Star.
London, England, 1803-05-28 00:00:00

MEDIATION OP RUSSIA.

Mr. Fox.—l rife, Sir, in purfuance to the notice i
gave on a former day, in order to fubmit to the
Houle a motion of the utmoft importance, a motion
perhaps of as much confequence, coulidering the pre.
fent fituation of public affairs, as ever was dig-cuffed '
in this Houle, and it is from a conviEtion of its im-
portance alone that I fhould be induced to trefpafs on
your attention, but that trefpafs, however, than be
very (hurt. Into the general quellion of the preli:nt
war I do not now mean to enter. From my opinions,
which I took occafion to Rate very fully on a former
evening, a majority of this Houle has thought proper
to dialer, and to the judgment of that majority 1 bow
with refpeCt. The country is now engaged war,
and it (hall therefore have my molt ardent fuppnrt.
(A univerfal vy of hear! hear!) No one can with it
to be more fuccersful than I do ; and whatever dif-
-1 ference of opinion may prevail as to the grounds of
the war, to which I than not now refer, I am per
loaded that there tannin be a difizntient voice upon
this queltion—that it is defirable to hying it to an hm
nourable termination as foon as pornble. With this
view I have thought it my duty to call the attention •
of the Houle to a propontion which I under land has
been recently made by the Emperor of Rena, to in-
to-pore his mediation for the complete fettlement
the differences fubliaing between Great Britain and
France. Such is the dilpofition which has been ma-
nifelled by the Sovereign of Ruflia, and of which it
!is the objeil of the moti.n with which I (hall con.
!elude, to recommend that his Majefty'. Ministers'
thould immediately avail themfelves. It is almoß
unneceffary for me to recite the various advantages
which mutt refult from the mediation of this power-
i fat, rerpefled, and much e(teemed Sovereign ; and
among the molt valuable of thrice advantages would
he this, that fhould you be obliged to prolectite the
;war for the attainment of any objelts of which that
'Sovereign fhollld approve, you would have the ma-
i terial fupport of that approbation—you would have
the fanction of his great name—you would have the
opinion of the world in your favour—and is not this,
I would ark, a confideration of confequence ? If you
had nn other motive for accepting the propofed mt
ldi: tinn, this ought to influence you. But not only
in this inaance would it be &limbic. You might,
through nicans of this mediation, vino ive to procure
the adjultmert of not merely the qneflion relpeaing
Malta, bin, in fait, of all the points in difpute.
prelred as I am with this idea, and believing it quite
praCticabie, I cannot but be anxious for the interefls
of my Country and fur the peace of Europe, that his
Majell y's Mini ile: s fhould nut let the opportunity pars
lby—that they w.:I not allow themfelves to overlook
the means wi ich this Wets of accomplifhing all the
obj...Bts they Li:hr.: of Freon v, honoor, and fatisfac-
tion. The i•nw..r .end charafter of the Mediator,
an the rank seli.ch lie holds in Europe, jutlify the
itrongeft hors. With reipea to his charasier, it
hands upon Cie mutt elevated r,r. am_s ; and if the
impost oral rn,r, fpeaks true, that elevation is highly
defers.l—j..:l to the people commhted to his Go.
I/ern:l:tr.. and 1.. nevoisnt to all mankind, he is
geberak kur..ya to he extremely t:Jirrms tnr the
r
pre...rcatoin t.t :!;c pcaca Of Et:toi*::. If to, and
I have 'hi dr oi, f the fad, what—%%nuld any power
in Lump,: ao...tort to Witt CALI claims %%Lea (c•

Bonded by the decided exprellion of that Monarch's
opinion ?—I underhand that this Prince is vet y much
affected by the changes which have taken place in
the flotation of Europe, that he is warmly attached
to peace, and that no one can he more ditgufted than
he is with tha conca& of France fince the Treaty of
Amiens. I cannot conceive then, a charader whole
mediation it would be more fuitable to our willies,
and more for our interell to accept. In the fituation
in which the country is at prefent placed, it is peen.'
