The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-09-16 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS,

We are compelled to postpone our Lite:my Notices unti
Tuesday.

'We must again request our Correspondents to write only oi,
one side of their manuscripts.

TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS.

N.B.— Thefuture charge for the LivEßpoot, STANDARD,
as given in our impression of last Friday, was erro-
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lutions of the Meeting alluded to, which stated the
price of a weekly paper only ; ours being semi-weekly,
of course the charge per annum, 4-c., should have been
doubled.
The chtirge for the STANDARD, after the 15th of this
month, will be sd. each number, and not 41d. as for-
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tribe Eiberpoot g-tanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 16, 1836.

We have not any fresh foreign intelligence of the
least interest to communicate to our readers, beyond that
furnished in our contemporaneous extracts. The letter
of our London correspendent furnishes no private in-
formation from France or Spain, beyond the confirmation
of the account, given by us, in our Tuesday's number, of
the rout of the Constitutional Spanish troops, under Lo •
pes Banos, by the Carlist division, commanded by Don
Basilio Garcia, at Guadalazara, who had, it appears,
made a rapid march across the country from Palencia.
The accounts describe the flight of the wealthy inhabit-
ants of the adjoining districts to Alcala, distant only ten
miles from Madrid, as a perfect panic, and the alarm in
the capital as great in the extreme. The Spanish Constitu-
tional army is in a state of general mutiny and insubor-
dination, some regiments disbanding themselves, others
dismissing their officers and placing the non-commis-
sioned officers in command ! At a late hour on Wednes-
day forenoon, the French mail of Saturday had not ar-
rived in town.

A most curious disclOsure has taken place relating to a
very angry correspondence which, it is alleged, has been
going forward between the foreign section of oui whig ca-
binet and that ofTuileries, on the present position of Spain,
and the policy which the latter, under the new ministry,
is disposed to adopt. It would seem that Lord Palmers-
ton has grown exceeding wrath with his quondam friend,
Louis Phillippe, to whom he sent a remonstrance, and to
which remonstrance, Louis has had the impertinence to
reply with considerable nonchalance, much to the dis-
comfiture of our whig knight-at-arms, who is almost dis-
posed to draw the sword on the occasion—we mean the
sword protocolic—for we would not alarm our pacific
usurers by leading them to suppose that his knightly
lordship would frighten the Isle from its propriety or
alarm Europe by brandishing any other sword over the

helmet ensconced head of the King magnanimous of the
Barricades! Lord Palmerston's metal, and the metal of
the French chief, supported by his doctrinaire friends,
will make a mighty different display ere long, although
his lordship may pretend to sulk, or even ride rusty, at
the slight shown to his darling child of quadruple virtue,
which has driven Spain into murder, anarchy, and con-
stitutional rebellion. The tactique of Downing-street
must undergo a marked change—must sustain a large
share of improvement, ere the credit of our diplomacy,
or the honour of arms, will come out polished from the
disgrace which has been inflicted upon both. We do not
quarrel with men for their not possessing the gifts of na-
ture—ordinary capacity and ordinary foresight—but, we
war with them, as it is our duty to do, when they pre-
sume, on behalf of a great nation, to tamper with its
highest interests by interfering with what they do not un-
derstand, and what nature never intended them to grapple
with. 'We shall do our duty to our country's honour,
by exposirg, in due time, the miserable expedient which
we know it is intended to have recourse to, to bring back
Louis Phillippe to the terms of this waste paper compact.
We have a better look out, than our worthy friends
at head-quarters may imagine, on their plan of battle.

We endeavoured, in our last number, to illustrate
the present condition of this kingdom—moral, political,
and religious—the growing necessity for conservative
association, and the duty of all classes of Englishmen,
in connexion therewith, supported as we have been by

the powerful arguments of the various talented speakers,
at the Newton Dinner, delivered yesterday week. h is ne-
cessary that we should now refer specifically to some of
the highly interesting topics brought forward on that oc-
casion, and the difficulty is to give ample credit to the
merits of each gentleman, who addressed that assemblage
of rank and respectability, within the necessarily pre-
scribed limits of a newspaper, although we would cheer-
fully devote the whole of our columns, and our humble

