Star.
London, England, 1826-05-13 00:00:00

SRITISPI COMMIBRCL

Mr. HUSKTSSON rose, pursuant to notice, to move'
for a return of the number of ships built in the British
dominions between the years 1814 and 1325, both inclu-
sive; distinguishing the number in each year, ani the
amount of their tonnage. In bringing forward this
motion, it was, he observed, very important to learn,
whether the trade of the country. after the alterations
that had been made in our commercial system, was in
such a state as to give employmeut to the whole of our
shipping, or whether those alterations had operated
prejudicially to the shipping interest. The Hon. Mem-
ber for Gi :impound (Mr. Robertson) had, in certain
oracular statem..nts, from time to time, foreboded the
ruin of that interest. Those denunciations—whe her
from the toile of mystery in which they were delivered,
or from any other adventitious circumstance—did not,
at the moment, make any considerable impression either
in that House or through the country. But recently
there had been a variety of Petitions presented from per-
'sons connected with the poi is of London, and fr ern se-
veral other important places, setting forth their appre-
hension that the shipping of the country was in 4 state
of decay, and that the security of the empire WAS, in
consequence, likely to be undermined. When such im-
pressions had been made in quarters where the opinion
expressed, ill far at the obset cations of the indivi-
duals went, was of great imp(); tance, lie trusted that
it did not requite any apology on his part, if he
claimed the attention of the House to 15 subject of such
deep interest, cnnisected as it was with the maritilie
power and greatness of the country. (Hear, hear.)—
lit should be obliged. in order to make the subject in-
telligible, to etrer upon particular and minute. details ;