liarly happy that the offer has been made. Upon
this particular point I am very Linguine, becaufe I
am convinced that if acceded to it may be produdiver
of the bell confequences, and, if refuted, I am
ap-
prehenlive of many unfavourable effeds. I think it'
would tend to the thtisfadory termination of the war,
and alio to a fatisfaclory regulation of the hate of
the Continent. It may be said that I am too fan-1
guine—perhaps fo; but. yet I have no difficulty in
fayinoh, that there exills a Strong probability to war-
rant my expedations. If any one were to a& me,
was I certain that loch effects as I have defcribed
would flowZinn: the mediation of the Emperor of '
Rut Tia? I fairly own that I would anfwer in the ne-1
gative. But of this I am certain, that no injttry can
arife from it, and that much good may ; therefore I
would exhort Miniflers to avail themfelves of it.—lf
I am anted my opinion of the prefent (late of the
Continent, I would fay that it is very far from being
fatisfadory ; but I would A: in return, can you
amend that hate by a war? can you proniice yourfelf
any fuch thing ? If France be farther inclined to
opprefs the weaker powers of the Continent, how do
' you propofe, with the means you now have, to pre-
vent it ? How can you contrive in any degree to re-
ltrain the fpirit of aggrandizement in that quarter of
which you fo much complain ? This offer of niedi•
ation, therefore, you fhould gladly receive, for two
reafons. Firll, in order to adjuh the points in which
you are more immediately concerned yourfelves • and
fecondly, with a view of fettling the hate of the 'Con.
tinent. Why then should Minitlers decline an offer
now which they would have been happy to embrace
At any period of the negotiation? The enemy has ex
prelted a readiuefs so accept it, and how will it appear
to Europe should you attempt to refute it ? I ftrong-
ly advife you not to do fo. If there be any wifdom
or moderation in the French Government, you will,
through the medium of this mediation, be enabled
to reflore peace upon terms of jullice and honour ;
and certainly there does not exist a power fo compe•
tent to the object as the propofed Mediator, nor one
that has a fairer right to interpofe its influence for
the prefcrvation of the peace of Europe. He may
fay to this country, " I have agreed to an arrange-
ment with you upon certain points of great import.
ante to my naval power, which was not in all re-
fpeds fatisfaCtory to my willies, hut yet I accedes' to
it from the love of peace, and from the fame motive
I 'hall adhere to it. You complain of the terms of
the Treaty of Amiens, and fa do I of the terms of
the Northern Convention ; but you fay you agreed to
that treaty from the love of peace—jug the lame
reafon induced me to fnhfcrihe to the Northern Con-
vention. Then I contend you are as much bound
make a facrifice to the peace of Amiens, as I am to
facrifice to the No: theta Convention. " But when
this Prince {brad come to addrefs himfelf to the
French Government he might fpeak upon hill ftrong-
et- grounds. It i. reported that a propofition was
tome time fince made by France to a certain Euro.
pean Power (and no one doubts that this power is
Ruffia), to divide the territory of the Turkifh Ens
pire. This report is alluded to in a paragraph of his
Majefly's Declaration, and it is there hated, that this
propofition was diftindly refitted. The Emperor
would therefore fl:md upon the higheft grounds in
talking to the French Government. He might fay,
You propofed to me the difmemberment of Tur-
key, which non objed that has been much wifhed for
by my predeceffurs, and for which. therefore, I might
naturally be fuppoted to entertain an hereditary par-
tiality, but I would not adopt your propofition be
cattle I felt that it would not be juft in me to invade
the puff rtions of a neighbouring power, although I
am quite tensible that I have as much right to do fo
as you have. It you life lofty language I am not
I fs entitled to do fo, but I prefer peace to the grati-
fication of any arrogant prctenfions cr ambitious
prijeds, and you 11101'41 do the fame from the fame
folicitude. I abstain from any hottile attacks on
other powers, and you fhould abflain alto." Such
are the terms in which this Prince could fpeak, and
if urged to it no doubt would, if you accept his me-
diation. Let me, therefore, advife you to attach
yourfelf to that power from which alone you can ex-
ped to derive any material afliftance towards accom-
plllting the ends you have in view, either of an ho-
nourable and immediate peace, rr a fuccefsful war.
With that power alone if you could contrive to form
a dole alliance, you would be able to prote.l all the
other States of Europe from unjull attack. It is
well known that a lirong throe of peace prevails
among the people of France ; but however general
and sincere that opinion may be, will not war become
fornewhat popular when it is flared to them, thattheir
Government was willing to submit the confider:aims
of their care to the Emperor of but that Eng-
land refuted to avail itfelf of that monarch's offer to
mediate ? This would futon prefumptive evidence
againft you. It would be material to your purpofe to
deprive the French Government of this advantage.
