The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-11-20 00:00:00

GREAT ORANGE MEETING,

(From the Dublin Protestant Guardian.)
A General Meeting of Orangemen was held on Wednes-
day the 14th instant, at the Great Rooms of the Conservative
Society, Dawson-street, under the sanction of the Grand
Orange Lodge of Ireland; Cnidley Conte, Esq., , Deputy
Grand Master, in the chair; at which representatives from
eery county and district in Ireland attended.

The Imige having. been duly opened with prayer, the fol-
lowing resolution of the committee was read :
Resolved—'That this committee do recommend the Grand
Lodge of Ireland to sanction a general meeting of orange-
men, to be held during the November meeting of the Grand
Lodge of Ireland, with a view of more publicly and specifi-
cally making known the increasing grievances of the Pro-
testants of Ireland, and the dangers which threaten their
dearest rights and interests."

A repo-it of the committee Of the Grand Lodge was then
read, from which we make the following extracts:— S
" Your committee, in bringing up their half-yearly report,
feel it thcii duty to enter into a more than usual detail—a de-
tail which, however supeifluous for the members of the in-
stitution, is yet rendered iimispensible, from the circum-
stances of the times demanding an authoritative exposition
of the objects, and a demonstration of the necessity of the
Orange Institution.

" The objects of the Orange Institution are few and simple,
being reducible indeed tonne head—the exercise- of the in-
defeasible right of self-defence in its widest and most rational
signification—the defence not only of the person lint of its
appertaining rights—constitutional freedom, both civil and
religious. In this consists the very essence of the Orange
Institution, and there is nothing in its constitution or practice
that seeks to extend further. It contains niehing of aggres-
sion. It ;vas the inevitable offspring of necessity; and when
that necessity ceases, its dissolution must as inevitably le-
suit but so long its it continues, the Orange Institution•is
forced into a permanent existence. *
" The oppressions of time Protestants of Ireland, the inse-
curity of their property end persons are facts so notm ions,
that your committee would content themselves with referring
to them as historical truths, were it not that the contrary has
been so often asserted, that while many only affect to believe
the assertion, there are not a few who seem atonally per-
suaded of its truth; and the existence of tranquillity. in Ire-
land, a misstatement as gross as was ever contradicted by
facts, is daily nuptial to as incontrovertible. This is doubt-
less, in some degree attributable to that currency which bold
and hardy assertion too often obtains for untruth, but is per-
haps mainly owing to the friends of truth shrinking from a
controversy with falsehood. The Protestants of Ireland have
so long been silent under their grievances, that these griev-
ances-are treated as non-existent—the policy of quiescence
enforced on-them by their leaders. and pushed to. the extent
of a compromise with evil, inculcates it as a dutx to suffer
without resistance : and the absence of reaction is adduced
by our enemies as an eVlifence hf the absence of oppression.
We were told that stir 16trig sufforing and endurance would
earn for us extraneous sympathy; but our very patience has
been made a proof that sympathy is uncalled for. The ex-
periment of quiescence and concession has been puehed to
the uttermost, and its inefficiency for geed is au established
result. If ever a system has been allowed to fully de-
velope its effects, the system of concession has been
allowed to do so by the Protestants of Ireland. In
compliance with this system the Orangemen of Ireland
consented to abolish their- beloved Institution: in com-
pliance with it also every tranifestatinn of Protestant
strength and feeling was avowedly discountenanced by even
the conservative leaders. It may be well that these things
have been. The impolicy of concession—the ittefficacy of
opposing inertness to active and vigorous aggression—is now
an historical fact, and mistaken friends as well as insidious
enemies are at length deprived of the least semblance of a
pretext for counselling the Protestants of Ireland to sacrifice
both safety mid principle by persevering in their present
downward course of compromise, inertness, and concession.
The time has indeed collie when the question must be fairly
met, and stated on its right grounds. The Protestant insti-
tutions—the Protestant people of this country—are in pro-
cess of extirpation, under the double influence of violent ag-
gression and timid shrinking from defence. There is no
civil or religieus right whose enjoyment is left undisturbed—
no constitutional privilege which can be exercised with int-
. punity—no duty whose fulfilment does not incur pains anti
penalties—the rights of property, whether of landlord or te-
nant, are too often but nominal—the exercise of our religion
is anathematised, the performance of its rights disturbed,
and its professor followed even to the grave with the bitter
persecution of Runtish intolerance. The prosecutors anti
