The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-02-19 00:00:00

Sir, a few.faithful and zealous Protestants in the country
have been branded as madmen for,speaking of the repeal of
one of these bills. What then shall be said of her ma-
jesty's secretary for Ireland, who proposes the repeal of the
other ? Does he not open afresh the whole Roman Catho-
lic question Is he prepared to say that the conduct of the
Roman Catholic members of the House of Commons has
been such as to entitle them to further concessions ? Has
the sincerity of their gratitude been so great ; has their
sworn respect for the rights and privileges of the bishops and
clergy, which the King declared it his duty and his determi-
nation to preserve inviolate, been so delicate and scrupulous
as to remove all honest apprehension as regards the safety of
our Protestant institutions ? Has the conduct of the Popish
priesthood been such as to justify the removal of a restriction
which IA as designed to place the elections beyond their abso-
lute control ? Is the country prepared to go with her majes-
ty's ministers in such a measure as that now proposed ? Is
the country prepared to repeal the only security of 1829,
without repealing the concession of 1829 ? lam very much
mistaken if the growing convictions of disappointed English-
men be not tending, and tending rapidly, in the opposite di-
rection. (Cheers.)
When I had the honour of addressing you on the subject of my
Lord Stanley's bill last year, the attention of the town had been
already called to it by the giants of Clayton.square, and it only re.
mained for us petty men to direct that attention into the right
channel, which we happily succeeded in doing. This year we seem
to have it all to ourselves. Is there any harm in asking in a good-
natured way (and to mingle our business with a little amusement)
where are the giants gone ? What has become of them ? Have
they been slain by a good old English sling and a Glad-stone at
Walsall ? or has the Cathedral at Canterbury fallen upon them and
smothered them ? or have they departed from the arena of politics
to the tune of " .1/organ-rattler" on the Monmouthshire harp? or,
in these days of cocks has all their crowing shared the fate of
Aleock in East Surrey? Or, though last, not least, have they so
much good feeling, so much integrity, so much of ingenuous de.
testation of corruption of all sorts, tha;, even crowned with mo-
mentary victory, they hide their heads in honest shame at the
name of St. Alban's ? (Cheers.)
Her Majesty's ministers have been disclaiming all inten-
tion of changing the reform bill, and moderate men have
given their support, on the faith that they would not go be •
yond it ; but now they are virtually introducing a new reform
bill under false pretences. They calculated upon the com-
placency and quietude of the English character, and hope to
deceive us by dealing with us softly ; but if they rouse us,
we shall show them what we are. (Cheers.) The bill now
attempted to be palmed upon us, is a new reform bill,
though it is not convenient to its framers to call it so. 'We,
however, like plain speaking, and shall call things by their
right names. The petition to which I have adverted from the
other side, and which is set forth in a local print of this
morning, goes on to say—
" That the people of Ireland,have just cause to complain
of the laws which regulate the right of voting for members
to serve in parliament for that part of the United Kingdom.
" That the electoral qualification is not only higher than
that required for English voters, but the progf of the quali-
fication is tedious, complicated, and often expensive; in ad-
dition to which the qualification is in itself uncertain, some
of the Irish judges holding that the qualification must be not
merely a ten-pound qualification, but a qualification based on
a beneficial interest of ten pounds,—making, in fact, a
twenty pound qualification.
" That as the law now exists, it is obvious that the people
of Ireland have not a sufficiently extensive right of voting
at elections, and that it is dangerous as well as unjust to
withhold from the Irigh people rights which they ought to
enjoy in common with ourselves. We know no good reason
why the representation of Ireland should not be as exten-
sive in all respects as our own."