Some Gentlemen affect to fay that a propealtion has
been made by the Ruffian Lmperor lit lush a SWUM
As rout to pitimife any decisive confequeoces ; and
others afTcrt. that even ilia it ought not to be :weed.
ed to. With neither if thele Gentlenien do I agree;
but I pettedly coincide with thine who maintaire that
this country Should not fuhmit itscla;msto the arbitrary
decitinn of Ruhlia, or any oilier putter; hut will it
not be wife to explain the jnitscc of thole claims, and
to interell a powerfol slate in your canfc. If after
having done fo, the French Government Mould
refute you a fair fatistadion, and that its I% hem
Should appear to lead to the fuhvertion of the con-
tinental powers, do you think it iniprotrahk that
Ruffia would conned herfell with you on fair &fen-
five principles to repel frith injustice ? I think it is
not, at kali you ought to make the experiment, as
the opportunity is f. tavourable It cannot prevent
you from profccuting the war with vigour—a war to
which I am far from laying you are not competent
in point of means, if it should be neceffary fur you
to purfue it alone. But, however high I may think
If your refources, I mutt fay that they are not fuel;
as an applicable to the main objeuk of vrnr with

Trance, which I take it for granted to be for the pm-
pole of abridging thecoutinental power of that i,,overn.
ment. To tha:,irowever, yea would be quite adequate
with the Alliance of linflia ;—at lealt it would af-
ford the belt chance of it If RAla offers her
mediation with flneet ay, and I bdi ye none Onuhts
that the does, fire feels an inierell in the que:lion
that mnfl turn in a very material manner to your
advantage, perhaps trhitro..ely to a treaty of alliance.
—Ailing in concert with Inch a power, and frr
a jug objea, you cold have little danger to appre-
hend. With filch a junaion, Europe would have lit-
tle to fear from the ambition of any man. It would
be quite fufficient to make any Covet nment of France,
however powerful or enterpi ifing, hentate before it
rtfolved to engage in any war againll Inch an union.
She certainly had not fufficient refources to warrant
: the undertaking. A (hint review of the (tare „f Eu.
rope would ferve to eflablith that pint. I lhall not
now argue the queftion, whether Franc: or Rut%
has the preponderance as to military force; "hut I
will obferve, that, united with this country, Ruffic
would have the decided advantage, particularly aS
there feetns no likelihood whatever that any Other
Power on the Continent would engage in the conflia,
at kali not to throw their weight into the fcale of
France. Indeed his manila that Ruffia is the only
Power on the Continent whole conneCtion we fhould
fiudiardly cultivate, in the view of checking the career
of France. Neither Auflria nor Pruffia can be for
that putpofe at all looked to. I will not enter into
any invelligation of the condo& of the latter Power
for fome time back, which may, in Come inflances,
be very jolt'', condemned ; but it is evident that its
general policy is pacific ; and Aratria from prudence
' landIand neceflity is not lefs•fo. From the laffitude ocea.
finned by the lag war, from the diminution of her
refources, and from the change of her Councils, the
does not feem at all difprafed to warfare. That re.
foe:table and itniverfally refpetted charafter, the
Archduke Charles, after the immortal glory which he
has acquired in war—a glory not to be reduced by
defeat—now happily for mankind, feems to confider
his heft glory to confift in difcharging the obligations
which he owes to the people, through whole atEitance
he has been enabled to eflablith his fame, by endea-
vouring to fecure to them the enjoyment, and Rudy-
, ing to promote the advantages of peace. Such is the
employment of this iliuftrious Prince, and therefore
there appears very little probability that Auflria will
be for Come time revifited by the calamities of war.
This ikon review of European Powers ferves to thew
that Rua is the only State to which you can look
at prefent for effeelive aid; and, independently of this
confideration, is it not deferable for you to have the
good willies of mankind, and of that you mull be
certain thould you obtain the concurrence of the Em.