but the importance of the object wis sock, that he felt
no apology could be necessary for doing so. The object
of our policy had been two-fold : Ist, To cOoain as
great an increase to our own commerce and navigation
as *as practicable ; and, 2.11 y, to prevent any other
State from engrossing too huge a share of the carrying
trade of the world. In pursuance of these objects, we
had refused to every nation the privilege of importing
to this country any goods the produce of a third Power,
and confined to each Power the carrying trade of its own
produce, in order to produce a certain equ rlity in the
division of the carrying trade, sold to prevent any inor-
dinate proportion of that trade from being engrossed by'
any one Power ; and in order also that we might secure
to oorselves the benefit of the carrying trade in every case
where the commercial marine of the nation with which
we traded was deficient or inactive. When he steted that
the great object of our policy was to procure and support
a great commercial marine, he might safely state, that riff
laws or regulations could acco nplish this, without we
had employment for shipping, or, in other words, tittles,
we possessed the advantage of a great national commerce.
Without this, laws or regulations could be of no avail.
Whatever, therefore, tended to extend commerce, must
tend also to the increase of navigation, for commerce and
navigation were inseparably int-rwoven. He knew that
this principle was subject to modifications. He knew that
the principle:: r f free trade, most wholesome in their ge-
nes tendency, were yet subject to restrictions. He knew
that the interests of commerce were subord.nate to the
interests of navigation, if in any instance they could be
separated. Our preference to the interests of naviga-
tion was founded upon the first law of every state, upon
tl-e strong 14w of political necessity. This preference
aas d.ctated to us by the necessity of maintaining our
ascendancy upon the ocean, without which we could
no longer hold that proud station amongst the nati .ns
of the world which had hitherto been ours—(Hear.)—
Having thus set himself right with the House—having
thus admitted that where conflict could be supposed to
etist the interests of navigation were entitled to the
preference over every other national interest, he must
be permitted to say, that any thing tending to cramp
commerce beyond the necessity was injurious, not to
commerce only, but also to navigation itself. The
questions then they had to consider were simply thee,
whether the alterations which had taken place had ex-
posed these great national interests to jeopardy or
hazard; whether they had so operated to the prejudice
of any particular part of the shipping interest as to en-
title it to special or peculiar consideration ; and thirdly,.
whether the alterations had been adopted gratuitiously.
or whether the state of circumstances had not been such
as to render them necessary with a view to avoid still
greater inconvenience? He would now attempt to trace
an outline of the system upon which our navigation
laws were founded. The Act of the 12th of Charles
H. was the great charter of our navigation. Its pro-
visions might be classed under five heads. The first
head was that which related to the fisheries. It was
enacted that all the property of the ocean, consumed by
this country, should he obtained by the industry of our
own people. This provision was so obviously just and
wise, that no alteration had been made in it, nor was
any contemplated. The second was that which g ye
the coasting trade of the country exclusi, ely to our own
shipping. At the time when this Act was passed, it ap-
plied only to England ; subsequent events had extended
its operation to Scotland and Ireland. Every man would
agree that, under this important head,no alteration ought
1 to be-attempted. This valuable monop. ly now remained
in the possession of our own commercial mar ine,and must
remain, so long as we wish to support our maritime sra-
premacy. The third head related to our commercial
rrt-
tercourte with the European nations. The ships of every
State of Europe were permitted to bring any articles, the
produce of such State, or any other produce actu.ily
shipped in such sta.e, excepting Holland, of which he'
would dry a word by and bye, and with the excepti
of certain a: tides, which were known under the denn-
atination of enumerated articles. The articles e
generally of a bulky description, and could be brought
