The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-01-19 00:00:00

THE AFFAIRS OF CANAOA

Lord J. RUSSELL then rose, and, agreeable to notice. brought
under the consideration of the house the affairs of Canada. He
regretted the necessity for calling upon the house to suspend
the constitutional liberties of that portion of the empire, and
arraigned the conduct of the House of Assembly, in order to
show that the present breach with that house was founded in
justice. His lordship then entered into a statement which em-
braced the leading points in the history of the Canadas from
the period of their conquest by this co;antrv, the proceedin;!s or
the House of Assembly, and the subsequent acts which called
for the adoption of strong measures by the executive govern-
ment. In the course of his speech he Combated the arguments
of those who argued for the separation of the colonies from the
mother country. It was his iutentiou to move an address to her
Majesty, deploring the occurrences which had taken place, and
ptedgin,t the house to such measures as were requisite to put
down the disturbances. He would afterwards move fur leave
to bring in a bill to suspend the meeting of the House 'of As-
sembly. His lordship concluded by moving an address to her
Majesty to the effect already described, expressing the satis-
faction of the house that the designs of the disaffected had been
opposed, no less by her Majesty's loyal subjects in North
America than by her Majesty's -forces, and to assure her Ma-
jesty, that while their house was every ready to afford relief to
1.!,a1 grievances, they were fully determined to support the efforts
her Majesty for the suppression of revolt, and the restoration
of tranquillity.
Mr. }Junta condemned the Conduct of ministers, contending
that they had no right to suspend the liberties of Canada on ac=
count of the conduct of a few deinaoogues; arid lie—Strotigty
complained that the government had often talked of remedying
grievances and correcting abuses, but that nearly all had ended
in talk.

Lord ELIOT would ask if two great concessions had not been
mode to Canada? . The first concession was the act of 1;91,
which established a legislative assembly in the colony. The
noble lord then read the oath of allegiance prescribed to Le
taken on that occasion, and contended that the recent proceed-
ings for furthering the revolt were a violation of it. The next
concession was the act of 18.31, by u hich the whole of the crown
revenues in Canada were made over to the legislative assembly.
Yet afterwards that very body refused the supplies which were
necessary to pay official salaries, and carry on the civil govern-
ment of the colony.

Sir J. R. CA 101#c insisted that every effort was made by this
country to improve the colonies and elevate the condition of the
people. He deprecated the course pursued with regard to this
question by trading politicians and enthusiastic theorists. It
had already done fer too much mischief.
Mr. Gnont felt persuaded that unless a total change took
place in the constitution of the legislative council, no measures
of pacification would be of any avail. He thought he had a
right to complain that the noble lord called upon the house to
deliberate upon the address, wituout giving to the house any ex-
planation as to what the address was to be. Surely the noble
lord ought to have given some more distinct pledge of a future
redress of grievances in Canada. If the noble lord's argument
Was good for anything, it went to prove the expediency of a se-
paration between Canada and the mother country. The course
pursued by government was only calculated to exasperate the
feelings of the people of Canada, and to cause them to despair
of justice from this country. Ile should therefore dissent from
the address, regtettiug that a more conciliatory course was not
to be pursued. (Hear, hear.)

Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the noble lord (John Russell)
in the course of his speech had brought uuder the cousideratiou
of the hotise two most important questions—one, an address to
the crown pledging the House of Commons to the support of
the crown in suppressing the revolt which had broken out in
Lower Canada; the other, the suspension of the constitution,
and investing an individual with dictatorial powers. Ile was
called upon at that moment to give his opiniou on one only of
these questions, namely, as to the policy of the address by which
he should pledge himself, as a member of that house, to support
the crown in Its attempt to suppress a revolt on the part. of a
portion of its subjecte. It would have been more convenient if
The question (as to the propriety of the address, and the
adoption of legislative measures had been kept more distinct.
The first question was of sufficient importance of itself to com-
mand the undivided attention of the house. When it should be-
come necessary to give his opinion upon the legislative mea-
sures,. he should be prepared to do so; but on that occasion he
sanuld confine himself entirely to the question of the address.
in the first place, he regretted that so touch time had been lost.
( Hear, bear.) If he had been in the House of Commons on
the night previous to its separating for the holydass, he should
have voted for the propositiou that thee should meet without
delay fur the purpose of cousidering the' question of Canada
( Hear, hear.) They bad au intimation that Lower Canada was
in a sta'e of open insurrection. They had had at that time
official information that the Queen's troops had been committed
in arms with the Queen's subjects—that the Queen's troops had
been called in to support the civil power, (bear, hear), and un-
der these circumstances toi time should have been lest by the
House of .C'otoilions in taking such steps as would have the
effect of intimidating the insurgents and encouraging the loyal
inn ibitauts of the colony. •(Cheers.) He did not see why
parliament should not have continued its sittings under such
circumstances. No doubt a great many of its members bad
separated under tie impression that no business of importance
would be taausacted, but alien the fact became known that at re.
volt had taken piece, and when it was known that the aid of
parliament was required by the colonial executive, there was no
reason whatever to justify an adjournment for more than
three days before parliament should have been again called
together to give that assurance to the crown, which they at
that moment gave so heartily, that in suppressing imme-
diately this revolt her Majesty might firmly rely for support
on the Coiniumie House of Parliament. ( Loud cheers.)
The house had to complain, however, that it had received no
formal intimation upon this important subject by way of mes-
sage from the cruwh. ( Hear, hear.) Surely when the fact was
known that the Queen's troops had been called out, that they
had been in actual collisiou with the Queen's subjects, that one
detachment of them had teen overpowered, that martial law
had been proclaimed, and that the most pressing instances were
made to other colonies for troops, surely, under such circum-
stances, the House of Commons was justified in expecting a
message from the crown. (Hear, hear.) He would venture to
say that, in the whole history of events of an analogous cha-
racter, none had ever occurred without such a cominunicatiou
taking place from the crown soliciting the support of the House
of Commons. The main question before the house, however,
was. if it was fitting that the House of Commons should assure
her Majesty of its cordial support in putting down the revolt—
( hear hear); and be must say that he never felt inure sincerely
that he was right, than when, without passion, and after great
disliberat ion. and not without a cautious forecast of all the proba-
ble consequences, he came to tlia conclusion of offering to the
crown his assurances of cordial support in attempting at any
bozard to suppress this revolt. ( Hear, hear.) The honourable
gentleman who had last spoken had suggested a consideration
of very oreat importance. He had stated that the majority of
the inhabitants of Canada were dissatisfied with our control,
and as the present was a liberal government, the chance became
more hopeless. of our being ever enabled to establish a perma-
nent dominion over them. He would ask the honorable mem-
ber if he was prepared to act upon that principle as to the whole
of our colonial empire, great as it is? (Hear, hear.) Let them
not forget the extent of the principle laid down. If the hon.
member meant to lay it down as a rule that, on the very first
announcement of dissatisfaction by a colony, the mother coun-
try was at once to concede to it a free government, he would ask
him to suppose that Canada was an Island, and say if this rule
should be acted upon? Would be say that, after possessing it
for a period of 70 years, as the result of a brilliant conquest,
that because the people became dissatisfied we should at once
relinquish it? If this rule were to be laid down, why confine it
tit the colonies? A principle. if true, crust be equally just, whe-
ther applied on a small or on a large . vale. Why, we would
-ask, sheulal not the principle be applir 1 to any part of England
that becanie dissatisfied The very fact of their declaring
their dissatisfaction *mold at'once justify parliament in graut-

ing them independence en the principle that there eould be no
advantage in ruling over discontented subjects. If they were,
indeed, to act upon this principle, all the glory of England
would be annihilated. (Cheers.) That great influence which
she exerted owing to the magnitude of her colonies and the
greatness of her marine would be destroyed, and England must
be content, acting upon philosophical principles—( a laugh)—
to descend from a first-rate rank in the scale of nations, to be-
t mne a subordinate fir'h-rate power. (Cheers.) Suppose that
it could be safely applied to an island, still could it be
safely applied to Canada with reference to otner parts of that
continent bordering upon it ! There certainly was dissatisfac-
tion in Canada, but nut of such a nature as to induce them to
think that they would not yet he satisfied under the control of
this country. Indeed, all he had heard from the hon. gentle-
man ( Mr. Grote) was nothing but expressions of regret at the
exclusion from office of a conservative government. (Cheers,
and a laugh.) The hon. member for Kilkenny, it was evident,
indulged in similar feelings, and not merely on grounds of
evonoiny ; and certain he was, that both of them must regret
that factious combination by which he (Sir R. Peel) was
driven from office (Loud cheering and Laughter.) The
honourable member for Kilkenny declared that he had no doubt
but that if. Lori Aberdeen lied remained in office there would
have been no iesurrection in Canada. (Cheers, and a laugh).
From this sprung two corriolaries—first, that nothing could he
so factious as the opposition which drive Lord Aberdeen from
offiee (loud cheerine from the opposition benches; ) and secondly,
that Lord Aberdeen's oroidence and wisdom were such, that if he
had remained in office the present question would never have
arisen. (Hear, hear.) If, then, he (Lord Aberdeen) had been
excluded by a most factious opposition, and tithe present ques-
tion would not have arisen if he had remained in office, he
would only ask, would it not be just to give him another trial ?
(Tremenifous ,iheering and laughter.) Was it because certain
persons hid flown to arms that they were therefirii to give op
all connexion with the Canadas ? lustead loict tti s th
shofuld rather resort to these councils which, if perseve.red in,
would have prevented those occurrences altogether. The hon.
member for the city ( Mr. Grote) might, perhaps, sac that the
hon. member for Kilkenny was indiscreet in the admissions he
toads after reading the extracts from Lord Aberdeen's letter,
and that no inference should be drawn from what he said ; but
the hen. member for the city himself deeply lamented the re-
tirement of Sir G. Murray and Sir J. Kempt. " If," said he,
" Sir G. Murray had remained, and if his principles had been
suffered to predominate, the financial questions would have
been easily settled." The chief questions in dispute were those
of feeling and finance, and it appeared from what hail fallen
from the hon metneer for Kilkenny that Lord Aberdeen would
have settled- the one, while the hon. member for the city was
equally sanettine that Sir George Murray would have settled
the"other, "(Loud the -rs arid laughter.) Was not all this a
procirthatit was a factious opposition which excluded himself
and his friendas—honest ministers as they were admitted to be—
from offipe?—(much cheering)--and was it not a reason for
them net to despair, since they had been succeeded by men so
very unwise? Was it not a reason for them to hope to see those
men restored to power who would have settled these questions
without creating a revolt ? Even if the Canadians had applied for
a separation front the mother couutiv, were they prepared to say
that on. the first eapression of a wish to that of e.ct this country
should comply ? Were they not to look to the consequences
which might follow it they were left to govern themselves?
Suppose they were to try the question as relating to the Isle of
Wight. Suppose the inhabitants of that island were to say,—
" We are dissatisfied with the control of England"—and be it
remarked that philosophical principles, if good for millions,
were also good for smaller numbers—" we are anxious to separate
from you, and try a small republic within sight of Portsmouth.
We do not. like your taxes, and would rather peen] ourselves—
there are many precedents for such things, for amongst the
small Italian states are several republics." Suppose the
Isle of Men were In ask similarly to constitute themselves
into a small republic. Even if the principle were just as
applicable to small cominnnities as to large, might not the hon.
member say to them, "You are necessary to our security, being
so very near to Portsmouth, and our own security will net per-
mit us to let volt constitute yourselves into an independent
state." ( Hear, hear.) Why surely it would be their duty
similarly to consider with respect to Canada, the consequences
to the colonies in its neighbourhood. Surely they should con-
sider that our own British American colonies might also become
separated; or, if not, that their
.interests would be so. far affect-
ed that they might feel themselves called upon by their obliga-
tions to other parts of the empire to contest for the maintenance
of their rule over Canada. if they were to acquiesce in the in-
dependence of Lower Canada, what would they do with respect
to the navigation of the St. Lawrence? (Hear, hear.) Sup-
pose Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were to say, " We made
settlements here on the faith that Lower Canada was to remain
a British. province.. Far seventy years they have remained
so. You have given them a form of government which is not
satisfactory, but still we object to having it created an in-
dependent state, commanding the river St. Lawrence, in
the centre of colonies which require the navigation of that.
river." Were .not the British inhabitants to be considered?
If Canada were erected into an independent state, with power
to make peace or war, what answer could be given to the
