusion, enlarged on the
impolicy of giving a protection to the timber of Sierra Le-
one, the grave of British seamen, in preference to permit-
ting the use of mahogany from Honduras.
Mr. HENRY ROMILY seconded the resolution.

Mr. MELLOR, before the resolution was put, begged to
say a few words. He wished to state one fact. There were
at this moment 3,000 tons of Brazilian sugar in this port,
which, including all charges, would require £22 per ton to
cover the first cost. This sugar could
,not, that day, be
sold for more than £2O per ton ; consequently, the impor-
ters of it, at something less than ad. per lb., would lose 10
per cent. upon it, or some £6,000. Sugar of equal duality
Was selling for £4B or £5O per ton in bond. If they were
permitted to sell this sugar here, instead of refining it merely
and sending it for consumption to our own colonies, it would
be a saving to the public of some £90,000; and if the govern-
ment had the wisdom, instead of putting a duty of £3 3s per
cwt. upon it, to reduce it to 30s, they could this very day
receive into their treasury £90,000 upon the present stock
in Liverpool. (Hear, hear.) He had not risen to make a
speech, but simply to state a fact, which appeared to him to
be a strong one. When we considered that Brazil received
all our manufactures at a very moderate duty, and that our
exports there amounted to nearly five millions sterling—that
our exports there were of finished articles, and not of the
raw materials—it would show that at least three millions of
them consisted in the wages of workmen, in the expense of
machinery, and in the profits of the merchant. These facts,
then—the way in which we imposed prohibitive duties, thereby
injuring the revenue, and depriving the working classes of
those comforts which they had a right to expect—made
out a very strong case. As a man largely interested
in the Brazilian trade, he would publicly assert, in the
presence of that respectable meeting, that he was happy to
see a meeting, consisting of men of every shade of politics in
the town, convened on the subject ; and that it would be a
disgrace to any legislature that would permit this system to
continue one session longer, in the face of such clear state-
ments as had been made by a committee of their own body.
The resolution was then carried.
Mr. EDWARD MOON moved the sixth resolution, briefly
expressing his concurrence in the objects of the meeting.
Colonel WILLIAMS seconded the resolution in a speech of
considerable animation. It was then carried; and after a
short discussion between Mr. AIKEN, Sir. J. WALMSLEY,
and Col. WILLIAMS, it was resolved that the petition, in-
stead of being signed by the Mayor on behalf of the meeting,
should lie at the usual places for the signature of the public.
On the motion of Mr. RAWDON, seconded by Mr. Roasar Hay-
WORTH, a committee was appointed to carry the objects of the
meeting into effect.
Mr. RA.THBONE suggested that the petition should be sent for
presentation to the members of the borough, in the event of their
refusal to Lord Francis Egerton, and in the event of his lordship
declining the office, to Mr. Thornely, with a request to support
The Mayor; said he would do Lord Sandon the justice to say
that he had never known his lordship to neglect his duty.
Colonel WILLIAMS observed that by the rules of the honourable
house, no member could "support" a petition. He could merely
state its contents.
Mr. MOORE then moved a vote of thanks to the Mayor for his
impartiality in the Chair.
Mr. WATSON in seconding the motion made a few observations
to the effect that a revision of our tariff was indispensable.
The MAYOR returned thanks, and at twenty minutes past three
o'clock the meeting separated.

WESTMORELAND ASSIZES.—At the last Kendal assizes,
the week before last, the grand jury appeared in court, and
through W. C ackanthorp, Esq., their foreman, inquired if
those prisoners•committed for trial after the sessions, and
previous to the assizes, should be brought to trial at the
assizes, or remain over to the next sessions? There were
three prisoners at Kendal for trial, who had not been brought
to the assizes. Baron Rolfe replied he was glad they had
mentioned the subject, as it was one of great importance.
The judges were not agreed upon the question, but he consi-
dered that the assizes being a general gaol delivery for the
whole county, all persons committed for the county should
be brought up at the court for trial. The learned judge in-
quired if the prisoners would be brought in time for trial at
these assizes, as it was important that innocent persons
should be acquitted on the first opportunity ? Mr. Crackan-
thorp replied they could not, as the distance was so great.
He was glad the question had elicited these observations
from his lordship, as they would get abroad, and become
known.