peror of Raffia in the juftice of the caufe which has
urge I you to war ? This concurrence would com-
pletely i'ati.fy the Houle and the country ; and it
would alfo produce an impreffion in your favour in
the minds of the people, and Governments, of the
other States of Europe, which are tribunals that it is
fo- your interell to conciliate ; HI more, it would
even induce a good opinion of your caufe in the
minds of the people fub;ed to the authority of the
French Government. In all probability you would
through this concurrence not only obtain good willies
but allies. When your ,caufe thould be made known
you would, at all evznts, be certain of the good
willies of the people of Holland, Switzerland, and
many parts of Italy ; but it may be raid that thole
people could give you no affillance. Under the pre-
fent circumflances, perhaps, they could not. The cafe
however would be materially different; if you had
the co-operation of Rtiffia. In various other points of
view it will be air/if-cable for you to avail youttelf of
this propofed mediation. The confequence of your
refulal to give an account (I don't mean that this
country is to account for its condo& to any power
whatever); but I fay, that if you decline to ftate your
cafe now, you may not be in filch a favourable fitua-
tinn again.--The fame power may be flow to come
forward, and there is no other to which you can re-
fer, becaufe there is none that can or will Alf} you
in checking the aggrandizement of France. Whether
Minifters then are diftinfed to peace nr determined on,
vigorous war, it is their intact} to avail themfelves
of the propofed mediation. If, however, they are
of opinion, upon good grounds, that this proporal is
a mere expedient to procure delay—if they think that
with that view folely this offer of mediation was made
in collufion with France, moll undoubtedly it ought
to be rejetted ; but thin fufpicion, I am perfoaded.
can never have entered into any rational mind. So
little are Minifler, difpofed to think fo, and In refped-
I fully do they eflimate the celiarader of the Ruffian
Government, that 1 have no doubt they would have
: gladly received it, had it been earlier made. Why
' then thould not that propofal be acceptable to termi-
nate a war which would have had a welcome recep-
tion at the beginning of it ? Raffia was one of the
guarantees, or rather the principal you relied upon
for the fecurity of Malta againft France. This was
to have been the folid ground of peace. You have
now an opportunity by which, in all likehood, you
. may extend that guarantee to the peace and fecurity
,of Europe. You may now, by wife management, be
able to elablith a better faleguard for the fmall (hates
of the Continent thorn you ever can, at lean, by your
fiWn li::;IC C It't ti nin arms. You have, in fad, the
belt opportunity that has offered for the 101 l twocen-
• turies for tieing ti • tranquility of Europe on a folid
and permanent bulls. Combining ail the powers fpe-
citied in the Guarantee far Malta, they would be able
to keep asiy indii idual Bate within equitable bounds.
• they would be abiz to protct the rights and territo.
toilet 01 all Oates from invation, to prevent the
, oppreffion of the fmaller (hates, and to reflrain the
nrifellievou, fpitit of aggrandizement. They would
: be able to hay to the formal dates of Europe, let thole
who have gained not think of any fat they extending
.
1 their garn•, and let thole who have left acquielce in
' their loires, and let jullice and tranquillity prevail.
That fuch a combination of the higher hates, dirett•
eit to filch high objeds, is deferable, all good men
I will admit ; and that it is platticable, I am fully
convinced ; and an oecalion now offers, in which Mi-
: Milers may have the means of commencing the glo-
rious work. The uneafinefs of the minds of the pew-
' ple of every nation at the propped of war, and the
' uniserfal abhorrence of injuilice, naturally induce an
opinion that fuels a meafure would have the benedic-
tion of all mankind, and finely humanity and found
policy would equally urge it. The Hon. Member coo-
eluded with mot in an addrefs to hiellajettyitraPoi

oa
ice
be
to

that his Majeav would be gradoaay pleated to avail
himfelf of the difpolition manilefied by the Ellyn or
of Rtiffia to mediate between this country and the
French Government, which dill-toil:ion might not
only lead to the fpeedy and honourable termination
of the prefent cornea, hut to produce the molt bene-
ficial effects upon the general tranquillity and fafety
of Europe.
The motion being read from the Chair,
Lord HAWKESBUR V WIG to Obiera to the mr,.ion
upon two grounds—firfl, that th,r, teas no fair pat iia-
mcntary ground laid for its adoption ; and fecondlY,
that as no fuch ground was laid, the Houle fitould
not, under the prefent circurnitances, accede to a mo.
tion which could not be proctudive of any gond, and
might do harm, by betraying indecifinn. For the
conflitutional right of the Houk to interpofe its ad-
vice upon the exercife of any branch of the Roy:.l
prerogative, and particularly as to peace or war, he
felt as much refped and regard as the Honourable
Gentleman, but he contended that before filch inter-
ference was attempted, a good cafe ought to be made
out. As the Conaitution veaed certain powers in
'the Executive Government, the inference naturally
was, that thole powers were not to be retrained or
dilated to by any other branch of the Legitlature,
but where they appeared to be abafed. There were
only two cafes in which it was the province of any
Honourable Member to recommend a nieafore to the
Executive Government—the one, where his Majelly's
Miniaers negleCted to do that to which it was their
duty to have attended; and the other, where the
meafure recommended was sehillv dlferent from the
fyftem which thofe Minitters purl-vied. Now upon
neither of thole grounds did he think the prop:4l6mi
of the Honourable Gentleman could be furported :
for however fome Gentlemen might he dilpofed to
eenfure his Majefly's Minifiers, he believed there
were !carte any who would charge them with ne-
sleeting any means that could be refr.rted to to pre.
