The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-29 00:00:00

lien bat that woo not the ohoreoter of en oireinistretlea
whioh ought to gelde and rule the villainies of thlo great

) It was not a goveroincnt which would

be the'slav'e of the Mere majority of the day, and which bad

to look for its course upon every question to a nice calcula-

tion whether it would get fly

votes upon one side or the

other, that should govei=n the destinies of this empire ; but
it was a government whose principles were known, round

which the great mass and interests of the country might
collect, and with them their opinions and their confidence.
(Cheers.) That government he believed we should have in
her majesty's future administration—in those men whom he
_ _ _

had been sometimes inclined to treat as the actual govern-

ment. (Hear.) " Her Majesty's Opposition," as it used
to be called, were the real government, although the nominal

government had forgotten to describe them by their proper
name ; and the nominal government, although filling the
seats of office, were the real opposition, for they had always
been the parties in opposition to all our settled institutions.
(Cheers.) They had always been the parties to attack, never
preserve ;—(renewed cheers)—and in performing that which
used to be considered the duty of the opposition, namely, to
find fault, to pick holes, and to try if they could not under-
mine something for the purpose of increasing their own
influence and power. (Great cheering.) That might be

excused in an opposition., but with a government entrusted
with the great responsibility which belonged to that name, it
was perfectly inexcusable, and ruinous to the character of
the country which they governed. (Loud cheers.) As he
had said before, these were the great questions the electors
had to consider ; and not the question which had been raised
up for the moment, and had no natural and real existence
in the feelings or opinions of the nation. If they had had
any, why had not the government proposed them before,
when they had the power to carry them ? (Hear, hear.)
Why were they reserved for the last convulsive throes of
death, not to dignify, but to mark their extinction? (Hear,
and loud cheers.) The noble lord then briefly alluded to the
corn question, and repeated his argument of the preceding
night from Torrens, Matthews, and Huskisson that cheap
bread was only a convertible term for low wages. He then
addressed to the operatives assembled some judicious re-
marks upon the observation of the sabbath.day. Happily,
his lordship observed, we had a sabbath day, but we might
be assured that there was a body of " philosophers" in this
country to whom the day of rest was odious. We had seen
that in the House of Commons when the sabbath question
was debated. Had we not been told by these " philoso-
phers" that the sabbath-day observance was one fit for Jews
but no longer fit to be observed by Christians—(hear)—that
it was not binding upon the conscience—(hear, hear)—and
ought not to be binding by law? (Hear, hear, and cries of
shame.) That was the language of these radical philosophers
who pretended to be the only friends of the poor. (Hear.)
We knew one thing—that at least there was one band of
those who called themselves " liberals," who made Sunday
the only working day with regard to all political questions—
who held all their political meetings on the day when men
ought specially to cultivate the feelings of repose from the
occupations of the week. (Hear.) He believed the attempt
was once made to introduce a similar practice within the
walls of Liverpool by holding a political meeting in the
Queen's Theatre. (Hear, hear.) Let not that be forgotten.
(Loud cries of "it never shall.") Let not this example
take root ; and let Sunday be a day of real rest, not only for
the body, but for the mind. (Loud cheers.) To those who
were more at ease in life comforts and repose were more
readily attainable, but the poorer classes would be deprived
of them were it not for the institution of the Sabbath. What
would be the effect if they were ? The effect would be to
give the millowners of Manchester and Yorkshire the com-
mand of seven days labour instead of six, and for the same
wages—(loud cheers)—yet he had heard language such as he
had just described from the lips of the radical philosophers of
House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) He mentioned this to
show that they who had always friendship for the poor on
their lips were not they who had it most deeply seated in
their hearts. (Cheers.) The conservatives professed little;
but he hoped they would perform more. (Hear.) He did
not promise—for it would be impossible—they would do
every thing in a moment to restore prosperity; nevertheless
he thought that a little more energy on the part of those who
managed our foreign affairs, a little more consideration
on the part of those who managed our financial affairs,
and the affairs of trade, would free us from many of those
convulsions and fluctuations the effects of which were so
deeply and sensibly felt through all the commercial commu-
nity. (Great cheers.) He did not say they would be able
to give full employment, or restore full activity to our streets
and quays ; but he thought that the sound government which
was likely to be the result of the administration of Sir Robt.
Peel, Lord Stanley, and the Duke of Wellington, (tremen-
dous applause,) was one more than any other likely to give
confidence in every branch of industry, more likely to secure
the maintenance of peace, more likely to practise economy
and foresight in the management of our finances, and more
likely to give a general feeling of confidence, the existence of
which he believed to be of the utmost importance to the ge-
neral prosperity of all classes in the empire. After a few
further observations, the noble lord retired amidst enthusi-
astic cheering.

