The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-10-21 00:00:00

SUPPLEMENT TO THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

upon the same, he knew -it was upon' an inexhaustible fund.
Not the least pleasing—not the last striking amongst• the plea-
sures which they had that night experienced was, that they had
been surrounded by those who were the comforters and pattici-
paters with them in those brighter scenes, and those more calni
and domestic moments, when the turmoil and excitements of
politics were forgotten, and where they experienced the milder.
beams which brightened the path of life. There were present
many ladies from the opposite coast of Cheshire, and he was
aware that such might experience considerable inconvenience
if they remained too long. Without further preface, he would
request them to drink, and he need not say anything to incite
them to enthusiasm on such a subject—" The witches on both
sides the Mersey." (Enthusiastic cheering.)
Glee—" I'd have you ladies understand."
The CHAIRMAN said, he was now desirous to propose for their
reception a toast, which he was sure would meet with a hearty
response from every man. It was the health of a distinguished
individual, and whom he would, without further preface name,
was a scion of the illustrious house of Wharncliffe, one of the
most honourable names among the peers of England. (Loud
cheers.) He begged to propose the health of Mr. Stuart Wort-
ley, and the independent electors of the West Riding of York-
shire. (The toast was received with loud and continued
cheering.)
Mr. STUART WORTLEY said, that rising as he did, almost an
entire stranger to the company amongst which he stood, he
could not help feeling how great an acknowledgment he
owed to the company, not only for the compliment that had been
paid him, but for the original invitation with which he was ho-
noured, and which gave him an opportunity of attending on
that occasion. And these acknowledgments, from the terms in
which the toast was proposed, were due not only on account of
the toast, but on account of the great body of his fellow-country-
men. He believed that he might say, that although they were
defeated, they were not dispirited, for the time would come
when the electors of the West Riding of Yorkshire, like
those of South Lancashire, would have the opportunity of
showing at their election their fidelity, to the principles
which governed their conduct, and enable them to achieve a
triumph for Conservatism. (Loud cheers.) For himself, he
could not help feeling gratified, that, although so little known
to the company he had the honour to address, he might, like his
honourable friend on the left, the member for Warwick, claim
some degree of acquaintance, even with the electors of Liver-
pool. When lie cast his eyes on his noble friend, and felt that
he could join with the company in the eulogies that had been
showered upon him that night, and could echo all that was said
in his praise, he flattered himself that he could pretend to an
indirect connexion with the people of Liverpool. (Hear.) It
was not his business to dilate on the merits of his noble friend
on that occasion, but he would assure them that Lord Sandon
was, not only on public, but on private occasions—not only
where he was under the eye of his constituents, though the
adage told them, that "when the cat's awaV, sometimes the
mouse will play,"—he was distinguished at all times by an as-
siduous desire to render the duty he owed to them. (Loud cheers.)
When he looked at the assembly whom he then saw before him,
he would ask was there any reason for saying that there was a
necessity for a bond of union among the conservatives; and he
would say more, that the electors of Liverpool, of Devonshire,
of Warwick, and of Newcastle, had set an example which he
hoped to see generally followed. (Cheers.) Much had been
said of the misery of Ireland, but which he considered had been
greatly aggravated. (Hear, hear.) After the time that had
been devoted to the proceedings of the evening, he would not
occupy their time at any great length, but he could not sit down
without saying that the spectacle lie saw before him was one of
the most gratifying, one of the most heart-stirring he ever wit-
nessed. He saw before him an association which was holding its
first anniversary. He hoped to be present at many others. It was
an association just started into existence, an assemblage of per-
sons not belonging to the aristocracy, and not possessing those
privileges, which, they were told, impelled the nobility and the
upper classes to resist the progress of revolution. It was an
active and intelligent assemblage of men engaged in commerce,
men who contributed more to the wealth and resources of the
country than any one else, to secure freedom for themselves,
and to stand up in defence of the constitution. This was a time
in which such proclamations should generally be made. It be-
hoved every man to have regard to the institutions of his coun-
try, to open his eyes, and bestir his limbs. The whole question
the country had to decide was hat was the object of the party
who now assumed the reigns of government, and whether their
object was reform or republicanism. He had seen enough of
republics, to be satisfied of the mischief that would arise by a
change to those principles. ('Hear, hear.) He was not there
to advocate or argue the possibility of a republican government
being better than our present constitutional one, even if such a
subject could be argued with any degree of plausibility. No;
he had been born and bred up under the allegiance of a consti-
tutional monarchy, and he would not agree to the rejection' of
that heir-loom, and to the substitution of one in its place, that
some persons thought would be better, but for which they gave
only vague assertions. It was the business of the people to
exert themselves, and protect that government under which
providence had placed them, and lie would jain them in the
proclamation, that it was their intention to live, and, please
God, die under the shade of the iuicient constitutional monarchy
of the country. (Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN said he had to propose the name of another
illustrious member of the house of peers, and in so doing he
could not avoid directing the attention of the meeting to the
answer which Mr. Baines had given, to Mr, O'Connell, in a
letter which had been published in the newspapers. Mr. Baines,
whom he knew to be a respectable man, stated that before the
House of Peers could be reformed, it would be necessary to in-
troduce one hundred and fifty more radical and "whip members
to parliament, to be added to the House of Commons. When
he read that passage in the letter, he was strack with the simi-
larity it bore to Mrs. Glasse's receipt for dressing a hare, in
which she first recommended that the hare should be caught
before it was cooked. So he would say to Mr. Baines, that if
he could succeed in sending one hundred and fifty more radical
members to the House of Commons, he would give him leave to
reform the peerage. (Hear, hoar.) The name that he was
about to propose would, he was sure. meet with a response in
every breast, and with that name he should join a useful body
of men—the bar—who were entitled to their respect and esteem,
notwithstanding the temptations that were held out to them by
commissionerships and other things by the present government.
He should state that Lord Eldon was invited to the dinner that
day, but had declined the invitation in a letter which would be
read to the meeting. The chairman then proposed " Ear'
Eldon, and the conservative members of the English bar
which was drunk with three times three.

