The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-03-03 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

Our report of the meeting of the Church Missionary Society
last night, will be found the third p tge.
In the House of Commons on Friday evening, Mr. Cardwell
quoted largely fro o, :,nd made repeated reference to the no.
answerah'e ,pe.:•ch a A dertuan Brantley Moore on duck ac
commodation.
We have received several variously worked solutions to the
arithmetical problem in our last. It is simply thus. Seven
ap,les divided as directed will give, 11.-st buy 4, second boy 2,
third boy 1.
With the Starillrii of to-day our readet, will receive a copy of
the '• Reminiscences of an ex-Parish ti)et,,r," which are dis-
tributed to call Wile attention t,, several abuses which are
- there laid bare. We would respectftV:y call the attention of
the Committees !ot the Ladies' Charity and the Dispensaries
to remarks highly important to those admirable institutions
for the purpose of asking whether it w not be wise for
the first mentioned charity to relax the stringency of one of
their rules aft, Ct rig the well-h•ing of many a tamily. and
whether the offi era of the Di p7nsaries could not extend
their attendance to a greater distance, now that the funds
have been materially relieved.

?..11wrpool

TUESDAY MORI\ IN G. MA RCII 3, 1846.

One of the most momentous considerations aris-
ing out of the present measures of Government is
that to which the hon. and gallant Member for
Liverpool—Sir Howard Douglas—so ably addressed
himself during the late debate; viz., their hearing

upon our colonial system. It would be idle to as:-
,sume that either Sir Robert Peel or any of his Con-
servative supporters has learnt, during the process
of their recent conversion to ultra-free trade prin-
ciples, to undervalue the importance to this empire

.of her extensive colonial possessions, We doubt,
indeed, if more than half-a-dozen men are to be

found in Parliament entertaining the opinions of
Mr. Joseph Hume upon the subject. It is worth
while, then, to entertain seriously the inquiry
whether, in our selfish eagerness w grasp at sup-
posed commercial advantages and cheapness, we
are not throwing away a predominating amount of
those which we already possess, and periling the
great source of our supremacy of wealth and power
in the scale of nations.

In the first place, let us see what is the basis of
that system of colonisation to which Great Britain