only in oritish ships, or in the ship of the State ac-
tually producing them. Such was our maritime law
with respect to Europe generally. It was, however,
s mess ha. more rigorous with regard to Holland. The,
system was devised, not only with a view to promote our owns
direct interest, but under feelings of national jealousy, and with a
desire to check the advancement of our maritime rivals the Moth ;
the articles accordingly which they were interdicted from conveying
were the most numerous. The fourth head comprehended our
intercourse with Asia, Africa, and America. The produce
of these quarters of the globe could only be brought in Bri-
tish ships and only from the particular qu suer, 0111Kiitrillg cacti
quarter as a tingle country, where it was actually produced.—
The fifth head was that by which we sought to avail ourselves of
the uttoon advantages which could arise from our own colonies.
They were prohibited from sending any part or their producions
anywhere except to this country, or in any other way than in our
ships, and they were equally prohibited from receiving anything
except from us sad in our ships. This was a fair statement of the
system, and from the 1 ith of Charles the Second to the peace of
1783, it has not been in any degree invaded. But agr at change
if circumstances had since taken place, and the woe of tl:e
American war had rendered it necessary materially to Miring'',
upon that system. In the year a 757, that war brwic not which/
was generally known by the AIMo of the Seven Years War.
France and Spain at that time made war in support of their co-
lonial claims. The stake involved in the contest was that of colonial
supremacy, and It was won by British valour and skill. It was signa-
lised by the capture of the liavannah, and Kai:bout attained to fhe
undisputed rank of mistress of the colouial possessions of the Wyatt rn
world. After the seven years war* became the object of our policy
to enforce more rigidly and jealously than before, if it were possible,
our navigation law. livery attempt made by the New England
colonies to evade the existing restrictions and to extend their ' -
merce, was met by new regulations ; such, fur Instance, as that
which compelled them to come to this country for every thing they
wasted; such as that which provided that if a ship from New
England was stranded on the coast of Ireland, for Ireland was then
treated as a colony, they should send to this country for a ship to .
convey whatever portion of the cargo might be preserved. If the
conduct of th!s country had been more prudent and less jealous, the
American war might probably have been avoided. Ile knew that
tae right of taxation was the ostensible and declared ground of the
war ; but if they looked to the events between 1763 and 73, it would
appear that the mine was already charged, and the train laid by a per-
severance in petty vexations; and that when the explosion at length
took place, it was principally because the minds of the colomus had
keen long in a state calculated to produce it. This war was a disastrous
one, and we were compelled to conclude it by a humiliating peace,
such a peace as, he hoped, the Biitish Crown would never again
have to submit to. Then after having submitted to tire foreign
enemy, this country found itself compelled to capitulate with the
Palialnent of Ireland. Ireland then obtained all she claimed, and
was put upon the footing of a part of the empire. The peace with
America rendered a change of our Navigation Law indispensable.
The peace of 1783, although it bad silenced the din of arms, had
not extinguished the feelings of hostility, and it had created 4.r fos-
tered the spirit of comntercial rivalry and independence oil the part
of the Americans. Previous to the Congress, which did nut as-
semble till the year 1787, each separate state legislated in the spirit
of hostility to England, and with a seal proportioned t its sense
of interest or its lettings of exasperation. lii souse of the states we
were prevented front trading altogether. In others our cumnirt er
was charged with heavy duties. They laid a tax upon the ehtry of
every British ship of half a dollar, which was attet wards rats, .1 1.,
a dollar, more than upon their own. They likewise inapost d a dote of
ten per ct. on goods, if imported in any tithes than their own Milo.
It was obvious to how great a degree these oseasures must have no,:-
hated against the Interco's anise navigation. The Board of 1 c Abe
of that day adopt.:ci v.,1 tous i• rejects to coui.ttract this nosenta.