CHARLES WILKINS, Esq., barrister-at-law, rose, and was re-
ceived with loud cheers. After the cheers had subsided, he
spoke as follows : —lt' ever man rose to address a public
assembly under disadvantages, he was that man. (Cheers.)
The master minds who had preceded him had gathered in the
harvest by armfuls, and had left him a gleaning. (Continued
cheering.) Every topic had been dilated upon before he rose,
yet he never felt it a very difficult task to tell his fellow-men
what he meant, and, as he dreaded no criticism when expressing
his feelings respecting the great and good cause they were all
that day engaged in, he would at once venture to proceed. Had
they been convened to-day for any purpose merely local,
his appearance there, in any other capacity than that of a
silent spectator, would have justly subjected him to the charge
of impertinence. (Cheers.) But the cause which had pro-
duced the proud, the imposing spectacle then before him, ex-
tended itself to the remotest corner of the island, and was the
common interest of every man in Britain. (Loud cheers.) The
cause in which they were met that day exhibited to him the
p.roudest, and most magnificent spectacle he had ever beheld
since he was born—that cause had placed the noble in juxta-
position with the British tradesman—(cheers)—a cause which
had induced the legislator to come forward, laying aside all the
proud distinctions of his rank in society, and the commanding
honour given to him, and to come forward and tell his fellow-
man of the base, the insolent slandering of their opponents. He
would say that that cause was not the cause of Liverpool, it was
not the cause of England; but, regarding England as the arbi-
ter of the world, to a certain extent, it was the cause of the globe.
(Great cheering.) To speak with effect it was necessary that he
had their confidence, that they might believe him it was neces-
sary that they have respect to his honour; with their permission,
therefore, he would vindicate hiMself, in the first instance, from
some attacks which the editor of the Morning Chronicle thought
proper to make upon him shortly after their glorious meeting at
Newton. (Cheers.) If it had individually concerned him
merely he should not have noticed it, but an attack had been
made through him on the conservative cause. The attack had
been made not because the individual who now stood before them
was entitled to one moment's consideration of so dignified a
person as the editor of the Morning Chronicle, but because that
gentleman had thought that through him he might injure the
conservative cause ; that charge had been made originating in
wrong, and carried on by the most cowardly and despicable
means with which such a charge could be made. To the
hypercritical fastidiosity" of that gentlemen he should
pay no attention. His (the speaker's) literary reputation, ne-
cessary as it might be to his vanity, could be of no real import-
ance to the all-absorbing questions which then agitated the public
mind, and, for the purposes of general information, it mattered
little whether truth was conveyed in the rounded periods of
Cicero, or in the clumsy ill-assorted sentences of a Brummagem
attorney. (Laughter.) But when a journal of even small cir-
culation impugned his honesty—when it presumed to find a
motive for his conduct at variance with the truth, and intended
to sink him in the estimation of the world—he thought he was
not asking too much at their hands when he entreated their at-
tention to his answer, especially as that, answer would involve
topics not irrelevant to the present meeting, and to some present
he would hope not wholly uninstructive. (Cheers.) The
editor of the periodical to which he had already alluded told his
readers, that some years ago he (Mr. W.) entertained political
opinions totally different from those Which he now promulgated,
and then, with the characteristic logic and charity of that ex-
press image of the O'Connell cabinet (ho begged English ladies'
pardon for mentioning that name in their 'presence,)—(great
must
cheering,)_ to the conclusion' that he Must be
le s
In his
1 t s
incon-
sistent and dishonest. To justify that conclusion under such
circumstances
h:of
sf
jdui
ds promisethathgonn.
eens
tt
y, a.
tl th cel l
hsaon‘eeli
eosfi
change,o
pi itcnht tueonrne,
awbasst r actedy necessarilya c her itine?r he
in history's gallery was that, which represented him of Tarsus.
who, yesterday, the proud, the persecuting pharisee, is to-day, in
supplicating attitude, with tearful eye, before the meek,. the
persecuted, the rejected Nazarene. (Great cheering.) It
was the triumph of philosophy over pride, it was the subjec-
tion of error to truth, it was the theme of angels' rejoicing.
Let them not suppose for a moment. that he would irreverently
and wantonly quote scripture to suit rhetorical purposes. No ;
but the same atmosphere which bore the lordly eagle above the
mountain top enabled the trifling fly to glidJ through its me-
dium at the base—the same law of gravitation which hurled
with thundering sound the displaced rock down the mountain's
side, gave to the rippling stream its motion—the same principle
of animation which enabled the elephant to move was exhibited
in the creeping ant. (Enthusiastic cheering.) The recollec-
tion of the truths, which came like a torrent on a man like Saul',
might have produced on him an effect not so powerful, not so
produced but by the influence o reason, whether produced by
f
great, not so glorious in its consequences, but both could he
the beam of inspiration, or by the mere influence of reason.
(Cheers.) Again, if a change of sentiment be necessarily cri-
minal, in what a dilemma did the editor of the Montilla Chroni-
cle place himself. He would ask what was the object of that
gentleman Jew d' manufacture them as the 1
in writing leading articlesd
his razors—to sell? Did he for his paper? Did he
shut himself up in his study merely for, factious purposes ? or
was his object the enlightenment and instruction of his fellow
man ? What did the editor of the Morning Chronicle mean by
the term "march of intellect ?" Why did
these merely cantdid they tell them that
the " schoolmaster was abroad ?" W
terms of their own school? Had they any import? What
could they mean but the turning from error to truth—(cheers)—
an abandonment of darkness for light. What was meant by
telling them that the schoolmaster was abroad ? Was he
abroad merely to confirm error, or was his object to instruct the
mind of the adult that he might not remain an infant in know-
ledge? If this was the object of the editor of the Morning
Chronicle, why had he hurled the charge against him, that, be-
cause he did not maintain the same principles, n 1836 which he
did in 18.31, he must of necessity be a diObouest man? (Great
cheering.) 'When an attack was made 'on his integrity, and
whenin attack was made on the cause. which he advocated
through him, he felt himself called upon (not out of any respect
to the man who was the author of the attack) to repel it. But
though' that man had ranged him as a villain, he bad received
intelligence that evening which would give him_ a very fair

•
•
'eha-nce of standing toe to toe in St. Stephen's.when next an
opportunity offered with those who calumniated the cause which
he advocated. To the first part, of the, charge made against
hirti he pleaded -guilty. He did confess that he was 'a radical
reformer—and he was radically reformed. (Cheers and laugh-
ter.) The voluntary principle was once his idol. It was once,
and was then, necessary to .his happinass to think well of his
fellow-creatures, and from premises which savoured more of
poetry than reason, more of charity than justice, he inferred
that all had the wilt and capacity to govern well. That was the
-parent stem whence sprang all the errors of his former creed.
