The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1847-06-15 00:00:00

;er unta

found in our retaining

these v

immediate Object a

great increase of t

may be in ab§l

.burton in the Corn Law debate

—without she

Ted up the armed opt
rve

and thereby carved out for ourselves as perplexing
a piece of work as a nation need be plagued withal.
It is of little use our asking the question, what
have we to do with Portuguese affairs. For once
we are disposed to agree with the genius of Whig
Radicalism, in the person of Joseph Hume, and

to maintain that we have nothing to do in the mat-
ter. Spain, we are told, indeed, was about to in-

vade Portugal—to lend her aid to support abs
ism, and maintain upon her throne a queen, N
had left unfulfilled every pledge by which it ws
occupied. France, too, we are reminded, might
have interfered, although France, many people
think, might with greater advantage have been
minding her own affairs. Matters are not quite as
they ought to be with the King of the Barricades,
or rather with his dynasty. A sovereign whose life
depends upon the caprices of Parisian tailors is not
so firmly assured of power as to interest materially
the people of this sea-girt isle. It is true we have
had treaties with Portugal. The quadruple treaty,
however, Lord Palmerston himself gives up as un-

;olute-

of our Sc

Indian
.ft
may be gi

low - subj
-en, if thi

tenable

;oznetim

ince any treaty of

in unison with N.

ours

produced any great advan'tage

zentleman

to Great Britain
_ O. n I

lciple,however, we object to the council

which i

resulted in

.e movements of Admiral

Parker, c

though those movements have been

We canna

we have to do with chaperon-

lueen of Portug

1 in her efforts to over-

thiow the constitution she is sworn to maintain.
A Miguelite invasion we have a right to resist,
although such a course is one of doubtful pro-
priety. But Don Miguel is in London,; and, if he
is in good case there, he will not be very wise in
trusting himself in his own country, The quarrel
is one between the Queen of Portugal and the laws.
It is one indeed between the queen and her sub-
jects. What the people of Great Britain have to
do with the matter, certainly passes our compre-
hension.

To return, however, to the capture of Das Antas
and his troops, which is set down as so prodigious
—what is the extent of our triumph?

ievemen

We have, in the first instance, trapped the general
and his troops. We have captured those with
whom we are not at war. We have made a quaker
garb serve us as the screen of a brigand's deed.
What are we to do next ? Are we to tell this ill-
t she may ' -le upon every

advised que

This stet

form a

able consideration

herself accepted ? It would be sheer folly and
dishonesty to attempt any such thing. The Por-
tuguese nation are willing to be ruled after a pattern
definitely known to themselves. If they are not
so ruled—if their sovereign is resolutely bent upon
flying in the face of her subjects—what has England
to do in the matter, except perhaps to stand by in
a watchful attitude, and to see that no other country
is guilty of what she is now doing, viz.—interfering
in the quarrel?

We are still unable to

state, with certainty,

names of the

parties w

) are to b

nominated in

the Conservativ
borou

interest, as cand

fates for this

The selection c

proper

ten, however,

e attention of influential parties
amongst the constituency ; and we have no doubt
that such will be brought forward at the proper

IS Occur

moment

The following remarks appeared in the London
Times yesterday ; and to the suggestion which they
embody, that Liverpool merchants might be found
amply fitted by influence and talent to represent it
efficiently, we have Orr %!ssion

%dy given expr

" Several gentlemen have been named as certain to be-
come members for Liverpool : but you will see by the in-
formation I send you, that no selection of candidates has

The Dimes in that great entrepOt would render its sug-
gestions valuable on such a topic as a suitable selection o f
members, and I accordingly submit that Liverpool should
not look outside itself for that purpose. Not to speak of
the comparative degradation of a dependence upon others

able merchants wi
and Sir H. Doug

Ave a host of wise and honour-
noble city, on Lord Sandon
retired without any doubt,

posts ? Who can be deemed so deeply cognizant of Li-
verpool as its own merchants ? Who so anxious to supply
its wants and direct its energies as its own citizens ? Nor
does the political horizon present elements calling for the
selection of strangers to represent important constituen-
cies just now. Whilst the corn duties may require super-
ision, the navigation laws must be fully investigated by
parliament; new systems are likely to be origin-
I our American

the nev
ated re

imports to be remodelled. In each and all of these ques-
tions Liverpool must be more deeply interested than any
community in the empire, as being perhaps the greatest

ng forth strong
as a franchised

Dderate Ciistoms' duties (even if
.e not imperatively required for the higher and
.otection to the currency,

he Income Tax (however objectionable it
.t principle) must lead to the absenteeism
1 from England, as was broadly stated by Lord

The moderate customs duties, spoken of by both
_spices parties, are nothing more than purely revenue
achieved a duties. Mr. Disraeli guards himself against the
iIeTS of the Gene- supposition that he is willing to so far decrease the
Junta of Portugal, who were customs duties as to throw the country for support

1 our colonies and de-

nate interest in the wel

[rare 0/

Buchanan, can conscientiously go
th Mr. Disraeli. The honourable

` We have heard much of the Customs Union of Ger-
Why. cannot we have a great imperial union,

seeing that the productions of every clime under the sun
are under the sway of our Sovereign ? Why should you
not free England and tax those who do not own the sway
reign—why should not you tax them rather

and the cotton of the
Tease, to strangers ? "

.merican

Emphatically, we repeat, " whir cannot we have
a great imperial union ?" We may add, "why can-
not we be independent of all the world ?" We
have a colonial empire quite large enough to emplo)
,rofitably every ou

man, woman, and Child of
population. We have but to treat the population
of these colonies as our own population, to make
Great Britain one of the most independent countries
of the world. We have only to treat them as
" our fellow-subiects."

Upon this point, too, Mr. Buchanan is
D'lsraeli. although an

perfectly

as our own columns would
several months since. Mr. Buchanan then
)osed a British Commercial League similar to
between the States of America and Germany.

He would extend the privileges and even the name
of Great Britain over all our Colonies, viewing them
as counties, and establishing between them and the
mother country, and between each of the colonies
respectively, the same unrestricted and untaxed
commercial intercourse and post-office communica-
tion as between two counties in England. He
would at once reduce the duty on produce from
China to 10 per cent. on the value in this country ;
and make the law provide that any foreign country
can, at any time, open a trade with this country, on
reciprocal duties of 10 per cent. on the value in the
country which receives the produce.
Mr. Disraeli, therefore, following Mr. Buchanan,
proposes that all colonial products shall be duty
free, foreign products be subject to " moderate
Customs Duties," a reduction of the Excise Du-
ties and a modified Income Tax. We have it also
on very good authority that the Protectionist
leader proposes in his new Currency plan to adopt
the measure mooted in our columns by Mr. Bu-
chanan. by which silver may be made a legal ten-

diculed at the time when first