Now as to the amount of qualification for Ireland, it is abso-
lutely requisite that it should be higher there than it is here,
and that for the reasons given by Sir Robert Peel at the time
of the passing of the emancipation act. But if there be a
doubt as to the meaning of the £lO qualification, why not de-
fine it—why not give it precision by a bill introduced spe-
cially for that purpose ? The judges in Ireland have differed
about its interpretation; but that difference does not justify
a total change of qualification. Definition of an existing
franchise is a very different thing from the substitution of a
one. We object not to such definition as will put an end to
all ambiguity, but we object most strongly to a bill professing
to define and regulate the franchise, while in reality it makes
an essential change in its character. But recurring again
to the article in the radical print to which I have al-
ready adverted, I find we are threatened with the most
terrible consequences if Lord Stanley's bill be perse-
vered in. "Looking to our foreign relations," says this writer,
" considering the risk of a rupture with America, and the
threatening position of France, the present is hardly a time
at which we can afford, supposing it politic or just at any
time, to insult and outrage the people of Ireland." But, I
say, there remains spirit enough in the people of England not
to be put down by threats. (Loud cheers.) The Popish
agitators have held out a menace that in case of war they may
possibly unite with France, instead of England—and this is
copied by the provincial papers here, to be read by classes
over whom it might possibly exercise an evil influence ; but
England will not give way so easily, nor yield under any ap-
prehension of treachery in Ireland. If Irish traitors shew
themselves so ready to take advantage of our difficulties and
embarrassments, we shall take care to tie their hands in time,
and render them harmless in the event of such contingencies
as they look for. (Loud cheering, and applause.) Is it safe
in the event of hostilities with America or France that the
representatives of Great Britain should be overborne by mem-
bers who are but the representatives of the Romish priests in
Ireland ? Should we allow such a control to exist over both
our legislature and executive councils ? Would it be safe in
time of war ? And if not, then I ask, is this a time to con-
fer new favours, and enlarged privileges on such persons ?
(Cheers.)
Whatever may be the proximate cause or causes, certain it is
that since the opening of the present session of Parliament, and
the occurrence of the events alluded to, our good old town has
not been frighted from its propriety by any demonstration of the
sublime and beantiful, triumphing over the last impotent struggles
of "an expiring Tory faction." (Cheers.)
Now, sir, for this little admixture of innocent amusement, I
must expect to be well rc-rated as one of that most nauseous and
noxious class of reptiles, called political parsons—troublesome, ig-
norant, and dangerous in the otherwise flowery path of radicalism.
A political parson is a species of animal, whose natural history has
not yet been fully explored by our reformed philosophy, One thing
is clear about him, without much erudition or research, and it may
have operated strongly in keeping philosophers of a certain school
at a respectful distance, and that is, that he has the free gift of his
tongue, and a most annoying acquaintance with the low instincts
and habits of his assailants.
But what after all is to be properly understood by this expression,
a political parson ? If it be intended to designate a Christian min
inter who sets a high value on civil liberty, and on those scriptural
institutions, both civil and ecclesiastical, by which that liberty is
protected and perpetuated : a Christfan minister who detests
slavery whether of body or mind, and who has intelligence and
perception to discern the frauds and perjuries by which the emis-
saries of the great apostate tyrant seek to undermine the citadel
of freedom and reduce his country to the servile condition of a feof
of the supreme Pontiff : a Christian minister whafeels it his duty
to use the talents entrusted to him, for the warning of his fellow
citizens and the exposure of the conspirators . a Christian min.
ister who for the love he bears to the tender and gentle exercise
of a scriptural shepherd's care of the flock, is willing to gird him-
self to the needful battle against the thieves and robbers who
would break down the fences of the fold : a Christian minister who
in giving such warnhigs and publishing such exposures and en-
countering such conflicts, has recourse to nothing but the legiti-
mate weapons of convincing argument, historical facts, sound
reasoning, eloquent persuasion, and that rod of rods for a fool's
back, indignant irony : a Christian minister who seeks to enlighten
the public mind in the great principles df religious duty public and
private, in order that men act freely and intelligently, exercising
political privileges npon Christian principles, but who never dreams
of covering any man's actions by violence. (Cheers.) If this be a
political parson, then we may glory in the title, and we trust that
many of our young brethren in the ministry of the church will sit
for this picture, and endeavour by every legitimate effort to exhibit
a good likeness.
But, sir, if by a political parson be meant a minister of religion
who carries as emblematical of his discipline, a loaded horsewhip,
thereby assisting the Assessor in the Registration Courts, or as.
cending the hustings at elections, or standing as a sentry at the
polling booths, denouncing excommunication here, and damnation
hereafter upon ail who dare to give their votes in opposition to the
priest's candidate, and laying-on a present and feeling earnest of
the stripes to be incurred by political heresy: a minister of religion
who forges, from the fertile mint of his breviary, or well stored
arsenal of old men's fables, the chains of abject superstition for
his ignorant multitudes, and fastens the manacles around the ter-
rified conscieences of his slaves in the confessional—if this be a
political parson, then we cordially join with all unprejudiced men
of sense and liberty and letters in repudiating the nauseous and
noxious reptile. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. SAMUEL HOLME rose, amidst much applause, to se-
cond the resolution. He confessed that he felt considerable
embarrassment in presenting .himself 6) the meeting, inas-
much as he laboured under a severe cold, so that he feared
he could scarcely make himself audible ; and he felt the diffi-
culty of following a speaker like the last, who had made so
heart-stirring and convincing an appeal to those assembled.