That was the soul of. radicalism—the very key-stone of the arch
on which rested its every argument. Admit it, and they must
advocate popular government; reject it, and the converse fol-
lowed--(cheers)—the whole fabric fell. Once admit that go-
vernment was a science of all the most complicated, of all
requiring the greatest mental qualifications and attainments--
a 'science borrowing light from the remotest regions of history,
involving an intimate acquaintance with the capabilities, the
rights, and interests of every civilized state in the known world
—a science rooted in moral philosophy, extending its branches
even to heaven, and directing the affections of those for whom
it legislated to Him who was the unlace of all good government.
Admit that, and what became of the voluntary principle?—ad-
mit, even, that will and virtue went hand in hand, into what
numberless woes would they hurry, in what complicated ills
would they involve themselves without that science, which deep
research, passionless inquiry, and ceaseless study, were inade-
quate to attain. Admit what he had asked and what was the
moral worth of the compendious a_phorism that general good
must be the result of general will ? Who, after such admissions,
would entrust the interests of the nation to universal suffrage,
through the channel of the ballot box? (Cheers.) Reading
and deep reflection had taught him that legislating was a much
more difficult task than he once thought it to be, and experience
had shown him that the multitude had few, very few, requisites
for so important a duty—and whether it please the we of the
Chronicle or not, he could not, even to avoid his censure, be so
" inconsistent " or "dishonest" as to war with conviction, or
proniote error. (Loud cheers.) He defied him, as he defied the
world, to impugn his motives; and, until he assailed his judg-
ment with other arguments than vulgar abuse and nick-names,
he ought not to marvel if he adduced him as a living argument
against modern liberalism, and quoted his columns to show how
little of reason was sufficient to meet the appetencies of those
who would subvert our constitution. (Loud cheers.) It was
true, that he once was a radical reformer, and was radically
reformed—(loud laughter)—and if every animal bearing the
name would begin to reform in the same quarter, he thought
there would be found much more to censure at home than abroad.
He would learn—

" How small of all that human hearts endure, .
That part which laws or kings can cause or cure,

Thus much he felt himself called upon to say in his own defence,
not because he deemed the editor of the Morning Chronicle en-
• titled to any notice on his part, nor because he wished to throw
down the gauntlet to that stipendiary patriot. He was too well
aware of the fearful odds against which any man fought who
braved the power of the press. Victory would be shorn
of its glory, inasmuch as the vanquished would be unknown
and invulnerable in his invisibility. He was not foolish
enough, therefore, to court defeat, but he was desirous to
stand well with his brother Conservatives. (Loud cheering.)
The toast he was called on to respond to was " Lord Eldon,
and the Conservative Bar." (Cheers.) To attempt to eulogise
Lord Eldon, would be to tarnish his fame—would, at the same
time, be to undervalue their understandings, and to say that
they did not appreciate all that that great man had done. It
was true that time had laid on him his mouldering hand—it was
true that he was exhibiting all the marks of decay—that the
temple was tumbling into ruins, and it was equally true that the
lamp of patriotism,—that the lamp of true religion was still
burning on the altar of his heart—that he still upheld the pre-
cepts, and the principles, and the maxims which he had enter-
tained in active life- (Cheers.) With his name they had
coupled the conservative bar. All that he had to say in re-
ference to the bar was this, that it was like all other institutions
which had been protected in this country—that it was the
means to a great, and glorious end. The most distinguishing
attribute of this country was the excellency of its laws, and the
ready obedience given to those laws. These laws were dear to
them. Sure he was that they would take every means in their
power to render that body of men whom they had drank in
their toast as honourable in their estimation, as the guardians
of their property, of their lives, and of their characters.—
(Cheers.) He had to respond to a toast which had been de-
signed for a higher name. He would beg, if they pleased, to
read to them Lord Eldon's letter, in reply to an invitation to
attend the dinner.

"Corfe C, Oat. 4.
"Sir,—l received the favour of your letter communicating
to me the request that I would be present at the meeting
of the Liverpool Tradesmen's Conservative Association, on
Thursday, the 18th of this month. The honour done me by the
request of that society, the institution of which I trust will be
of very great service to the maintenance of that constitution
which has so long sustained the country in the enjoyment of
real power and glory, and of universal respect among all the
natious around us—that honour I cannot but most gratefully
acknowledge. It is, however, impossible for me to hope in the
indisposition to which I am now subject to, and at my very 'ad-
vanced age, to undertake to travel from hence to Liverpool.
I beg, sir, that you will be pleased to offer my thanks to the
committee for the honour they have been pleased to favour me
in this invitation, and to accept my thanks for the obliging terms
in which you have communicated that information. I trust that
this Liverpool Tradesmen's Conservative Society may be of
much use in preserving that constitution which has so long
blessed this country.-1 am, sir, with respect, your obliged
servant,
ELDON.
" To John Wilkinson, Esq., Vice-chairman of the
Liverpool Tradesmen's Conservative-Society.