tire, they MP! a Wild/ tin an gaols ,hippest for America, mint
to the duty with which they would be charged on their arrival,
they then Imposed a duty Upon the importation of all American
viaduct equal to that charged upon goods imported into America
la British ships; lastly, they adopted the principle of fall retalia-
tion. But all these measures,when examined in detail, and pursued
to their consequences, were found to produce greater mischief to
ourselves than to the Americana, and they were finally abandoned.
The raw produce of America was necessary to our manufactures,
and after a long struggle the present system of equality of duty was'
forced upon us. The operation of our navigation law, however, up
to the period of the recent alteration gave, the commerce of Ante-
rice a decidegl advantage over the commerce of this country. That
law prevented American ships from importing European produce
into Englaad. The Americans retaliated upon us, and prevented
our ships from importing Koropean goods into America. The
effect of these reciprocal interdictions was altogether in favour
of America. If an American ship loaded at Liverpool, she
could take in an assorted cargo for her own country; she
might be loaded principally with the produce of this country,
and the rest of her cargo might consist of wine or brandy.—
Put a British ship loading for America was deprived of this ad-
vantage. Iler cargo must be exclusively British produce; if she
went to America with a single pipe of wine on board, she would be
liable to confiscation. It was thus that by adhering to the Naviga-
tion Act we had done an injury to navigation. Then soon after
the settlement with America, the war broke out with revolutionary
France. This war was of so peculiar a character that, from its
commencement in the year 1793 to its conclusion, it was in vain to
talk of system. The whole world was in confusion, and the settled
policy of nations in abeyance. During th.: war, America being
the only sate neutral power, made great advances in commerce and
navigation. England also, being enabled by means of her naval
power to protect her commerce, extended her commercial marine,
notwithstanding every disadvantage. All other Powers were left
without a marine ; so that nom the year 1793 to 1815, there was
nothing on the sea but the marine of America and England. But
after 1815 other Powers began to show themselves upon the ocean,
and checked in some degree the progress both of this country and
America. But other circumstances also had intervened of a
nature calculated to diminish the commercial marine of this country.
'chose who were old enough to recollect the debates upon the Slave
Trade, as was unfortunately the case with bim, must remember
that the advocates of that trade insisted strongly upon the employ.
ment it afforded to our shipping. The same argument was in fact
applied to this traffic as might with propriety be applied to the
fishery on the coast of Newfoundland, viz. tbat it was of import-
ance to the support of out Navigation. Fortunately for the cause
of humanity and of national honour, these arguments did not pre-
vail. But there was su much of truth in the arguments, that in
comparing the state of our navigation at distant periods, the abo.
lition of the Slave Trade was a circumstance which ought not to be
forgotten. Another circumstance similar in some respect to -that
he had mentioned to diminish our commercial marine, was our treaty
with the Algerines. This treaty had effected an entire change in
the commerce of the Mediterranean. Our interference to pet down
the piracies of the Barbary States was slot like the abolition of the
Slave Trade, a duty of such a high moral obligation as to have no
alternative. It was, however, highly honourable to our national
character that we had interfered, and the more so, as the effect
of our successful inteference must have been foreseen to be preju-
dicial to our own more distinct and immediate interests. We
formerly possessed the monopoly of navigation in the Medi-
terranean, as our flag was the only one respected by the pira-
tical States. Now all the little maritime States on the shorts
of the Mediterranean can navigate as safely as ourselves. He
had been told, by a late respected Member of that House, Mr.
Marriott, who had the best means of information, that the coasting
trade of the Mediterranean gave employment to eight or ten thou-
sand British seamen ; but at the close of the war there were several
other circumstances which created a temporary pressure upon our
commercial marine. During the latter period of the war, Guerin-
:non had employed a great many merchant vessels as tranaports.—
All these were now to be disposed of, and to enter into competition
with the ships previously engaged In commerce. The number
of transports discharged was 1,226; their tonnage amounted to
270,382, and they had been manned by 16,000 seamen—a number
equal to all that were employed in the military navy of this country,
and equal to one quarter of the whole of our commercial navy at
the breaking out of the war in 1792. The Government had also
to sell out of the King's service a considerable number of vessels.— '
It was generally kiiowu that the large ships of war were only
sod with the express condition that they should be broken up.
'l' be ships he spoke of were vessels of from 150 to 400 tons—of these
they sold as many as 330, amounting to 94,000 tons. So that if these
Duarhers were added together, it would appear that they had
sent into competition with the existing commmercial marine, 1556
*trips, carrying 564,000 tons, being considerably more than one
fourth of all the commercial marine at the commencement of the
war. If in addition to these circumstances it were recollected that
new a ship Is drepatched as soon as laden, and that formerly she
was not permitted to sail without convoy, and as the: Admiralty
could not make a convoy sail every day to every separate destina-
tion, the merchant ships were subject to considerable detensions,
and if the necessity, when sailing in Lots, of accommodating their
progress to that of shwest vessel in the convoy was also taken
1110 consideration, it would perhaps not be too much to compute
t'..at two-thirds of any number of ships would do as much now as
the whole number could then have accomplished. The cessation
of the foreign corn trade was a!so a circumstance not to be fur-
gooda. Corn was a bulky article. There had recently been
tittle of this trade, and what there was naturally fell to the
share of foreign ships. Our demand for foreign corn, under the
present system, must be desultory, and always hurried. So that
instead of sending out a British ship to return with a cargo of
corn, the merchant would always send an order for the corn he
waited to he shipped as speedily as possible in a foreign vessel.—
liadtig stated these circumstances, he felt called upon to enter into
detailed statemeats, in order to show the country what was its
real situation. He would first, however, call the attention of the
House to the situation of our commercial marine in the year 1792,
the year which saw the commencement of that war in which we
were called upon to make such unparalleled efforts at sta—
in the year 1792 the number of our Ships was . 16,079
-- The amount of tonnage . . 1,540,145
On the 25th of December, last year our Ships were . 24,174
------- The amount of tonnage 2,542,000
'that was, we have now a commercial marine two-fifths greater
than we had in the year 1792. He now thought it tight to state
what was the number of our ships and amount of tonnage at the
dose of the last war . . Ships 24,860 ; Tonnage, 2,680,000.
There had, therefore, it appeared, been a diminution since that
period of 62,000 tons. But the amount then in existence had been
greatly in excess of the wants of the country, in consequence of
the circumstances he had detailed. He now thought it necessary
to advert to the number of ships built in this country at various
periods. He had looked back to the year 1789, but in consequence
or the unfortunate fire at the Custom-house, he had not been able
to procure such full or satisfactory information as he desired. He
would, however, compare the number built Last year with the
siumber built in the year 1414—the last year of the war:
1814.—Nu, of ships built 4118 Last year.—Ships . 1,312
Taos • 95,900 I Tons . 171.900
1 hoc it was shown that the new tonnage of last year nearly doubled
that of the year 1814, and be could wily say that it greatly ex-
, ceded that of any former year. The only other criterion to which
he could refer was that of the number of ships cleared out and cu-
b red inwards since the period of the relaxation of the navigation
laws. He held in his hand an account since 1814.1 he statement which
had beds made by those who professed to feel some alarm fur the
prosperity of our shipping interest, was that British shipping had