serve peace with honour ; and in proof t,f that difpo.
fitiorr hehad only to refer to his M 'jetty's Dcelarat ion,
where it was expreffed in the flrongeit terms. Hoe
all Europe might fee that his Majett y was even now
ready to enter into any arrangement coafiitent with
the dignity of his Crown and the effential intereks of
his People. He would afk, what could be the motive
of Inch an appeal, but to thew the fincerity of his
Majeav's %vacs for the reftorlion of peace ? and
after filch an appeal he would all alto, was it poffibl:
that any blinißer would adviie his Majelly to refilfe
any mediation that was likely to produce acceptable
terms of peace ? With retped to the Hon. Gentleman's
obfervations on the general Rate of Europe, be was
not at all difpofed to differ with him ; but as to the
pradicability of the coalition he had deferibed, he
could not by any means agree with him, and the ex•
perience of the laft ten years forbid any hope of Inch
a league aCting lung and Readily in concert for fuch
an objet. Though filch a concert, he would readily
admit, was in the higheß degree defirable—a concert
not to be fettered or damped by little confined views
or by feparate interetls, but proceeding on fair, broad,
and liberal grounds ; yet he was not fanguine in his
hope of witneffing it. He was aware that Ruffia was
the power which it was moil for the interefi of this',
country to conciliate, with a view to avert the evils
and. to produce the good to which the Hon. Gentle-
man had alluded ; and without within to provoke
any difrention upon this occafion he would fay, that
one of the reafons he had fft acceding to the Litt peace
was, that during peace there might be an opportunity
of procuring fume continental alliance, of which there
could be no hope during war, and which would
ferve to fix a harrier to the career of aggrandizement
to which the French Government was mantleßly dif
pored ; but notwithltanding this with, he could Rate
with the utmolt fincerity, that he never omitted any 1
endeavour that could tend to preferve the peace in-
violate; his endeavours with regard to an alliance
were merely for a concert of a defenfive nature, fuch
as the Honourable Gentleman had referred to in a
part of his obfervations. That alone was his °lie.% 1
and with no view whatever to renew the war. How
ever little might be the difpofition of tome parties to
do juftice to Minifters, he hoped this at teal, they
would acknowledge that nothing was omitted to pre.
terve the peace ; and be taw no change in the Rate of
things that could induce him at all to calculate upon
the probability of its rcfloration from the adoption
of the Honourable Gentleman's motion. There was
nothing feafible in the propoßtion alluded to by the
Non. Gentleman. He had Rated that it would have
been gladly received by Minifteta at any period of
ther negociation. What, in point of fad, was this pro
polal ? Why, that if any difficulty arofe between the
Zritilb and French Governments, in the communica-
tion of their fentiments to each other, that the Roc
Tian Ambaffadors at Parig and London fhould facili.
we that communication, and that they might be the
mediums of explanation. Now, he would all of the
Houle, after the very proteaded negotiation they
bad witneffed. after the (tate of anxiety in which they
had known the country to have been placed, whether
Minillers would have been juaifiable in contenting to
any farther delay, where no mediation likely to be el-
(alive had been offered? That the French Govern-
ment fhould have expreffed its willingnefs to avail
ittelf of the mode of communication propofed, was
not to be wondered at,as, had this country contented,
ft would have afforded the means of continuing for
Tome time longer, that fyftem of evafion and procra.
Dination which the papers on the table fufficiently es-
pied, and which teemed to he the policy of that Go.
wernment to purfue. The Hon. Gentleman had Rated
the advantages to he derived from the mediation of
Ruffin, not only with reference to the particular cafe
of the points in difpute betwixt this country and the
French Republic, but with a view to the eftablith.