[The conclusion of the reading of this letter was greeted with
loud cheering.] He knew not why it was, but at every meeting
at which be had attended lately he had had the privilege of be-
ing the whipper-in of the evening. (Cheers.) And he now
begged leave to state most distinctly, before he proceeded any
further, that this was the last time he would place himself in
that disagreeable situation. They must be aware—(loud cries
of "no, no"—let them not misunderstand him ;it was the last
time he would be whipper-in. Every man who was expected to
speak came with his mind prepared and made up on the sub-
jects on which he was intended to address them. They must be
perfectly aware that there were topics on which a speaker must
have made up his mind before speaking; and when they knew
that to be the case, they would not wonder Olathe felt somewhat
embarrassed, when they knew that a great part of what he had
intended to have said had already been spoken by the number
of speakers who had preceded him. Before lie sat down, how-
ever, he would propose a toast, which was, "Success to Opera-
tive Conservative Associations." (Loud cheering.) At the
first blush that toast might appear to jar with the sentiments
which he had just been uttering; but a little reflection would
render them perfectly reconcilable. " What!" he fancied he
heard their opponents exclaim, "would you, who think so meanly
of the people as to declare them unfit for legislation—would you
drink such a toast as that ?" With as much propriety might he
exclaim, " What ! would you, who think so meanly of your
neighbour, who is a respectable shopkeeper, as to declare him
unfit to amputate a limb or cure a disease, drink success to the
town and trade of Liverpool ?" With how much more propriety
might he retort—What! would they who robbed the poor free-
men by every means in their power of their franchise and their
birthright, and who urged as a reason that theirpoverty exposed
them to temptation, would they be hypocrites enough, when it
suited their purpose, to collect these poor men together in Clay-
ton-square, and cajole them about the majesty of the people, and
tell them that they were the only source of legitimate power.
But he sought no refuge in recrimination. And why was he so
anxious for the extension of Conservative Operative Associa-
tions ? The very reason why he was so anxious was, that the
men who headed a meeting like that—who were the ornaments
of the capitol of the column, had formerly been of them. They
must bear in mind that their fathers once formed the mass—that
they were taken from the mass. (Hear.) He would call on
the gentlemen present to support Operative Conservative Asso-
ciations, bearing in mind the difficulties attending an operative's
life—bearing in mind (notwithstanding his privileges—privi-
leges to which he was born) the hard earned pittance to which
the labourer went home—bearing in mind the cunning of their
adversaries to excite them to rebellion. When they found three
or four hundred honest men amongst the operative classes
meeting in that room, it would prove their devotion and attach-
ment to the institutions of their country, although deprived of
many of its benefits. They could not give them too much
countenance, nor give them too much strength. (Cheers.)
It was true he would not give legislative powers, generally
speaking to the operatives of this country, but he loved the peo-
ple—the industrious artisan, more dearly than any brawling
agitator on earth, and would show his affection in the old Eng-
lish way, as far as lay in his power, by administering to his
wants. They had a different way of doing things on the other
side of the channel;—they elevated a man in a truly Hibernian
style; whenever they met a poor man starving on a potatoe,
they took the half of it from him in order to relieve him. (Loud
cheers.) He would promote industry, and encourage morality,
but he would never flatter. He would tell them, wherever he
met them, that law-making required more leisure, education,
and knowledge than it was possible, in the nature of things,
they could possess, and he thought he could soon convince them
of the truth of his position. But though they might not be
learned enough to make laws, it required no very great stretch
of sagacity to judge of the effects of existing laws. They could
tell whether things worked well. They could appreciate all of
good they bad inherited and proved. They could answer to the
male-contents of the day, that England, under the old-fashioned
bible and crown principles, had become the first nation in the
world. That her established religion taught man gratitude to
God, and benevolence to man ; that it imparted fortitude in
affliction, humility in prosperity, ' and resignation 'in death.
That an English cottager was as impregnable in his little castle
as the king in his palace. He could point to the forest of masts
in their various docks, bearing the insignia of Europe, Asia,
Africa, and America; hundreds of ships brought their natural
produce to their little is the, manufactory of the world, and
returned with that produce metamorphosed by the genius of
English enterprise into the richest appendages of even royalty
itself. He felt that he had contributed by his industry to elevate
the character ofhis country, and might indulge himself with the
Pleasing reflection that the work of his own hand was exhibited
in foreign courts as a specimen of the ingenuity and industry of
Englishmen. (Loud cheers.) These were the rich fruits
of our blessed constitution, and any hand might gather them;
they were seen and tasted by the simple as well as the learned,
—not the fruits of a day or a year, but of ages—fruits which
had become more abundant as the nation had advanced in
years. All other European nations had been more or less
convulsed; some had ceased to be nations; and France,
once our most formidable rival, who proudly boasted that she
would legislate for the world, after ages of suffering and sacrifice,
was at this moment trembling with apprehension of a renewal
of her outrages. All these were facts within the reach of every
man, and every fact conveyed an argument that the meanest
capacity could appreciate, and that the most astute reasoner
could not answer. If, then, he found men striving to raise
themselves in society by honest industry, and by every honour-
able means which the British constitution offered, giving proof,
by their loyalty, that they could appreciate their advantages,
was there any filing inconsistent with his views in endeavouring
to further their wishes? Was there any thing dishonest in
helping them to preserve interests dear to them as they were to
himself? Any thing inimical to the best interests of society in
guarding their minds against the artful attacks of the common
enemies of mankind ? And surely, then, they need not look
far for an inducement to support, by every means in their power,
the formation of Operative Conservative Associations, when
they saw the activity of the enemy, whose boast it was to reign
by numbers. There was no expedient too mean for radical
purposes. Their writings and harangues furnished pretty
ample proof that they were aware of the material they had to
deal with—flattery, affected zeal and commiseration, misrepre-
sentation, insinuation, and direct falsehood—all were crowded
into the destructive service; and when they knew the hardships
attendant upon laborious life, and the natural proneness of the
human heart to discontent, they could not wonder that p,ch
means too often succeeded, nor could they estimate too highly
that virtue which, under such trying circumstances, preserved
its loyalty and, love for good order. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
He would take a survey of their own town, recapitulate the his-
tory of the last two years, and they would find a pretty faithful
epitome of whip-radiealisrn all over the kingdom, How loud
their exclamations—how violent their gesticulations—how gross
their misrepresentations of the municipal authorities that had

so long and so well governed their town,- Bloated aldermen,
stupid tories, corruptionists, wasters of the public money—
those were the offensive weapons which they hurled unspar-
ingly and with an undiscriminating hand, and which for a
time wounded their opponents. He was to happy to say those
wounds were cicatrizing, and he hoped soon to see their old
friends buckling on their armour again fur the fight. (Loud
cheers.) Let the radical resort to his former accusations, and
see how they recoil upon his own head. Let them attempt to
humbug the poor man with an affected love for the people, and
there will be a voice heard from a host of plundered freemen—
more honest than their plunderers—in thunder, telling them of
their wrongs. Let them again prate about waste of the public
money, and they would be told in pretty plain terms of the
mean system of favouritism and patronage which had disgraced
the radical career since its commencement. Why, he would
ask, why were the old and valuable servants of the corporation
dismissed, and pensioned upon the town at an enormous ex-
pense ? Was it because they were incapable of discharging their
duties? \Vas it because they were not alive to the interests of
their employers ? No! for, if such had been the case, they would
have withheld their pensions. Why then ? Oh because they
were not whigs. And this was their boasted economy, this
their disinterested care for the public weal. Of the same cha-
racter were the dissenters; he meant, of course, the political
dissenter's boasted care for religion. The man who, if he might
so speak, would compromise the glory of his God—who would
accommodate the unchangeable eternal revelation of Heaven's
will to what he professed to believe to be the abominations and
corruption of Rome. Did the man who had written a long
pamphlet in defence of such treason to Heaven, contemplate
the consequences of his conduct ? Before he entered into
discussion with him upon the merits of his book, lie must come
out of the field of speculation in which he has been roaming
ad libitum, and enter, if he could make his way through the door ;
as it was, he climbed over the wall, conscious that he could not
pass the threshold. (Hear, hear.) How vain were all
his remarks about the excellence of the passages excluded.