That gentleman had laid before them a variety of details,
from which he (Mr. H.) would but endeavour to deduce a
few arguments. When he considered the manner in which
the men of Liverpool had come forward on this and other
recent occasions, when their dearest institutions were attack-
ed, and the general burst of feeling against the destructive
principles of their opponents, manifested throughout the
kingdom, he, for one, would not despair of defeating every
attempt that might be made against them. But seeing that
these institutions were so threatened, it became them no lon-
ger to act merely on the defensive, but to buckle on their
armour, to hoist the glorious standard of conservatism, and
boldly advancing, to drive from their posts a ministry
who were unfit to hold the reins of government. (Hear,
hear.) The principles they (the conservatives) contended for
were the same for which our forefathers had bled; the
same for which Nelson had died at Trafalgar, and Wellington
had fought at Waterloo. It was not until the passing of the
fatal bill of 1829, which gave a lodgement in the legislation
to the enemies of the country, that the Protestantism of the
constitution was assailed. That measure inducted into par-
liainent Catholics, who went there on a promise that they
would not disturb the Protestant establishments of the
country ; but these men, and their coadjutors out of doors,
now made a determined effort to put down those admirable
institutions. lo the eternal shame of the present ministry,
they, too, had entered into a compact with the agitator of
Ireland to assist in the unholy work. He considred Pro-

testanti.ini the best anchor of the constitution, and if that
were removed, the ship would drift from her moorings, and
be wrecked upon a,lee shore. (Cheers.) The faction to which
he alluded, attempted to make Ireland the arena for the pro-
pagation of the destructive opinions, a mere appendage to
the Romish empire. At the Catholic dinners, the toast was

always drank Of " civil and religious liberty all over the
world ;" but this was a mere mockery on the part of those
who drank it. In Rome the Pope was supreme, in temporal
as well as ecclesiastical power. There liberty was but a
name, and no one dare attempt to freely follow the dictates of
their conscience, to educate the children of the poor, or to
act in any respect with that freedom which the people of
this country enjoyed. If they looked to Spain and Portu-
gal, they would there, too, find the withering effects of popery.
It was impossible, such was the state of those countries, to
travel in safety without an escort. If, too, a catholic voted

otherwise than for the nominee of his priest, the thanders of
the Romish church were launched upon his head. Mr.
Holmes here read the following extract from a speech of the
Bishop of Exeter:—
" What he (the Bishop of Exeter) was going to read was
a speech by Mr. O'Connell when Father Tyrrell was by his
side as his great aider and supporter. The words of Mr.
O'Connell were, Boys, the names 1 call your enemies, do
you call every friend of theirs you meet in the street. Girls
• and women, when you meet the Bruenites, spit on them, spit
in their faces, particularly if they are Catholic conservatives.
Write traitor on their doors with chalk, and tell your friends
at home to do the same. You who are wives of the Catholic
electors, if your husbands do not vote for their religion, bless
yourselves, and then swear on your prayer books to separate
from your husbands it they don't obey your commands ; you
who are their daughters, I tell you if your fathers vote against
you, spit in their faces, and call them the names I taught the
boys to call them !' "
The bill introduced by Lord Morpeth—and which, he
trusted in God, would never pass—(loud and continued
cheers)—that bill gave additional power to an overgrown
priesthood. But the mind of Ireland was already too much
enslaved ; and Lord Stanley's bill was introduced for the
purpose of relieving the Irish from their debasement. Tile
Irish priesthood were strongly opposed to that bill, for they
well knew that if it passed, their occupation of deluding the
people, would in a great measure bt gone. The present
registration system of Ireland, involved a vast and deplora-
ble amount of perjury ; and why should not such iniquity be
put down. Why did the priests fear a law, having that end
in view. Laws were wade a terror,
only to evil doers, not to
those who did well. (Cheers.) Nearer home they had in-
stances of the malignant influence of popery. He alluded
to the Protector Society, which was another link in the great
chain that was intended to hind down and destroy Protestant-
did not popery sanction Sabbath
desecration Protestan-
tism. T hen he
nwa odutlhdeask
voter seen bills affixed to the Roman
Catholic chapels announcing meetings to be held on Sunday
evenings for the repeal of the union7(hear, and cries of
" Shame !")—and to the shame and disgrace of the magi-
strates of the borough they had permitted that desecration,
—at least if they knew of the circumstance. He was not
certain, however, that they did know ; but, if they did, it was