The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1847-01-19 00:00:00

s called to it the be

ad to see that

n confirmation or other-
, of the statements contained therein. We will
add that the writers are gentlemen of great

called fort

.emarl

;ed of

His lordship advocates the endowment of the
WE mentioned, the week before last, that an Romish priesthood in Ireland on the grounds,
influential gentleman of our town—Mr. Bramley- first, that it is unjust to place men having the
Moore—had submitted to Government a plan of spiritual care of a community in a position of
providing the means of national education which dependence upon that community, and subject to
would obviate every reasonable objection which the temptation of pandering to, instead of reproving,
could be urged against it from religious scruples. the vices of their flocks ; and secondly, that placing
At that time we had not seen the communication the priesthood under the pay of the state, and
of Mr. Bramley-Moore, or been made acquainted independent of the people, would induce them to
with its details. We now give in another column train up the people in habits of loyalty to the
the letter itself containing the whole plan, which sovereign. He is of opinion, however, that nothing
will be found well worthy of attentive considera- can be done towards bringing the question to a
tion by all classes of Christians and friends of settlement in the present state of opinion here, and
education. I whilst objections continue to be urg,-4

We have our&

gect hb
e objection against it. endowment by the Irish priesthood thems

inst tin

____,„.. mat a Christian Go- and he informs us that it will not be attempted by
,aght itself to provide a religious educa- Lord John Russell at present. The effect of this
'ion for the people. In the present state of public declaration will probably be, to lose him the support
opinion, however, and especially in the present lax of a large number of Protestants who might other-
state of our legislative principle, we cannot hope wise have voted for him in preference to a Whig-
for the full carrying out of our views as to the duty Radical. The following circular is being exten-
of the Government of this country. Probably the sively issued amongst the constituency :
best settlement to which we can come of a question "TO THE ELECTORS OF MANCHESTER.
won which so many bitter heart-burnings exist " FELLOW-PROTESTANTS,—Having called forth from
amongst religionists, is that proposed by Mr. those who ask your votes an expression of opinion on
wwteatthwereztnseider to be the vital question at issue—viz.,
Bramley-Moore. Its adoption can offend no man's
c,
Cohncresesoinonees7pwonessaraye tfoarbewe madeootthaet Teurecnht.of
conscience; and it affords a machinery, simple and Rome
re
straight-forward in its working, by which every course of truckling policy latterly pursued towards that
church, has been nothing else but a series of concessions
friend of education for the masses can be assured
won by agitation, and yielded by weakness) we now think
that his money is expended in accordance with his
it our duty to inform you, that we look upon all the -
own religious views. re
plies as so unsatisfactory, that we cannot advise )-ou to
We feel bound in candour to state that a plan, support any of the present candidates—least of all Lord
similar in its main principle, was brought before Lincoln. We did fondly hope that we should be able to
our notice some years ago, which only the fact of support his lordship as a member of the National Church,
and as the son of one whose name
,:is illustrious for his
its being forwarded to us anonymously prevented
te
disappointed.uncompromising
our publishing. We subsequently were informed
e say, the
tat candourw we
who was the author of it—a gentleman whose of his lordship's avowal, we are lenbalYigaedintuo
sound Protestant principles would be acknowledged should deeply deplore his success, because itwould be
looked upon as a sanction on the part of this great con-
name.by our readers, if we were allowed to refer to his
stituency of a measure which we regard as alike false in
His communication, however, did not con-
spvnernecte,alined fatal in policy. For our own part—if such tain the practical directions for its working,' and the
7itawnold. rather be ?ilia-represented
same valuable statistical facts, now given to the by an avowed Chartist. by marl whn hr.;.,-
public by Mr. Bramlev-Moorp_

le the

vernment (

THE speech addressed by Lord Lincoln

good sense of the
, its credulity would

Tuesday evening, to his committee and friends in
Manchester, is an important one on many accounts.
In the first place, the talent which it displays is
undeniable ; and marks out his lordship as one
who must at some future, and perhaps an e