The deist, the .unitarian, the papist, might all urge the very
same arguments. Nay, the sensualist might cull from that
sacred volume to feed his morbid appetencies. The very mo-
ment that they allowed humanity to add to or take from that
volume, that moment they subjected it to the fate of the Mus-
etilman's swine—every one rejected that part which suited not
his appetite, and devoured his favourite morsel. And why should
he not ? Why should alderman this, or councillor that, be al-
lowed the exclusive privilege of picking his bon bouche. The
papist had a shadow of excuse, because lie believed the hand
that culled to be infallible; but that the Independent, the Came-
ronian, the old Roundhead, the author of all penal enactments
against popery, that he should attempt to reconcile purity with
corruption, proved that Old Mortality's description of the dege-
nerate whigs of his day was not totally inapplicable to the pre-
sent:—" Self-eseekers were they all, strivers after wealth, power,
and worldly ambition. Forgetters alike of what had been de-
creed and done by the mighty men that stood in the gap in the
great day of wrath." (Loud cheers.) No, Mr. Blackburn.
—The favourite whig principle of ephemeral expediency,
(for ephemeral it was ; ) true expediency stood upon the
eternal principles of truth and righteousness. That principle,
the adaptation of God's law to the sinful propensities of the
human heart, the mixture of the abominations of the temple
would, if permitted, assuredly, as of old, bring its curse upon
the unfaithful priesthood, its authors, in the wickedness and
abomination of their dupes. And here he would congratulate
the town of Liverpool upon the noble display of honest indig-
nation that had lately exhibited itself in their town against those
who would have made them accessories to their irreligion. For
a time they tolerated their inconsistencies. They submitted to
their bear-garden exhibitions in the council chamber—they felt
for the wants of their needy retainers—and, in their charity,
overlooked the favouritism that fed and clothed hungry patriots.
But when their altars were defiled, when God's honour was in-
sulted; when that book which had been their guide in diffi-
culty, solace in woe, whose precepts and revelation had closed
the eyes of their dearest friends in the sure and certain hope of
a joyful resurrection, whose sacred light, like a pillar of fire,
had illumined their path through life, and taught them all the
duties of child and parent, husband and wife, when such a
sacrifice was demanded, their resistance proved that the love of
God still burned upon the altars of their hearts, and must have
furnished sweet consolation to the much insulted clergy, in the
reflection that the teachings of the church had not been in vain.
—" Quern Deus volt perdere prius dementat'- is a trite adage,
but never was more applicable than to the new town council of
their reformed corporation. It was quite evident that hatred of
their church was the source of tlieir union. And, if anything
were wanting to fill up the cup of indignation it must surely
run over at the meanness and spite exhibited in their interfer-
ence with the decent ceremonies of public worship. He would
not trust himself to comment upon it, it spoke for itself. But
was their object accomplished? Suppose their present bond of
union removed, all that was holy, all that was great, brought
down to their own level, did they think that such a heterogene-
ous assemblage of opposite interests could long preserve unani-
mity. Under the liberator's toga they had hitherto concealed
their distinctions. But tear off that toga, ask each individual
of their municipal legislature what he meant by reform.
Were they agreed, he would ask, on the definition of the
term ? What, the papist and the infidel, the quaker and
the unitarian, the universalise and the calvinist, the republi-
can and the monarchist, agreed ? Would they not, he would
ask, should they succeed in the accomplishment of their
hated purpose, exhibit the same selfishness, the same mean
ambition, that had hitherto masked their designs, like the
Roman triumvirate, like the English presbyterian and in-
dependent, like the French mountain and gironde, would they
not sacrifice every obstacle to their own aggrandisement. Was
it possible that any other consequence could ensue from the
government of men so rootedly, so inveterately opposed to each
other in creed, in principle, in essence. He called upon them
not to be deceived by terms, not to be duped by declamation.
They enjoyed privileges never possessed by any but God's
chosen people. As a nation they were signally blessed. Let
them not then bring upon themselves the curse of ingratitude.
As they reverenced their altars, as they regarded their homes,
as they loved those dear partners and pledges of their mutual
affection, then smiling upon their conviviality, by their exam-
ple, by their every influence, let them cherish and support their
blessed constitution. (Loud cheers.) Be diligent, be stirring, be
active, and, above all, by way of reminding them of his toast,
above all, let them remember the poor man had more than com-
mon claims on their support; and do all they could to forward
Operative Conservative Associations in the town. (Mr. Wil-
kins, on sitting down, was greeted with enthusiastic cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN then said, there was a distinguished indivi-
dual present to whom they were indebted for the first establis-
ment of Conservative Associations in the county. He should,
under these circumstaneee, beg, without further preface, to
propose " the health of Mr. Entwistle of the Fox-holes, M.P.
for Rochdale—the parent of Conservative Associations." The
toast was drank with three times three cheers.