Mr. CRESSWELL then presented himself to the meeting,
and was received with loud and enthusiastic bursts of ap-
plause, which were again and again repeated. When silence
was at length restored, he spoke nearly as follows :—Gentle-
men, my noble colleague has been pleased—out of compli-
ment to me, his humble assistant—to adopt the phraseology
of the profession to which I have the honour to belong, in
order to show that, whatever prejudices some interested
persons may endeavour to excite against that profession, he
at least, from a four years' knowledge of me, has imbibed
none. (Hear, hear.) And I beg to say that:l fully appreciate
the noble lord's generosity in speaking of me in the terms in
which he has; but, at the same time, I must claim for my
own profession the merit that such generosity is by no means
uncommon to the members of it, for I believe that there is
no profession where less unworthy jealousy exists, or where
the hackneyed leader is less jealous of his meretorious
juniors. (Hear, hear.) But now observe how prone we are
to fall into mistakes. I have no sooner uttered a phrase than
it may be misconstrued. I used the term " hackneyed
leader." God forbid I should ever apply such a phrase to
my noble colleague ' • but there may be the persons—there
may be the independent statesmen, for instance—to whom
such a term may in no small degree be applicable. (Hear,
hear.) But I always get into scrapes when I get into per-
sonal matters. (Laughter.) They are foreign to my con-
templation—at least I trust that personal matters are foreign
to my contemplation when the cause of my country is at
stake. It has been charged that I came here for purposes of
personal ambition, and that I have a pecuniary motive in
view. Gentlemen, it is easy to assert it, but I defy my worst
enemies to prove it. (Loud cheers.) Every man who knows
anything of the history of Liverpool for the last five years
knows under what circumstances I was first invited to appeal
to you, and to seek your suffrages to return me to parliament.
I then stated, as I state now, that I had no personal motives
to serve. (Hear, hear.) Fearful I was then, as fearful lam
now, that my enemies would turn that expression to my dis-
advantage, but though my enemies may tell me that I seek to
disguise some personal object under the profession of a re-
gard for my:country, those who consider the position in which
they placed me and the position to which they have raised me,
may understand that I have but one object in view, and that
is, to serve my country in any situation in which it may
may please Providence to place me. (Great applause.)
But enough—enough, gentlemen, of personal matters.—
(Hear.) Let me now express my delight—my unfeigned de-
light—at seeing so large a multitude assembled to receive my
noble lord and myself this evening. For the last ten days
we have been invited to attend several assemblies of the con-
stituency. On each hand and every occasion we have en-
deavoured to express to them fully, largely, explicitly, our
opinions on public matters. We have reminded you of the
principles on which you returned us to parliament four years
ago, of the efforts made to invade those principles, and of
the efforts we made to uphold them. We have reminded you
of the principles which guided you in your choice at that
time, and of the delusions which have been practised upon
you, and the attempts made to ensnare your votes on this
occasion for candidates hostile to ourselves. It can hardly
be possible that any man in Liverpool, still less that any vo-
ter, who possesses the franchise, and who owes a duty to his
God and his country, is, at this time, after those ten days,
ignorant of the principles on which we now seek for your
suffrages. (Hear, hear.) Ido not, therefore, hail this great
meeting as one that has had curiosity enough to come here
and listen to what my lord and I had to say,-1 do not re-
joice, because I believe you came not here to ask what we
think of public affairs and those measures which her maje-
sty's ministers have proposed. (Hear, hear.) No such
thing ; but I rejoice that you full well know what those mea-
sures are, and that, appreciating them, and knowing the opi-
nions and the measures that we for the last ten days have
been sedulously supporting before the understandings of the
people of Liverpool, you come here to testify your approba-
tion of our opinions, and your determination to uphold them
at the hustings. (Vehement cheering.) I therefore, accept
the compliment paid to us, not as the exhibition of curiosity,
not as the exhibition of a desire to be informed., but as an ex-
hibition of the free attendance of gentlemen already well in-