MEETING OF GAS CONSUMERS TO OPPOSE THE
GAS LIGHT COMPANY'S BILL, NOW BEFORE
PARLIAMENT.

Yesterday evening, a numerous meeting of members of the
Guardian Society, and others, consumers of gas within the
borough, was held at the Adelphi Hotel, for the purpose of
adopting measures to oppose the bill now before parliament,
the object of which is to give additional power to the old or
Dale-street Gas-light Company of this town.
In the absence of the President of the Guardian Society,
(through whose vigilance the meeting mainly originated,)
Mr. George Walker, the Vice• president, was called to the
chair.

The CHAIRMAN stated that, on the secretary of the society
receiving a copy of the Gas-light Company's bill, a com-
mittee was appointed to consider it, and, as they conceived
that it militated against the interests of the gas consumers
generally, they called on about thirty of the largest con.
sumers, and finding them of the same opinion, that a depu-
tation was appointed, who waited on the Committee of the
Gas-light Company, by whom they were most courteously
received. The result, however, was such, that it was
deemed expedient to call the present general meeting of con-
sumers. He then requested the secretary to read the mi-
nutes of the proceedings alluded to.

The SECRETARY read the minutes, which were of iconsi-
derable length. At the first meeting on the subject t was
resolved to write to Lord Sandon, expressing their opinion
on the bill, and requesting him to procure tha postponement
of the second reading (the bill having then been read a first
time) for at least ten days, so as to enable them to prefer
their objections to several of its clauses deeply affecting the
consumers. The bill had been read a first time on the Fri-
day, and the second reading was appointed for the Monday
following; and his lordship's reply was that it had been read
a second time accordingly, but that he had procured the
postponement of it going into committee for three weeks.
It appeared from the further reading of the documents, and
also of several clauses of the bill. (which were afterwards
opposed seriatim by the meeting,) that the Company had
been authorised to raise a further amount (above the
original capital) of £50,000; but that they had expended a
sum of £140,000 over and above that amount, which they
stated they had expended in laying mains to the townships
round Liverpool, and making additions to their works to
enable them to supply those townships with gas, and that
they sought to legalize that amount that it might become part
and portion of their capital for the sole benefit of the present
shareholders, as if described by them—making, in all,
£190,000 to be divided and apportioned amongst them. They
also required power to raise a further sum, to enable them to
light those townships, the sum of £llO,OOO in shares, making,
with their original capital of £50,000, a capital of no less
than £300,000. On the £190,000 thus sought to be legalized
as capital, they sought a profit from the public of at least 10
per cent.,—no advantage to be:derived by the public, until
that profit was first secured to the company. To this appro-
priation of X 140,000, which they had raised on the strength
of the present consumers, the deputation strongly objected.
One clause sought for power to distrain for rents, without
even the intervention of a magistrate's summons. The so-
ciety considered that they ought to be constrained to apply
to a magistrate, or to recover the amounts due in the usual
courts of law. The deputation further required that the ac-
counts of gas supplied in the borough should be kept separ-
ate from those of that supplied to the townships, otherwise
that the additional shares required to raise the £llO,OOO,
should be sold by public auction, in which case they would
not insist upon that revision. The reply of the gas commit-
tee to this was, that they could not keep the accounts separ-
ate, but that they had no objection to raise £60,000 of the
amount, in shares amongst themselves, and that the remain-
ing £50,000 should be offered by auction to the public.
They also made several other minor.propositions, (the 10 per
cent. being first secured to them), which, however, did not
'ews of the deputation. Another claim required
—jury done to meters be paid for by consumers.. They
agreed that this clause should be altered to " wilful injury"
only. Another clause was to the effect, that any person
inhabiting or using premises in which the company's pipes,
&c. were laid from their mains, and who required the same
to be removed, that the expense of such removal should be
defrayed by the person so requiring their removal. The
committee objected to this but without effect. The claim
required authority for their surveyors to inspect their meters
at " all hours," they agreed to alter to " all reasonable
hours." It was stated by Mr. Carson, solicitor for the Gas
Company, that the bill was in the hands of Lord Shaftsbury,
who was making alterations in it, and he did not know what
it would be when it came from his lordship's hands ; but that
a copy should be sent to the society when it was printed.
At a subsequent meeting of a committee of the society, it
was agreed that Mr. Radley should be authorised to call the
general meeting of that night.