owes so much of her commercial and territorial

greatness. We have had at home, established for
• .ages, a great scheme of protection to the national
industry and enterprise against foreign competition ;
and as we have drafted off our population from time
to time to colonize the acquisitions of our arms, or
of discovery, in various quarters of the globe, the
contract, actual or implied, with which we have
bound these germs of nations to the mother coun-
try has been that, in the first place, their industry
and their liberty should be protected by the arm of
British power, and further, that towards their pro-
ductions our protective system should be relaxed,
and, as the reward of their allegiance, and in con-
sideration of their kindred blood, they should
enjoy a preference in our markets over those of the
•foreigner. At the same time we have stipulated
that our own manufactured goods shall he received by
them upon similar favoura'ole terms. We added, in
fact, the tie of mutual interest to that of consan-
guinity.
The operation of this colonizing policy, thus far,
we need not dwell upon. It has been a potent source
of our present greatness. It has afforded us vast
markets for the products of our united industry and
capital ; for the preservation of which, against foreign
aggression, we have not hesitated to expend both
treasure and blood. The whole world has regarded
-these colonies as the feeders of the national strength;
the arteries of that powertul and imposing fabric
of which these circumscribed islands are the mighty
heart. If a blow has been dealt against the great-
ness of England, the attempt has been made against
some weak portion of her colonial empire. On
social grounds, too, how vast has been the benefit
reaped from these possessions ! If our population
has increased beyond the national means of profit-
ably employing it, the tide of emigration has flowed,
not towards alien countries, to carry the arts and
the energies of Englishmen to enrich and strengthen
rival countries, but towards countries leagued with
us in friendship, in interest, and in brotherhood—
peopled with the same race, revering the same laws,
and speaking the same tongue. It has borne along
with it civilization and Christianity to every quarter
of the globe. Nay, if ever there was instrumen-
tality which, maintained in its integrity, promised
the working out, under Providence, of the full
scheme of Redemption of mankind, it was the great
colonial fabric of this country.
Apart, however, from these higher considerations,
and to return to the mere commercial and econo-
mical view of the subject, it is scarcely possible to
over-estimate the amount of advantage which her
colonies, under a wise system of treatment, might
have been the means of conferring upon Great
Britain.
`•I have often imagined," remarked Sir Howard Dou-
glas, "and it was for this that I moved for, and obtained
the order of this house, for the extensive returns which are
now preparing, namely, the various colonial tariffs and
Commercial relations ,t present subsisting between all the
colonies of the empire and the mother country, and be-
tween the colonies themselves—that it might really be
possible to treat colonies like counties of the country, not
only in direct trade wi!li the United Kingdom but in com-
mercial intercourse with tech other, by free trade among
ourselves, under a reasonable moderate degree of protec-
tion from without, and so resolve the United Kingdom,
and all her colonies and possessions, into a commercial
union such ac might defy all rivalry, and defeat all com-
binations. Then might colorf zat ion pr,- ceed on a gigantic
scale—then might British capital animate British labour,
on British soil, for British objects, throughout the exten-
ded dominions of the British empire. Such an union is
-tbe United States of America—a confederation of Bove-
- reign states, leagued together for commercial and political
:.purposes, with the most perfect free trade within, and a
stringent protection from without; and signally, surely,
has that commercial league succeeded and flourished."
How true is this view of our position ! How
forcibly it must strike any impartial man who will
take the trouble of casting his eye over the extent of
the territories referred to, and to examine their vast
and varied productive power. Take India alone,
with her three hundred millions of population, and
see of what she is capable. Sir Howard Douglas
reminds us that
"The whole amount of manufactures exported to India
does not at present exceed £8,000,000 (in 181-1, £7,695,666
including Ceylon). If we were to encourage as we might
the natural productions of British India, to enable her
the better to pay for British goods, there is scarcely any
assignable limit to the increase of that vast market of con-
sumption for the productions of British industry; the de-
mands for British cotton goods, in particular, if the popu-
lation took but at the rate of—per head, it would amount
to £50,000,000 sterling ; and the demand for woollens,
silks, pottery, glass, plated wares, cutlery, iron, brass and
copper implements, and an infinity of articles for domes-
tic use, would be prodigiously increased."
Canada again—where is the limit of consumption
to be drawn from that vast country when its wilds
shall have been peopled and cultivated by an indus-
trious and thriving British population ? Need we
point, either, at the vast capability of our posses-
sions in Australia and New Zealand to satisfy any
reasonable man of the almost unlimited means
which we possess, within our own empire, of em-
ploying fully and profitably the industry of the
British people ? We feel that we need not.
Is the measure, then, the principle of which has
just received the sanction of a large majority of the
House of Commons, one which is compatible with
the preservation, in their present usefulness, of
these noble possessions of our country ? We main-
tain that it is not : that, on the contrary, it is one
which strikes at the leading principle upon which
our colonial system is based, by withdrawing from
our colonies the tie of commercial advantage which
so materially aids in securing their allegiance to the
mother country. Take, for instance, the case of
Canada. What is that country henceforth to re-
ceive in the shape of benefit from the connexion with
and loyalty towards the mother country ? What is
there to induce her much longer to submit to have
her fiscal and administrative policy controlled by the
British Legislature ? Nothing. Canada, as an in-
dependent nation, or confederation of independent
states, would enjoy all the advantages, with respect
to British Markets, which she is henceforth to enjoy
as a colony, with the exception only of her protec-
tion by the arms of Great Britain from the aggres-
sion of foreign powers. Concede the measure now
before the house of Commons, and she has hence-
forth nothing to cement her to this country. Nay,
she has much, in our recent conduct towards her,
to provoke exasperated feeling, or, at least, well-
grounded. disappointments. Three years ago we
passed the Canada Corn Bill, by which we gave a
preference in our markets to the wheat or other
produce of Canada, or produce coming through that
country, over those of other countries. We fostered
the growth of an immense trade upon the river St.
Lawrence, by which the shipping interest of Great
Britain would ultimately have derived vast benefit,
and to conduct which effectively Canada has already
expended large sums, in improving her inland .1 with the sea, and is meditating further
improvements, the carrying out of which would
bring the rich virgin soils of her interior within a
day or two in distance from the ports of shipment.