decreased by comparison with Ica eign shipping. lie would mate
a comparison of ships entered inwards, and the accounts of ships
':cared out would be fallacious, from the citcumstaate of those
luting in ballast Out being recorded.
la the year 1824.—British Skips entered into all the
Ports ul Great Britain . . . 19,164
Tonnage . . . . . 2,364,000
In the year 1824. —Foreign Ships entered into all the
Ports of Great Britain . . . 5,280
Tonnage . . . 694,000
ileswoold now look at the year 1825, when the New System was
in tun operation.
in year 1585.—British Ships entered . . 21,760
Tonnage . . 2,786,844
. . .

6,561
892.000

3n year 1825.—Foreign Ships entered
"onstage
gentlemen would see that in the year of treat commerce and ape-
(Jannis the increase of tonnage entered into our various ports was
tons of British shipping, and that of all the rest of the world
only 197,000 tons. So that the only ground of alarm and sole
i.undatiost of grievance was, that whilst foreign shipping increased,
Jluu,h shipping increased in a still greater proportion. tie thought
lie had said enough to shew that there was no cause of despondency
or alarm, lie wouisi, however, carry tine part of his investigation
ut,r "et) further. lie was aware that tile principal alarm was di-
e' eisd to t Le :5! ors of the North of Europe, and particularly Prussia.
Tilt lOC of British ships front the year 11124 to 1813 was a►
476 to 944, whilst that of the Prussian ships was only as 682 to
)189 Su that the minther of British ships doubled, whilst those ou
Prussia oily icereased by our-fourth. lie rested upon this because
ha Soso, this Puwer to be wore the object of jealousy to the ship