~cruished position amongst his
fellow-countrymen.By those who had the fortune
to be present, we are told that its effect was
heightened by the graceful and gentlemanly ease
of manner with which it was delivered. The chief
importance, however, which attaches to it, is
derived from the fact that we may regard Lord
Lincoln as an almost authorized exponent of the
views of a considerable portion of the Conservative
)arty ; and that the candid and open manner in
%
laid down enables us to
curacy, the direction in
ch that party is progressing. We propose here
to lay before our readers the views in question.
But first we may offer a remark or two upon some
passages which refer to the past.
His lordship is at some pains to refute a charge
brought against him, that he has been all his life
an opponent of reform ; and in doing this, he lays
himself and those with whom he has been acting
in Parliament, open to a charge of something very

occupy a distil

those views a

with tolerable ac

" In the fii-st place," he says, " let me deal with the
objection that I have been the opponent of all reforms,
and that I am therefore unfitted to be a member for Man-
chester. Why, gentlemen, what has been the course pur-
sued during the whole time I held office in Sir Robert
Peel's government? Did not that government, from the
very date of its formation, commence that great economi-
cal reform which terminated in the repeal of the corn-
laws last year ?—(Cries of " Yes, yes," with some excla-
mations of " No.') I say, gentlemen, that this reform,—
that this great economical reform, was not of recent date,
but that it commenced in the year 1842; and, although
occupying an inferior situation in that government, I gave
to those measures my most earnest and most zealous sup-
port. (Great cheering from all sides.)"
Clearly Lord Lincoln would not have it to be
supposed that the

commenced" their measures
theirorobable termination. Rather,
takes credit for the conclusion—the Repeal of
ae Corn Laws—as having been precipitated by
the Tariff Bill of 1842. But whilst urging forward
that measure, how closely was the secret kept by
Lord Lincoln and his colleagues that, it was only
ch. cc -- of a " great economical
amusing the agricultural mind
with visions of cheap silks and cheap gloves, how
energetically the charge was denied that the appli-
cation of the same principle would ultimately give
us cheap corn ! There is something tricky ad-
mitted. The Protectionists have been tickled
blindfold to the edge of the precipice--baited to
their fall by sugar-plums and cheap bijouterie ;
but his lordship and his colleagues were all along
particularly wide awake, and perfectly aware of the
gulf into which they were leading them ; for he
quotes, in proof of this foreknowledge, a passage
from his Address to the Electors of South Notting-
hamshire last spring, in which he thus scouts the

commen

ament

Whils

notion " that one fine morning he suddenly awoke
and found himself a Corn-Law. Repealer

"'Phis change has not come suddenly upon me. Three
cars ago, my confidence in the principles of protection
as greatly shaken ; last year I felt they had become in-
efensible. Still, looking to the mischief of any violent
lock to part

ttachment (not for the sake of the leaders
f that pirty;but for the sake of public confidence), and
onscious of the peculiar circumstances under which the
resent parliament was elected, I felt anxious that, if pos-
ible,_ this great but inevitable change should be post-
oned till after the next dissolution of parliament. This,
however, I had firmly resolved—that I would never again
you on the hustings, without an express
I should be free to vote for the repeal of

pear pc

lorality involN

n such a confession is

not of a very high order. It is clearly not Lord
Lincoln's opinion that a statesman need hoist his
true colours. For three years he was a member of
government pledged to protection of native
he voted with that government
r motion for the removal or the miti-

riculture

gation of that protection ; yet' he was all along
resolved never again to appear upon the hustings
without a stipulation that he should be free to

directly opposite course

to leave this painful subject, let us examine
as much of his lordship's views with respect to the
future as he is willing at present to permit us to
see. With respect to the question of free trade,
he is anxious to see it carried out, as far as is com-
patible with the preservation of the revenue at its
necessary

_ mount ; and it is not obscurely hinted
that in order to effect his objects, he would not

)ppose an increase of the income tax. He is
opposed to an abolition of the malt duty, on the
ground that it is impossible to raise the five mil-
lions per annum, which it brings in, by any tax
which would be less sensibly felt by the community.
The duty on tea he is ready to see reduced to Is.
)er pound, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer can
ow that no material loss of revenue would result.
n the subject of education his lordship enters
_, and boldly expresses his conviction that
voluntary efforts are totally inoperative to fill up
the great want existing, and that the duty of filling
up that want must be performed by the state.
It is not sufficient, he says, that schools may be
provided ; the quality of the education supplied
must be looked after.
" Gentlemen, he remarked, you may point to the schools
extending throughout the land ; you may prove to me that
in almost every parish in this country a school many
schools exist ; but I must declare that you have not con-