Mr. ENTWISTLE briefly returned thanks, but said that the
honour did not exclusively belong to him as the introducer of
the associations; there were several gentlemen in the county
who had equal claims with himself. He concluded with con-
gratulating them on the immense meeting he beheld. He had
only happened to be in the chair at the first Conservative Asso-
ciation meeting which had been held.
Lord SANbON said he was sure they could not separate with-
out expressing their gratitude to those gentlemen who had had
the charge of that entertainment. He would beg leave to pro-
pose the health of the Vice-presidents of the Tradesmen's Con-
servative Association. Owing to the late hour of the evening,
he would not detain them further with expressing their thanks
for the excellent arrangements they had shown, and for pro-
viding an entertainment so extensive and so admirable in its
kind. They would allow him to conclude with proposing "The
health of the Vice-presidents."
Mr. CHARLES J. SMITH, one of the Vice-presidents, rose to
acknowledge the toast. He knew not why it should have fallen
to his lot to respond to the compliment they had paid to him-
self and brother Vice-chairmen of that assembly. He assured
them that they felt most proud of their offices, or, as the radi-
cals, in their usual beautiful classical language would call it,
" this tory feed." (Laughter and cheers.) But " what's in a
name ?', What did it matter to them whether the meeting be
called " a tory feed," or " a conservative festival ?" It
was
enough for them to know that England would acknowledge it to
be a display of constitutional feeling, worthy of the town of
Liverpool, and well calculated to make loyalty rejoice and dis-
loyalty tremble. (Cheers.) Compare the gathering of wealth,
talent, and respectability now before them with the motley
assemblage of democrats who met, in the town, to dine with
O'Connell, and they would at once see time difference—compare
the tenor of the speeches delivered on the two occasions, and
the difference was still more decided. (Hear.) The one party
intimated an intention to pull down the stately edifice of the
British constitution, and replace it with an ill-proportioned
structure of their own contrivance; the other, the conservative
party, breathed a fixed determination to support the noble
building in all its strength and splendour. If they found out
a rotten beam, they would replace it by a sound one of good
English oak. (Hear.) If they discovered a crumbling stone,
they would fill its place with a new one; but on no account
would they permit the building to be overturned, or its broad
foundation be undermined or shaken. (Applause.) And what
was this boasted constitution, and why were they so strongly at-
tached to it? Why did they say to every Englishman, it is
your duty to revere it and to uphold it with all your might?
Why, but because they believed that under its benign influence
he enjoyed a more perfect freedom that he could under any
other form of government, or in any other spot on the face of the
earth—( hear, hear)—not excepting even America; was he a
poor and humble individual, he was protected by the laws of his
country, from the oppression of the rich and exalted; was be
wealthy, she same just and equal laws secure to him the pos-
session and enjoyment of his riches; and with respect to free- ,
dom of thought and expression, there was, if anything, too great
a latitude. He should, perhaps, he called intolerant, but he
should, nevertheless, continue to think that treason, sedition,
and blasphemy ought to be suppressed, and not allowed to run
riot with impunity. Thus, then, the poor and the rich enjoy
equal protection ; and what was more, their rights were secured
to them as long as the British constitution continued to exist
in its integrity. (Loud applause.) But there was yet another
beauty of the constitution that would be too often lost sight of
by the declaimers of the mob, and that was, that there was no
bar to advancement. Our excellent chairman had stated that
he had risen from the ranks, and he was not the only instance of
men who have risen from the mks. He would impress upon
their minds, that there was nothing in our constitution to prevent
the humblest individual, who had talent and respectability, from
raising himself to honour and independence. He would remind
them that, but for the factious opposition of their enemies,
they would have, at the present moment, the son of a painter
on the woolsack, and the son of a cotton-spinner holding the
reins of government;—(hear, hear)—but, he would give them-
another instance of that beautiful feature of our constitution :
thirty or forty, or perhaps more years ago, there came to
Liverpool a raw Scotch lad without money and without friends.
He obtained employment in a broker's office, by dint of economy
and honest industry he got forward, and by the time he had
reared a family, he was enabled to give his sons university edu-
cations, and afterwards to place them in honourable professions;
and, one of that man's sons was at that moment, by making pro-
mises that he never intended to perform, .and by other means
well known to most of that meeting, a member of parliament for
the borough of Liverpool. There were a set of men called
radicals, and that hon. member was one of them, who were-
so far imbued with the demon of change, that they could not re-
main satisfied wills that excellent state of things; they would
have no king to control the natives, no lords to moderate the
people, but they would have the mob the sole dispensers of
power, they would govern en masse, and reduce all order and
government to a perfect chaos. At the passing of the reform
bill conservatism Ives at a discount—the bill as it was emphati-.