The destruction of our protective system, of which
the Canadian farmer—onr own countryman—has
thus far enjoyed a portion of the advantage, goes
far to render useless and unprofitable all this ex.
penditure. He is henceforth placed no nearer to 113
in commercial allegiance than the farmers of the
United States. Nay, he is in a worse position ; for
the industry of the latter is protected by a duty on
the importation of foreign corn, whilst we have sti-
pulated for the withdrawal of all protection from the
industry of the former. May it not therefore be an-
ticipated, that in the natural course of human
events, the Canadian population will ultimately be
driven to direct their attention either to the achieve-
ment of independence as a nation, or to a union with
the great confederacy of the United States, by which
they will, at least, acquire the right of trading with
that important republic on better terms than they
would possess if still maintaining their present con-
nexion with Great Britain.

We cannot perceive upon what plea we can resist
such a movement on the part of Canada, if it be re-
solved upon; or even defend much longer the
granting of supplies to meet the cost of our establish-
ments in that country. The tie of our common
blood apart, Canada, under a system of free trad,.,
.will be nothing to us. She will cease to be the child
of England and merge into one of the great family of
nations. Like an unnatural mother, we have thrown
her, in her infancy, upon her own resources ; and,
when she asks, as she reasonably may ask, to lie re-
leased from a dependence upon us, which our own
act has rendered profitless, and demands permission
to make her own arrangements for revenue pur-
poses, with what perfect reasonableness may some
Hume or Cobden suggest the enquiry, "on what
ground is England called upon to tax herself any
longer for the maintenance of what has ceased to be
a colony, and is now allied to her only by accocia-
tions of the past ?"
That the course which we have pointed out is the
one which Canada is likely to pursue will be ap-
parent from the following letter, addressed, under
date of Feb. 6th, by an eminent member of the Can-
adian legislature—Mr. Isaac Bociianan—to the con-
servative members of the British Parliament We
quote this, as confirmatory of the views which we
have above expressed, and shall refrain from offering
a word of comment. Mr. Buchanan says :
" It is clear that the coloni s of British America and
the West Indies will be the first we shall lose, the inte-
rests of both now leading them to become members of the
American uniin.
" Take for instance the case of Canada.

" Con any one for a moment douht that, as soon as it
is known on the other side of the Atlantic that Canndian
wheat has no longer any protection in England, the Ca-
nadians will at once insist on the raped of Mr. Glad-
sorer's Act, which gives protection-in the colonies to Bri-
tish manufactures?
" Nine tenths of the Canada trade will thereupon go to
the markets of New York and Boston. The overbur-
thened people of Eogland will in their turn begin to feel
that they are going to the expense of defending a colony
which has ceased to be of any use to the empire, as con-
suming its manufactures, or employing its sailors and
shipping.

'Ana any hint from England of a desire for separation
will be cheerfully responded to by the people of Canada,
who will he writhing under the feeling that England has
dishonourably broken promises of protection to Canadian
wheat and timber, made by every ministry from the tim-
ber panic of 1508 downwards, and will have got their eyes
open to the fact that (as there remains no longer any, the
slightest bond of interest hetvreen Canada and the mother
country) no reason can be giren why the Canadians should
r7sk their lives and properties in defending nothing! or
should aqtaw Canada to be any longer used as the battle-
field of European and American squabbles.
" The Canadians will, moreover, see, that as their wheat
is practically excluded from the English markets, their
only chance is to get it introduced into the markets of the
United States. The republic, however, will not free trade
with Canada, and a political connection will have to be
consummated between them, to give Canada the American
protection of Ss. sterling per quarter against British or
other European corn.