energies to the task, wete it admissible. To offend none,
we will endeavour, in our cursory review, to "do jus
tice" to each, taking them seriatim as delivered; and we
venture to assert, that, as a whole, the addresses deli-
vered on this occasion are not to be surpassed by any in
the annals of conserzatism—one only is worth all the ex-
pense of -the dinner—the elm-lent harangue of Mr.
Charles Wilkins—the speech of the evening.
In responding to the toast of the "Army and the
Navy," Captain Clarke, R. N., with that manly feeling
which characterises his profession, paid the just tribute of
veneration to the memory of the late Admiral Freeman-
tle, who lived a brave officer, a staunch defender of his
country in the hour of combat, and who expired honour-
ably, in peace, in the citadel of her constitution. Cap.
tain Clarke had before him a fine example of an English-
man, whose attachment to our conservative principles
had long doubly endeared him to our Protestant King;
and he has well profited thereby. His apology for naval
officers, in time of peace, fighting the constitutional bat-
tles of their country, in the hour of its danger, is above
all praise—the country has a right to call upon her paid
defenders, to sustain her in the hour of peril, as much
against domestic as foreign enemies; and it is perfectly
in keeping with their duty to obey her call, provided that
defence be comprehended within the limits of her consti

tutional charter, which they are, both legally and mo-
rally, as citizens of the state, justified in maintaining in
their civil capacity, as freemen and as Englishmen.
" Our duty," said Captain Clarke," is to obey the orders
given to us; 'but when no foreign enemy appears for us
to meet, it behoves seamen to join such an assembly as
this, and give utterance to their feelings—and thougfi
men may profess to be liberals, and to be friends to their
country, it is not to the words of men I look, but to their
actions." This is our doctrine, ".specternur agendo"—
pay no respect to men who point one way, whilst they
steer another. Nor were Captain Clarke's complimen
tary observations to the Lords and the constitution less
appropriate ; but his deelaratiimi in favour of the esta-
blished religion of the land, is worthy of our wannest

commend,ation—" We may depend upon it if they alter
this constitution, and do not keep sincerely in view that
which can alone support every nation, and every state—
a pure religion—that state must fall,-and what form of
religion is so pure and undefiled, as that of the established
church of this country." A few more such tough de-
fenders of that goodly vessel, the British constitution,
and we fortel, that the enemy will "haul their wind,"
and " about ship"—for fight they will not !
F:pc,e,!li of iho Hcn. and Rev. H. Powys, in re-
turniog thLnks for what he justly declared to be the most
impovtart toast of the evening—the welfare of the
"Established Church of !'!:land and Ireland," as en-
thusiastically drank by the assembly, was replete with
christian moderation, as regarded the duty of her minis-
ters towards those who differed from her in faith and in
politics. Towards such, personally, the reverend gentle-
man powerfully illustrated the stern duty of the christian
minister, whilst showing the Church of England, as al-
lied with the state, to be essentially conservative, her mi-
nisters were necessarily called upon to he so in politics,
in the hour of her persecution, and in the day of her dan-
ger at the hands of her political enemies. "The mem-
bers of that chinch on high principles, held out to all who
diffeted from them the hand of personal friendship—
though they hated their politics—they most rigidly ad-
hered to their own principles, although they would
extend the utmost toleration towards those who consci-
entiously differed from them."