other colonies? It was, in short, perfectly clear that the case
of Canada could not be considered as an abstract question—it
could not be separated from the case of the North American
colonies generally. Its physical position was such, that they
could not concede its independence, without being at the same
time prpared to make similar concessions to others. For
chase double reasons he thought it was the grossest folly and
absurdity for England to give way to such proceedings as had
taken place in Canada. He thought it trevessary, therefore, to
agree to the address, for the maintenance of the honour of the
crown, and the interests of Great Britain. He also thought it
necessary, in order that they might not permit revolt to triumph,
nor suffer the British flag to be lowered by the attempts of Mr.
Papineau, (Loud cheers.) At the same time, however, that
he gave- his cordial assent to the address, he could not approve
of the course which her Majesty's government, had pursued.
(Hear, hear.) Ile supported the address because he thought
this country had acted liberiilly and justly towards Canada. it
certainly was imposSible, on lookires over the correspondence,
not to admit that the Canadians had just grounds for complaint;
tout how could any government be maintained if, on the very
first coonplaiut, the parties aggrieved were tit have an immediate
re.courseso arms? (Hear.. bear ) He would not affect to say
that during the war Canada had not been neglected by. govern-
ment; but in recent years he could not conceive a cast in which
a mother country could have shown more consideration for her
colony than this country had dime for Canada. (Hear, hear.)
But all discussion on this point was concluded by the passage in
the resolutio'n of the House of Assembly, that the repot t of the
committee of 1828 was an imperishable monument of 13-itish
liberality.' (Hear, hear.) Parliament had gone bea mod the
report of that committee, and in every case in which it had riot
been acted upon, the impediment lay with Canada itself.
( Hear, hear.) He agreed indeed with the hon. member for
Kilkenny, that the main responsibility in this case rested with
those whit had involved these men in a hopeless insurrection.
There was always something in the certainty of success which,
whatever might be the feeling of justification, still found some
palliation for involving a quiet and rural population in the
miseries of a revolution. But in this case, when there existed
so much loyal and British feeling, when they saw in Upper
Canada, which the hon. gentleman represented as disaffected,
that she had subdued by her native energies all attempts at in-
surrection, he must say that there was gross ignorance on the
part of those who had been engaged in the government of this
colony; and when he heard the hon. gentleman condemn those
who bad incited others t insurrection, he looked to the pas-
sages contained in an address of the hop. member for Kilkenny,
inlB-31; in reference to the reelections in Canada. In that
address the hen. gentleman told the Canadians of the triumph
which they would obtain toy the re-election of the "sixteen"
members of the House of Assembly, of the effect which it must
have on Canadian affairs; and that the result must terminate
in the release horn the baneful influence of the mother country,
and of a small but despicable faction—" that the proceedings
which had taken place between the years 1772 and 1782 ought
not to be forgotten, Szc." That was the language, in the year
18.11, addressed by the hon, gentleman to the people of Upper
Canada: So grossly din he miscalculate the feelings of the peo-
ple of Upper Canada, that they viewed with disgust and indig-
nation this communicetiou—there were none of the inhabitants
who did not regard it with abhorrence—they abhorred the possi-
bility of its being sopposed to be in any way their act or deed.
To suppose that that people of Canada approyed of the prin-
ciple of tire honourable member for London. that they were
rife for revolt,to suppose that they desired a dissolution of the
existing connexion, would be to punt down the indignation of
that people upon the British Parliament. And who was the
cerrespondentof the hon. gentleman the member fur Kilkenny ?
To whom had he addressed this inflammatory language, ad-
vising the people of Upper Canada to bear in mind the struggles
they had made in former years ? It was addressed to that
Nl'Kenzie who made an unsuccessful attempt on the loyalty of
the people of_that province during the absence of the British
troops. Butthight, not this man quote the authority of the hon.
gentleman, and say, " Visit nut this delinquency upon tile, but
upon your member or representative of a metropolitan county,
fur he must have an enlarged knowledge and views of British
interests ? 1 have been betrayed by the advice which I have
received from the representative or Middlesex, and in appor-
tioning the punishmeut to which I sin subject for my Misdeed,
remember his owe emphatic words, that the real responsibility
in thetease of this revolt rests not with the executive agent, but
with Those who gave the advice, and offered suggestions which
were. disparaging to my own 'country, and destructive to the in-
itereets" of the 'British nation." ('i'he right bun. baronet sat
duel). amidst loud cheers )
MryLISADER briefly protested against the conduct and pro-
prised preeeedings of government. lie deprecated the.precipi-
tartest witleathiciv they acted-in-this affair, and moved, in order
arieafforit intrie time for its consideration, that the debate should
be'adjoiernell until to-morrow
Mraßarteis seconded the motion.
A.ftee some discussion the house divided on the question of
adjociining the -.debate when there appeared for the adjuurn-
inent,i'2B k against it, 188 ; majority, 160. The address was
then 'agreed to'

Lord JOHN Rusmut. then gave notice of his intention to
bring- a bill for the temporary government of Canada, and pro.
posed' to have it read a first time to-morrow (Wednesday), and
a second time on Monday. The house then adjourned.