formed, fully appreciatiug our arguments, fully understand-
ing the subjects we have argued, and coming here to tes-
tify your approbation of us by your presence. (Renewed
cheering.) The present is the last of the ward meetings that
we shall have the honour of attending before the election
takes place. It is the only way in which we have an oppor-
tunity of meeting the whole of our constituents. (Hear.)
If we represented some petty borough with 300 or 400 con-
stituents, and had only 300 or 400 men to canvass, we might
be expected to wait on each, and to discuss every public
matter with each ; but when we aspire to the honour, the
high station worthy of the highest ambition, of representing
such a town as that of Liverpool, where there are 15,000
persons to judge of the conduct of the men they elect, how
can we possibly pay our respects to you other than by inviting
you to meet us in public, and declaring our opinions on public
matters ? (Hear, hear.) And how mush more fair and
manly this is, than the conduct of him who sneaks round
from house to house. (Cries of " Sir Joshua," followed by
loud hisses.) He shakes hands with Mr. A., at No. 1, and
says, " I am so happy to see you ; pray what are your
opinions on the subject of the ballot ?" "Oh 1 (replies Mr.
A.) I think every gentleman ought to give his vote as he
pleases, and as the tories are guilty of bribery, intimidation,
and all sorts of corruption, I think we ought to have the
ballot by all means." " My dear sir," says the other, " I agree
with you—the ballot we must have;" and after another shake
of the hands they part. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) At
by weans of which a
No. 2 he meets a regular John Bull, a sturdy sort of fellow,
to vote for one man,
such a person as might be met with, here, salt hQe says, " I
hope to have the honour of your support.'' "., I don't
know," replies John, " I detest that sneaking, skulking,
un-English thing called ' the ballot,'
~say7,the other, " •
man may tell a cursed lie in promisint
and afterwards voting for another. 'if! aganst that ; I'm
an Englishman ; I like plain dealing. (Loud cheers.)
give
" Oh ! you're the very man for me,
one
nnprivate sculking and
me the hand—no ballot !—oh !no ballet.(Loud cheers.)
(Hear, bear.)
So much for canvassing electors sep_ely.
Now, here we are, before an asser.a!),leid multitude,. to state
the ict as deceivers f the un-
our opinions openly and fairly, and toi`
sneaking we might profess one thinggman and another to
(itenewe cheers.) We
another, our public declarations refute us,and we
should be whipped through
(Great app
wary. (Loud cheers.) But we
dhave never come before you
applause.) When I had
came before
under false pretences.
you without any disguise.
'invitpileti as
an humble indivi-
dual at first, I was.
I believe,
the hurnel to become a candidate
1 did it faithfully, and i
"ehen to ' d. •
tfohreLhoivneeruprooolf,bbeeicnag intr-cluce d to •
e sphere I occupied, and
I
. . . in ividuals and not to masses,
discharging mY
been faithful in t was also supposed
little would be faithful in
ti th
awt ahe had
hear.) You
questions agitating the public mind
e,
nu then reposed in me a great
trust. At that time, the
those
much. (Heat, .
were'diffeeht from which agitate it at present. Then,
slumbered; then, the corn laws
men could desire
iniquitous; the question of free trade
; then, the timber duties were
not then, sugar, might be purchased
without any fearful notion being entertained about giving too
much for that which sweetened your tea—(hear, hear, and a
werecoaillisitdhearted
laugh.)—and then the question was whether the throne, and
the altar, and the institutions of your country, including the
church establishment, the rights of the a • ristocracy, and the
privileges of the House of Peers. and the House of Com-
mons, should exist as they had previously. done. (Hear.)
Those were the questions at that time. I then professed my
admiration of them
as they were, and as such I now, toge-
ther with toy noble colleague, restore them to your hands.
(Great cheers.)
/ Which of them has suffered through our
misconduct? (Cries of " Not we.") Has her gracious ma-
jesty lost any of her rightful
prerogatives? (No.) Was it
she
through us thatwas protected, or through those whose
duty it was to protect the crown ?—was it through those who
were called " her ministers," or through those who were
called " her maj es y I ' .
s opposition ?" (Loud cries of " through
her majesty's opposition.") Has the church maintained her
position, and has she been protected in her rights and pro-
perty ? (Several voices " No, no," followed by " Yes
yes.") I rejoice to see that you have been a little dace