In these two short sentences, Mr. Powys sufficiently
defined the double duty of the Church of England pas-
tor. His exposition of the fallacy of that argument,
which many talented individuals urged against the
propriety and necessity of conservative associations, was
equally happy, upon the principle, that all warfare is
grounded upon necessity, whether to compete with actual
violence, or premeditated moral wrong,—" if they had
acknowledged enemies, they must be on the look out, and
muster their forces to oppose them." All this is per-
fectly compatible with the duty of a christian minister,
who does not make a trade of politics ; but, from the
pressure of external and worldly circumstances, is called
upon to support that line of policy, which best comports
with the interests of his sacred charge,—neither, does
the circumstance of a man's being an ordained clergy-
man, of necessity deprive him of his political rights. It
would be just as rational to deprive him of his right of
vote upon his freehold, or of the temp:a-al interests of his
university. The present, we maintain, as we have al-
ready asserted,. is a contest for our church—for the tri-
umph of protestantism over the renewed efforts of ca-
tholicism, in these our days ; and only to be met with the
political weapons of united associations, fully justified as
against the enemies of God's church, by Christ himself,
who marked out the distinction sufficiently between
those who were for, and those who were against him !
"But," said the reverend gentleman, in continuation,
" who were those who hurried forward dangerous mea-
sures ? He • must say it was a legislature, that was not
prepared to govern England on sound principles,—but
many would say how do you prove that ?" "If for in-
stance," said he; "you were to take as an index him who
leads that legislature (alluding to Lord Melbourne) he in
his place in parliament has told you, that he scarcely
knew the difference between the Protestant and the Ca-
tholic religion. He it was who had said, that the esta-
blishment of the church was scarcely necessary—that it
would be far more expedient to make it a poor church than
a rich one ; and in order to make the church as pure as
possible, had sent to teach the ministers of that church,
(alluding to Dr. Hampden at Oxford,) a man who held
opposing doctrines" ! We leave these cutting observe.:
Lions to make their own way; and, recommending an
attentive consideration of Mr. Powys' address, to all
clergymen and others who may differ with him on the
points thrown out, we heartily echo his concluding
prayer : "May the Established Church of England and
Ireland remain firm in their constitutional principles ;
and whenever there should be occasion, be it public or
private, let the clergyman and layman be found going
hand in band together, for their mutual defence. With
religion and politics joined hand in hand, and resting on
the crown, the bible and the sceptre, they must have
God's speed !"
The Earl of Wilton, it will be seen, by reference to
our Friday's report, commenced his address with an ex-
planation of the absence of the Marquis of Salisbury,
who had been invited to preside ;—his lordship then
glanced upon the happy progress which the association
had made since its former anniversary, and the spirit
which still animated ibs proceedings. "It is this feeling,"
said he, " pervading the great body of conservatives
throughout this country, which has occasioned those
great results that have taken place at so many elections
since we met here last year,—and it is this feeling
which, with God's blessing, will still secure to
us the benefits of our revered constitution, and a
full share of that real practical liberty which is still the
birth-right of every Englishman. Talk, gentlemen, of
`liberty' and justice,'—why, were ever terms more
grossly misused than these are at the present moment

And yet with oppression and injustice at their hearts,
these words are ever to be found in the mouths of our
rulers, and of those who dictate to them, but used, alas
only to deceive the min3s—to enslave the hearts, and
to coerce the wills of the people of this great coun-
try." We give this extract precisely in his lordships
-own words, without intermediate observation, that their
full force and value may not be lost on any one of otir
readers,—it describes in glowing terms the critical posi-
tion in which we are placed, nationally, the means for our
exttication ; and, above all the character of the present

government and its policy, taken altogether, destitute o
morality, of truth, and of principle—a terrible denur•

elation, the strength of which we would not run the risk

of weakening here, by any lengthened commentary of
our own, against a ministry, "endeavouring to hold to-
gether the discordant materials of whiqb their party is
composed, and to retain their own places and power,
at the expense of honour, and of justice, and of rely

gion ! " The noble earl's speech must be read to he duly

appreciated,—we shall have occasion to•recur to it again
—it enters into the very soul and vein of our constitu-
tional feeling.
Mr. Blackburne prefaced his toast of Lord Land
hurst with a vindication of the House of Peers, and
showed the grounds on which their lordships had

most justifiably rejected the iniquitous clause in the

Irish tithe bill, and -urged the importance of "returning
to Parliament men who would assist them in averting
the storm which was impending over them." The recep-
tion given to the toast is sufficiently indicative of the
Feelings of the whole assembly,—the name of Lyndhurst

will go down to posterity proudly associated with the

-great meh of English history.
Lord Skelmersdale most ably and successfully defended

the House of Peers, on the grounds of its high estate,
and with due reference to its acts, as a deliberative as-
sembly, during the last session,—his lordship's elucidation
of the perfectly distinct position of the present adminis•
tration, from that of Lord Grey's, with the Sovereign and
with the country, was powerfully striking, and merits a
full notice, which our space of to day will not admit of.
His lordship was duly supported in the succeeding

speeches of Sir Thomas Freemantle, M.P., and Mr.
Crossley, of Manchester.