tally called, was held to be a grand specific for all diseases of
time state, and all who opposed it were denounced as enemies to
civil dnd religious freedom. The bill passed, and lo! the na-
tion was still dissatisfied ; it proved to be a mass of legislative
bungling, and while those who had been loud iu the parrot-cry
for the bill, the whole hill, and nothing but'the bill, began to call
for further change; the thinking part of the people began to feel
alarmed, and to rouse themselves in opposition to the designs of
the movement party. From that time to the present conserva-
tism had been gradually spreading its loyal influence over every-
portion of the country, the elections had almost universally tele
minated in time returns of loyalists, in many instances even under
the most disadvantageous circumstances and when the radical
candidates had been supported by ministerial influence and po-
pular clamour. Bet it was within the last few months that the
growth of conservative principles bad become so apparent in

almost every nook and corner, the conservatives had been
si-
lently uniting, and lately every week had brought the most gra-
tifying accounts of meetings of hundreds of conservatives in
spots where they had no idea of the existence of conservative
societies. (Hear, hear.) But if conservatism was at a discount
on the passing of the reform bill, it was pretty evident that it
was now at a premium. (Cheers.) The conservative dinners'
which had taken place in almost every nook and corner of the
country, had been a source of the greatest annoyance to the
radical press, which, with that strange perversion of com-
mon sense that usually appeared in their attemps to
argu-
ment, told them that they only showed that the people were
not with them but against them. (Hear, hear, hear.) The
fact was, that tory dinners were gall and wormwood to the ra-
dicals : however excellent a tory dinner might be, it always
proved indigestible to a radical, thus verifying the old proverb,
" what is one man's meat is another man's poison." It was a
well-known Pact, that when Mr. Grote brought forward his
threatened motion on the ballot, out of the whole number only
twenty-two were found to vote in favour of that motion,—and
out of those, at least four were joints of the tail, so that, in fact
only eighteen English members supported the motion. Even
their own immaculate radical member shrank from the question,
because he knew that if he supported it, he would for ever lose
the countenance of the majority of his constituents. But the,
demagogues said the nation demanded the ballot, and the fact
of so few voting for it, only showed that the members neglected
their duty, and violated the pledges given to their constituents: •
be it so! They had other evidence to adduce. They knew
the energy displayed in getting up radical petitions, and yet
the last report of petitions presented to parliament, showed that
out of the whole population of the British Empire, only 11,616
could be persuaded to petition in favour of the radical nostrum,
vote by ballot. How, then, were they to reconcile that fact
with the assertion, that the nation demanded the vote by ballot,
they could only do so by recourse to whig logic: if the people-
demanded the vote by ballot, it was clear that the 11,616 who
voted in its favour, were the majority of the people, and that
the remaining millions who opposed it were a despicable fac-
tion, a miserable majority, (Hear and great cheering.)
They had hitherto boasted of being a free nation, but if radical
principles were allowed So predominate, we should shortly be-
come a nation of slaves. That was a startling assertion, but it'
was true. Had they not a government without a will, and obliged
to act in conformity to the dictate of one tyrannical individual,
or it could not prolong its wretched existence for a single day.
Were not the present ministers the mere slaves of Daniel.
O'Connell ?—and where, he would ask, was the difference be-
tweeen a degrading submission to the will of a native despot, or
a foreign tyrant. (Great applause.) It was true that they had
still a House of Lords, to watch like a guardian genius, over the
measures of the dictator ; but that dictator had insolently de-
clared that he would reform the lords, and if they allowed bins
to do so, he would next declare that they were altogether un-
necessary, and that they must be swept away like a common
nuisance. He would repeat that this was the time for Onion
and exertion on their part. Foreign countries held before
them a strange spectacle. England, the queen of nations,
ruled by a set of men divided amongst themselves on all ques-
tions of domestic policy, and they were anxiously waiting to
see her constitution overturned, and a democratic government
established on its ruins. (Loud and continued cheering.)
Look at the conduct of the radicals with respect to the church.
They were all aware of the measure of spoliation concocted by
O'Connell, and brought forward under the sanction of ministers.
The infamous appropriation clause declared that the surplus
revenues of the Irish church should be applied to secular pur-
poses ; and if such a clause had become part and parcel of the
law of the land, what was there to prevent the whole Irish
church revenues being declared surplus, and the church—the
protestant church—from being rooted up out of the land. It
had been well remarked that the attack on the Irish church
would, if carried, have been a precedent for an attack on the.
English church, which is au object of jealousy to certain reir.
ties--to those who said that because the union of church•and'
state contributed to the stability of the empire, and offered a
barrier to their particular views, it was an unholy minion, It
was hardly credible that in a christian country, men professing
chrtstianity could be found who would dare to say that the
union of church and state was an unholy union. The fact is
ministers having brought forward such measures as those,
coupled with the manner in which they had ,been flung back
upon their hands demonstrated that they were altogether in-
capable of governing the country properly, and that they ought.
to have resigned long ago, but they had clung to place and pay
with the tenacity of leeches, and had only retained them by re-
peated acts of the most disgraceful inconsistency. They knew
full well that the wealth and intelligence of the country was
against them; yet, when told they ought to resign Lord Mel-
bourne answers for all, and capers and sings (though certainly
not with the grace of a Vestris or the sweetness of a Malibran)
" Oh, no, we never mention it," (Cheers.), It was not his in-
tention to follow the proceedings of the session, and trace the
forms of the bills that had appeared in 'uncouth shape, and then
faded, "and, like the baseless fabric of a vision, left not a.
wreck behind," but be would observe that much odium had
been thrown from certain quarters on that account; they had
been represented as a band of intractables, opposed to all re-
form, and a mighty hue and cry had been raised against them.
Now, what were the facts of the case ?' The facts, then, were
simply these;—The whole number of bills forwarded during the
session was 171, and of these the lords passed 101, and only re-
jected 12, the rest being dropped from various causes. Now if
those 101 bills which were passed contained nothing beneficial
to the nation why did the commons pass them? and, en the
other hand, if they were beneficial, how could the lords be ac-
cused of being against all improvement ? Surely. they deserve
to divide the merits with the commons. (Hear, hear.) It was
unnecessary to dwell upon the causes cf the failure of bills
which were dropped, or the l`Z which were rejected by the lords.
They were all familiar with the subject 7 for he would venture to
say there was not a man in all England who cared at all for
politics that had not read the splendid speech of Lord Lynd-
hurst, in his summary of the session. (Loud cheering.) yHe
would not take a review of the pleasing scene that was wit-
nessed a few weeks ago, on the estate of Lord Stanley, near
Tipperary, by which they would see what Ireland might become
with a little judicious management. There was semi a band of
sixty or seventy happy tenants, seated at a plentifully-provided
table, with their noble landlord at their head, enjoying them-
selves, after the fashion of Englishmen, on an old E-nglish din-
ner of roast beef and plain-pudding. And then mark the con-
versation. Was it a tissue of treason and rebellion ? Did the
noble lord harangue them on the surest mode of escaping tithes
by murdering all who came to claim them? Did he give them
a lecture on the art of painting death's heads and cross-bones,
and strive to inflame them to madness against every thinu En-
glish and Protestant ? Oh ! no; far different was the conduct
of that noble lord. Ile (Lord Stanley) told his hearers that he
was happy to see them so comfortable and contented; he was
proud to see the improvements in their farms and in their stocks;
and he called upon all the farmers in Ireland to a friendly com-
petition. It was such conduct as that that was wanted to ame-
liorate the condition and raise the character of Ireland; that
•
was the conduct that would give to the member for Kilkenny a
claim to the proud title of patriot. (Long continued cheering.)