" Whether, therefore, England wishes it or not, Canada
will certainly cut her connection immediately.
" The Canadians, by joining the United States, will
continue all the privileges which England's colonies enjoy
under a free trade ,ystem, and, into the bargain, secure
a better market for their wheat than that of England ; for,
instead of removing their protection of Ss. sterling per
quarter, the Amer'cans will be prepared 'to increase the
duty if found insufficient for their great western interests.
" America will he the more ready to do this, when the
result is shown that English free trade will reduce the
Liverpool below the New York grain market ; our wheat
being drawn from countries where their is no credit or
banking system to inflate the price above the specie stan-
dard, for England will get little or no grain in return for
her manufactures, although the free traders delude the
pubic with asserting that she will.
" In losing the Brith.h American colonies, England will
lose employment for 30,000 sailors, and the finest naval
nursery in the world, the amount of tonnage in that trade
being greater than that of the trade to all India and China.
" But it is not a simple to England ; the command
of the St. Lawrence will give a gain to America equal in
extent to our loss, thereby trebling her naval power, while
it leaves her with no rival or enemy in the north."

It is nearly to e've months a,i,o since we assured
our readers that the repeal of the corn-laws was a
consummation which they might expect from the
government of Sir liobert Peel. It is true, we gave
that ministry two years in which to make, gracefully,
the required pirouette from the doctrine of protec-
tion to ultra free-trade. The political Jim Crow is
not jumped quite so expeditiously as the stage Jim
Crow, or the genuine nigger movement. We did
not, however, anticipate the potato panic. We were
not aware of the important influence which that root
appears to exercise in determining the national
policy. We had been in the habit of regarding po-
tatoes as in the same category with cabbages, tur-
nips, and other esculents of the same class; and we
certainly never expected that a murrain in one cr
other of them could have produced such startling
conversions as have been witnessed amongst states-
men during the past few weeks.
This portion of our prophecy has, therefore, been
verified a year before we expected and predicted.—
But, it may be remembered by our readers that, we
went a little further in our anticipations of incon-
sistency and change. We imagined that we saw
symptoms of betrayal of principles higher and holier
far than those affecting merely commercial policy.
We thought that we discerned the connexion of con-
cession upon one point, with the power of main-
taining their previously recorded opinions with re-
spect to another. Consistency once abandoned, it
seemed to us impossible to conceive where such
abandonment was to stop. We went, therefore, the
length of predicting that, along with the abolition of
the protective system, we should be compelled to
witness an inroad upon the church establishment of
Ireland : more sops thrown to popery in that
country and in this, and ultimately, the granting of
the full measure of the demands of the agitation for
a repeal of the legislative union between the two
countries. In short, we looked, at the hands of Sir
Robert Peel, for measures of a republican tendency,
destructive of the best interests of the country, and
opposed to all the recorded opinions of his past life.
Well, it will be accorded to us that, thus far, we
have been correct in our anticipations; and it now
only remains for us to chew that we are not likely to
err materially with respect to the future. Upon the
subject of the probable policy of government towards
the Irish church establishment, and other Irish
affairs, we have the following evidence of the perfect
accordance of the views of Sir Robert Peel's ministry
with those of the "liberal" party—the free-thinking
party—in the following quotation from the speech
of Mr. Evelyn Denison, a gentleman with whose
politics the people of Liverpool are tolerably well
acquainted. Mr. Denison, at the South Notting-
hamshire nomination, thus expressed himself :
" As Lord Lincoln came in the new and responsible
office of secretary for Ireland, entertaining the strony
opinions which he (Mr. Deni,on) entertained on certain
points or policy both as regarded church end stale
affairs in Ireland, he could not offer the noble lord, at all
events, an entire and cordial support without some explan-
ation, in the first, instance, as to the views with which
Lord Lincoln entered on that office. He (Mr. Denison)
asked for no promise and no pledge ; it would have been
un% orthy of him to have asked, or of the noble lord to
have granted. He had had a conversation with the noble
lord on Irish affairs, with which he was entirely satisfied,
and if convinced the noble lord would enter on those high
duties in a spirit of firm and liberal policy, he at once as-
sured him of i is cordial good wishes and earnest support.
Nor was this reluctantly extorted. The noble lord had
known how to conciliate the good-will or his opponents."
Now, what does this mean ? Mr. Evelyn I lenison
is one of the appropriation-clause school of politi-
cians. Lord Lincoln has just been appointed to the
responsible office of secretary for Ireland. Mr.
Denison"entertains strong opinions on certain points
of policy both as regards church and state affairs in
Ireland," and Lord Lincoln has satisfied him that
her Majesty's government is about to deal with
Irish affairs to his " entire satisfaction !"
Another intimation of forthcoming measures of
conciliation towards Ireland, was afforded on Mon-
day night, in the House of Commons, in a convers-
ation between the agitator, O'Connell, and the pre-
mier. Mr. O'Connell requited to know, whether
government were prepared, Ist to extend the
elective franchise in Ireland ; 2nd—to increase the
number of Irish representatives ; 3rd—to lower the

franchise and increase the powers under the Irish
municipal act; 4th—to afford compensation to ten-
ants in Ireland for improvements made during their
tenancy. As a proof how well the parties in this
parliamentary duet understood each other, we give
Sir Robert Peel's reply :
" It was proposed in the course of the present session,
that government should be enabled to bring in a bill to
encourage the improvement of land in Ireland, and to
provide in certain cases compensation to tenants to be
founded upon the terms of their oecup.tion ( bear, hear).
They also proposed to bring in a bill in the course of the
s-ssion to amend the law in respect to registration in
counties, and in respect to the holding of elections gener-
ally. The bill would also propose an alteration in the law
respectin4 the franchise in Ireland, as far as county voters
were concerned. With reg,?rd to the municipal corpora-
the government hoped that they would be enabled
to bring in a bill the effect of which would be substan.
tially, and as far as it was practicable, to assimilate the
municipal franchise in Ireland as nearly as possible to that
of England ( hear, hear). He thought it would be hardly
fair to ask for information of a more explicit nature until
an opportunity was afforded to an explanation of the
details ( hear. hear).
Blind indeed must be the man who cannot see here
the machinery preparing for another deadly blow
at the protestantisin of the empire.

THE DIVISION ON SIR R. PEEL'S MOTION.

An analysis of the division upon this important motion
presents some singular results. Taking, as first in local
interest, the votes of the members for the three counties
of Lancashire, Cheshire, and Yorkshire, we find the fol-
lowing to be the re-ult . . .

For Sir R. Peel's motion. Against.
Liverpool Lord Sailcloth Sir (1. Douglas.
North Lancashire Wilson Patten. J. T. Clifton.

South Lancashire. Lord F. Egerton. W. Entwistle.
North Cheshire. W. T Egerton •
G. C. Leah.
South Cheshire. { Sir P. Egerton.
J. Tollemache.
North Yorkshire { 0. Duncombe.
E. S. Cayley.
East Yorkshire.. { ll.Broadley.
Lord liotham.:
West Yorkshire .. Lord Morpeth. E. B. Denison.
Bortoucti MEMBKRS.—Fur —Peter Ainsworth, Wm.
Aldan), Win. Beckett, Dr. Bowring, John Bright, John
Brocklehurst, J. Bro.herton, W. Busfield, E. Cardwell,
Richard Cobden, W. S. Crawford, J. E. Denison, Wm.
Feilden, John Fielden, Sir 11. Fleetwood, T. M. Gibson,
Greene, T. Grimsditch, Lord R Grosvenor, Charles
Hindley, J. Hornby, J. Jervis, W. S. Lascelles, Henry
Marsland, R. Monckton Milnes, John Parker, Mark
Philips, E. Protheroe, W. It. Stanfield, Sir G. Strick-
-1 ind. J. Towneley, H. G. Ward, C. Wojd—Paired off,
C. Standish. Against the measure we find J. I. Black-
borne. W. B. Ferrand, A. Lawson, J. H. Lowther, G.
Marton, Viscount Pullington, and paired off, H.Lindsay,
absent, Jchn Hardy.
These three counties, therefore, contribute towards the
majority upon Sir Robert Peel's measures, 5 members for
divisions of counties, and 35 members fur boroughs—in
all, 40 votes; whilst in favour of protection they give 9
county votes, and 8 borough votes—in all, 17.

Lord Lincoln has come forward to oppose Lord H.
Bentinck for North Nottinghamshire. The polling com-
mences today.
ST :111A7Tii EW'S CHURCH, KEY-STREET.—The friends
of this church will be gratified to hear of the liberal re-
sponse that was made to the advertisement in our paper
of last week ; the collections amounted to £2O 10s., and
the attendance, especially in the evening, was more
numerous than for years past.
We understand that the Rev. Ambrose Dawson, for-
merly minister of St. Michael's Church, and who is so
well known and valued in our town, will shortly visit Li-
verplol. He comes to preach for the South Chin ch of
Endantl Schools, which have been 1 itely attached to St.
Miami's Church. The sermons will be on the 22d
March, in the above church.
SINGULAR ORIGIN OF A FlRE.—About twelve o'clock
yesterday a fire took place at the house of Mrs. Ford,
publican, Back Castle.street, under sineular circum-
stances. Some men were lowering a cask of whiskey into
the cellar, when by some accident it slipped from their
hold, and falling into the cellar the head came out, and
the lupor flowing over the cellar, in a kitchen adjacent to
which was a fire, ignited and filled the place with a
volume of flame. The engines were promptly on the
spo'. and by the Exertions used the fire was quickly sub-
dued, not, however until the furniture in the kitchen was
consumed. The whiskey of course, value between £4O
and £5O was totally los•. We regret to say that the
whole falls upon Mrs. Ford, who was not insured. .

PROTESTANT LECTURE.—The lecture at the Concert
Hall. Lord Nelson-street, this evening, will be delivered
by the Rev. Thomas Nolan, the subject being. " The
Romish doctrine of Transubstantiation absurd and uns
scriptural." There can be no doubt, from Mr. Nolan's
intimate acquaintance with Romish controversy, com-
bined with his wise discrimination, that the reverend
gen'leman will be able to prove his points with unusual
force end clearness. Our readers will notice that there
has been a slight deviation from the arrangement as an-
nounced in the placards, as Mr. Pollock, of St. Helens,
was appointed to deliver this evening's lecture, hut, in
order to meet the latter gentleman's convenience, he will
take Mr. Nolan's place on Tuesday the 17th instant.
THE GOVERNMENT AND THE SOCINIANS.—The pub-
lic will doubtless remember the course taken by Govern-
ment with respect to the Dissenters' chapels act—a
measure brought in to protect the Socinians in the pos-
session of the endowments for religious worship which
they had illegally usurped in various parts of the king-
dom. In their support of that measure there was an
obvious inclination to aggrandize error, and to withdraw
the support of the laws from truth. A case, however,
arose a few years ago, which the provisions of the be-
quests act did not embrace ; and in this Sir Robert Peel's
government have taken a step in behalf of Socioinnism
which is most arbitrary and unaccountable. The library,
with an endowment, the property of the late Dr. Wil-
liams, a Trinitarian, had got into the hands of this body,
contrary to the express provisions of the testator's will;
and to recover possession a suit was pending, to which Sir
Frederick Pollock, as attorney-general, had given his of-
ficial sanction. In such cases the suit is brought in
the name of the attorney•general as a matter of form,
and permission to do so is seldom refused. In this
case, although actually brought, although sanctioned
by Sir Frederick Pollock, and close upon a successful
issue, the proceedings have just been quashed, and the
propertvillanded over to Socinians by the present Attorney-
General withdrawing that formal sanction of his name,
without which it could not be brought into court. Surely,
a government which is capable of such chicanery—which
thus coolly converts proved?, bequeathed for the spread
of religion and truth, to infidel purposes—will not be very
tender in its dealing with the property of the Church in
Ireland or in England.
DARING AND EXTENSIVE SHOP ROBBERY.--At the
police court yesterday, no fewer than eleven prisoners were
Placed together in the dnck, on r chaage of having broken
into and robbsd the shop of Mr. George Godber, draper
and outfitter. west side of South Castle-street, near the top
of Redeross-street. Eight of the fprisoners were lads and
youths, and there were three females, a woman and two
girls. Their names were.—Jane Davies and Sarah Jane
Jones (girls). Catherine M'Donald (a woman), and John
Quinn, John Smith. William Jones, John Williams, John
Brellia, John Reid, John Farmer, and Valentine O'Riley.
Mr. Benjamin Godber stated that he left the shop at a
quarter past eleven on Friday night last, when all seemed
to be safe. On returning on Saturday morning, be found
the panels of the inner door of the shop broken in, and
in the lobby, (or hall,) several articles of apparel, and some
chisels, The street door had previously been opened by a
person in the employ. The witness (B. Godber) unlock-
ed the shop door, and found goods strewed on the floor,—
silk-handkerchiefs, trousers, drawers and other garments.
William Ashlin, shopman, opened the street door, and
found similar articles lying about in the lobby. From
the shop many articles were miseed,—of the value,
in all, of about £lOO. Information was given to the
police, and their activity in apprehending the pri-
soners was mist praiseworthy, a clue being obtained
through some of the pawnbrokers, who had received
some of the goods and suspected they were not honestly
come by. We learn that from 50 to 60 police-officers
were required to apprehend the gang. They were nearly
all found in the lodging (or rather receiving) house of n
Mrs. M'Donald, in Lace's-street, whose daughter, Ca-
tharine, was one of the prisoners—sbe herself being in the
infirmary. On John Williams was found a suit of
clothes. Dellis was found asleep in the attic. and on
his person a silk handkerchief. Another handkerchief
was found on William Jones. These were identified.
The witnesses could not say whether the daughter or the
mother (M'Donald) was keeper of the house, but the po-
lice had been often at the place, and had once appre-
hended the mother, but the complaining party did not ap-
pear against her. On the girl Davies, 5 handkerchiefs
and a roll of ribbon were found. On Quinn a new suit of
baragan clothes and a pawn ticket, for two handkerchiefs
pawned with Mr. Moss. One of the handkerchiefs was
pawned by the prisoner Williams, a young man of colour,
and information was immediately sent to the police. A
police-officer found two silk handkerchiefs under one of
the beds. Another fcund three handkerchiefs in the
house. O'Riley was seen drunk by a police-officer in
Scotland-road on Saturday afternoon, and two tickets
were found upon him for some of the property, pledged
with Mr. Pye and Mr. Kewley. O'Riley had also on him
a pair of the trousers. Inspector Abraham found in the
house some of the labels that had been attached to the
goods, and which contained the shop marks. All the
prisoners were found in the house but the woman and
O'Riley. A comparatively small quantity of the property
is ;yet found. Six of the prisoners, against whom the
case was clear, were :committed for trial, namely—
Jane Davies, William Jones, John 'W Mims. John
Brellis. Valentine O'Riley, and Catharine M'Dcneld.
The other five, Sarah Jones, John Quin, John Smith,
John Reid, and John Turner, were remanded for
further evidence. On Sarah Jones a roll of ribbon was
found is Hell had been stolen from the shop of Messrs.
Cook and Tounsel, Byrom-street, and there is little doubt
but another case will be substantiated against the last
named earties or some of them, besides their being impli-
cated in:the robbery in South Castle-street.—W e have
since seen Mr. Geo. Godber, and have learned from him
that the thieves gut in at the back of George's
-court, out
of Redcresa-street, over the bark of Mr. Bentley's (gun-
maker) roof; thence over the adjoining roof of Mr. God-
ber's back premises, and thence by a small door into a
stair case. They had descended the stairs.
broke the
lobby door open, and got into the shop, making their
ex-
it by the same way. Amongst the property carried off
were silk handkerchiefs to the value of nearly £6O.