We now come to the luminous exposition of Charles
Wilkins, Esq., barrister-at-law, and we feel not the
smallest reluctance in pronouncing the display of elo-
quent reasoning, exhibited by him on this occasion, as
second only to that delivered by Lord Lyndhurst, in the
House of Lords, on the wind-up of the session. It was
a master-piece of sound logic, replete with historical
information—constitutional research—and legal erudi
Lion. Here we esenpe that airy -labyrinth into which
we are imperceptibly led by the rhetorical tiontisl;es of
Sheil, and the airy metephor of Macauley,—we see
things as we are—we come at once to facts—we lay hold
of principles—moral truths are exhibited to the mind
without any needless embellishment—we have the ker-
nel separated from the shell —and conviction flashes
upon the understanding. Mr. Wilkins has grap-
pled fairly with his subject, and the weighty topics it
embraced from first to last.

Were it only for Lilo just weed of praise bestowed lyv

SEPT. 16. 18:36

Mr. Wilkins upon the virtues and th,,genius of that truly
venerable peer and erudite constitutional lawyer, the
Earl of Eldon, his speech would he worthy of our warm-
est acknowledgments—and personal regard and respect
for that noble individual, will not suffer its to spoil the
beauty of the sentiment, nor the fervour of its expression.
"Of Lord Eldon's political sentiments, let the note
which has just been read in your hearing bear testimony.
To ascertain what powers of mind—what unremitting
study—What deep research, produced those sentiments,
you must read the history of a long, laborious, unosten-
tatious life. His was the steady light of the planet, de-
rived from the glorious orb of truth—it was not the
flickering deceptive glare of the ignis Maus, that of
later years has dazzled the eye, dancing over the morasses
of doubt and speculation, and alluring the unwary to
follow its fantastic course. Theology taught him reli-
gion—that religion which sheds its influence on every
department of life, from the throne to the cottage,—his
philosophy was more moral than mechanical—Minerva
had greater charms for him than Mercury. Let the con-
trast light where, and on whom it will—as a councillor,
he was invaluable to his King—a proud ornament to the
peerage—the honest friend, not the cajoler or flatterer of
the people—and, as a lawyer, the flower of the British
bar. In the calm twilight of life's evening—the tur-
moils of the day gone by, the highest object of earthly
ambition left far behind, we find him delivering, as his
act and deed, his firm adherence to those principles, which
he so ably and courageously defended in the days of his
giant vigour." Mr. Wilkins here again alluded to a note
of Lord Eldon's, declarative of his principles, which had
been read to the assembly. " This declaration of his will
be a precious legacy to that body of men, whom you have
honoured by coupling them with his name who, I am
happy to say, constitute two-thirds of the English bar—
and surely, taking into full account the efforts of the non-
patronage ministry to bribe them into subservience to,
whig trickery, this may be urged as something like an
argument in favour of their integrity." The learned
gentleman then entered on a vivid expose of the policy
and proceedings of the democratic faction with regard to
Iroland, and powerfully elucidated, out of her own condi-
tion, both. social and intellectual, the delusive fallacy of
the reiterated cry of "justice" to her, under her present
inaptitude for the receipt of political privileges, upon a
perfect assimilation with those of this portion of the
United Kingdom. "Before Ireland complains of the
superior privileges of England, she must show that she
started in the race of civilization with England—that
nothing has impeded her progress, and that she has kept
pace with her competition—should she fail in this, her
anger is but the peevish querulousness of childhood after-
the possessions of manhood. Ireland is, confessedly, an
integral part of the British empire, and to carry out
justice to the extent of that empire, care must be taken
to legislate for the whole." This is in perfect keeping
with our own freely expressed sentiments, during the last
six weeks, on the abstract question of " justice to Ire-
land," as will be seen by reference to our leading articles;
as an abstract question, it is perfectly and entirely inde-
fensible upon the broad principle of equitable legislation
or sound policy, as conclusively argued by Mr. Wilkins,.
and demonstrated on the authority of the acts of Lord
Grey's administration, in 1833. And here again, we
must refer our readers to the reported speech, and Am-
press upon their attention, also, the speech of Lord John
Russell, quoted by him.
We are at a loss to conjecture under what philoso-
phism our worthy whig defenders will get out of the pc,
sition in which they are placed by this smashing display ;
or by what inverted rules of logic they will support a re-
plication thereto. We must not here attempt to give an
analysis of the merits of the unmerciful castigation ad-
ministered to our dearly esteemed friend and much ad-
mired legislator, "cackle goose" Hume—no Unfortunate
wretch at the "halberts" or the "yard-arm " was ever so
lacerated as Mr. Wilkins has morally and logically
punished this spalpeen of patriotic idiotcy. Verily, all the
artillery of the "Grunticle" and its able allies, will be in
requisition—take care of your wig, Mr. Wilkins, we con-
jure you Theconclusion of the learned barrister's speech
was no less Ciceronian than was his beautiful description
of Cicero's imaginative ideawf the fundamental principle of
the British constitutional monarchy,—and in the perora-
tion, the homage rendered to protestantchristianity, under
our constitution, was strikingly sublime. "A constitu-
tion based upon christianity, rendering honour to whom
honour is due—tribute to whom tribute is due—extend-
ing its views to imnzortality, it has dedicated its noblest
apartment to the worship of our God ! It has selected
the Bible—the whole unnzutilatcd Bible—as its text book
—ithas adopted every proper precaution to insure a priest-
hood as capable as rank, character, and education can make
them, without laying claim to infallibility—deriving its
authority from the law and the testimony—it prescribes
the limits of its own powers—it makes the priest the
living commentary of revelation—not revelation the conz-
mentary of the priest. It is a constitution that can offend
no just man. 'Tis true it promises no reward to indo-
lence—it holds out no inducement to vice—it closes the
door against the brawler and the agitator—hence may
we account for the patriotism of Derrynane and of Mid-
dlesex. They cry for change for the same reason that
Satan—

