Star.
London, England, 1820-07-19 00:00:00

THE KVLNINO ,STMt.

LONDON. •

'WEDNESDAY, JULY 1%
• THE' FUNI*
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Lord Hotta ND made an aiit allusion last night
to the pleasant story of a travelling party in
Turkey, who were ilk; to have lost their heads
because their interpreter was so panic struck at the
sight of a certain ominous peen bag, that he could
think or speak of nothing else.; constantly exclaim-
irg, 4' Oh ! that bag !—that accursed bag!" We

believe, with hii Lordship, that many matters of
most interest ate at the present moment quite

lost sight of in the eager curiosity which universally
prevails about a similar bag of our own, as ominous
a ill, we fear, as any Turkish bag ever was, and as
deserving of being called " accursed r yea, " most
accursed f' •

_ When people, however, will think and speak of
nothing else, what can either public debaters or pub-
lic writers do, but yield to the influence that is in
the ascendant ? Of what avail is it to speak what
no one will listen to—to write what no one will read?
The public mind is engrossed by one great subject,
and tc that alone t e who wish to interest the pub-
lic attention must direct themselves, or remain silerft.
. We do not know, after all, that the Public are
much in the wrong, in giving themselves up so ex-
clusively to the scrutiny of this our ever-memorable,
Green Bag. We are sure that nothing more nearly
affecting the monarchical part of our Constitution—
nothing more fraught with injury to the moral cha-,
ratter of the rising generation—nothing more dan-
gerous to the whole frame of society, as it exi,ts
at present in this country, has, for many years back,
been forced upon public attention. Every movement
made in it is a pull at the pillars of our happy Con-
stitution, and surety there is wisdom in taking heed
least the building fall about our ears.
We vele yesterday precluded, by want of room,
from specifying our reasons for thinking that the
Resolutions of the Common Council, respecting the
Bill of Pains and Penalties against her MAJESTY,
are both less cogent in matter and indecisive inman-
ner than they alright have been. • Our objection to
them resolves generally into this, that they do not
put the case in its best, or in anything near its best
light. The grounds cn which they object to the pro-
ceeding by Bill, are all more or less open to differ-
ence of opinion, while grounds areoverlooked which
might have been almost certain of meeting with uni-
yes sal assent. There is, for instance, the opposite modes
of taking evidence in the two Houses of Parliament, in
the one on oath, in the ether rum ely onaffirmation—
the probal.iiity th::t the House.oi Commons may, as
is the practice in Bills of Attainder, content them-
selve; with copies of the minutes of evidence taken
in the House of Lords, instead of examining them-
selv'es the n it::esses, of whose credibility they are to
judge—or the .strang,eanomaly with which the QUEEN
is threatened, that the degree of guilt she has in-
curred is to be judged of without taking into account
the degree of insuli;of injury, and provocation which
she has received.
On this last point we would stop to offer one ob-
sorvation. The Bill is not merely one of Divorce on

the ground of adultery, but of Degradation, on ac-
count of uniform bad conduct. Although recrimi-
nation may be objected to on the for Mer point, will
any person say that citcumstancesin'extenuation are
not to be admitted as to the latter? We refer our
Readers to a forcible passage on this subject, which
xhey will find annexed, from the Times of this morning.
To return to the Common Council Resi)lotions.—
None of the grounds we hive now btiefly pointed
out, though each unquestionably of great weight, is
in the least adverted to in this body of reasons against
the Dill of Pains and Penalties. Some other omis-
sions, equally important, might be pointed out ; but
we shall content ourselves with instancing only one
more, where the reason omitted is of that importance
that, without intending any disrespect to the Com-
Iron Council, we are disposed to think it worth. the
whole of their reasons.
Vie allude now to the fact to which we have more
than once before adverted, that this Bill of Pains and
Penalties, go through what course it may, must end
in this issue—that the party accusing, the party pro-
secuting, the party who is to be relieved (for we scout
the fiction of the STATE being deemed the prosecutor),
must be ultimately called upon to pass judgment on
the truth of his own accusation! The injustice of'
:,tich au issue is as clear as the sun at noon day ; it
a sort of anomaly which every man can clearly
er.derstand, and which we do believe no man in his
s:.:•.ses still be found seriously to defend.
L may it be said, that should the two -Houses be
• oozes ham; of the QuEEN.B guilt, and pass the Bill,