ment of a general guarantee for the protedion of all
theweaker flatesof Europe. With this opinion he molt
diftindly coincided. Of the importance of the me-
diation of RuWsa, no man, polkaing enlarged views of
national policy, could for a moment entertain a
doubt. If fuch a mediation could be procured, it
would not be contended by any one that it would not
be peculiarly advantageous. An allialion had been
made to the fyftem of naval neotrality which had
been let up by the Northern Powers. He had much
fatisfataion in Rating to the Houle, that with the
;peat majority of refieding individuals in Ruffia,
and particularly with the individual. compoling the
Government, a more wife lyflem of policy was now
milted. Views of an enlarged and comprehenfive
nature were indulged. It was allowed that the in-
:ergs of Ws country, and of Ruffta, were in crcry I

po:nt of view conspatrnle. A decided opinion was
med, that no til_ful purpJle could be promoted by
prettily.; the neutral ciiietlion. The frig was, indeed,
that this quellion was brought forward under the
reign of the late Emp: cis, in %hole char:after the
pride anal the vanity of bein7 at the head of a coali-
tion, operated more powerfully than any confidera•
thin; GI-re:a and permanent utility to her Empire.—
It could not be for
_,tinten that Raiffia polletled no
mercantile. marine, mil that if the prefent relations
of the Tot kith Empire continued, a mercantile ma-
rine need could, to any great extent, be formed:—
The only cont.:y:7:sec of the eflablifhment of the
neutrality to be contended for, would therefore be to
introduce into the Baltic, Powers whole influence it
was the obvious interell of Ruflia to counter:4ft. Ile
could not too wrongly pro's on the Houle his convic-
tion
of the extreme importance of the co-operation
of Ituilia in any plan to counteraCt the progrefs of '
Fiends ambition, and he could fairly atfure the
Houle that any meafure calculated to promote this
objeCi was one which would meet with the warns
concurrence from Minifters. His chidlion to the
I Gentleman's Motion was, however, Pimple,
that it had been fopported on no Parliamentary ;
ground. It had not been proved that Mitsitl,rs had
thewn any indilpolition to accept of this mcdiatiim ;
and tiil this were proved, he mull contend that the
Motion was unnecefrary and inexpedient. In the
cons:lotion of his Majells's Declaration, on the con..
trary, a dirpolition to accept of any arrangement by
which an amicable adjntiminst could be obtained was
clearly laid down, and after tech a declaration he
could not fee what base:Si:La confequence could arise
from prefliog the motion. On the other hand, it
might have a very unfavourable cffcel on the Mate of
the public mind. It might unhinge the exertions of )
the country, and load to expeinations which were not
to be realised. He would not fay that the hope of
mediation was altoorilier romantic, but he would
contend t:::tt hope. ought not to be held out to the
country which might be dilappointed There were
the grounds on which he obi:fled to the motion. To
the principles of the Holum ruble Gentleman's fisted),
he had no poilible objection. They were principles
in which all were aqiced. As it now Bond, ho .w-
-ever, the motion could lie produftive of no good, and
might be attended with confiderable evil. He flintild,
therefore, as the molt convenient Way of difpoling of
it, move the previous question.
Mr Fox explained, and laid that he entertained no
fufpicion whatever relative to his Majelty's Govern-
ment, he only wilhed more forcibly to peels upon the
Houle the apparent propriety of holing no opportu-
nity of any mediation proceeding from proper mo-
tives, either direly or indireelly from the Emperor
of Ruffia, whore co.opet ation with its appeared to him
fo eflentially beneficial to this country.
Mr. Pirr fpoke in fubilance as follows Sir, in
riling upon this occafion, it is not my intention to
detain the Houle many moments. In the prefent
important crifis cf affairs, I am Pure there mull be a
common with and a general feeling that it is not de-
finable to peels into view any differences, or to peels
the Howe to any divifion upon topics of minor impor-
tance. Whatever I may think of the Hon Gentle-
man's propofal, as a motion of advice, in the afloat
circumftatsces, with mot, nay, I may lay with all, of
the general principles of the fpeech on which it was
grounded, I moll heartily concur. I heard, indeed,
the fpeech -of the lion., Gentleman with infinite fat&
fadion ; and that fatisfaelion was heightened by nb-
ferving that my Noble Friend, the Secretary of State,
received the fenriments with that approbation which
left no doubt on my mind. that, if any etre& can be
given to thole principles (and it belongs to the Exe-
cutive Government, in the firft instance, to give them
application), no favourable opportunity will he lout of
putting them in pratetice. It would be strange how-
ever, if I had not heard with approbation the pi loci-
pies laid down by the Hon. Gentleman. They are
the principles which, in the hell times of this coun-
try, induced and enabled this Houle to contribute to
the general liberty and independence of Europe ; to
fuppot t the rights, and retires the wrongs of minor
Powers, and to oppork a foccefsful refinance to the
encroachment of ambition. They are the principles
which (more than any paffirmate and national oppo.