• ping inteeett or rngiand than any other, and to this he 'could advert l
further bye-and-bye. He had also an account of the number of
ships which had paid the Sound duties in going up the Baltic, be-
longing to every different nation in the ten years preceding the late
war, and also in the ten years from the year 1816 to lies, both
inclusive. He would confine himself, however, to the last five
years, beginning with the year 1821 :
1821. British vessels passed the Sound . . . 4816
Same year, vessels of all nations . . . 9177
182.2. British vessels . . . . . . . 3000
Vessels of all nations . . . . . 9008
1823. British vessels . . .
Vessels of all nations • .
1824 British vessels . . . . • . . 3500
Vessels of all nations . .
1825. British vessels . . . . . . • .5186
Vessels of all nations • . . 13,000
So that instead of our remaining at the former proportion of about
one-third of the whole, we had last year considerably exceeded it,
and that in the year when the whole number had been the greatest
it was ever known. For one time after the peace a great stagnation
of commerce took place, and a Committee of that House was ap-
pointed to investigate the commercial state of the country. His
Right Hots. Friend the Master of the Mint took an active pan in
the labour of that Committee, and by his seal, assiduity, and in-
telligence, had conferred the greatest advantages upon the country.
By the recommendation of that Committee several important changes
took place in the law of navigation. One .f these changes applied to
the enumerated articles, at they were called—wb e formerly they
could only be brought to this country in British ships, or in the ships
of the country which produced them ; they may now be brought, not
in any ships, but in the ships of the country where they are found.
The Right Hun. Gentleman dwelt on the advantages of the per-
mission of foreign vessels conveying produce of their own countries
to our commerce, particularly as connected with the Warehousing
System. Another change effected, in obedience to the Report of
the Navigation Law Committee, was that of placing the coasting
trade of Ireland on the same footing with that of England. Before
that change. Irish vessels had to pay the duty of foreign vessels in
English harbours, a most unjust and impolitic measure ; and one for
the abolition of which the Articles of Union contained a provision.
Another change was those Treaties of reciprocity entered into
with the Brazils and other independent American States. To these
I reaties the lien. Member for Bramber felt a strong objection,
en the ground that a commercial marine could only be provided
1
by restrictive laws. Now he ( Mr. H.) contended, that no
shadow of apprehension could be rationally entertained on that
mote, and that the Government, perfectly alive to foreign jea-
lousy of British maritime greatness, took especial care in placing
the commercial relations of the country on a fair footing of reci-
procity of interests, that the commercial marine of the country
should not he endangered. Another important subject related to the
effect of the reduction of the duties on foreign shipping on the reve-
nue ; and if he wanted a proof of the impolicy of opposite conduct
in Nlinisters, the destruction, in consequence of that line .f conduct,
of the naval pre-eminence of the Dutch, was a striking and melan-
choly example. The Right Hon. Gentleman entered into a long
statement of the advantages that this country received from ex-
changing her manufactures for the raw materiali of building (domes-
tic and navals furnished by the Northern States. The American
Revolution was the parent of the changes in the commercial policy
of England and the world, for it was to the retaliation of the United
States that Europe owed the reciprocity system of free trade.
The threat of retaliation by Prussia compelled us to adopt that
system (which he proved to be beneficial to the country) with her,
and with Denmark, Sweden, and that nursery of the enlightened
system of trade, the Hanseatic Republic of Hambargh, Lubeck,
and Bremen. Had Dantzic continued (as he wished she did)
la free town, the retaliative menaces of Prussia might be disre-
garded. By our present system of commerce we divide the na•
vigation of the world. We could have nu rivals in naval warfare
save America, and we strengthened the natural enemies of that
Power, and weakened her friends, by our present policy. The
naval forces of France and Spain, which were in 1792 more
than equal to that of England, were now reduced to nothing.—
France is in that respect weaker than she was then, and the Navy
of Spain was extinguished. We were then afraid to send our con-
voy of West Indian vessels down the British Channel, but sent them
round by Scotland, and were only able to relieve Gibraltar with
provisions by stealth. Now wtbad the finest Navy in the world,
equipped and manned, and ready at a moment's notice to vindicate
the rights of the British flag. We had no grounds of fear from a
want of a military navy; and as to the distress of the country, the
principles of free trade would be their best and surest remedy —He
would therefore move " For a Return of the Number of ships built
in the British dominions between the years 1824 and 1825, both
inclusive, distinguishing the number of each year, and the amount
of the tonnage."
Mr. BARING bore testimony to the satisfactory statement of
tie Right Hon. Gentleman, with the details and principles of
which he fully concurred. he documents referred to by the Elgin
Hon: Gentleman, and his admirable statement, had shown that
the apprehensions of the British shipping interest were grostsdlere;
and that the present,stupor, not more than the prior excitemetats
could be adopted as the ground for any decision on this subject. A
more vigilant guardian of the rights of the British seamen could not
exist than the Right lion. Gentleman, and in his guardianship the
country might place every reliance. While he admitted this, be
could not but lament that the currency system was booked into
every discussion, as the cause of every decline in any of the iattrem,
of the country. These interests were indissolubly united, as the
question of the Corn Laws next Session would convince the coun-
try. It would be needless to discuss the changes in the Colonial
policy of trade. The question is simply, are these Colonies worth
retaining? if they are, these changes are indispensable ; if net, un-
inecessary: He considered the vast increase of American shipping
employed in the trade of the country a just ground for the most '
serious alarm. Liverpool was more an American than a British
on ; nine-tenths of the vessels of that port were American. He
would ardently wish that some remedy. consistent with sound
policy, might be applied to this, he would almost call, evil.
Mr. ROBERTSON did not place any reliance in the Right
Hun. Gentleman's statement ; as the documents frequently brought
before the House produced a quite contrary effect. The leaving
the labour of this country unprotected, had already given the Con-
tinental Manufacturers an advantage in the articles of cotton, and
would in that of wool very shortly.
Sir MATTHEW W. RI DLEY observed, that almost all the
continental nations had increased their trade with the Port of Lon-
don, within the last three years, in a most extraordinary degree,
is was
This
while the exports had decreased in an equal proportion.
sufficient to show that something wrong was to be found in the
state of the commerce of the country. He hoped that at least an
early period of the next Session would be thud for a rigorous inquiry
into the subject, with a view of relieving the shipping interest front
those duties which at present retarded their progress, and oppressed
the trade of the nation.