With ambitious aim
Against. the throne and monarchy of God
liais'd impious war in Heaven—viz.,
To sct himself in glory 'hove his peers!'

Here, Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell, is a sub-
ject for your sober reflection—it is before that nation
• whose christianity you have insulted—grossly insulted—
whose constitution you have ignobly tampered with for
the sake of place and power, Could Erskine arise from
the tomb, he would find that his mantle had fallen on a
kindred spirit—may you, my lords, profit thereby !
The very humonrous speech of Mr. Roby, the banker,
of Rochdale, will, no doubt, have due effect upon the
Lancashire Witches—his show up of the "great beggar-
man," and his foul mouthed oratory; will bring every
man of right feeling in the county of Lancaster to our
CONSTITUTIONAL STANDARD.

Marten or CONSERVATISM.—The cause of the consti-

tution progresses gloriously. On Tuesday a grand din-
ner was given in honour of Mr. Palmer, the conservative
member for South Essex, recently elected in the place of
that excellent man, the late R. W. H. Dare, Esq. It was
necessary to limit the party to one district only; for no
accommodation could have been obtained for the num-
bers which the entire southern division would have poured.
forth. As it was, no room in the town of Ongar would
hold the number (nearly four hundred) assembled. Mr.
John Round, the banker, of Danbury Park, was in the
chair.

The Rev. R. M'Ghee has addressed a letter to the
public respecting the challenge lately given by the Ro-
man catholic pi iest,Mag,uire, to the Rev. Hugh M'Neile,
which will be found in another column. 'We are glad
that the rev, gentleman has taken up the question, and
exposed the paltry evasions which have been resorted to
by this "triumphant defender of catholicism" to avoid
the controversy he had invited. But what has become of
the' unhappy creature who has so lately thrown down the
gauntlet of defiance to our protestant clergy ? Has he
shrunk from inquiry here also ? The exposure which
has been made by the Rev. Mr. Nolan will deter him,_
we think, from making his appearance before a Liverpool
audience.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND SCHOOLS.—The building of
the North School is proceeding rapidly. It is expected,
that in the course of a few days, the joiners will be able
to commence their work. Under the zealous and ju-
dicious management of the committee,. supported by the
liberality of a generous public, temporary accommoda-
tion has been provided for upwards of 1400 children, who
are carefully instructed in the great truths of christianity,
the greater part of whom were withdrawn from the Cor-
poration Schools on the introduction of the anti-scrip-
tural system. The sum required for the purchase of
land, erecting schools, and providing the means of in-
struction, is estimated at .£ll,OOO. Upwards of £lO,BOO
has already been received by the treasurer, a decisive
proof of the public zeal and devotion to the cause and in—
terests of protestantism. We earnestly hope that the