The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-09-27 00:00:00

" TO THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF RODEN.

" We, the undersigned, representing the committees of the
Liverpool, Manchester, Warrington, Wigan, and Northwich
Protestant Associations, are deeply impressed with the duty
of combined exertion in defence of the scriptural institutions
of our country, satisfied that the best defence of these insti-
tutions will be found in the revival of that great principle of
nationalism in religion to which we are indebted for their first
formation. We are convinced, further, that the Protestant
Associations already formed have contributed, and are still
contributing, to the furtherance of this very desirable object,
and we are consequently anxious to add to their number and
efficiency. With these views we have arranged a combined
meeting of our friends, to be held on the 26th of September,
and the object of this address is to request your lordship to
preside at our meeting. It is true we have not the privilege
of any local connexion with your lordship, but the subject is,
in our view of it, one of national importance, and already the
eyes of our christian fellow-subjects throughout the United
Kingdom are fixed upon the Right Honourable the Earl of
Roden, as the distinguished leader of the only course from
which (under the blessing of Almighty- God) any reasonable
expectations can be entertained of permanence to either the
civil or religious liberties of the empire. In assembling,
therefore, to give expression to our convictions respecting
the anti-national influence exercised upon our government
and our legislative by the subjects of the Papal Court resident
amongst us, and to petition against the continuance of public
support to Maynobth College, or to any system of combined
education which withdraws from the children of the poor the
free unfettered use of the authorised version of the Holy
Scriptures, we venture to hope for, rud with grateful respect
to solicit, the distinguished honour of your lordships coun-
tenance and co-operation as our chairman. We are your
lordship's faithful servants, grateful fellow-subjects, and
attached fellow-christians,

" On behalf of the Liverpool Committee,
" Rev. HUGH M'NEILE,
" JOHN RIGBY, Esq.
" On behalf of the Manchester Committee,
" Rev. G. L. STONE.
" On behalf of the Warrington Committee,
" Rev. E. T. ALDER,
" Rev. .1. WRIGHT,
" WILLIAM HALL, Esq., J.P.
" Oa behalf of the Wigan Committee,
" Rev. B. POWELL.
" On behalf of the Northwich Committee,
" Rev. D. VAUDREY,
" T. WAKEFIELD, Esq."
To this respectable requisition, his lordship returned the
jollowinp answer :
" TO JOSEPH CI:LISP, NUL
" Tollymore Park, Sept. 18, 1839.
" Stit,--Your parcel containing a letter from you, dated
2d August, and a memorial from the Committees of the
Protestant Aesoeiations of Liverpool, Manchester, Warring-
ton, Wigan, and Northwich, requesting me to take the chair
at a Protestant Meeting at Manchester, to be held on the
26th of September, reached me this morning. I should make
arrangements to be at the meeting on the 26th to do myself
the honour of taking the chair, were I not confined to my
bed for the last fortnight by a severe accident which I have
met with. And though I hope to move into another room
to-day, my medical adviser declares it to be quite impossible
for me to undertake a journey so soon as to reach Manches-
ter on the 26th. As these events are beyond my control, I
need not offer any apology, but sincerely wish you every suc-
cess in your important object. I beg you will assure the gen-
tlemen of the several committees who have expressed their
wish that I should be their chairman, that I feel most grate-
ful for their good opinion of me, and that it is some consola—
tion, in the midst of so Enoch want of genuine Protestantism
in the country, that at all events there is a large class of per-
sons in the middle ranks of society in England, who are
boldly standing forward in defence of the Protestant faith,
upon the maintenance of which depends the future safety and
happiness of the empire at large. I trust God will bleasyour
exertions, and that the members of your associations will in-
crease ; don't wait for high names and titled Chairmen, if
you proceed, they must follow you. You need not doubt the
success of your work, and ought not to question it when en-
gaged in a cause which aims only at the vindication of the
truth. He who alone can command success, often uses in-
struments to ES apparently the most unlikely to effect his
great purpose. Few things would have given me greater plea-
sure than to have been with you on the 26th, but it is not
now possible. I beg my grateful acknowledgments to those
gentlemen who hare signed the address before me, and
" I am, Sir,
" Your faithful humble servant,
" RODEN."
He (the bor),,,ghteeve) sincerely regretted the absence of
the noble lord Kho was first selected to fill the chair, not
only on account u!. the accident he had unfortunately met
with, which all pret,ut would regret, but because the presence
of a nobleman who possessed so much important informa-
tion, whose exertions ist the cause of protestantism had been
so extensive, would have been highly valuable and gratifying
to the number of persona congregated on this occasion.
(Hear.) The committee who conducted the proceedings of
the associations, hariag been disappointed of his lordship's
choice and assistance, had done him the honour of request-
ing hire to officiate. Ifs had much pleasure in so doing,
although he must say that he felt himself unequal to the
arduous task. He was, however, unwilling, if the committee
thought he Gould serve them, to pass over their kindness
without attempting a requital, and he therefore cheerfully
accepted the office. (Cheers.) He considered, under the
circumstances, that it was more a matter of duty than of
device to obey their wishes, and if he should prove inadequate
to discharge the duties of his office, in comparison with
others who could have been selected, he must throw himself
on their indulgence and good nature for support. He felt
convinced that the enlightened and powerful advocates in
the cause of protestantism, who had that day done the asso-
ciation the honour of attending, would, by their presence,
be the means of stimulating the Protestants of the division
to greater exertions in the good cause in which they were
embarked. It was quite evident to any casual observer,
t tat their opponents had recently become in very great favour
with the rulers of the country ; and it was a dangerous thing
to see the progress which their doctrines were making. When
they saw this it behoved every true Protestant,, singly and
united, to do all in his power to stem the tide which was so
powerfully carrying with it, both popery, infidelity, and dis-
affection. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) If there had been any
lethargy on the part of the protestants in furthering the ob-
jects of true religion, he thought they must now see that it
was time for them to exert themselves, and place themselves
in that formidable position, so as to be enabled effectually to
protect that sacred fabric the Church of England from fur-
ther molestation, and of restoring it to that state in which it
ought to be the pride and glory of the people, as being the
chief prop of our glorious constitution. (Cheers.) He
would not detain the meeting with making any further ob-
servations, as it would be a mere waste of time, in the pre-
sence of ao many eloquent divines. He might remark that
he had received a great number of letters from noblemen and
gentlemen of influence in the county, regretting their un-
avoidable absence, but expressing their good wishes forthe
success of the.. cause. The Boroughreeve then concluded
with cheers, by calling upon the Rev. Mr. M. O'Sullivan to
propose the first resolution—previous to which the following
letters were read

To JOSEPH CRISP, ESQ.
" Sir,—l beg leave to inform you that I am unable to ac.
eept, at this moment, any invitation to a distance, but, whilst
eekuowledgiug the honour of the receipt yesterday of your

letter of the 18th instant, I am anxious to express my earnest
sympathy in all constitutional resistance to the dangerous
machinations, and to the alarmingly increasing influence of
the church of Rome in these realms.—l am, Sir, your very
obedient servant, G. H. ROSE."
" Sandhills, Christchurch, Hampshire,
Sept. 23, 1839.

" TO JOSEPH CRISP, ESCL.
Sir,—l have to acknowledge the receipt of a letter con-
taining a very flattering invitation to a festival to be held at
Manchester, on the 26th instant. I regret that it will not
be in my power to attend that meeting, in consequence of
other arrangements, although I perfectly coincide in the sen-
timents of all the resolutions which appear in the circular.—
I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,

POWERSCOURT."