Mr. ELLICE said the government were the cause of that
overtrading of which they complained. Parliament and Ministers
would much deceive themselves if they supposed that with the
heavy taxes under which the nation groaned, and the kigh prices
charged fur all articles of con►umption, the state of trade could
possibly revive from the depression under which it new laboured.
Colonel GORDON said it was certain that under the system of
protection the country had prospered—but under this of reciprocity
it was equally certain that with respect to the shipping it had not
proved very satisfactory.
Mr. T. WILSON said, if reciprocity were given to shipping, a
tax must be placed on goods, in order to equalize the advantages
in both branches.

lir. RU M 110 L D followed on the same side.

Mr. HUMP: did not think the state of the Shipping in any
respect a matter for congratulation. Neither did he place any great
reliance on the efficacy of the palliatives prescribed by the Right
lion. Gentleman.

Mr. C. GRANT thought it would be better to defer forming
an opinion on the subject until the papers were printed which the
President of the Board of Trade had moved for. The object of
the Right Hon. Gent. was to show that the system which he had
introduced was not calculated to injure the maritime interests of
the country. The speech of his Right Hon. Friend was calculated
to completely put an end to those complaints which, however un-
founded, had been widely eirculated out of doors.
The moat*, was then pin and agreed to.
The ether Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Tiirmva &Clock.
Both H

_ ouses of PraiaMent ati.jous ned lasi night to
Wednesday next, for the Whitsuntide recess. The Commons
adjournment is shorter than was expected, owing to the delay in
forwarding the Corn Bills; and those Hills cannot pass both Houses,
even if there be no in►peditnent thrown in the way of any one of
the stages, before Tutsday week.
A deep And well-concerted plan was laid three nights
back in the nrighbosighood of Prvensea, on the Sussex coast, by
the sn►ugglers, to run a large cargo of contraband goods; and so
.ffeetually did they do it, chat a party of about 200 smugglers
Cams dos ii and took posiession of the Blockade-men, and also of
the village, so that nu one was allowed to pass to give information,
when a smuggling vessel hove in sight, and landed no less than SOO
cubs of spirits, leaving a galley, 52 feet long, and ten tubs. This is
.48 sectuui ur third trick of the kind lately practised.

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

SATURDAY, MAY IS, 1926.
STOCK RXCHANGR, TWRLVR (CLOCK.

Consoh opened this morning at 781 1, for the Account. The first
bargain done at the opening of the market was 781 for the July
Account. There is little business doing, and it is not supposed there
will be any great fluctuation in the course of this day.
In the Foreign Market no business is doing to any extent, and
the prices are merely nominal.
Current Prices : Old Spanish 7t 8, Mexican 63k, Colombian new
4t Peruvian 31 32, Russian 76i, Brazilian Bonds 55 56, Greek
1.51 f, New Scrip, *prem. Exchequer Bills 9 10 prem.