meet the vi
that it

- Mr. RADLEi remarked, that the meeting had heard that
the deputation was most graciously received by the Gas Com-
pany. He remembered the time when the gas consumers
applied to toe same quarter, complaining of some extraordi-
nary powers that were required by them, and received a short
letter to the effect that their interference was not wanted.
The times were now somewhat altered, and he was glad that
the system pursued, and the legitimate weight of the con-
sumers had become better known. He stood as the repre-
sentative of the consumers of gas; and was in no degree
connected with the shareholders of the Gas Company. He
felt assured that if they would but put their shoulders to the
wheel, they would be enabled to defeat the obnoxious clauses
of the bill. The company stated that they had expended
£140,000 over and above the amount they were authorised
to raise, and they succeeded in legalising that amount as sub-
scribed capital, the interests of the consumers would be ma-
terially injured. They would, on Wednesday week, be
enabled to add that larger amount to ,their subscription,
could sell it to the public, and put the whole of the
money into their own pockets. Whence, he would
ask, did they derive that very large amount? Why,
from the public—from the consumers. Their bill was to the
effect that " each proprietor should be interested therein."
And how many were those proprietors ? They were only,
he believed, 60 in number. If they had expended the money,
they had borrowed it on the strength of the consumers at
their back. They (the consumers) had, however, a good
Lancashire Rist. They had succeeded before, and if they
pulled together, they would succeed again. What they went
for was good gas, at a fair and moderate price. If they suc-
ceeded in legalizing the amount stated as new capital, they
would create a property out of them. Where, he repeated,
was this large sum raised from ? Mr. Fergusson has asked
them the question; but they had evaded it. It was a ques-
tion that went too much into their books. He referred to
clause 15 of their original act. By this it appeared that they
had not power to raise money by loan ; and whence did they
derive it?

Mr. DOCKER remarked, " from the people here, who ought
to have had their gas at a cheaper rate.
Mr. RADLEY concurred. They sought to divide this sum
amongst themselves. They did not come to them to divide
any of their large profits, or to make a reduction of charge.
By clause 4, they sought to raise an additional £llO,OOO to
enable them to light the out-townships. The Queen's.
square Company had attempted a similar plan of enrich-
ment, but they were defeated. If they wanted to raise
£llO,OOO, why not dispose of shares to that amount? and
if they sold at a high premium, let the surplus go to the
general reserve fund, for the general benefit. He had no
objection to new shares, if so raised. So large a sum should
not go to increase the value of the script, but to the advan-
tage of the shareholders and consumers. The whole capital
sought to be appropriated to the present shareholders was
£300,090 ; and it could never have been contemplated by
the legislatui e that so few as sixty individuals should have
the sole advantage and control of such an amount. He
concluded by moving the first resolution, for which see the
advertisement.

Mr. JEFFREYS had great pleasure in seconding the reso-
lution. They owed the opportunity they had of opposing
the bill to the vigilance of the Guardian Society. They, as
tradesmen, though numerous, were so much engaged in their
own business in endeavouring to make money in small sums,
that they had but little time to devote to the subject ; and
meanwhile the greater capabilities of the Gas Company were
busy in endeavouring to make money en masse. He traced
the proceedings of the company from the commencement,
when their capital was but £50,000. Their shares had risen
in the market from £lOO. to £380.; yet they did not divide
more than £5. per cent., arid sought to legalize a large sum
as subscribed capital, further to enrich themselves. (He
read an extract from the proceedings of a meeting of the
proprietors of the Grand Junction Railway, in 1838, show-
ing the similarly delusive manner in which the accounts were
kept, so as to effect an undue appropriation of their funds—
the wear and tear being placed to new capital, instead of
being taken from the profits.) Why should the company
seek for a new appropriation of capital, and keep hack profits
made? Last year their profits had been £20,000., and they
had only paid £2O. per share, which was only 5 per cent.
The profits were actually 40 per cent. He considered the
applioation for the bill a clandestine proceeding ; and if they
obtained it they would obtain it clandestinely. The money
already raised should be a sunk amount for the general be-
nefit. He did not think that such a sum as £300,000 was
required even exclusively to light the whole town and its
outskirts. If they obtained their bill the shares would rise
to £720 each. The bill, if it passed, was a draft upon them
which they would be obliged to accept. It was a scheme to
make money with very little trouble. It might be said by
some to the consumers, "Are you not satisfied with two
companies—is not this a protection?" He replied yes, if
they were in fair opposition ; but what security had they
that there was not a connivance between them ? Besides,
could the company prove to them that they had value for
even half of the £140,000. The bill was one which enabled
the few to amass a splendid sum out of the money. Lord
Sandon had, however, put off the consideration of the bill
in committee, and he believed would do every thing possi-
ble for their interests. (Cheers.) He seconded the motion,
which was put from the chair and unanimously carried.
Mr. FERGUSSON recapitulated the proceedings that had
been taken with reference to the bill, and furnished some
dates of the actual cost of gas, to show the large profits of
the company. Ten pennyworth of cannel coal would make
1000 cubic feet of gas, for which they paid Bs. • At Messrs.
Fawcett and Preston's extensive foundry the cost was only
Is. Including all expenses at the gas-houses, wages, rent,
&c., the cost was within 3s. The same company supplied
the public offices for 4s. 2d. per 1000 feet, and they would
not do this without a profit. The company had been making
great profits. The whole 500 shares (amongst 60 sharehol-
ders) realized £65,000 annually, or £130,000 in the 20 years
of their standing. if they had the advantage of 10 per cent.
on the £140,000 they sought to legalize, their profits would
be immense. They called on them to pay 10 per cent. on
that amount additional.. They wanted to go to Bootle and
Linacre on one side the town, and to Garston (a distance of
six miles) on the other ; but he did not think it reasonable
that those townships should have gas at the same price, to
their injury. He would give Vat:, old company the same power
as the new, but none further. He moved the next resolution.
The second resolution was seconded and carried unanimously.
A petition to Parliament, founded on the rt solntions, was then
read by Mr. EVANS ; and the motion, that it be carried, by Mr.
II rex ING. This was carried with similar unanimity.
Mr. TURNER, in a brief address, moved the next resolution,
" That a deputation be sent to London to oppose the bill," &c.
Mr. COWARD seconded the resolution, expressing his gratification
that the names were such as convinced him that the bill would be
carefully watched.

The resolution was unanimously carried.
Mr. SUMNER, after a suitable introduction, proposed the resolu.
tion calling upon those interested to come forward with subscrip-
tions to defray the expenses of opposing the bill.
Mr. TOWERS seconded the motion, and it was carried.
On the motion of Mr. EVAN, seconded by Mr. FiraausoN, a vote
of thanks was presented to Mr. Radley, for the gratuitous use of
the room for the present and preceding meetings, and for his gene-
ral efforts in the cause.
Mr. DOCKER then addressed the meeting, contending, among
other matters, that gas might be afforded for 4s.
Several other speeches were made, after which the meeting se-
parated.

Irw CHURCH IN HOPE-STREET.—We have had frequent
occasions lately to advert to the growing attachment evinced
by the people of these realms towards the church establish-
ment, and seldom have we had a more gratifying fact to re-
cord, than the return of the Rev. Robert Aitkin to the bosom
of the church. It is no doubt known to the generality of
our readers, that this gentleman was formerly a clergyman
of the Church of England, but some years since he left her
communion, and formed several congregations, and was the
means of erecting chapels in various places for the worship
of the body he termed " the Christian Instruction Society."
Ile, however, has become dissatisfied with the views which
led to this change, and has applied for readmission to the
church, and to have the chapel in Hope street, in which he
recently officiated, permanently associated with the esta-
blished religion or the country. These requests have been
complied with, and Hope street chapel will be termed for the
future—St. John the Evangelist's Church. Two sermons
will be preached on Sunday next therein by the Rev. Hugh
M'Neile and the Rev. Robert Aitkin. The Rev. Fielding
Ould will preach on the Tuesday wizening following.