fition toFrance proved, as France hasbeen fo many
falls, to be the rival and Almon the national enemy
of this conntry), led us not to confider the name of
any particular State, or the piejudices of local limation, or the dielates of feparate interell, but prompt.
ed us to let ourselves in oppa.lition to any Power,
both, as in the firli milance, it threatened the re.
pole and the rights of other States, and, in the le-
cons', as it areeted the independence and fecurity
of Great Britain. I rejoice to be able on this occa-
lion to agree with the Hon. Gentleman in his gene-
ral principles, though I cannot but remember there
have been times when the Hon. Gentleman differed
from me, on the application of thole principles, with
I a vehemence that looked very like an entire condem.
• nation of them. If, however, he does admit the prin-
ciples. I rejoice, for the fake of the country, that he
I has hated them in a manner fo clear. lb juts, and lo
fatisfaelory. They are the principles on which the
greatnefs, the glory, wed the profperity of this
na-
tion has been reared, and never were they Ilruggled
for more glorioufly than they were during the tall
war ; and it was only when I law myfelf compelled,
by adverfe circumnances, to delpair of the effect
of their application, that I looked to any feparate •
larrangements for this country. They arc the princi-
ples upon which I found myfelf jiaftified in propofing ,
to the Houfe large fublidics to Continental Powers; ,
they are the principles on which I have thought that
it was jultifiable to facrifice our private and separate
interests to procure greater advantages for our allies,
and to promote and confolidate the fecurity of the
general fyfiem of Europe. They are the principles
that (imported me when I found myfelf obliged to
differ from feveral friends, for whole talents and opi-
nions
I entertain the highen retina. about the man-
ner
in which the war was terminated. It *vas thole I
principles which, after there was no longer any hope
of improving the fituatiort of the Continent, and pro- ;
moting the Tenuity of the general fyflem of Europe,
by any feparate efforts of our own, led me to think
that, in making terms for ourselves, we were more
at liberty to yield confiderable facrifiees, with a view I
to put an end to the evils of war. than we should'
have been had we fought peace, by the defertion of 1
ourallics, and an abandonment of the cattle of Europe.'
But far be: it from me to enter upon thole topics to
call forth ddfactue df opinion, and to provoke for-

Mcr &finites. I anode to them to Mew that the prin-
ciples I now applaud are not new to me. My api
probation of theta is recorded in my pail cond•ta. I
ant glad that the Honourable (hod-Allan has pio•
claimed them to much pre:Pion an.l force. I
hope they will have the benefit of his great authority,
and ;h..: teetinimendation of his great talents, (and
tier authority thy cane it hay,...), to remove oh-
Ix! ich have flielte: ed cot pel;,aps
e:1 see OAT) SV;!S ground fir, Eame,
againa al! c•irr mai eitto.i with the of Earopc, and ,
again( Licrilicin7, in any citcontri titi:es, the feat(
I pot tiiin Britilli interctis, for b tiACCC :and Fre-
fervation of the Continent. But, while 1 apptove the
principle of keeping a watchful eye upon the Itate of
the Continent, I n.-.t mean that, on every 0z....11i0n,
tp.on every movement, we otqi.l,t to inter (ere with
Continental affairs. All I fay P., that no great eon-
vullion, which thall unhinge the ellablifhed intetells,
and cliifolve former relations, can take place without
involviag confequences highly important to Great
Britain. We ale nit bound, however, to take npon
ourfelves to lute, fcte, even when interference would
be delirable, unli•fs we are joined by thole whole co. I
op.sration wiouid be neceftare to give cif...a to that j
interference. But whether for a feafon of war or
of peace ; whialter in the view of I,,tiving energy to I
our arms, or le.atrity to our repolc whether 1%4111
a view of profewing war by negociation, or refloring
peace aloir scar has broken out, it is the duty or.