Mr. S. was afraid he had detained them too long, but, before be •
concluded, he would call upon the Conservatives not only of.
Liverpool or Lancashire, but of England, to unite and drive
those men flints power who misused it, and to return to the
•
cm:ncils of the nation men who would respect their institutions,
and who, instead of endeavouring to destroy, would labour to
preserve their country in its proud pre-eminence in the scale of
nations. Once more he would say, unite and fear nothing;
victory must crown the endeavours of all who fought under the
proud banner of the

Mr CANNING then rose and said that he gave with that brevity
which the late hour of the evening compelled him to do, " The
good old town of Liverpool and the trade thereof."
NICIIOI. AS ROBINSON, Esq.; on the part of the town of Liver-
pool, acknowledged the toast in a brief and appropriate speech.
The Chairman, then, at .about eleven o-'clock; along with the
distinguished guests of the evening, retired amidst the most en-
thusiasticcheering, waving of hats, .handkerchiefs, &c.
After the chairman had retired, Mr. Richard Dawson was
called to the chair amid immense applause. Seeing Lady C.
Wortley still remaiuing,.lie proposed three cheers for ber lady-
ship, which were given in the most enthusiastic manner. Mr.
Dawson .then proposed the health of a-gentleman who would
have been present but for professional engagements, namely, the
Right lion. Frederick Shaw, the Recorder of Dublin, "the
dreaded and hated enemy of Daniel O'Connell," which was re-
ceived by a horst of cheering which lasted. .severatrainutes. The •
meeting then quietly ,separated. .

We understand that Captain Gordon, the 'champion
of the Protestant church, is about to lead to the hymeneal altar
a lady of rank, and of large fortune—Miss Smith, niece to
Lord Catriugton.—Elgin Courant.
CURIOUS TOLL-BAR CASE.—On Monday last, at the Bolton
petty sessions, Joseph Brown, of Ratcliffe, was summoned, for
refusing to pay toll at Stand-lane bar, in Pilkington, on the •
27th ult. William Hurst, the bar-keeper, proved, that on the •
day in question, the defendant passed through the bar with horse
and cart. Witness asked him for the toll, and the defendant
replied that his master had hot given him any money. The toll
was 211, and had not been paid, or offered to be paid since. On-
his cross-examination by Mr. Holden, the bar-keeper said, that
he, defendant, told him-that he was going to the I:arm of Mr.
Barton, his master, fur hay. There was a .barrel in the cart;
did notyknow that it contained beer for the workmen's allowance
on the farm, but defendant•said so. The.defendant came back
through the bar the same day, with. his .cart laden. with hay.
Mr. Holden contended, that no toll was due, as the hay was not
for sale, but was consumed by Mr. Barton's own. cattle. The
question then turned' upon the right of the carter to have the
barrel of ale in the cart, and Mr. Barton proved that the liquor
was for the use of his own men employed-on the farm; that he
had not been charged at another gate; through which his cart
passed on the same journey, nor had he ever been asked for.
toll, at the bar in question, until the present complainant had
heroine the toll-keeper. Mr. Ridgway called on Mr. Lomax
for his opinion, and after some consultation they decided, that
the claim. for toll was legal, on account of the barrel, being In
the cart ; but they considered that the bar-keeper had been too
severe, and they.would not convict in any penalty, but the de-
fendant must pay the toll, 21d., and expenses, Is. 6d..---Baton •
Chronicle.

THE ANTI-CATHOLIC DISSRNTERS.—We are deeply con-
vinced that it is the dutrof protestant:, and especially of pro-
testant dissenters, (who are not encumbered in argument by
the inconvenient and-absurd. concessions of conformists,) to
labour and prav for the eradication of popery from Europe and
the world, as Much as to labour for the eradication of. paganism
in India, China, or elsewhere. Political, considerations ought
not to delay or relax our opposition to this great enemy of the
truth, strongly marked as it is in scripture with the divine ab-
horrence, and doomed at no distant period to entire• subversion.
But who shall awake us to the perception and discharge of an
arduous and honourable duty? We have scarcely a hope, ex-
cept in some memorable effusion of the divine spirit, like that
which, in the close of the last century, originated missions to
the heathen, at a time when political convulsions appeared to ,
have given popery a double blow, which it has strangely
revived; to be, however, the more illustriously destroyed. This
is doubtless to be accomplished in a great measure by the word
of God, propagated by his servants, rid made. powerful by his
spirit.' And the voice of the Saviour calls on protestant sects
to
in, abate t.hF eagerness of their unholy struggles, and attempt,
the spirit of prayer and faith,- the subversion of the great
antichrist.—Congregational Magazine. [We bail the expression
of sentiments • like these. Would they were •• responded to
throughout the land! Should they, by anv chance, meet the eye of O'Connell, the dissenters will hive their share of his
abuse. He may talk to those- who are simple enough to believe
him, (and we fear his dupes are many,) of his desire_to promote
and establish the cause of religious liberty; but the attack be -
has already made on some dissenters who had ventured to attack
his darling system, proves his real object to be the establishment
of a rampant Bonner and Gardiner popery. And if we allow
him to succeed, all the grinding oppression that will ensue, will
be richly deserved.j—Warcliman.

SUPPLEMENT TO THE LIVERPOOL' ST ANDARIL4
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 21.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED,'
BY RICHARD)PATTISSON
(Of Hope Coliage,§eacombe, Cheshire.)
AT No. 4, NORTW QRESCENT, CASTLE-STREET, LEVERPOOSt.t.