" Powerscourt, Sept. 23, 1839.
Dr. MORTIMER O'SULLIVAN then stepped forward to
address the assembly, and was received with loud cheers.
He commenced by enumerating various acts of the govern-
ment in aid of Romanism in our colonies, and at home, and
said, that with such materials at his command, when moving
a resolution which affirmed the predominance of an alien,
and an only influence in the national councils, he could not
be at a loss for topics or proofs. His difficulties were alto-
gether of another description ; subjects of great moment
were to be brought before the meeting by speakers whose
merits were well known. Every unnecessary observation
would be under such circumstances a fault. He would try
to avoid the error, and would accordingly abstain from all
introductory observations, and would confine himself within
the limits traced out for him by the terms of his resolution.
He would not enlarge upon the topic of national education—
there was an express resolution on the subject—nor on
the indiscret attempts made to establish Roman Catholic
priesthood. These belonged more properly to the resolu-
tion—the Royal College of Maynooth. (Hear, hear.)
He would confine himself to the merits of Lord Normanby's
government in Ireland—merits for which the noble lord was
raised to high dignity in the peerage—was honoured with
expressions of her Majesty's royal approbation—was now
set in authority over the domestic affairs of Great Britain—
and was, perhaps, as it was said, soon to be raised to the
highest dignity and power which could be bestowed upon a
subject. After some further observations, the rev. gentle-
man proceeded to give extracts from the evidence recently
taken before the committee of the House of Lords on the
state of Ireland. He introduced the citations by a notice of
the circumstances under which the committee had been ap-
pointed. There was cause and cross-cause between the
Irish government and the Protestants of that country. Both
perhaps agreed that there was much crime, disorder, and
distress in Ireland ; but they differed as to the degree.
(Hear, hear.) The Irish gentry said that the evils
were increasing. The government insisted that they were
on the decline. They differed also as to the cause. The
gentry said that the evils they complained of were chargeable
on the government. The government retorted, that the
gentry were to blame ; and said, further, that if the crime and
disorder of Ireland became enlarged to such a degree as to
break out into rebellion, the landlords of Ireland should hold
themselves responsible for miseries of which they were the
authors. Such were the differences between these contend-
ing statements. There was another difference in the conduct
of the parties respectively who advanced them. The Irish
conservatives said, give us an opportunity and we will prove
our charges, and establish our innocence. The government
said, we will not condescend to give proof or to receive it. We
say that we are innocent—that you are guilty. This ought to
satisfy any reasonable person. We pledge for the truth of our
assertions the authority of our unblemished names. The
people of England know what we are worth, and they will
be satisfied. But the people of England knew what they
were worth, and they were not satisfied. On the contrary,
popular opinion on the subject became right, and eventually
a Committee of the House of Lords was appointed to en-
quire into the state of Ireland. After some well merited
compliments to Earl Roden, to whose persevering exertions,
the appointment of the committee should be ascribed,
and to whose conduct on the committee, its success
might mainly be attributed, the Rev. Dr. proceeded. The
case on the part of the Government should have precedence.
It consisted of two parts—their accusation against the Irish
landlords—the defence which they vouchsafed of themselves.
The first they altogether abandoned. They did move—they
disproved it. They actively by their own paid officers gave
evidence on oath that the charges they had previously made
were altogether groundless. Dr. O'Sullivan next enumera-
ted the items of the policy for which God had taken credit.
They had become identified with the popular party—an iden-
tification which Lord Normanby had said was effected by
them for the past time in the Annals of the country. They
had formed an alliance with the Priests, who, in tha old Tory
time, were, as Dr. Doyle's venerable expression showed,
unconcerned to preserve the peace or to protect the country
from the horrors of rebellion—but who seem now cordially
disposed to promote that peace which the present govern-
ment was desirous of establishing. 3.—They bad possessed
themselves of an admirable constabulary force for the main-
tenance of which, the country paid four hundred thousand
pounds per annum.. 4.—They had a most efficient array of
well salared stipendrary magistrates. s.—They had a legal
array of law officers prosecuting at sessions and assizes for
whose assistances the country paid a liberal price. 6.
They turned all these resources to account, to cut off fruitful
sources of crime—preventing factious fights and riots at fairs
in the south and west, suppressing orange processions in
the north, and adopting for the latter purpose, the reverend
speaker admitted, the most expensive and irritating expe-
dients. All this he admitted. We required only that the
benefits which were to be expected had resulted from the
exercise of the power with which the executive government
had become invested. The government offered no proof—,
namely, that properties could be sold, and at a high
rate in Ireland. Dr. O'Sullivan doubted the cogency
of this species of a government, because we purchase a
baronet who had recently purchased gave evidence of the
uncertainty of life and property, declaring that because he
had adopted measures for exercising his rights, and recovers
his rents, he had received threatening notices. The fact
therefore that property had been purchased at high rates in
Ireland, was not of necessity a proof that the country was
tranquil. The last evidence he should examine in the case
of the foremost was the tabular statement of crime which
Mr. Drummond had submitted. Mr. Drummond had exhi-
bited a comparative view of the committals for crime within
the three last years. The years 1835, 1837, and 1838—with
the committals of the years ten years before-1826, 1827, and
1828, as exhibits a fair view of the state of the country
then and now. The comparison, as it was natural to expect,
was the best he could make. He compared the three stormy
years when the country was convulsed with the effects of
Roman Catnolic struggling, for conquering emancipation
with those of the halcyon years in which the country was
blessed with Lord Normanby's government, and when men
might rejoice in the blessings they had now from the tories.
Having compared a season in which repose might be expected
with years when the country was in a storm, it would not be
unreasonable to expect a corresponding decrease of crime.
Further, having compared a time in which the government
had such forces and influences at their command, with a time
when all these advantages were wanting, or were given in aid
of agitation, a further diminution of crime might reasonable
have been anticipated. What was the fact? Mr. Drum-
mond's own tables—his comparison formed under these fa-
vourable circumstances, showed that crime had enormously
increased, increasad, not merely in matters of no moment,
but in crimes of the grossest character—in murder, in per-
jury, in administering oaths unlawfully, in appearing in arms
by night, in short, in all crimes which denoted an unsound
state of society and morals. Mr. Drummond, however, has
entered a species of protest against the conclusion to which
his statements might lead. The population of Ireland has
increased since 1828—it has increased, he says, a seventh.
A remark, therefore, should be added to the returns of crime
for the former years. Without investigating the principle of
his arithmetic of crime, Dr. O'Sullivan said he would give
him the benefit of it, and how then stood the case ? Adding
a seventh to the returns, from which Mr. Drummond would
show the crimes of the former years, and comparing the pro-
duct with the returns under Lord Normanby's government,
there was still a mournful increase of crime, a diminution in
offences of minor moment, an increase in those crimes which
are calculated to occasion the most serions alarm, in those
that indicate an unsound state of society and morals, in holding
forcible possession, in appearing in arms by night, in robbery
of arms, in riots, in perjury, in assaults, and in assaults with
intent to murder. Such are the returns which the Irish go-
verntnent has itself supplied, to exhibit the state to which
Ireland has become reduced under its popular and liberal
policy. (Hear, and cheers.) Dr. O'Sullivan then entered
in the case against government, and quoted various extracts
from the evidence we have already for the most part appeared
in our columns, and by which he established his charges
against the Governnien ; disclaiming at the outset, all in-
tention of imputing evil motives to any person, he undertook
to shaw that the acts of the government were in themselves,
and in their tendency hostile ; 1, to the rights of property ' • 2,
to the administration of justice ; 3, to the cause of morals
favourable to agitation—favourable to crime, and fovourable
to the spread of a foul and formidable conspiracy, which, he
said, had already estranged from England and her laws, the
affections of the great mass of the Irish people, and which
under the adminstration, for which Lord Normanby was so
highly rewarded, had advanced with rapidity towards maturity
of organisation, and towards a convulsion in which the best
interests of the empire may be shaken. In proof of his
charges, he commenced with a citation from Lord Melbourne's
confession, that he had been constrained to strike a heavy
blow at Protestantism, thus avowing himself as a secular
earn, an executioner for persecuting Rome, and cited Mr.
Drummond's evidence, that he could not answer why govern-
ment delayed for three years, that measure for the settlement
of the Church question which has proved so beneficial. He
next turned to the case of landlords as the other branch of the
question respecting property, and showed how the govern-
ment aspersed them before the Committee was appointed,
and when an opportunity was given to establish the truth•
of its charges, actually sent witnesses who proved their
innocence—actually proved, by their own paid servants, the
innocence of the landlords whom they had so grievously
and, as it appeared, wrongfully accused. In this part of
his subject, Dr. O'Sullivan read extracts from the speeches
of Lords Wharncliffe and Lurgan, members of the com-
mittee—the one chairman, the other one of the new peers,
who acted on the committee no doubt with a most friendly
feeling to Lord Normanby, and who both declared in the
most unqualified terms their conviction that the landlords
of Ireland were beyond all suspicion. (Hear, hear.) They
had, also, the evidence of Mr. Tabutean and Mr. Cahill, both
stipendiaries of Government, the one a magistrate, the other
a Crown prosecutor, both residing in the county (Tipperary),
which the Government described as most unfortunate in its
landed proprietary, and both bearing testimony which proves
that the charges of their Government were false. Dr. O'Sul-
livan next addressed himself to the conduct of the Govern-
ment, in order to prove its hostility to the administration of
justice, and its teudencv to encourage the production of per-
jured witnesses, the swearing in of incompetent juries, and
to strip the judicial character and station of the power and
majesty with which it was for the interest of the community
that it should be richly invested. The policy towards jurors
was in many respects objectionable. An act of Parliament
had of late years become law by which all persons possessing
the elective franchise became eligible as jurors. This might
be a wise arracgement of the qualification to vote, were such
as the letter and spirit of the Reform Act contemplated, but
as it was well known, men had qualified themselves to vote
by the enterprise not the truth of their oaths—it might happen
that a man who by perjury had purchased a title to vote for a
parliamentary representative, might by the same act have
purchased the privilege to perjure himself on a jury for some
associate in trouble. Parliament, of course, passed its law
under the impression that Government would correct the
evils to which it furnished occasion by a discreet exercise
of the power to set incompetent jurors aside. (Hear,
hear, hear.) This, however, the Government virtually
surrendered. A direction was issued that no juror should be
ordered to stand aaide in consequence of his religious or po-
litical opinions. As a general principle, Dr. O'Sullivan ap-
proved of this rule. So long as the law leaves men eligible
to any office or trust, it is wrong to complain that they have
been elected to it. A law may be bad, and we may complain
of it; but; so long as it is bad, we might not to complain
that it is executed. But while it would be wrong to set
aside jurors because they are Roman Catholics or whigs. It
would be equally wrong, because of their political or religious
opinions, to leave them on a jury, for which they were dis-
qualified by character of circumstances. A man may hold
his religious creed with a bigotry which renders him regard-
less of God's law or of his own conscience. A man may
push his political opinions to such intemperance, that, al-
though a gentleman and a magistrate, (and to such a case el-
usion was made during the sittings of the committee) he shall
expose man to the peril of taking a false oath, ratherithan for-
feit an advantage to his party. Such men should surely be
set aside, as well as those whose circumstances exposed them
to intimidation, and to such cases counsel for the crown
should have applied, with a sound discretion, the powers
which had been conAded to them, Mr, O'Connell, however,

on the restoration of Lord Melbourne to power, and the ap-
pointment of Lord Normanby to Ireland, instructed his
clients that, henceforth, under Perrin and O'Loughlin, no
man need fear the being tried by a packed jury, and, accord-
ingly, since that time, the packing has been of that kind
which has not proved disserviceable. to the offender's interestd
or the progress of crime. Dr. 0' ullivan next condemned
the practice of retrying in the castle chambers, a cause
on which the verdict of a jury had already been pro-
nounced, and very strongly reprobated the encouragement
held out by government to a new form of intimidation, in
their entertaining the memorials which jurors might be in-
fluenced to subscribe. A jury, he said; was sufficiently ex-
posed to danger, for delivering an honest verdict. The go-
vernment, if wisely advised and honestly disposed, should
set its face against encouraging a new persecution—that of
the memorial system ; in which it might be offered as a con-
dition of pardon for an obnoxious verdict, that the juror
would sign a memorial praying to have his verdict set aside.
(Hear, hear.) From the case of the juries Dr. O'Sullivan
turned to that of the bench, and dwelt at some length on the
insult offered to Lord Chief Justice Doherty. This case—
that of Gahan—has already been before the public, in our
extracts from the evidence. Lord Brougham's admirable
speech has fixed attention upon it. The point of view in
which Dr. O'Sullivan regarded it was this. The Chief Jus-
tice is grossly insulted by some anonymous underling in the
Castle. Dr. O'Sullivan was especially cautious to exempt
from his censures any of those clerks in the Chief or Under
Secretary's office whose names are known, and payed a warm
and well-merited compliment to the chief clerk. But, he
said, somebody, or some mischievous nobody, contrary to
the wish and design of the Lord Lieutenant, sends in to the
Chief Justice the foul affront, instead of returning it to the
rude priest for whom Lord Normanby designed it. And
what is the conduct of the noble marquis ? Does he insti-
tute a search into the offence, and find out the daring offen-
der, and admonish or remove him ? No—he leaves him safe
in his obscurity, and he directs an order to be issued that
thenceforth all communication must be suspended between
her Majesty's Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas
and the Viceroy of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) This was in-
deed a strange and anomalous procedure. There was ano-
ther circumstance in this remarkable case to which Dr.
O'Sullivan would advert. One of the persons charged in
the same offence with Gallant the prisoner who was blessed
in having a priest for his brother, and for whom the
Irish government was so very solicitous, had been tried
by Judge Moore—had been sentenced by him to the se-
verest punishment the law allowed—had been subsequently
recommended for a mitigation of punishment when the learned
judge was brought to think him innocent; and then, when it
was intimated to him that a year's imprisonment was rather
too severe a punishment for being innocent, to agree in the
propriety of immediate liberation. This Judge Moore, with
whose report Lord Morpeth did not think it right to furnish
the Chief Justice Dogherty, appeared to give evidence before
the committee. He there explained the principle on which
he pronounced so severe a sentence as seven years' trans-
portation on a man whom he thought not guilty. This ex-
planation was as follows :
" When the jury had given credit to the evidence of the
witnesses for the prosecution, and had convicted, I thought
it would produce an outcry in the country if I did not pro-
nounce that sentence, leaving it for consideration -whether, if
the charge was found, on inquiry, to be well sustained, the
sentence ought not to be carried into effect."
Is this, asked the rev. speaker, to be henceforth the moral of
the judicial bench ? Are our judges to take counsel not from
the evidence—the case—but from the outcry of popular
opinion, or the voice of power ? Are they to become organs
of the peoples frenzy, or the state's malice—and to render
passion and vengeance intolerably powerful by impressing
them with a counterfeit semblance of justice. Is this really
the explanation of the learned judge's misplaced severity ?
No ; I would not hear his enemy offer it. I will not leave i
him to his own rash explanation. There is evidence from
himself against it. Here Dr. O'Sullivan quoted the obser-
vations of the learned judge on the trial of General Sir Geo.
Bingham, whom Mr. O'Connell prosecuted. Popular feeling
ran high—the jury returned, as the learned judge thought, an
improper verdict, and, in consequence, he fined the prisoner•
sixpence and dismissed him, with the most soothing expres-
sions he was capable, under the circumstances, of using. By
that judgment, on that occasion, Judge Moore had provided
a defence against his recent explanation. He was seeking an
excuse to be 'merciful. When he was younger—Lord
Normanby was not in power. Then his conduct was different
from that for which he has now offered an explanation. The
Irish government was not satisfied with teaching its moral
duties to the bench. It must be trained in the modern code
of manners also—in court-etiquette, and accordingly, the
Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas is put to
learn froth -the new guide, Sir Michael O'Loghlen, who
pronounces that the conduct of the Lord Chief Justice in
taking a copy of the insult offered to him and the bench,
deserved that exile from communication with the Castle of
Dublin by which he has been punished. Now, when it is
remembered that this was the second affront of the kind
passed upon the Chief Justice—that it was passed upon him
after he had remonstrated formerly—the exclusion seems
exceedingly harsh. But there is something little less than
ludicrous in the juxta position of Chief Justice Doherty as
a pupil and the present Master of the Rolls as teacher in the
matter of etiquette. Hogarth's picture of ancient and
modern grace—might give some idea of it—when a dancing
master was angrily schooling the Antinous into shape might
not be altogether an unfair representation of the case. The
Chief Justice, one of the foremost among the most accom-
plished gentlemen of his time—accomplished—not merely
in outward manner—but by the sentiment which gives man-
ner its being, grace, and charm—one whose " honour,"
with an accurracy unsurpassed, " clock to itself, knew the
true moment when exception bade him strike"—he was to
receive instruction from the Master of the Rolls in the art
of conducting himself towards the functionaries of govern-
ment. Were these asked the rev. speaker the principles of
morals and manners in which the Judges of the land were to be
instructed ? On the bench were they to watch how the breezes
of popular tumult, or of tyrant power were labouring, and
to set their sails obsequiously to catch them ? In their inter-
course with government, were they to be seen assuming the
positions of submission taught by the new Court Guide?
Was the judge, when he had come down from the transient
majesty of the bench, to cringe and endure at the castle—to
imitate the Carthagenian exile at the Bythenian court—taking
the s' offs and scorns of every insolent menial, until it pleases
the Sybarite tyrant to awake and tell them their contumelies
have been too offensive. And in the meantime is he to take
lessons as to the precise angle at which he must boo from
Sir Pertinax O'Loghlin. Dr. O'Sullivan expressed his own
unwillingness to make any personal observations which might
prove in the least degree offensive. He willingly repeated
that he bad beard Sir Michael O'Loghlen praised for his
conduct in private life and on the bench, and he would not
withhold the praises to which he was entitled. For himself
he had but one objection to him—the interpretation which he
had given—on which he had acted—to his oath of qualification
as a Roman Catholic. For this he thought him strongly
censurable—and while he acknowledged that in other respects
he might meet high praise—he could not think, without some
surprise, of his attempting to act as a censor upon Chief
Justice Doherty in matters upon which the honour and sen-
timent of an accomplished gentleman, feeling what was due
to his station and to himself, were to pronounce a decision.
From the cases of the judges and jurors. Dr. O'Sullivan
turned to that of witnesses, and showed how the policy of
government was likely to increase the course of perjury. In
the first place, the practice of rehearing cases in the castle
chamber was dangerous. Witnesses might be produced sure
to be discredited by a jury, in the expectation that their tes-
timony, when backed by a priest's memorial, might satisfy
the law officers of the crown, and win pardon from the Lord
Lieutenant. In the next place, the assimilation of the Irish
to the English law, in indulging prisoners with copies of the
informations sworn against them, must give a new oppor-
tunity for fabricating perjuries. The conduct of the govern-
ment was also strongly calculated to encourage falsehood.
Of this Dr. O'Sullivan gave some instances ; one in which
prisoners were pardoned who had, it would appear, suborned
ten witnesses to swear falsely in their behalf, and on whose
aggravated guilt the government pronounced no censure.
(Hear, hear.) For this he referred to a correspondence
which appeared in the evidence of the Lord Chief Justice of
the Queen's Bench, Chief Justice Rushe. By overlooking this
instance of perjury, the government stood, by their act, he
would not say by intention, in the condition of accessories
after the fact, to the subornation of perjury. The next in-
stance he adduced was one in which he said they might be
considered accessories before the fact. It was their conduct
at the special commission in Clonmel, where they not only
paid two hundred guineas to defend the prisoners they prose-
cuted, but paid eighty pounds for the purpose of procuring
witnesses for them. And what did these witnesses depose?
Double alibis. Alibis to prove that the witnesses were re-
mote from the place where they had sworn they were pre-
sent—alibis to prove that the prisoners were absent from the
place where crime had been committed. This is a strange case.
If the witnesses, on whom the Crown bestowed public money
to procure on behalf of the prisoners, swore truth, the govern-
ment have put innocent men to an ignominoius death. If the
witnesses on the part of the Crown swore truth, then govern-
ment paid for the production of perjurers to defame them.
. The culprits in Tipperary were of a class whom Roman Ca-
tholic Priests had taken under their protection. There was
an accused person elsewhere, whom Roman Catholic Priests
desired to prosecute. Dr. O'Sullivan then entered into de-
tails of the case of Sly, and cited passages to show the man-
ner in which Sly had been prosecuted, and the inexplicable ac-
cidents by which the perjurers who had conspired his death,
would have been protected, had the case rested with the law
officers of the government. [Our space will not permit us to
follow the rev. gent. through the details.] An intense sensa-
tion appeared to pervade the meeting at the recital of the
circumstances under which Sergeant Pattieson had been dis-
missed. We have given but a brief outline of the speech,
and should not forget to add, that in every instance of miscon-
duct on the part of government, whether as respected judges
or culprits, the agency of the Roman Catholic priesthood
could be discerned. After speaking for nearly three hours,
the rev. speaker said that he had not been aware how long
he had trespassed. " I have gone," he said, " through but
half my case :" then, turning to the Rev. Hugh M'Neile,
he.added, " I hope to finish 4at Liverpool. I spared you,"
said he, addressing the assembly, " introductory observa-
tions—l will spare you a formal conclusion. I leave my
facts to speak for me, and resign you now to matter more
entertaining.- You are sure.to be recompensed for the pa-
tience with which you have listened to my dry and disagree-
able details, and will experience, I have no doubt, the truth
of Mrs. Malaprop's philosophy, that where a change is sure
to come, 'tis better begun with a little aversion." The rev.
doctor then sat down, after moving the first resolution, amid
loud applause.

C. S. PARKER, Esq., seconded the resolution, expressing
his entire concurrence in the sentiments of the previous
speaker, and in the spirit of the resolution.
The Rev. HUGH STOWELL moved the second resolution,
which was as follows :—" That this meeting determine to
petition, and to promote petitions, to both Houses of Par-
liament, imploring our legislature to withhold all future
grants of public money from the College of Maynooth, and
also from the Irish Education Board, and from any other
measure of education compromising the great Protestant
principles of the constitution, or either directly or indirectly
recognising Popery." Having read the resolution, Mr.
Stowell said, It may be allowed me, Mr. Boroughreeve, as
connected with this locality, to trespass for a few moments
while I offer some brief remarks in reference to this locality.
First allow me to observe, that I, for one, deplore, in com-
mon with many others, that we should have been compelled,
for want of proper accommodation elsewhere, to hold a
meeting of a religious character in such a place as this.
(Hear.) At the same time, as God, while he is no respecter
of persons, is likewise, where the purpose is good, no re-
specter of places, I cannot but feel, that the fact of prayer
having been made to God within a temple of folly and dis-
sipation, is a pledge that it shall ere long be con-
verted into a temple of literature, or, better still, into
a temple of religious and spiritual worship. (Cheers.) I
may further remark, that I deeply regret so many of our
friends seem to think they have been ill-treated in regard to
tickets, and that some expression of unkindness, not to say
of retaliation, have been vented against our honest-hearted
printer and bookseller, Mr. Pratt. I trust those who may
have threatened him with exclusive dealing will leave all ex-
clusive dealing to the opposite party. (Hear and cheers.)
But to address myself at once to the object of the meeting,
allow me to remark, that I conceive that object to be one of
a most high, and solemn, and sacred character. We are not
met, as we shall be tauntingly told, for the purpose. of break-
ing the peace, or of promoting discord. If there were a be-
sieged citadel, and a number of individuals were to come in the
guise and mask of peace, and to set to work sapping and un-
dermining the foundations and ramparts of the citadel—if
those within the citadel were to come out in hostile array,
and insist that they should desist from their dark practices,
or else fall upon them as enemies, would it be fair in the
sappers and miners to charge the defenders of the citadel with
being the first to break the peace ? They might, perhaps,
out of policy do so; but they would get little credit from re-

fleeting men for their logic. (Hear.) Just on a par with
such logic is that of our opponents, and the opponents of
Protestantism, of Scripture, and of truth, in their charges
against the clergy and laity of the Church of England. Be-
cause, forsooth, we will not let them go on with their dark,
mining, sapping practices, till they have got their mines ripe,
when the match shall be put to the train, and we shall find
our glorious fabric of church and state in ruins about our
deluded ears. (Cheers.) We are men of peace, ambassa-
dors of peace, servants of the Prince of Peace ; our message
is a message of peace—peace to him that is near, and to him
that is afar off. But there is something we love better than
peace, without which, peace is but a curse instead of a bles-
sing. That is truth—eternal truth. (Loud cheerS.) We
are not met to break the peace, but to defend the truth.
(Cheers.) We are not met in order to produce discord, ex-
cept as discord is to be produced by resistance to falsehood
and fraud. (Cheers.) We are not come together for any
mere political purpose, if by that term is to be understood a
party political purpose. We are not met to oppose her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, except as they are opposed to Protestant-
ism and to truth. (Hear.) If, in coming in collision with Pa-
pists, we come into collision with the present Administration,
whose fault is this ? If, in coming to expose the unparalleled
atrocities perpetrated under the mask Of govertifnent and jus-
tice in Ireland, *e come in collision with ministers, whose
fault is it ? Not the fault of honest, true-hearted men, who
grieve to see England and Ireland so degraded and debased,
and their moral sense and feeling so laid prostrate and ground
in the dust, the fault is not ours, but theirs. If this meeting
had been for a party-political purpose, I, for one, would never
have entered these walls. Party-political purposes are very
far aloof from the high and holy calling of a Christian ambas-
sador, a messenger of mercy and of God. But we cannot, as
men of truth and honesty—as ministers of Christ—as the ac-
credited clergy of this Christian land—we cannot stand by
and see politics set up against religion, instead of beilig one'
with religion. We cannot stand by and see religious truth
torn silver cord by silver cord out of the weft and warp of our
glorious constitution, without lifting up our voices like a
trumpet, and showing Britain her transgressions, and the
house of Britain eis sins. By the providence of God and
the laws of the land, we ars not only as pastors to attend to
their quiet flocks in quiet folds, but also as watchmen on
the walls of our national Zion. (Cheers.) We are called to
be soldiers as well as shepherds. The clergy of the Church
of England are quite in their places in denouncing evil whether
stalking in high places or crawling in the mire. Who are to tell
the people their faults ? Who are to tell the Ministry the truth ?
Who are to interpret the signs of the thnes, if not the watch-
men on the walls of Zion ? We will not let the cry of
"Political parsons," " Reverend agitators," "Breakers of
the peace,' bind our consciences or tie our tongues. (Hear,
and cheers.) The Papists must do what they did in former
days—take out our tongues—before we' will be silent.
They must take off our right hands before they cease
to be held up for Protestantism, for the Bible, and for God.
(Loud applause.) Neither let it be said that we are met
together for the purpose of promoting Conservatism, and for
bringing the Conservative party into power. Let her Majesty's
ministers confess their faults—let them do penance—let them
break off from the traitorous boscim of the harlot of Rome,who
is hugging them to destroy them. Let there. rive the fet-
ters that the monster with the fiery tail in Ireland has wound
around them. (A laugh.) Let them say, we will do your
dirty work no longer; and if the good old church of Eng-
land is to be laid on the funeral pyre, it shall be other hands
than those of her professed children that shall take the torch
to light the paricidal flame. (Cheers.) Let them do this,
and I answer for the clergy of the church of England, that
they will be as firm in supporting as they have been in op-
posing them, (Cheers.) ft Will be said, no doubt, that we
favour the Conservative party, and so we do. (Cheers.) If
we wish to see that party in power, and we do devoutly wish
and pray for it, it is because, that we see her Majesty's min-
isters have not the moral courage to assert their freedom, and
that they are too deep in the mire ever to get out. (Hear.)
O that they had never tied themselves to the chariot-wheels
of Popery, and allowed her to drag them thro' the deceitful
quagmire ! If it be said that many of the Conservatives are
wanting in moral courage and character, we admit and lament
it, but if we had a Conservative Government to-morrow, we
could surround our virgin Queen with men of purity and
moral principle. (Cheers.) I, for one, if I had a voice—
feeble and unweighty as it might be—l could say, I would
not have in power any Conservative, however I honour the
name, that had ever had trim. con. connected with his name
—not one lady within the palace, however high her rank, or
beautiful her person, or rich her accomplishments, unless she
carried the fair gem of purity and modesty brightly shining
on her brow. (Cheers.) We could furnish men of unblem-
ished reputation to surround our Queen. Need I mention
Lord Stanley, or Lord Ashley, or Sir James Graham?
(Cheers.) Did slander ever breathe upon their reputations?
Need I mention Mr. Gladstone ? (Cheers.) Whoever im-
peached his moral character ? Need I mention Lord Sandon,
worthy descendant of a worthy house? (Loud ( heers.) Need
I mention Colquhoun, the champion of Protestantism ?
(Cheers.)—Or Roden, though branded as a bigot. (Cheers.)
I would to God all our Peers were such bigots. (Loud ap-
plause.) lam no political parson •, but I cannot, as a min-
ister of God, and an accredited minister of the church of this
nation,--I cannot but blush—l would almost say weep tears
of blood in private,—to think that our virgin Queen should
-be surrounded by such characters as that a blot has been put
upon the fair fame of England's court, such as it has never
known since it has been a court, and I trust never will know
again. (Cheers.) Do we say her Majesty's ministers are
identified with it ? Why do they not drag the traitors to light ?
(Hear.) Why have they not scoured the court till they found
out where, I might almost say, the death-spot of blood was
to be found on the brow? I cannot trust myself on this point.
Do we then, as it will be slanderously reported of us, bring
insinuations against our Queen ? Are the Protestant Asso-
ciations disloyal ? No: long live the Queen ! (Cheers.), When
the moon broke forth bright and pure as she rose on our ho-
rizon, lending her sweet influence and her genial silvery rays
to dance along the hills, and light up the woods and valleys—
when by and by noisome fogs and dark mists gather around
her and hide her from our eyes, the unskilled observer may
blame the moon, and cry out, because of her darkened vi-
sage, that she has ceased to shine : but the skilful man and
the man of penetration will say, blame, not the moon, but
blame the dark fogs that have shrouded her ; blame not the
moon, but blame the mists that have come between us and
her radiance ; let them roll away, and she will be seen walk-
ing in majesty and light, fair and unstained as before.
our fair young Queen rose on the horizon of our country
like the moon in her purity and untainted brightness ;
every eye watched her, every tongue blessed her, every
heart thrilled towards her; a nation's homage awaited her--
a nation's heart was bound up in her. Why is it now
that heads hang down and tongues are silent when she walks
among her once gratulant and joyous people ? Why is there
not still that universal enthusiastic turning of every heart
like the sun-flower to the fair orb rising in our favoured sky ?
Because of the dark clouds and mists that have gathered
round her. (Loud cheers.) Let the Conservatives come in,
and if they do not roll away those mists and clouds, let them
go out tomorrow. (Hear, and applause.) We are not ,met
for a party-political purpose, to abet or support Whigs, Ra-
dicals, or Tories. We meet to support men of principle
where we find them,—men who will dare to go right though
the world cried shame upon them ;—who will set the star of
eternal truth before them, and steer right on through the
winds and waves, not heeding the lash of the waves nor the
hiss of the winds. These are the men we want ; and if the
Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel came in,
they would only secure Protestant support by upholding Pro-.
testant principles, by repairing and strengthening the consti-
tution, which, alas ! they made a sad rent in by their disas-
trous betrayal—but I will not call it a betrayal, for they did
it in ignorance, in the unsuspecting honesty of their hearts.
(Cheers-0 They did not believe that there was such roguery
and rascality in the earth under the mask of religion as they
have found under the mask of Popery. (Hear.) Where are
now the pledges of peace—the promises of protect' on—the oil
that was.to be thrown over the troubled waters of Ireland—the
absence of bitterness, feud and fraud—the oaths to defend the
rights of Protestantism and the Church of England ? (Hear,
and cheers.) Where are those who glosed, and flattered,
and whispered, and sung, while they cheated us poor gullible
creatures? (Loud cheers.) I beg pardon : many of you they
cheated not : they cheated not me ; neither have they
cheated my reverend friends around me. (Cheers.) We
knew that Popery professed to be infallible, and because
infallible, immutable ; and they knew that if she sanctioned
perjury for the good :of the church at one time she must
sanction it at another ; that if she sanctioned the betrayal
of heretics by any means at one time, she must sanction it
at another. (Hear and cheers.) We have not been decei-
ved. Popery has done precisely what we expected her to do.
Since the passing of that most ill-starred and ill-fated bill
that this country ever .witnessed, have we had quiet, absence
of party spirit—settlement in our laws—fixedness in.our con-
stitution—promotion of moral feeling—promotion of tender-
ness of conscience—promotion of all that makes a nation
great and glorious ? (No. no.) Did the Conservatives reap
the support they anticipated ? Did they find that they had
seated themselves in their places never to be unseated ? No ;
they dislocated the parties of the country ; they threw the
best part of the Conservatives almost to the antipodes, and it
was long before they began to gather together. They are now
gathering, and 1 hope they will rally round Wellington
and Peel, for I am sure that those two statesmen have re-
pented of the fatal act they committed in 1829. (Hear, hear.)
This may be thought to be the effusion of a heated imagina-
tion. But those who think so have never studied the sub-
ject closely and deeply ; they have never marked how the
Jesuits are worming their way up and down through our
country—how the mines and countermines are passing under-
neath this land as well as Ireland—how the Ribbon con-
spiracy, as it has been proved, is at work in England as well
as across the channel ; they cannot see that the administra-
tion must go on as the Papists desire them or leave their
places—that the Papists are increasing in power and number
round the Queen, and that one place after another is filled
up by Roman Catholics—that Lord Normanby, too bad for
Ireland, is good enough for England, and that Mr. Wyse,
the father and foster-father of the education scheme, that
monstrous abortion that has neither head, nor tail, nor mid-
dle—

" If shape it can be called that shape has none"—
has beer, put irythe council, where he can train up his off-
spring, and make of -it -what he can, aml nourish it into a
giant strength, that it may be powerful enough to devour
up the Protestant education of the country. How Popery
stalks forth in high places. We find from the papers that the
King of Belgium, accompanied by his Queen, from the great
Protestant court of England wended their way to the mass-
house, while the Queen of England took her departure for the
Protestant church. I marvel that there should not have been
feeling enough in the court to forbid connivance at such an
insult to the memory of one whose name is embalmed in every
Briton's heart. (Hear,) I am now going to enter into a deeply
painful but not therefore a less important point. There is,
in the bosom of our own reformed church, no small indica-
tion of a drawing towards Popery by men who ought to know
better. (Hear.) I will confine myself simply to one or two
facts, which if called upon, I can vouch for and authenticate.
A gentleman, whose name, if it be demanded in private, he
will not be ashamed to own, assured me that he had gone in-
to the splendid new Roman Catholic chapel at Leeds, and
had there heard the priest, with great eloquence and plausi-
bility, dilate on the admirable sentiments which had emana-
ted from Oxford. (Hear.) He admired them and eulogised
them and their followers at Leeds. I have nothing to do with
the inference from this fact. I leave you to draw it. In the
Newcastle Journal of January the sth, there is an account
of a dinner given to a Mr. Turnbull by a Rotnish congrega-
tion of North Shields. 'Amongst the toasts given, I find,
" His present Holiness, the father of the Christian world—
Dr. Pusey, and the Church of England reformers at Oxford,
and thanks to them for their excellent tracts." (Hear, hear.)
1 may follow this up by a quotation from the Catholic Ma-
gazine for March, p. 165. [The extract expressed sincere
and unaffected congratulations to " our brethren of Oxford,"
on the opening of their eves to the evils of private judgment,
and on their fast approach to the church of all times and all
lands, whose maternal arms were ever open to receive her,
repentant children.] I hope, continued Mr. Stowell, that
this writer will prove a false prophet. I cannot but hope that,
good and honourable men, as many of the Oxford divines are,
they will not, in their zeal against dissent and schism, run
the opposite rock of bigotry and superstition, which is worse.
I would not have made these statements, but for the sake of
truth. We want the church of England to be as one man,
but not to be bound together by the icy bands of Popery.
I will mention another fact. A lady lately arrived from
Rome, brought a quantity of Italian tracts published by the
Propaganda at Comer. I saw one of them, which was headed,
"Marvellous approximation of numbers 'of the English
Church to the true Catholic Church again..)' Do I speak
of these things in anger ? No ; in sorrow and shame. (Hear)
I lament deeply over it, and I would entreat my reverend
brethren to be careful how they read the protestations ~to
which I allude. They contain much that -is good, and true,
and sound, and needful, in these latitudinarian days—much
of solid assertion, ofindependent, bold principle; but the ho-
ney only makes the poison the more dangerous. (Hear,
hear,) Mr. Stowell concluded by a forcible appeal to diffe.

rent classes of individuals to promote the signing of petitions
to the legislature on this all-important subject.
The Rev. Dr. COOKE, of Belfast, rose to second the resolu-
lutioh. After some preliminary observations relative to the
difficulties of his position, owing to the ability of the speak-
ers who had preceded him, and other causes, and having
vindicated himself and his coadjutors from the harge of un-
charitableness in the proceeding in which they were engaged,
and others of a similar character, he said, I feel it, Mr Bo-
roughreeve, a duty and a right on my part to be with you
on this occasion, because I felt that a member of the church
of Scotland ought to stand by the church of England, and
though feeling my incapacity—as one of the lightest troops to
• stand by the paridees, yet I reflect at the same time that tho'
we may not be able from our little camp of stature to scale the
breach, we can stand at a distance and fire a shot o'er their
heads. (Hear and a laugh.) So far as I have it in my power
I have endeavoured to show that the church of Scotland
and the church of England ought to be united together.
(Cheers.) I have another reason for lending my assistance
on this occasion. I feel it my duty, because I hold myself
to be as much a bishop as the Archbishop of Canterbury.
I call myself an episcopalian—my diocese is not so extensive
as his—l have Only a single parish with six Presbyters-as my
suffrages. Ido not know where the essential difference lies.
I rejoice that there are men able to do more than I am,
whether through habit, talent, or the grace of God, which is
beyond both—but for my single self, I have always found
that when I had one parish exclusively under my care, 1 had
a great deal too much to do. (Hear, hear.) I remember
"being struck with a remark once made to me by a fellow
labourer in the gospel. On my saying that such a one had
but a small congregation, " Oh, replied he, we shall all, at
the Day of Judgment, find that our congregations have been
too large. (Hear.) With regard to everythitig else we are one
and the same. I hold that the Church of England is apos-
tolical, and I hold that the Church of Scotland is as aposto-
lical as she is. (Cheers, and a laugh.) One is not the man,
and the other the child—one,is not the greater, and the other
the lesS—but, though one has one :duty and another holds
'a different view, I would never allow for a moment, the idea
of the 'different build of the Church of England—to make
me desirous of undermining her foundations, or to bring
down her splendid minarets. (Cheers.)' If she has stained
gothic windows, while we have only plain glass, that is no
reason why I should take pebbles to break them. (A laugh.)
I cannot imagine thatbecause she clothes her ministers in a
surplus, while I wear a plain Geneka gown, I am to tear it off
the Church of England minister's back, nor yet, because she
reads her prayers, while we pray extemporaneously, that I
am to fling her liturgy to the winds ; nor, as Dr. Doyle
would say, commit it to the flames, (Hear, hear, and
loud cheering.) On this ground I attend here to day,
and I would that all who are here would hold one thing
in view. There is an old proverb that says, " out of sight,
out of mind: Why, what is the reason that we find affection
itself sometimes cross when the object is long and far re-
moved ? Just in the principle of the incapacity of our nature
to retain impressions. Why is Protestantism at such a dis-
count,' that we find a "Big Beggarman" threatening that
he will clap it wholesale into his wallet. Because, we have
' been acting- largely on the proverb " out of sight, out of
mind. We have allowed the claims of the Bible to be advo-
cated in the narrow corner meetings of the Bible Societies,
with occasionally one vast and splendid anniversary in Dub-
lin or elsewhere. (Hear,. hear.) Mr. Stowell has looked
forward to the day when a certain bill should be repealed.
(Hear, hear.)' I assure him that iiti greater misfortune
could happen to the country. There was one of old
in Rome, who ever cried the parrot's song—" delanda
est Carthago. Carthage was blotted out, and Rome sunk
into chains from that time. All the eloquence of my valued
friend would not tell the advocates which Mr. O'Connell
and that bill have conferred upon Protestantism. They have
opened eyes that were before blind as moles !—that they
brought souls together who were previously divided by use-
less microscopic polenices. They have joined not hands only,
but blent together, and produced a glorious zone of sisters,
which we now survey. (Applause.) But for them, the
eloquence of my revered friend himself would not, as it has
done, waked and thrilled and electrified us. (Cheers.) This
worthy friend of ours, Daniel, htts added to his tither
characters, that of a prophet. He says in his letter to the
English nation, that in the present times it is admitted on all
hands " that Protestantism, in all and every of its
multitudinous shapes and forms, has lost all expensive
power—in fact, its power of expansion ceased almost
entirely within one century after the invention of the
name of Protestantism." This is fact the first. I
did hold it my duty, as far as I could, to prove that I had
the expansive power of coming from Belfast to Manchester.
(Laughter and cheers.) Hear him further :—" You have
the unimpeachable and, in this respect, the unerring state-
mens of the Rev. Mr. Gleig to the fact, that Protestantism
in Germany means or produces infidelity"—a very gentle
hint to those who shoulder him on, and lend him a crutch
to go on his mendicant expeditions. (Tremendous cheers.)
" Englishmen," he adds, " reflect on these facts—weigh
well this truth." Well, I declare, Daniel, if you utter a
truth, I will weigh it (loud laughter) ; and if it profess to be
involved in a fact, I will send to the Apothecaries' Hall for
apothecaries' weights, to test the nonentity of .the truth that
can proceed out of so lying a mouth. (Continued laughter,
and cheers.) " Weigh well this truth—that no incitement to
CatholiCity can be found in temporal or mercenary motives."
Mr. O'Sullivan has pro Ned that a judge may be sent to Co-
ventry, or a little thing in office ready to be kicked out for
incapacity may he pitchforked—into the House of Lords.
(Much laughter and applause.) f, in addition, you may be
Irishmen, you may get a job'as long- as the Shannon.
(Laughter.) Now, 1 have weighed the truth, and I have not,
skill enough in decimal fractions to compute the amount.
Yet he goes on—" Spite of all these obstacles and difficul-
ties, I repeat it with an honest—joy."----(An honest man is
a noble one, and. lam glad heis turning honest.) " I repeat
it with an lionest,joy, converts to Catholicity daily multiply,
and the free Cliristendont is'witness to that xnultipliations."
Catholicity-is certainly Protestantism—but we are not of the
heresy of Rome. (Cheers. Romanism is not Catholicity.
Would' any man 'take it into his head to say that York-
st: eet; oriMcsleysstreet, is all Manchester ? Romanism is
but one street in the great Christian city and the worst in it.
Protestantism cannot be true unless God has left miserable

man to conjecture—to guesis,to. alter and remodel articles
of belief without any authority—to decide contests, or to re-
ject gros4 arid irnakitiory• Interpretations." Well, tdere is
one fragment of truth in this great dunghill—a gem, which
it is worth while to.pick up in the midst of the filth cast on
our common Protestantism—it is that Protestantism cannot
be true if God has left us without authority. He has not so
left. us. But it is not the authority of the Scarlet Lady of
Rome—not the authority of the Councils—nor yet that most
mysterions of all authorities, the unanimous and united cer-
tainty of the fatets, who never have been unanimous and
unitedsinbe the beginning of the world, and never will be to
theend of it. (Hear, hear and cheers.) My resolution tells
me, that I am first to turn your attention to the neces-
sity of invading'the legislature with petitions against May-
nooth. , Why: may, we not let these harmless priests of
rMay,noeth_ sleep on ? Just because they are not asleep.
( Hear, hear and cheering.) I have deard of a fox's sleep
that' iaftheir.:sort of sleep, (A, laugh) The whole govern-
ment lad swore that popery was idolatry—they combined to
build 'a college to teach" it. In the annals of human fatuity
there' has been nothing equal to this—the only parallel to it
would ,he that a number of the merchants of Manchester
shoiild endow a college for pickpockets. (Hear and laughter.)
The6history of this institution would be valuable, but time
will-iy4tqlei:mit me to enser upon it. I will confine myself to
one or two points. The first point is, that the very man who
negOtiated withthat ever-to-be-revered statesman, Mr. Pitt—
who threw rust in the eyes of that clear-sighted man—was
one of the persons who, at the very same time, was engaged
in the publication in Ireland of the Rhemish Testament, with
the. Rhemish notes., I will tell you how Mr. O'Connell has
characterized the notes of the Rhemish Testament. " They
teach," he says, " that it is essential for a Roman Catholic to
believe—that it is lawful to murder Protestants, and to break
faith with heretics. (ffetti; hear.)- No one, who reads these
notes can doubt that this was in reality a most righteous sen-
tence pronounced on this most iniquitous book ever foisted
on a people under the name of an authoritative exposition of
the word of God.. (Hear, hear.) I come now to Maynooth
itself, and will give you
.only the following brief statement
from Delahogue, the writer of one of the most authentic
class books of Maynooth. Maynooth, against which I call
on you to petition, and to promote petitions teaching that
there is no salvation out of the church of Rome; there is
liberality, thereis charity for you, this is not enough, it teaches
in the second place that Protestants must be d--d, and
ought to be exterminated ; there is a double faced Janus
liberality, that takes in the world above and the world be-
low, exterminates you here and d—'s you hereafter.
(Loud Cheers,) The third principle inculcated in this book,
is, that no other religion than romanism should be tolerated.
This is a tolerant generation and ever love to prate 'of
toleration, and are tolerating popery while Popery is forging
chains, by which she expects to be tolerated to bind
them. (Hear, hear, and Cheers.) I pledge myself, if the
committee determine upon publishing an' uthentic report of
the proceedings, to furnish documents at greater length than
I can now venture to do, and to give chapter and verse.
Another of their books, from which much edification is to be
derived; is the Secunda Secundre of Thomas Aquinas. I
would feelitany duty to illustrate from this author another
principle from the church of Rome, to wit, the distinction
between venal and mortal sin. What description of a pre-
cept must that be, which teaches that if from a rich man you
steal four shillings and eleven pence half-penny farthing
fraction, you do not commit a mortal sin. What does the
word of God say ? It says, " Sin is the transgression of the
law." What does the law say ? " Thou shalt not steal ;"
and what says St. James ? " He that offendeth in one point,
is guilty of all." (Hear, hear.) The second point I pledge
myself to illustrate is this—that oaths, under any circum-
stance, ought, according to the principles of the Church of
Rome, to be taken with a mental reservation, that is, saving
the authority of my superior, if I have one. Every oath that
a true Roman Catholic takes must always have this salvo,
if the oath be contrary to pie honour and dignity of the
Roman chair, it is not to be kept. The parliamen-
tary roll is the best prdof of this—there you will
read that men have sworn not to use any power or place
they might obtain to destroy the established religion. Listen
to them afterwards., and you will hear them announcing their
determination to take from it everything worthy of their
appropriation. (Hear, hear.) Another subject before me is
the Irish education question. I must discuss it a little, but
it shall be briefly. The first point I shall bring before you,
is the.exclusion of the Bible. The system has undergone so
many changes that, like Proteus, you can scarcely tell what
it is. One of the members of the Irish Education Board,
the Reverend James. Carlile, on being asked if the Bible
were read during school hours, anawerd—that :it could
not be so read by the rules of the board. This will
be sufficient on that head. The other point is, that in
order to become entitled to the public fund, we must bind
ourselves to encourage the teaching of Popery. There is a
party in England who have so repeatedly denied this fact,
that I must attempt to make a slight demonstration of it.
It is a positive regulation of the board, that they will permit
and encourage the clergy to give religious instruction to the
children of their respective flocks, either before or after
the ordinary school hours on certain days in the week.
By this, we are.tolct that the board understand merely offer-
ing facilities to the clergy to give religious instruction to
their pupils. Where the board found this interpretation of
the word encourage I do not know ; it was certainly not in
Johnson's Dictionary. Suppose a mother, wishing her child
to take physid, were to set the cup upon the table aud to en-
courage the child to take it by simply pointing to it, the
child might perhaps go so far as to apply its nose to the mix-
ture but I do not think it would be likely to go much
further. (A laugh.) It is said that at the time of the
threatened invasion, of Bonnaparte, a rustic wiseacre was
asked by his companions, what was the meaning of an
invasion ? " Why, John, said he, " an invasion is as if a
man should say an invasion." (A laugh.) " I thought,"
,continued the rev. gentleman, " that to encourage" was as if
a man should say to encourage. The improvers in Dr.
Johnson tells us that it is as if a man should say to afford fa-
cilities. (A laugh') What did the board do ? They sent us
a copy of the rules, and when we stated our objections, they
took a pair of sci ssors and cut out the obnoxious line, past-
ing the two ends of the paper together, and sending it back
with their "mental reservation." We applied to know if the
principle were withdrawn ,they drew up their shoulders in digni-
fied silence and would not reply. (Hear.) We were bound
to protect Popery on this condition,' only can we obtain
aught from the board. It is one of their queries, " will you
take care that no children are present at the religious in-
stitutions or exercises, except those whose parents consent."
We were required, in fact, to turn away Papists from hearing
the Word of God. (Laughter.) I would not, for the best
hopes I have within the wide circuit of this world, engage to
prevent any child from hearing the truth. I would not use
brute force to compel them; but I will never stand between
man andthe, spirit and word of God. (Applause.) I dare
not, on the allegiance I hold to Heaven, and no bribe that
mammon can offer will, I trust, ever induce Protestants to
join hands in suo4 a foul and unholy alliance, (Loud

cheers.) The system, It is true, has undergone some
changes, but they are changes in name rather than in na-
ture. The danger to Protestants does not lie in the gross
and glaring enormity of the mischief, there is comparatively
little danger in telling you to burn and bury your bibles,
but there is danger in making a little separation in compro-
mising- the truth under the plausible pretext of liberality,
and harmony. (Hear, hear.) What would a Manchester
merchant think, if he were asked to be dishonest to the amount
of a farthing, his whole mercantile character is within the com-
pass of that farthing. Oh, what a villain he would become for
a £lOOO. I have another subject, but in reality it does not
belong to me. It is the English system of education.
When the Irish system was first propounded, I happened to
be in England, and every one seemed to have a tilt with the
Irishman, most of the persons whom I met being favourable
to the system. They said, " Well, how do you like your new
' plan of education ?" It is a privilege which we assume in
Ireland, when a man asks us a question with one knot on it
to ask him one with two, that we may be untying our knot
while he is fumbling with his. So I said, " Why how would
you like it for yourselves ?" (Cheers.) I never found an
Englishman that seemed willing to have a trial of it himself.
(Cheers.) Whether they will swallow it at last, I cannot
tell. Vertain, it is however, that when Rome has taken
Ireland as an outport, it will not be long before she is in the
centre of the citadel of England. (Long and loud con-
tinued cheering.) The English system is the Irish sys-
tem done with, as Queen Elizabeth is said to have
done with the pudding—when they did not eat it all one
day, she warmed it up for the next. There is one other re-
mark which I should wish to make as it has escaped Mr. Stow-
ell, it is as Ito the distinction between general and especial
religion. lam aware that some of the most learned men,
doctors of divinity, professors of chaos of humanity, and
others, have admitted it ; but to my mind there is only one
word in the English language—l do not know, by the bye,
whether it is English or not—that can signify it, and that is
HUMBUG. ,(Loud and prolonged applause.) In reality, it
is the greatest insult to the human species that ever the logic
of St. Homer invented—General religion ! Why, did time
permit me, I would read you an account of it ; but it is un-
necessary. It will be found in a book entitled, " Recent
Measures for Promoting Education in England." Generalre-
ligion includes all the doctrines we call essentially protestant-
ism, and in theirprinciple, they think they can instruct Roman
Catholics and Protestants together. Where lies the fallacy ?
The words are the same; the sense is the very opposite.
What matters it that their book tells us that one of the points
which may be inculcated is the doetrine of the atonement'
of the Lord Jesus Christ. When the Protestant uses these
words, he does not mean what the Roman Catholic means. The
Protestant means the finished work of Christ ; the Roman
Catholic means the finished work of Christ, with the
merit of his holy Mother, of his Apostles Peter and
Paul, and the Joint Stock Company of all the Saints,
put together. (Loud cheers and laughter.) The Protestant
doctrine of original sin in like manner is by the Council of

Trent condemned with a solemn anethema ; yet this is one
of the items of general religion that may be taught, I will
give you a better term. I will call it equivocal religion.
What would you think of equivocal honesty or equivocal
truth. In the world of common sense, it would he dishonesty,
in the world of theology, it is blasphemy. (Hear, hear.) Af-
ter some further obsarvations, the Rev. Gentleman concluded
by ,seconding the motion.
The Rev. HUGH M`NEriAt proposed the third resolution,
observing that the question which is now under actite and
wide-spreading discussion in this country ; and which must
soon be practically determined, is whether the Protestant
Reformation with its freely circulated English Bible, and its
consequent blessings of civil, and religious liberty, shall be
maintained : or whether the Romish system, ecclesiastical
and civil, the known unchanged and unwearied antagonist of
liberty, shall be introduced : first, countenanced as in ap-
parent equality with Protestantism, and eventually established
in real unrivalled ascendancy. (Loud cheers.) Our object
is to maintain the reformation, and to expand its blessings
far and wide. In this conflict, therefore, we are the reformers,
and we are opposed by two great parties—the English libe-
rals, and the Irish Romanists: The parties have different-
objects in view, though for the present they co-Operate. The
English liberal has no notion of the Romish system being
established in ascendancy. All he aims at, is equality. He
thinks there should be no difference between the Catholic, as
he calls him, and the Protestant. He says they equally pay
the taxes of the state, and, therefore, they should equally
enjoy the privileges of the state. This seems fair, and com-
mends itself to the honest candour of the English liberal.
He does not, and will not, and he bught not to give it up,
without some satisfactory reason to assign for maintaining
Protestant ascendancy, we ought not to expect such a man
to help us ; nay, we ought to abandon our present position,
and become, in this point at least, liberals ourselves. (Loud
cheers.) Now, suppose we were to grant that equality of
privilege, provided it be real, bond fide, permannet equa-
lity, is the very best state of things imaginable in any
community ; then the next inquiry in sound reason, would
be, is it attainable? Is the thing practicable ? Will existing
human systems admit of, it ? Is human nature capable of
receiving and retaining it ? To follow out this inquiry with
intelligence requires, of course, a competent acquaintance
with human systems. (Hear, hear.) If, upon mature -ex-
amination, it shall appear, that equality of privilege, the
beau ideal of liberalism, is utterly impracticable : that in
order to attain to it, existing human systems must first be
altered in a way which their numerous adherent's utterly re-
fuse to comply with : that in order to make them willing to
comply with the requisite alterations, human nature must be
changed in a way wholly out of the reach of human power ;
so that working with the materials you have, and in the best
way you can, equality of privilege, teal, bond fide, per-
manent equality, must be abandoned as hopeless by every
sensible and practical man. If this be so, and if from
the nature of things, there must in every state be ascendancy
of some kind, then the alternatite to be decided has changed
its aspect, the question is no longer between ascendancy and
equality, but between one species of ascendancy and another.
(Hear and cheers.) Of course the next step would be to
enquire into the rival systems, and whichever of them was
found most conducive to the protection and enlargement of
human liberty, to the cultivation of the human mind, to the
progressive developement of human resources, to the improve-
ment of human morals, and above all to the propagation or
scriptural religibn, shOuld command the willing suffrages, and
-aetive suppeirt of every enlightened Christian man. -.ln these
general statements thus hypothetically announced, I antici-
pate agreement even from our opponents and I think I have
a right to expect that they will not cut short inquiry by beg-
ging the question, and pronouncing dogmatically that equality
is practicable, but that they will candidly enter into an exami-
nation of this question, that they will carefully enquire what
Romanism is, and what Protestantism is ; whether, as these
systems are, their adherents Can continue in any kingdom to
enjoy equality of privilege, whether either the systems or their
adherents can be so essentially altered as to render equality,
manageable, and finally if there must be ascendancy some-
where, whether the Romish or the Protestant system be best
entitled to possess it. (Hear, hsar.) Looking then at the
two systems as they are, we put the question, is permanent
equality of political privilege practicable ? If we were as
ignorant of what essentially belongs to the Romish system,
as some appear to be who dogmatise in this matter, we might
probably answer, yes. But knowing that system as we know
it, not from the interested and hypocritical disclaimers of in-
dividual Romanists arriving at political power by dissimula-
tion ; but from the authoritative, binding, and unrescinded
laws essential to the system and ready to be made practical as
soon as opportunity shall give feasible prospect of success, we
are compelled to answer, no. There may be a modern SINON
with bland sentences of charity, and affected lamentations
over past hostilities and distresses, opening an apparently
peaceful entrance into a Protestant citadel for the wooden
horse of Romish perfidy, filled with its hidden but well-armed
bulls and canons and excommunicat'ons and inquisitors.
(Hear, hear.) There may be the serpent coil of spurious
charity and real envy, hatred and malice, encircling and
enfeebling the bold and faithful Laocoon who will dare to
hurl a dart against the monster. There may be the national
infatuation which refuses to be convinced by the warlike
sound, the clank of intolerance, roused prematurely by that
patriotic blow; there may be the infidelity which treats with
contempt and scorn, the cassandra warnings of all who cry
aloud and say sic notus Ulysses', which in this connexion
may be translated, is that all you now of Ignatius Loyala ?
There may be the gladsome congratulations of the simple
that the war is ended, while the huge MYSTERY OF TREACH-
ERY is admitted within the walls. But all these are the
preludes, not of permanent peace in the enjoyment of
equality of previlege, but of the long sought opportunity, the
dark and silent hour, where the repose of a confiding nation
shall be suddenly broken by the savage warcry of triumphant
deceivers, when the Palace, and even the person, of an heretical
tho' gentle, Sovereign, shall sink under the murderous arm of
some modern Pyrrhus, some genuine disciples of Hildebrand;
and when Protestant ruins shall serve but as an elevation
on which to unfurl to a world " wandering after the beast"
the broad blood-stained banner of PAPAL SUPREMACY.
(Loud and continual Cheering.) Is permanent equality of
political previlege practicable I would ask ? May the sub-
jects of the court of Rome be permitted to exercise political
power in England, with safety to the Crown, the Church, the
People and the Institution of England ? (Hear, hear.) From
the mass of evidence which might be adduced in proof of the
impossibility of equality, I must of course confine myself to
a brief selection. I am not about to quote an obsolete dead
letter of the middle ages, no longer taught to be acted upon
by living men • but instructions carefully inculcated upon the
Roman Catholic Priests at this day, with all the authority
which their church can give them. I quote from the conon
law, at this day taught in Maynooth College, and select that
portion of it which refers to the restitution of all forfeted
property.—(Hear, hear.)—lt is beyond all dispute that all
that which is taken in an unjust war is to be restored
since an occupation of this sort is nothing else than formal
rapine. Extra controversiom est, in bello injusto, totum id,
quod capitur. restituendum: quum occupatio hujusmodi
nihil aliud sit, quam formalis rapina. So teaches St.
Thomas secunda secundce. QuEest. 66, Art. 8, in the begin-
ing. These are his words. " About plunder we must make
a distinction, because if they who plunder an enemy wage a
just war, those things which they acquire by force are theirs,
and this does not possess the character of rapine, therefore,
they are not bound to restitution : bat if they who seize
upon the spoil, wage an unjust :war, they commit rapine,
and are bound to. restitution." But suppose property so
seized in an unjust war, to have been sold, is the purchaser
who gave a fair price Tor it, bound to restitution ? Yes—Be-
cause, since the seller, owing to the crime of the rapine,
had acquired no right over the property violently taken
away, occupied, and afterwards sold—so neither by parity
of reasoning, can he who bought it be said to have acquired
any right over the same. And because it is a general rule,
that he who (though ignorant of the theft) buys any thing
from a thief, is bound to restitution as soon as the true and
louful owner appears. Si venditor, propter rapince vitium,
nullum omnino jus habuit in ronniolenter ablatem, occu-
patam, et postea divenditam nil pariter juris in eamdem
acquisisse diucendus est, qut eam mercatus fait. Quia
regula generalis est, quod etiam ille, qui furti ignarus, a
fure aliquid emit. in Toro conscientim, ad restitutionem te-
netur, simul ac verus legitimusque dominus OCCURRIT.
(Hear, hear.) But suppose further, that property so seized
in an unjust war, and sold, has been purchased by a true
son of the Church of Rome, is it, even from him, subject
to the decree of restitution because of the injustice of the
original seizure ? Yes : for thus runs the canon law, Real
property taken by an enemy, suppose pirates, infidels, he-
retics, ec., in an unjust war, even though it be bought by
the faithful, ought to be restored to the rightful owner,
without any price being exacted from him. Bona iminobi-
lia ab hostibus in hello injusto capta, puta a piratis infideli-
bus, si manful- a fidelibus? debent restitui propio domino,
nullo exacto pretio ab eodem! (Hear, hear.) Such is the
instruction given upon this most practical, and to most men,
interesting and influential subject. Observe what it involves.
The principle of restitution laid down, hinges entirely upon
one single point ; has the property in question been
taken in a just or in an unjust war? If in a just
war, then there is to be no restitution : but if an un-
just war, then restitution is imperative. I cannot find
in the cannon law any clear definition of what con-
stitutes the difference between justice and injustice in
a war ; but I do find a most stringent curse and excommuni-
cation against all who shall in any way help infidels or here-
tics against the Pope of Rome, and the faithful. It is in
the celebrated Bulla Came Domini, which is proved to be
in force now in Ireland. " We excommunicate and curse,
on the part of God Almighty, Father Son and Holy Ghost,
and by the authority also of the blessed Apostles Peter and
Paul, and by our own, all those who carry or transmit to
Saraceus, Turks, and other enemies and foes of the Christian
name, or to those expressly, or by name, declared parties by
that f this Holy see, horses, arms, iron, wire of iron, tin,
steel, and any sort of metals, and instruments of war, piles
of timber, hemp, ropes, as well of hemp as of any other
matter, and the matter itself, and other things of this sort,
with which they fight against Christians and Catholics, as
also those who, by themselves or by others, give information
of things concerning the state of the Christian world, to
the Turks, and to the enemies of' the Christian religion, to

the hurt and injury of Christians ; or to heretics, to t 11! Per;
judice of the Catholic religion, or, for that purls""' sots
them, in any way whatsoever, aid, advice or favourjt es,
withstanding any privileges whatever, which
pressly mention this sort of prohibition, hitherto gratripeei
Us, and the aforesaid See, to any persons whatever, off,
or Commonwealths.". From this it is tolerablY eesio
that if the faithful wage a war of conquest, and sucfcias
seizing property, as they did in Peru, and Mexico, Intile pro'
and the provinces of La Plata, it is a just war, mutts sash'
perty so seized has become -the lawful property of yisods•
ful, and is not to be restored to the people of those.tbisi,
But if heretics wage a war of conquest against the faithful,
and succeed; it is an unjust war, it is rapine, the e°°.,c,le sight
do ° tea lit
acquire no right to the property ; and restitution to ;S's seller
owner is a duty. If the property had been sold, til'issr I/ i
had no right to sell it, the purchasers acquired n° leftist!, ,
buying it, and still restitution is a duty, a rdigiotilorob s,
So the Romish priests,' and through them the los.)
population are taught. (Hear, hear, and loud c ts is
This -duty is not willingly performed by Protesttr to
this country, and as yet Romanists have not po"re`ceise
insist upon its performance. The instruction theY.,. 011
keeps them ready however, as soon as opportunr)J
serve. Of course they deny that they have
tion, notwithstanding this suspicious instruction inset:leers
with the authority of their church. To avow the its es'
while protestant England has full power to frustratessles;
ecution, would be obviously impolitic in the highest al de,
but to deny the design and swear to the denial; by sie,, to
nials so attested to lull England into security ; gradual's of
encroach upon England's sinews of power; to get .ssVuli" ,
the faithful upon her decks, and daughters of the fa' in sac, ,
her cabins, and watch the favourable moment to
cessful mutiny, to spike her guns, to massacre therieroetstlics3/!
crew, and carry the costly prize in triumph into a i:issich
any suc iinenteten,l
port,—this this is worthy—this is the achievensePr sserS
shall obtain the gold ring and the scarlet robe ; 3° vs tbe
step towards this great condemnation, the treasugooitli
church is open ; and if of those steps require has ttelli
falsehood, perjury, poison, the ready produce of Continued
sury is plenary indulgence. (Loud and long °I:, sisi,
cheering.) We are in no *ay surprised therefore, 'o the
that what is taught in the Romish College, is denied "astse
British parliament, solemnly and upon oath denied- fbe e
must confess unfeigned surprise that Englishmen causs„oee
soft, as to believe what a prisoner at the bar says, isn.s7;ose;
tion to documents found upon his person, or in "ls•sessal
It is an undoubted truth that Romanists claim u loider
dominion for the Holy See, that they are taught to set POP
conquest lawful and right, where they have never Yo, P.
sessed, and resumption a duty, when it can be sa
~,,ssea
ercised, where they have previously possessed, but hat:vest°
dispossessed. Nov, if there be any thing which deaem ass"
.name of political priyilege, it is the lawful and neasscetesral
session of property ; and I would ask how van pfd sule
and Romanists enjoy in this point permanent u" isst be
equality of political privilege? Similar seasoning mcstersl
applied to various other branches of the Rornish
~t„.isicii',
and try it where you will, you will find that it is t"! ;Sao
lesis , si
possible to keep it balanced in political or ecc ;tits ,
equality with Protestantism.. Its aim is supremacY,tsePosno
supremacy avowedly, but so working as to make comeet
supremacy\ co-extensive with human fears and bunsaiL see
ence, yes universal and unquestioned supremacy it
ttu;sl) a°
Rome is the soul of the system. (Hear.) Equalitttereoveiret'ilt,if,
excommunicated heretic would be treason agsinst
I of the Vicar of Christ. Equality ! Why, sir, whe,„ssoi °:,
Romish system is unchecked by outward eircunissver iti
prudence demanding , caution and patience ; whefeetissi",,tjil
allowed to shew its inward and real self, not onlY Lo 1,04
out of the question, but even toleration. As a tu°`—tse a°
of this, look at the coronation oath prepared forsitss q'l
victorious Queen of Spain. Compared with the "estoil
ranny of the despot Carlos, the Queen's party are,;oo vat /
as the friends of liberty ; yet hear how the corona"ste 61.
prescribed by the charter runs. "I, N•, by 14"tild ,
God and the constitution of the Spanish, swear tYfed th
mighty and the holy Evangelists, that I will de iis' 9 af'f
Catholic, Apostolic, Roman religion, without toter° pore'
other in the kingdom. So help me od, and be tiq 'tf011011.:
anti if not, may God be my judge." Take also t!ie Loutals,
ing passage from the answer of the University 11rylitsS It;
to Joseph (! !) Emperor of Austria, as given hYs „0:61„,,,
the Belgic Revolution, The Emperor was "i'7',"i;et',"
extend civil tolerance to Protestants, bat the t''', Pr.'
learned in the theology of their celebrated Professic°-ord3A. if
then not long dead, answered his Majesty in these dt "'d
h ire ' 7.1
" Tolerance would be the source of dissentious,, a rega ~,,t
interminable discords, because the Catholic relgio ,go der; ,
all heretics without distinction as victims devoted to
perdition." (This observation of the speaker Prtili;ose.);l
thrill of indignation and dread through the 11° der end ii
Again I ask (continued the rev. gentleman) is l'r. ss es
equality of political privilege practicableassi ilistsst
is not without good cause and abundant evideu'ja evtbe
affirm, there can be no political tranquillity, excestP or ia it
the supremacy of Rome which leaves her no rivl"'„,toitlis,e,
hopelessness of Rome which leaves her no opP°l%; ciao
is between these two that Englishmen have now Catiiss,
If we had to. determine between keeping Romaine itt 'pl
in hopeless exclusion from British powert and liyo is:Ots,
quil political equality with them ; there is not asta„ ,(0
us who would advocate exclusion for its own sat''' pesce•til
hear.) On the contrary, we would delight in tus In' ei,of
opportunities for religious argument, afforded to sslie,s
equality. But when we see and know that real el: sesociie,o
permanent design, as well as present possession'e bet'' od
out of the question, and that we have to deterrailltsiofsi,ser:
the evil of excluding them now before equality is atoori after
the greater evil of being excluded by them veil ` odt° ar
we cannot hesitate of two evils to choose the lessersl sie,
supremacy of one kind or other being inevitable, 'tied To
termined to retain our dearly bought, and highlYgo OA for
testantism in the ascendant. (Hear, hear.) ',ye.,
the reasons, good and manifold, which might be asst st „d
this preference, I will at present state but this oue'assel 'et,
testant ascendancy is favourable, and Papal asce hale IS
to the rights of conscience, the 'Ebert of private' ce•
lean
and the consequent progress of inquiry and intelitgaetensele,
proof of this I will content myself at present withss tile, sr
to the still unrescinded Index Expurgatorius, B"speee,,
guage of the present Pope, as they are given in 84.-fig iii.oef
livered last June at a Protestant Association M"`ltse gest,
land. The meeting was held in Elgin Church, „oclesfost
was the Rev. W. Shanks, who said,—" I will, in's-sent the
briefly call your attention to the fact, that the Pr`-sscellial
has enunciated opinions which evince that he aisos I se
most intolerant sentiments in any of the quotatt hoe 00
made, and of the bloodiest persecutions which or 'lasi'
waged against religion and liberty. In the letter and i 4
10
published after he got upon the Papal chat?, „at-opti°A
nously dated on the festival of the Virgin's -ass; aes vt*
calls ' liberty of conscience an erroneous doetritlicb is:01;11
a most, pestilential error.' Then the press, w"is the et,
instrumental of evil, but which also under God, Sea es'
palladium of our liberties—the press, and let the tly dot!
of the press note this—is blamed as promoting libefficioo,
science ; ' hitherto tends that worst and never 0; sislisio
be execrated and detested liberty of the press;, , 'sl° 10
plains of being thereby inundated with ` bad boo S-50 ger ille
size,' but big with evils, ' breathing a maledictl cirisilli
face of the earth.' (Hear, hear.) What roe Jo? . Psi,'
Pope propose for these ` big evils,' these ' bad "°° ('l!'e
confuting them no doubt. No, no ! Far othe,sei, rhissidi
hath been the dicipline of the church in exterpati",°mo;dicl
of bad books,
. even as far back as the times of tbl, IV!
who, we read, committed a great number of bs."°o ii Jr
to the flames. (Acts xix.) 0 sagacious Pone, riselejsr::j
Bishop ! 0 admirable interpreter of Scriptusties's (it's
mistake the magicians of Ephesus for the skee's"`o,ll t!',osl
(Loud cheers.) Bethink thyself again. Whe d thseefol?
booksn
,araenbdu rtnheed ,mthsetreew iolfl hien
ingouniet yl.ejt t(odef:eo:tlro
thsetiricr
vt:hivs
But, Mr. Chairmany, Iry
must add, thereißs :
of suppressing the books hated at Rome. -Pa ilia
know well the index of prohibited boolis.ie tr oisl
the elegant Addison, the philosophic 14°,_c rl'es 7:',0, 1
lime Milton, and the classic historian of Ci's the I; pee,
many other famous authors, are registered it! Arius(' Os,
books forbidden to be read. (Loud cheers.) gob Very'
would address myself again to the English li,hcai prl si,dit,
can you really accomplish equality of P°litpi swit,:i i'P's
Can you manage to turn the millions who arsn",,sea 000, V
cates of Papal supremacy, into willing and '''sohl ha se'ist:
cipators in Protestant equality ? Can you t°";„slietrsa,'frr,
tare at your will? subdue passions and prer-of 11Pi; Ile
the magic of concession eradicate the desis 0 so' ,11 0,
ment? If you think you can, and thereur"aobeVss
equality, all I can say is, that your liberalism (evoststielio,
only by your modesty, and that the man Wll° ;Is flee) AII
vince you, exhibits about as much modes, is o,l,itr,s'
(Hear, hear.) But if you admit that equalitY, Tall'efeltst
practicable, that your fondly imagined politicsofsa/iie .4.
not be realized, and that in common with Y"urj 1:143/ tea
creatures you must choose between evils, thole tosise4s
and consistently expect your co-operation in th , o,oo;sic
or rather the recovery of Protestant ascendan,c) the 'is ss
cheering.) This can be accomplished only 1-');, Ott 10
tion into practical power of the slumbering, hfutse I;tiessiti
God, not extinguished, Protestant spirit ° the .Vet
England. It is plain now, that whatsoecee.ss bess o',
that the parliament will become. If the nal:n(1 5v.„005 6r
roughly Protestant, so will the parliaments:S-ocinsys'
laws. Join, then, in forming Protestant fi
os., VI sia IP,
branches of associations. Employ your leisse
.; 's,
culating Protestant information. Give PO` so fu"ssil,
ment, and support to poor Roman Catholics II see seifeYt
leave the thraldom of their Priests, if they COd of 511,,ft 'lOl.,
aepxretpefetuclotfeadna
dtl
oi vuenslrihheeloewondttihnbegy
rpleieosronsleeuscttui
otininodnousfs, tar Yai:era,da°:
escrth:ov, orf.
:titlaiwysl,sitt
00:1e1
to,
have had time to imbibe the consisteneY As-o'''(C9 SfS
inspiring
nagrethneimanwiy
tshuhehop;eatnydet othueryPniroatyestant P.; cl• tlJe
. e 4 tip's
stSeliosr‘lvalnatrnedjmodiocivseemcot ouersnaatgyi
nwthghaitctohwthitteihnifnetwthhewenhlaohsat(lhi,eerel)ceief,tieT,i,:,
were e' t og hi oe
nj pot bi8"0 IP
' stimulate it, has assumed a new aspect, a is in sa, rfe i
and an expansiveness which be to be. .icoos Sliitt !I/ 10;
Within the last few months new Assocm: so , saf
own have been formed in Derby, in Ele's theVl
Several other important places are designln; in. ea' ,o
beeninvited to go to the formation of the'l ol' veto
in Sheffield, and Bradford. They are nosY!;issrerei tisi(J
in London, Bristol, Bath, Hereford, Gu!„l,, at to°l-41
Liverpool, Wigan, Warrington, Northwl:r eltet'sea;
Manchester. You are invited to ledge)p 'srews so,:s lo
in the formation of others. The rev. gell7" 00' ;fel
the third resolution, and resumed his Oa' , tya Pia
repeated applause. sonelsaeuiSriAll
JOHN CLARE, Esq. (of Warrington) Iresrss, osiaisiss
tion. He said that he had been bcirn anu souisu,soo•Y?si
testant faith, and so long as he lived, he eare*" Os
is'
his last breath, the principles of the reforal t froillielsrty
and cheers.) His principles he had learnt], fiesiOosy
anti on the Book of God they were hsasf,estiats'St'sfit,(
and happy in having an opportunity I,i'i4 e fle.°prr 0 t ev' it 9:
ment to the cause, and however humble s 0 '", Oils,'
sans
still there was no one who had the interesooes Oils' V
at heart more than himself. He felt ho;lietn, so bob pr
,1,1
lected to second the motion which hati„ton Iss,res/ssi
eloquently proposed by the reverend ge"`,Thestesso° (I?
ceded him. As long as he was able to first so sri-isteveli'd
tion Society, he would be among the '11,r;13041,1he ftelP
and if necessary to spend the last pennY "ci that the
•ei i
its objects. (Loud cheers.) He wishe 'each .grlibeeri
of the reformers where more widely circULtis •istoociiisi4„l,
the support of those high in power, bw'spists.Siseiitli/
state that the throne was surrounded bY Phottri./ v .:,,;o',dl
ministration tainted with it also. (Hear'siotOlealsisols/1
that before long the spirit of Englishmen the
s the_srelt&
and that they would throw overboarst, all
ple," the pri',,ie
Church and State, and that men of nrinclily for til.eAsi ,
moral,—would succeed those who unhaPEsse a sscir. r
of the state and the welfare of society, ' cooe toIISI
eases t, is er
moment invested with power. The sP rof " 5
loud cheers. siseet"esaal/st in ils
The Rev. WILLIAM HUNTINGDON, k- of utilyt.o,‘,o
Manchester,) next proposed a vOte stial rs'ili re,o'S.rti.l
Boroughreeve, for his able and inliaisy n'Tosues7 ~
chair, observing that however much ts 1 p 0 ii tii re.eo f,i,
unavoidable absence of the Earl of R°"e 'it, a.'s'tlieVisol,
calculated than their excellent chairman itsel'he 13(:100Fr,•
his absence,—no man was better titted—c odice ii of
,sh ~,d 41 ~:
to his private character or to the o;ss. 1-17ite ' ~ss
town. (Hear, and cheers.) The -fl'es'cled ` i"4e9
minister of the Scotch Church, sect.st°o'ent ~0'
which having been carried by aeclanu,";slli Iss aISOS/
The CHAIRMAN acknowledged the cut:sl.oo, e`e'ref;i%
gratulated them on meeting on the nee , Thssee , 11;:sssi
cially assembling in such large nitrub•eri;i.sh scu Ili: ° it, 11l
meeting, he said, must have proved a osecisiseP.A;vl
:Ate a..,P. pi
cation and delight to all who had ~ an ie ~:ot 0
then separated, it being between ",as 0.1.5 s Sielss
During the proceedings a collection 1 'to op_Petio‘sui u
funds of the society, which that
silo inesrosuise
is worthy of remark, that durin;
..o"rail
intense interest was manifested, anasuto a
to any of the speakers, whose eloqu'
peered to carry cenviotion to talt

jos, to the P-Trie
purpose; ti:ot•
favour,nce,it do ." ted by
,!,rto grel,riecei
stever, oh
erably °bled iti
ands ac,fechili,
sic„, 2117_, pft,'
r, and ti,faitb..
rty of theisade. .
of these.,bfal,
ist the fela`eroti
the eontl-riglit
ion w theoper
sold, the,ht bf
red ne rie.astf'
relig°: goo'
the lto)
n
load ober,
ts 1°
protestalier to:
not Pentacie!
,n they .0, sbP'
lappoyasutincht I_tettio,...
Lion inewe,,,i,
tv the °IC;
,vo - its -
Frustrate tee 1
lighest l'ich 0
al ; by s aui 0
grad of •
y; g_
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to get
.71,1,,11/1
f rise .0 se'
tto tool
•o the 11004511
into a , iviat"
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robe ; for;tbe
treasor,Ytdicitlt
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long co 0 ,
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or In kis 7e
claim unlosiad
ght t° et par
n
ever i- et'
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i, but Ila‘v's"estbe
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nd pea .cote
can Pte'd itatt
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,flo. teig.,..o
,°°'. I,' Sys7o3oro7.tterli,wl
it lecciesiscsi
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make tlosesi
1 humane See °f
ley forth 4 ep,
quality ''' aje*tl
ost the° 08
lir wherever
ir'eutristaa „ 0
' wherever
'; is equ7oo(
onlyoders %of
sLittedn'W tibtrse tr
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uatitoleratifie%ol,
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tios
rsitY eW f Virrs IS
by ilged "
.ti'll _
tii,po%rsitc,
the 1.111eDe!1
Profess;ords:ol
these ifs, A
1 hnire no,
17S _"- reyersd
religion I $
rfrotecli„°deueet.
iker Pri,,:' ace.JA
he telu7aiTit
)is Re a. •
11 r; 101 l
No, 51„ tlaiTtliet
vide/Ie.:0 e, dao
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oppori- Chuv-„A
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lot tti,l°,4 (11fSi
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led to - t",:e bYlitf of
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