The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-31 00:00:00

vereign remedy for the poor ; only keep the mill going, '
and nothing, in their conception, goes wrong; but a
proof of this sort is really quite conclusive of the whole
question. From what has been, we justly argue to
what is to be. The increase of manufactures has not
added to _the comforts of the poor ; on the contrary,
it has created all that distress for which the millowners
affect to feel so much sympathy. They are now cla-

mon ring for new markets, and for this purpose cry out,
down with the agriculturalists—away with monopoly ;
but if their selfish clamour—this sordid agitation for
their own monopoly—should, in an evil hour, be com-
plied with, we might perhaps see an increased produc-
tion and export of manufactures ; but should we see a
corresponding increase in the comfort and happiness of
the poor ? The honourable member for Inverness-shire
has supplied the data and the argument by which we
are enabled satisfactorily to answer this question. After
reciting from official tables the prodigious increase of
the exports of manufactured cotton and linen from
1819 to 1839, he proceeded as in the extract which we
subjoin. We conclude by quoting the passage, which
we recommend to particular attention, as it is, in truth,
well entitled to it. It is rather long, but every word of
it may be perpended
_

"Was there ever a more. magnificent exhibition of manu-
facturing prosperity, so far as the master manufacturers were
concerned? (Hear, hear.) But now let them reverse the
picture. What, during the same period, had been the condi-
tion of the labouring classes ? He held in his hand an ac-
count of the average sum a good weaver could earn per week
in each of those years. In 1814, he could earn 26s ; in 1818,
he could only earn 14s. 5d ; in 1823, 9s. 4d ; in 1828, 6s. 6d ;
in 1833, ss. 4d ; and this last, he believed, was the average
at the present moment, exhibiting a reduction in wages of
about 79 per cent. (Heart hear.) How was this to be ac-
counted for ? Was it possible to account for it by the exist-
ence of the present corn laws ! The effect of the corn laws
might rather have been to prevent this vast amount of capital
from being invested in manufactures ; but they must look in
some other direction for the real cause of the distress which
prevailed amongst the labouring classes in the manufacturing
districts. And he thought they might, perhaps, find that
the improvement in machinery, and the advantage which the
master manufacturers had .taken of this to substitute infant
fbr adult labour, would, in a great measure, account for the
extraordinary change. (Hear, hear.) He'lnid been credibly
informed that no less than 50,000 adults were every year
turned out of employment in the manufacturing districts,
and their places supplied by children,. (Hear.) He was told
it was the custom of the great master manufacturers to con-
tract with the great poor-law unions of the country for regu-
lar supplies of children, in order to replace the adults who
were thrown out of employment. (Hear.) Thus had they
reversed the order of nature ; the adults in the manufactu-
ring districts were idle, and dependent for support on their
children. (Hear, hear.) What had been the consequence
of this system with reference to the mortality in the great
manufacturing towns ? He held in his hand the bills of
mortality for the greatest manufacturing town in the empire,
the city of Glasgow. In 1822 the rate of mortality was lin
44 of the population, in 1837 it was lin2 n. (Hear, hear.)
He entreated the house to reflect what a vast amount of
human misery must have been inflicted in,order to create
such a mortality as this. (Hear, hear.) He had heard of
slavery in the West Indies, in Brazil, in Cuba, and the
United States ; it had been reserved for the master manu-
facturers of England to present a still more dreadful picture
of human life expended in misery and severe labour. (Hear,
hear.) They might talk of their manufacturing prosperity ;
but if such were its results, he would say they might have
increased the power and wealth of the country, but without
promoting in any way the welfare and prosperity of the com-
munity."

The Mercury asks, "if the result of the Conference
will promote the cause of orthodoxy and Conservatism,
with what consistency does the STANDARD rail at such
allies ? " We answer our pupil that our CONSISTENCY
consists not in railing at, but in simply exposing such
parties. Doubtless they obey the instincts and follow
the light that is in them ; but if their instincts be evil,
and their light be darkness, then the good which comes
to us from their purblind folly,and malice arises not
from our consenting thereunto, and approving thereof,
but from our dissenting from, and raising our voices
strongly against it. Thus good comes out of evil, and
foolish men, without being our allies, do most power-
fully aid and assist our cause contrary to their own de-
signs, and in spite of their own decided inclinations.
We are not inconsistent, good Mr. Mercury, in reading
lectures on dissenting blasphemy, worldliness, and im-
piety, and arraigning such crimes at the bar of public
opinion, while, at the same time, we take consolation
from the thought that their detection and punishment
may ultimately be serviceable to the cause of good order
and virtue. We do not say that men are to do evil
that good may come of it, but that a profitable lesson
may he, should be, aye, and will be extracted from
such demented meanness, and frenzical partisanship as
the late Barebone's Parliament of all denominations at
Manchester exhibited ; and it is by dealing thus with
the case that our consistency is not only established,
but rendered useful to society.
But we are glad to see the Mercury speering at us

for a little information ; and we would encourage him

by the meekness of our answers and the simplicity of
our lessons, by all means, to come to us again. We
have a serious notion of opening an adult school—a
sort of Politico-literary Hospital for old gentlemen
who have spent the latter part of their lives in the vain
pursuits of Liberalism, and at length, even at the
eleventh hour, begun to discover the inanity of its
occupation, and the deceitfulness and evil of its ways.
It will be pleasant to see them ranged on their different
forms with their primmers in their hands learning the
B A ba of good manners and true philosophy—verify-
ing the proverb which we intend to post, as a motto,
over the door-way, that it is " never too late to learn."
If we have had any part in overturning the " Doss-
house" of Liberalism with all its dumb idols and
trumpery, we would like to take part also in providing
an asylum for its ejected priests, and turning over its
blind and besotted worshippers to a better way. Try
us again, Mr. Mercury, and you may depend on finding
us bland, instructive, affable, willing-to-forget, mild,
patient, patronising, and charitable—as we usually are.

The new House of Commons has proved itself Con-
servative beyond our most sanguine hopes. The
amended address, carried in the House of Lords by a
majority of 72, has been carried in the Commons by a
majority of 91—the numbers being 269 and 360.
Thus the Whigs at once attain their award : the cycle
of Liberalism is completed, and Conservatism reassumes
the reins of power. A great experiment has been made
with the constitution and people of this country, and re-
sults in a most signal proof of the extent, the strength,
and the durability of the Conservative principle.
Sir Robert Peel—for we presume there is no longer
any question as to who the new Premier will be—will
commence his official career with an ample working
majority in both houses of Parliament. The oppor-
tunity is a great one—the situation in which he will be
placed a most responsible one. The right honourable
baronet is fully aware, and deeply sensible of this fact ;
and it is infinitely to his credit that he looks to no re-
serve, and seeks not to provide himself with any ex-
cuse, in the event of a failure, to realise all those ex-
pectations to which the evident capabilities of his new
position might give rise. The administration of the
Whigs was not only an administration without any
fixed principles, but it was one also, as regards the men
who composed it, without a chief; the case will be
otherwise with the new government. We may collect
this not only from the striking contrast of character
existing between Sir Robert Peel and Lord Melbourne,
but from all the right honourable baronet's recent
speeches, and particularly that which he delived in his
place in Parliament on last Friday evening. It is true
that as to the details of his measures he maintains a
prudent reserve ; but on every occasion, and particu-
larly on the one last alluded to, he has asserted, and
continues to assert, a right of private and independent
judgment for himself with regard to the policy which he
shall adopt, which evinces an extent of self-reliance, and
a willingness to stand alone in his responsibilities, very
different from any thing ever exhibited by the first
Minister of the Whigs and Liberals. On this ground
Sir Robert must ever command respect, even from
those who dissent from his politics. He makes his
positions and measures a severe matter of conscience,
and he will not hold office upon the condition of
having them dictated to him by others. Thus on
Friday night, with respect to the corn duties, he said :
"'I speak the language I held in 1839, and it is important
that this should be remernbered,—l said that while I prefer-
red a graduated to a fixed duty, I would not bind myself to
the details of the existing law, but would reserve to myself
the power to consider and amend it. Sir, I hold the same
language now. (Hear, hear.) I still prefer the principle of
a graduated duty on corn ; but if you ask me whether, by
that declaration, I bind myself irrevocably to the mainte-
nance of the existing law in all its details—if that be the con-
dition on which gentlemen connected with the agricultural
interest give me their support, I say at once that upon that
condition I cannot accept their support (` hear, hear,' from
the ministerial benches. ')
And again, with reference to the government of Ire-
land, he said :

" I am told that I must be the instrument of effecting ob-
jects in Ireland which I repudiate. lam asked whether I
will support the proceedings of my partisan, who is said to
have offered a religious affront to the majority of the people
of Ireland. Sir, lam not afraid to express my opinion with
respect to acts like these. I say there is not a mau in this
house, there is no Roman Catholic gentleman living, who
could have heard with greater pain than I did, the recital of
gratuitous, unprovoked insult offered to the religious feelings