witnesses in our criminal courts become the objects of out-
rage or assassination ; and intimidation, extending. its influ-
ence to the jury box, nakes the law itself the best shield for
even the avowed assassin—the exercise, of the elective fran-
chise is contiolled by the brutal violence of a sanguinary mob,
who visit opposition to their will with the penalty of death—
in the legislature, bold and unblushing notnish perjury
breaks through the feeble protection destined to shield our
'Protestant instinviens; and the executive, groaning under
the despotism of a ferocious priesthood, have discarded the
reptession and punishment of crime from the number of their
duties. Such is the influence produced on our enemies by-
our quiescence and concessions. What effect has it had upon
ourselves? The quiescent endurance of persecution has be-
come intolerable, and as already produced the alarming evil
of a stationary if non diminishing Pro'estant population. The
tide of Protestant emigration bids fair to reduce our yeo-
manry to a truly despicable minority, while the wealthier
amongst us find in absenteeism that sa:"ety which Bnnis') vio-
lence and Conservative timidity-deny them at home. The
Ptotestant representatives keep aloof from the people, and
the people find no fixed point round which to tally, The re-
presentations of the fewness of Protestants iu Ireland may
well gain belief, for they come not in masses before the public
eye. The fiction ef Protestantism in Ireland being upheld
fur the benefit of a few aristocrats may well be credited, when,
from the want iif union, engendered by the policy of conces-
sion the Protestant democracy remains unseen. All tends to
render us powerless. Every appeal must now he made to
England, for the want of confederation forces those amongst
us who have still the boldness to speak of Protestantism to
seek in England that sphere of. action whic'r the impolicy of
concession has deprived them of at home. And thus again is
-strengthened the delusion that the Protestants of Ireland are
'but tie remnant of an expiring faction. .
' Your committee then appeal to experience as testifying
that some defeusive confederation is called for by the condi-
tion of Ireland; the experiment has been doubly tried, and
the results severally strengthen each other. While a de-
fensive confederation existed, we enjoyed comparative com-
fort and security, and retained something of our just influence
in the commonwealth; when that confederation was dissolved
it was almost affected nut to recognise our existence—not
only was the fact of our intolerable oppressions denied, but
it ItijS attempted to legislate with exclusive reference to
our antagonists, and the executive acted as though they were
exclusively the people of Ireland. On our antagonists them-
selves the dissolution of the Orange Institution produced
nothing of a reciprocating spirit; our concession elicited no
similar concession from them, they were too well aware of
the strength derived from asseciatien, to divest thentselyes
of au iustrument so efficacious in the furtherance of their
views—uninfluenced by our concession they unscrupulously
persevered in using for aggressien the engine which we had
so weakly abazdoned as a defence. Notwithstanding the
perfect organization placed at their disposal by the combined
efforts of their priesthood, their Ribbon associations, and
their popish members of the legislature, and a government
jealously furthering their views, they could not afford to di-
trense with the additional element of public and popular con-
federation. From the commencement of popish agitation
down to the formation of the Precursor Society iu the pre-
sent year, they had en uninterrupted series of associations in
vigorous operation, which have been too successful in attain-
ing, many of the objects they professed to have in view.
Others of these objects are now avowedly conceded to them
in perspective. Every day, as it were, paying fresh homage,
adding new triumphs to the principle of popular confedera-
tion. Has this lesson been react to us in vain? Is the ex-
perience- of our strength while united, our feebleness when
scattered, to be treated as nothing?. Are we to persevere in
neglecting a means which was once a sufficient defence, and
is new used against us with such fearful effect? It must he
admitted that some defensive confederation, having for its
main object the pi evention and repulsion of aggression is
imperatively called for, the executive having discharged
themselves of their most momentous function, and even re-
primanded the magistracy and police for exercising the chief
duty that falls within their province, the prevention of out-
rage and crime. The active exertion of self-defence, then,
of being a simple right becomes a positive (fury, and the
only queston that can arise is as to. the shape and form under
hich that right and duty should be exercised "
During the reading of the report the secretary was fre-
quently interrupted by loud and continued cheering.
The report having been received and adopted, Sir Amyrald
Dancer, Bart., moved, and James Harvey, Esq., Deputy
Grand Master of Wexford, seconded the first resolution.