the Miratters of this country to avail thernfelves of
the good offi. cc of powers v ith whom it muff be the
interell of this country to be united in al lance.— I
The lion. Gentleman very properly avoided de...61.1
Mg any mode which the plineiples he laid down
might he applied to the mediation of Ruin t• Indeed
it is impala:le to point out the mode of application,
without knowitig exaaly. the circurnflances in which
it would be exerted. Ilb therefore, upon the
fallow the Hon. Gentleman's example in
avoiding that detail. It will appear whimlical, how-
ever, if I now kern to narrow the principle of conti-
nental policy which the Hon. Gentleman hai fanelion
ed. This, nevertliclels, I venture to (late, that, if
there can ante out of the mediation of the Emperor
of Mafia, any chance of producing a genetal fy(lem
on which peace could be reflored, and confirmed by
refpeetable gnarantets—a peace by which not only
the objei!ts in difpnte between Great Britain and
France, but other points relative to the date of Fat
rope, could be adjo fled, it would be a confummation
fo important, that to obtain it fume arrangement
even lets advantageous to the County in a feparate
view would be admiffible. What that arrangement
(hould he,either as to thegencral fy nem or ourparticu
far interell, it is inpoffible beforehand to determine.
It will depend- upon all the circumflances of the cafe.
On the other hand, if that fyftem were not attainable,
our interell would prefcribe other views and other
precautions. Though unwiliing to feparate ourfelves
from the Continent—though willing to make Come
tit:Jun;(3n from the mom of our own demands, and
from the means of feparate fecurity to augment the
Ilrength of the general fyllem, it might happen that
we Ihould be left, without any fault of our own, to
maintain a feparate fly it7gle. If we know that France
entertains views of holtility towards us; if we know
that we have tin our hands ftrong and impregnable
means of refinance ; powerful and effectual means to'
defeat that holliiity with which we have been particu-
larly threatened, then would it be elpecially incum-
bent on us to provide, that any fribaitute for our fe-
curity which general arrangement wouldafford lhoutd
be folid and efficient. If our fecurity is to depend
arson our own tingle efforts, and to be maintained by
our own feparate arrangements, we have in our power
the means ; nor (hall we put to hazard bi a feeble
policy what Britifh valour has gained. To confoli- I
date our fecui ity by the general fecnrity of Europe,
is undoubtedly deferable ; as well as to provide for it
by particular and feparate arrangements. To unite
both in their refpative degrees mull be that which is
molt deferable; but how far each will be earned mutt
be regulated by eircumnances. So much I thought
it necelfary to hint, that we may not be turned into
the oppnfire extremes of, nn the one hand, neglect-
ing the Rate of the Continent altogether, as condu-
cive to our fecurity ; and on the other, that we may
not look to any continental arrangements with fuch
confidence as to flacken our efforts, and to abandr.n
our feparate means of vindicating our rights, and
prelervinq by war that fecurity to which we are enti-
tled ; midis, like moil of the States of the Continent,
we are ready to fink into lubjeetion to the power of
the AggreMons and outrages of which we complain.
So much upon the general principles laid down by the
Hon. Gentleman, the 'plaice of .which I fo lfrongly
feel. Neverthelefs, unlefs tome ptaltical benefit is to
be derived from preffing•the- motion, i hope the
Honourable Gentleman will be inclined to with.
draw it. To prefs it to a divifion at the prefent ran.
ment, would be attended with one of two inconve.
niencies : either the previous quellion would be ear-
ned, by which there might be room for the mikon-
ftruaion that one part of the Houfe was hollile to
the principles on which the Honourable Gentleman
argoed; or, on the other hand, if the motion were
cnried, it would imply a doubt that the Houfe enter-
tained a forpicion that blininers did not concur in the
priniiples In well laid down in the Hon. Gentleman's
Ipeech, and were unwilling to give them effect; a fuf-
picion for which, after what has been Paid by my
Noble Friend the Secretary of State, there appears
no foundation. I therefore hope that the Honourable
Gentleman will rcfcue the Houle from this dilemma
by withdrawing his motion.
Mr. Fox, in ex planation of fome obfervations which
fell from Mr. Pitt, raid, this was one among other
difeuflinns in which he was not fo fortunate as to he
underflood with regard to what he had Paid relative
to continental connections. He had certainly dig-ap-
proved of the application of that principle during the
lan war, becaufe he then thought it was bad to recur
to the example of former times. He did, therefore,
during the lan wit, defpair of any advantages that
were likely to arife from filch connections, according
to the mode in which they had been formed. The
Right Hon. Gentleman who fpalte tall, found the
impracticability of thole principles to which he allud-
ed t and he silo defpaired of them, becaufe he failed
in his efforts of deriving any practical benefit from
them. " The only difference then between us," Paid
Mr.:Fox, " is. that I Iliad defpaired of them three
years former than he did." He faid, one reaton why
be had fupportcd the Treaty of Amiens was, becaufe
doopplicatioa of thole priocipies had flattered awl: