The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-05-14 00:00:00

FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 14, 1841

It is argued by a local whig contemporary that Lord
Sandon, by opposing the ministerial plan of free-trade
in sugar, is taking a course calculated to do damage to
the mercantile interests of Liverpool; but we differ
from him completely in this opinion. Lord Sandon
has had no other object in view than to protect a trade
in which Liverpool is largely concerned; and if pro-
tecting that trade be doing disservice to Liverpool, we
should like to know what openly attacking it would
be?

When moving his amendment on Friday, his lord-
ship called upon the house to recollect " that they
were speaking of a trade that involved the interests of
our manufacturers to the extent in 1839 of £9,000,000.
And what was the value of the trade with Brazil ? In
comparison with that of the East and West Indies it
was as nothing. The amount of her exports was
£2,600,000 ; and he might add £300,000 or £400,000
for Cuba, making it about £3,00,000. The manufac-
turers, therefore, would be prejudicing their own inte-
rests in dealing with the question in such a manner
that, for the sake of one small uncertain import mar-
ket, they risked an extended, a fixed, a permanent mar-
ket in the West Indies."

The question is one between our own colonial trade
and a trade with foreigners ; and if, by endeavouring
to extend our commerce with the latter, we must neces-
sarily do an equal, or greater amount of damage to the
former, in what other light can the noble lord, whose
amendment is designed to thwart this mischievous at-
tempt, be considered, than that in which he appears as
a judicious friend to the commerce and prosperity of
the town which he represents ? His lordship thinks
that we ought not for "one small uncertain import
market to risk an extended, a fixed, and permanent
market in the West Indies ;" and we think, also, at a
respectful distance, that his lordship is quite right in
this opinion, and that the great majority of our en-
lightened merchants will coincide in his views.
Our contemporary, however, does not rest his as-
sault solely upon the ground of his lordship's baffling
the scheme of free trade in slave sugar, but upon the
consequential injuries that, he conceives, are likely to
arise from his success on that point.

" If Lord Sandon," he argues, " should succeed in per-
suading the House of Commons that it is inexpedient to ad-
mit foreign sugar at a protecting duty of fifty per cent., his
lordship and his allies will certainly have no difficulty in con-
vincing the same parties that the British farmer ought to
have an equal protection. If he is to have it, however, then
farewell to any hope of a repeal of the corn laws. Should
Lord Sandon succeed in defeating ministers on this question
also, he will have succeeded not only in inflicting the greatest
injury ever inflicted on the port of Liverpool, but in depriv-
ing it of the greatest benefit ever offered to it."
Our contemporary, having gone so far, might as well
have gone a step farther, and capped the climax, by
asking, what if Lord Sandon, by his amendment on
the sugar duties, not only defeats, but unkennels the
Whig ministry altogether—how great in that case will

have been his doing—how tremendous his responsibi-
lities ! His lordship, however, must try to bear up
against such a misfortune as well as he can. For our
part we shall, in that event, thank him most cordially.
We shall look upon it that he has done a deed that
should immortalise him ; and, when next he comes to
solicit the support of the burgesses of Liverpool, that
shall secure him an easy and honourable return.
But what strange people these Whigs are ! Here is
a Whig journalist endeavouring to blow up Lord San-
don for standing in the front of the battle, and doing
such good service to the Conservative cause, and a
Whig orator, Mr. Hugh Hornby, whose feats of elo-
quence are recorded in the same paper, threatening Mr.
CRESSWELL with extinction for not joining in the
battle. Well, there is no pleasing some people, hit
them where you will. Had there been occasion for
Mr. Cresswell's services, we have no doubt that he
would have supported his colleague with all that as-
tuteness of argument and fluency of eloquence which
he so easily commands; and we are far from agreeing
with Mr. Hornby in his inference that, because he did
not speak on the occasion, he " did not take any in-
terest in a question that would vitally affect the pro-
'verity of the country." But the truth is, the Whigs
have already commenced electioneering; and, as nei-
ther Mr. Cretswell nor Lord Sandon is to their taste,
we must be prepared for all manner of exceptions, ca-
vils, and objections to those two gentlemen who have
both proved themselves so able and effective in their
parliamentary career. .

_
But to return to our Whig contemporary, who ar-
gues, that if the British farmer is to be protected,
then farewell to a repeal of the corn laws ; and if this
is to happen—(our contemporary is evidently a very
long-headed, far-seeing speculatist)—why then fare-
well, Liverpool,—a long farewell to all thy greatness !
Our contemporary contends that all our prospects of

further greatness depend upon opening the trade in
corn. Give us this, he says, and " Liverpool will be-
come one of the greatest corn markets in the world,
both for foreign and domestic produce—a constant
supply of foreign grain would keep the warehouses of
Liverpool constantly full—the power of buying in
every part of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, would
give the shipowners profitable freight—the amount of
employment would be enormous," &c.

One would think that our contemporary had beer

glorifying at this rate under the inspiration of opium,
so delightful are the visions that dance before his eyes,
and all this because the poor English farmer had been
discarded, and left without protection ! But we tell
our dreaming visionary that his fancy-sketch is in this
case like other unsubstantial, baseless things of the
same kind, and has in it neither probability nor
likeli-
hood.

The vast cocnmerce of Liverpool has arisen from the
general prosperity of the country, its high degree of
civilisation, and the comforts and luxuries so exten-
sively used by the people; and it will further increase
or fluctuate with the causes which have produced it,„

To NUppOt3 Livorpaat *.voul4 tio-hi: by the
oion of the gentry and the agricultural classes, is a gross
mistake. This is a most dangerous delusion, and
thrown out, we fear, with mischievous intent; but we
are confident there is far too much solid good sense
and clear discernment in the Merchants of Liverpool
to allow it to have much influence on their mind.
They have had a peep behind the curtain, and have
seen the wires that work the puppets, and the bellows
that fills the organ. The clap-trap of free corn-trade,
therefore, will not deceive them. Their true interest
is a rightful adjustment of the question between the
manufacturer and the farmer, and not the affording of
any unfair advantage to one over the other. This they
well know; and, knowing it, we venture to say they
will not be misled by the too evidently:desperate cry of
a sinking ministry, the 'selfish yearnings of factory
aristocrats, or the shouting and mouthing of dema-
gogues who long for change, because no change could
make them worse, and some might possibly make them
a little better than they are.

It was a bad omen for the anti-agricultural party,
that the ministerial overture for " liberating the trade"
was made by a member of the house of Bedford—be-
cause this ancient and once illustrious house appears
at this moment in a state of perfect mutiny. Lord
Charles James differs from Lord John, Lord John dif-
fers from himself; and the Duke of Bedford, the noble
head of the house, differs from both. In short, there
is no agreement among them but in differing—and
that, in pursuing his own peculiar road, each noble
lord turns to look to his proper and peculiar interest,
and to nought beyond, or beside.

That Lord John should be all his life a corn-law
man, and had become inveterate in his protection pre-
dilections, was not surprising, considering his numer-
ous and powerful aristocratical and agricultural connec-
tions. The only thing which seems incredible is, that
so staunch a friend to the farmer as he once seemed to
be, should, on a sudden, renounce all his old opinions
and pledges, atd " wheel about and turn about"
antiquated Jim Crow—at the eleventh hour. But being
a member of a notoriously squeezable administration,
it did happen that his friends were so squeezed on this
occasion as never was ministry squeezed before—so
much so that Lord John yielded up one of the firmest
opinions of his past political life, in the hope—the vain
hope, we fear, of preserving their existence.
A Brighton paper has favored us with a reprint of an
old letter of Lord John's—the liters scripta nzanet,
unfortunately—to the farmers of Huntingdon, when
his lordship was not in his present unpleasant state of
strangulation, and he speaks his mind naturally and
freely. In this letter there is one good passage which
we think well worth transcribing—as it admits of as
ready application just now as it did at the period of its
date. He says :

" There is a party among us, however, distinguished in
what is called the science of political economy, that wish to
substitute the corn of Poland and Russia for our own. Their
principle is, that you ought always to buy where you can buy
cheapest. They repeat with emphasis that the nation pays a
tax of £25,000 yearly to the growers of corn ; and count as
nothing to the country the value of a hardy race of farmers
and labourers. They care not for the difference between an
agricultural and manufacturing population in all that concerns
morals, order, national strength, and national tranquillity.
Wealth is the only object of their speculation ; nor do they
much consider the two or three millions of people that may
be reduced to utter beggary in the course of their operations.
This they call diverting capital into another channel. Their
reasoning lies so much in abstract theories—their specula-
tion deals so much by the gross, that they have the same
sensibility about the suffering of a people that a general has
respecting the loss of men wearied out by his operations. It
is to these men, I suspect, that our ministers are about to give
up the question of free trade in corn."

But though our Colonial Secretary has thus " jumped
Jim Crow," as a last effort to save himself and com-
pany, his brother Lord Charles James jumps not with
him—but with great prudence takes care of number one.
The member for Stroud is secure of his seat, but is
not so secure of his place ; he therefore tries to
strengthen himself where he is weak, and abandons the
farmer to the fury of the factory-men ; the member for
Bedfordshire, on the other hand, has no place to secure,
but is apprehensive for his seat, and he avails himself

of the earliest opportunity to assure the farmers that
he has no notion of turning with his noble relative.
The following letter, addressed to Alexander Sharman,
Esq., Bedford election agent, will explain itself:—
" House of Commons, May 7, 1841.

" Dear Sir,—Lord John Russell has just declared what he
proposes shall be the amount of duty upon the importation
of foreign corn: wheat, Ss. per quarter; barley, 4s. 6d..
oats, 3s. 4d. And I hasten to communicate to you that,
through you, it may be known at Bedford market to-morrow.
I remember that when once alluding to the corn-laws at some
public meeting at Bedford, I remarked, When those laws
are threatened, do as you have done; call a public meeting,
and make your sentiments known to the legislature,' or words
to that effect ; and if I recall my advice on the present occa-
sion, it is only because time presses, and because there can
hsrdly be two opinions between those interested in agricul-
ture on the subject. Of course petitions will immediately
be started on the subject. Should they be in time, so much
the better ; should they not, I shall be at no loss to under-
stand their prayer; and come the resolutions on the duties
when they may, I shall be found at my post, ready to oppose
them.—ln great haste, very faithfully yours,
" CHARLES J. F. RUSSELL."
Meanwhile the Duke, who takes neither side on the
political question, is taking the sure side as regards his
own interest, and occupies himself, as a correspon-
dent of a London paper alleges, in raising the far-
mers' rents ! So much for the house of Russell.
Gentlemen Free-traders, here is a capital lot—a very
fine lot—and you may have them dog-cheap. Name
something to begin with. Come, gentlemen, what
shall we say for the three ? Going—going !

Our readers will find, in another part of this sheet,
a letter from Mr. John Gladstone on the whig financial
scheme, written immediately after the Chancellor had
opened his unfortunate budget. The observations of
Mr. Gladstone on political or commercial topics are
always acceptable, and commend themselves to atten-
tion by the evident maturity of consideration from
which they flow, and the perspicuous and pleasing
manner in which they are conveyed. His letters would
serve as a model of style for treating such subjects,
and we read them always with pleasure and profit, even
when it happens that we have met with some of the
arguments or facts elsewhere—and the reason is, be-
cause Mr. Gladstone is one who thinks and judges in-
dependently for himself, and because we feel a confi-
dence in the excellence of his judgment, the disinter-
estedness of his opinions, and the purity of his inten-
tions, which we cannot so easily repose in other men.

In the letter to which we would now direct atten-
tion, he reviews the whig finance scheme, 'nd briefly,
but satisfactorily and conclusively, discusses its several
features. It is a scheme, we would say, pre-eminently
characterised by liberalism—by an attempt to fuse down
all interests, whether foreign or domestic, into one
common mass—and abandons genuine British objects,
rights, and concerns, to the chances of a general
scramble. It commences with the colonies, and Mr.
Gladstone forcibly points out the injury and injustice
which it would inflict upon them. First, as regards
the timber duty, it is proposed, he observes, so to alter
it as to " encourage the importation of Baltic timber, of
which the greater part has been hitherto imported in fo-
reign shipping, to the discouragement of our own, the
cost of the cargoes, with the freight, being paid chiefly
in money, and not in goods—the ships, with the excep-
tion of salt from Liverpo6l, an article of little compa-
rative value, returning to their own ports in ballast."
Next, he discusses the probable operation of the
change in the sugar duties—the subject which has just
occupied so much time in the House of Commons;
and, lastly, he adverts to the corn question, concluding
with an earnest recommendation of that mode of relief
for the distress of the country to which we took occa-
sion to direct attention in our last, namely, emigration.
For the several pertinent and,important arguments in-
trodueed under these heads, we must refer to the letter
itself; and if there are any who remain in doubt touch-
ing the important questions adverted to, they will find
therein much, we apprehend, calculated to lead them
to certainty and decision. As to the
slave sugar pro-
ject, we look upon it as altogether infamous. As a
measure of finance, it would entirely fail unless the
country were nearly inundated with slave-raised sugar;
and with such an influx from foreigners, what must be
the fate of our colonies ? Truly, if there ever was a
perfectly Anti-British, and everyway dishonourable
contrivance suggested, this is the one. You deprived
the West Indian of labourers; you purchased, it is
true, the emancipation of his slaves, and you did well

in PA doing do yon PAR it Jun. or (air, bpfor6

has had time to arrange his ail airs, now placed in a
totally new position—before he has been able to pro-
vide himself with an adequate supply of free labourers
—to subject him to competition with the most reckless
slave-drivers ? Truly your regard for the British colo-
nist is quite as remarkable as your tenderness for the
African negro. It is wbig all over.
" But it would bring in revenue."—We deny it--
and for this reason, because for every hogshead of free
sugar displaced, you would occasion a commensurate
injury to those possessions by which such sugar was
produced. " But the slave countries would take more
of our goods."—This is doubtful. Slaves are not con-
sumers of our productions, and the slave countries al-
ready take as much of our productions as they have
need of ; but even if an increase in our exports did
take place to the slave countries, it would be more
than counterbalanced by the decrease which would in-
evitably occur in those to our colonies. We deny,
therefore, that there would be any gain from the mea-
sure, and we should stand, consequently, just in the
position of mem who had done a dishonest and, disho-
nourable act, but lost the reward.

The Manchester Guardian remains unconvinced, and
still calls upon the Manchesterians to persevere. We
are sorry for it, for we assure him very earnestly and
sincerely that the job he has taken in hands is altoge-
ther a bad one.

Having slept a whole post upon our last article, he
at length awakes, and discovers that our argument
comes short. " You don't go far enough," he says ;
" you should lay claim to warehousing all goods, whe-
ther customable or not, and if you cannot establish
that point, you should give up." But we had better
give the objection in his own words
The argument of the Liverpool Standard tends to
support, not merely the retention of the present law,
but the passing of another for the purpose of preventing
the Manchester merchant from warehousing any foreign
produce whatever except is Liverpool. The payment or
non-payment of duty cannot make the slightest difference in
the equity of the case ; and unless the advocates of the ex-
clusive privileges of Liverpool are prepared to assert that
there ought to be a law for compelling the warehousing of
all goods in that town, they must give up their claim which
they now advance, on the score of equity and justice."

So, it seems, we are too moderate, according to the
Guardian's notion, in our demands. Well, we had
rather be moderate than monopolising. But is not the
objection a curious one ? We are soliciting no new
law of warehousing—we are looking for no new privi-
leges; we are merely asking to be left in the enjoy-
ment of those we have. It is enough, then, for us
to remain on the defensive—nor has the Guardian
any right to taunt us with seeking any thing new
or unreasonable, seeing that we only ask not to be de-
nuded by others on whom the charge may much more
reasonably be retorted. .

The innovation sought for at Manchester would in-
volve an increase in the expense of revenue collection,
and afford no equivalent to the public at large ; it is
required solely for the convenience of a few, whose ad-
vantage, however, cannot be consulted for, without a
certain loss to others of probably much greater amount
than their gain—and we submit, therefore, that this is
_ _

just an innovation of that sort which the legislature
ought by no means to encourage. We say that it is
needless, inequitable, and moreover impolitic; and we
have not been answered on these heads, simply because
our position is milnswerable.
The Guardian observes :

" No complaint was made at Manchester when an immense
cotton mill was recently erected at Liverpool ; and the mer-
chants and brokers of that town may all turn spinners of cot-
ton, if so it shall please them to do, without a word of com-
plaint from anybody."
With regard to the cotton-mill recently erected in
this town, or in its vicinity, we believe that that in-

vestment was altogether the work of strangers—of
Manchester people for aught we know; but no matter
whose it was, we thank the Guardian for his liberality
touching Liverpool speculation in such concerns, and
we feel that we cannot do less than proffer him our
courtesy in return ; wherefore, we beg to assure him

that if any of the mill-owners, or cotton-spinners of
Manchester feel so disposed, they may purchase ware-
houses in Liverpool, and bond cotton, or vend it as
brokers—in Liverpool—ad libitum, and ad infinitum,
without a word of complaint from us, or we believe
from anybody. And this is seriously what we invite

them to do, and to abandon their present project,
which we regard as a direct attack upon our good
town, and therefore feel called upon to repel to the
utmost of our ability.

If there be any truth in the report that the Whig
party in this town mean to start a brace of candidates
of their own, and that Sir Joshua Walmsley and Mr.
Labouchere are the men, we know not whether to con-
gratulate the party more on their pluck or their choice.
As to Mr. Labouchere, we know not yet in what
capacity he may present himself. At present he is in-
deed an official personage, but whether he will be so
on-the dissolution of parliament is not quite so certain.
Out of office, however, or in office, Mr. Labouchere is
but a Whig; and, as to his disputing Liverpool with
either of her present representatives, we think his
chance of success is but moderate—that's all.

With regard to our friend of the " free and easy,"
we would advise him, in all singleness of mind, to stick
to his employment of perpetual chairman to all the
Radical meetings, in doors or out of doors, and to ab-
stain from going a-colonelling in search of a seat in
parliament. " They that go to the wars must expect
blows ;" but there are some—as the squire of the im-
mortal knight of the rueful visage declares—who get
nothing else, and return home much worse than they
set out. Our ambitious knight might do well to pon-
der a little upon this remark.

ASTOUNDING EFFECT OF MR. HUGH HORNBY'S
SPEECH AT THE MUSIC-HALL! PROBABILITY
OF AN IMMEDIATE WAR ! !

About three o'clock on Tuesday afternoon a copy of the
Liverpool Standard (containing a report of the great meet-
ing held in Liverpool on Monday) arrived, by express, at the
treasury, for the perusal of Lord Melbourne, who is an in-
tense admirer of that journal (we thank his lordship for the
compliment); and, in a few moments after its arrival, a
hasty muster of ministers was got together to consider
the following remarkable passage in the speech of Mr.
Hugh Hornby :—" The only way of putting an end to the
slave trade, worthy of this nation, is boldly and manfully
to declare any country, which allows her colonies to import
slaves, our enemy !!" The object of this hasty cabinet coun-
cil was to discuss the question, whether this new suggestion
was not worthy of adoption by the ministry in the peresent

Our informant. has not been able to give us the full pro-
proceedings of the council ; but we may state as the result,
that if by no other means the ministry can appease the ex-
citement produced by their unfortunate demonstration in
favour of the slave trade, they are prepared to accompany the
reduction of duties upon slave-grown sugar with a declara-
tion of war against the following countries, which are all more
or less concerned in the importation of slaves, or in the main-
tenance of slavery, viz., the United States, Texas, the
Brazils, Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Mehemet Ali, &c. This
" manful" resolve, we understand, will be announced to the
public at the approaching meeting of the Anti-slavery So-
ciety, which is to be held at Exeter-hall on the 18th instant ;
and it is expected that a step, which shews so unequivocal a
detestation of the unchristian and cruel practices of the sla-
vers, will have the effect of reinstating the government in the
good graces of Sir Thomas Powell Buxton, Mr. Clarkson,
Dr. Lushington, Daniel O'Connell, and others, who are at
present a little dubious in their allegiance. It was not stated,
however, from what source the Chancellor of the Exchequer
is to provide the wherewithal for this noble effort ; but Mr.
Hornby's word is to be taken for the fact that it is one in
which ministers will " receive the enthusiastic support of the
people of England." We shouldn't wonder.