Star.
London, England, 1829-02-14 00:00:00

THE KENT PETITION.

The Earl of.WINCHILSEA then rose—l rise, my
Lords, pursuant to the notice I gave, to present a Pen-
tion, legit numerously and respectably signed by a great
body of the freeholders ot Kent, praying that your Lord-
ships will preserve inviolate or all its integrity the l'.n•
tenant Constitution of these realms: bur, in justice ti,
my own feelings, not less than to the feelings oi the
highly respectabe body who have entrusted their l'eti•
tion to me, I cannot content myself is i bout offering a
few brief observations connected with the deep icy-
pot tance of the subj,ctol that Petition—a subject which
engrosses the attention of the empire at large, and on
which I am rej iced to 'add, the people have of late et, un-
equivocally displayed. a decided and highly constitu-
tional feeling, not only in Kent and Devonshire, but in
other parts if the courftry—a feeling, which I am con-
vinced in my own mind, will soon be found in every
quarter of this island—(Hear, hear).. In drawing the
a Petition of your Lordships to the prayer of this Petition,
which was c 'tried by a loge and triumphant majority
at a county meeting on Penenden Heath, itswas nr t my
i testinn to occupy your Lordships' time one moment'
longer thati may be necessary, while I use my ended.
vows to assert tt.e loyalty, the sound principles of

libetty, and die attachment to our Ps otestat.t Constitu-
tion, which characterised the thousands who were there
assembled to give a public expression of their political
sentiments, on a. question which they consicfer involves
the existence of their long cherished liberties, and to
resist, by. the exercise of one of their most ancient and
Constitutional privileges, the attempts now going on to
subvert our Protestant Constitution, and erect on its
ruins that love of slavery and arbitrary power which
has invariably resulted from the political principles
disseminated by the dupes and agents of the Church of
Rome, in order to extend the ?apal influence—an influ-
ence of a dangerous character—an influence which
has for some years been daily increasing in Ireland, and
which, as it now exists, together with the vaiious links
of ecclesiastical discipline, it has been proved by an
eloquent and powerful speaker, constitutes a close and
formidable combination, which is capable of fot warding
the views of any foreign and hostile Power. Indeed
there is no individual—a common observer of the po-
litical events in that country for the last few months—
who must not have the candour to acknowledge that
this is a faithful picture of Ireland, under the influence,
as it is, of the spirit of the Roman Catholic Church.—
Far different from such a spirit of daring combination,
on the one hand, and of ment degradation, on the
other, was that independence of mind and well regu-
lated love of Civil and Religious Liberty, which the'
supporters of. our Protestant Constitution have always
exhibited : and if patriotic individuals in this country
excluded the followers of the artful and despotic Church
of Rome from political power, and had the &dines: to
establish, on that principle, the inestimable constitution,
whose blessings we now enjoy ; if their successors—
well-tried adherents to the principles of Civil and Reli-
gious Liberty and good Government—preserved that
principle of the Constitution—l trust—or, rather, I will
tastiest, it as my heartfelt conviction, that the decision of
your Lordships, on this question, will not be a mean and
abject submission to the usurped power of-the spiritual
despotism of Rome, and to the tyrannical measures of
sedition and rebellion which have been so audaciously
attempted in Ireland. A spirit of resistance to this
dangerross'power actu rtes every friend of the Protestant
Constitution from one end of the country to the other ;
a spirit which daily displays itself more and more, and
which will, I am sure, at once confound the advocates
of the Irish Catholics, and the treasonable agents of the
Chin& of Rome. It has only to be called into action,
which may easily be done by appeals made to the peo.
ple by the means of County Meetings, on the admission
of Roman Catholics to Parliament ; for it is well known
that the advocates of the Irish Catholics have too much
reason to find fault with these meetings; for they are
conscious that if such an appeal were made to the mid-
dle classes, it would be a death-blow to the plots and
machinations which are carrying on—to the gross mis-
representations which are circulated concerning the stn.
timents of the people, and to the daring projects of
ambition and insidious attacks on that Constitution
which it is the prayer of this petition your Lordships
should defend, and hand down unimpaired to posterity.
I cannot conclude the few remarks I have humbly
offered to your Lordships, without requesting a few
moments more of your attention, while I submit some
remarks in vindication of the proceedings of that part
of the Protestant community who, roused by the dan-
ger. of the times, and actuated by their attachment to
our Protestant Constitution, were ,gompelled by the
violence of one party and the apathy of the other, to
array themselves under the banners of the Constitution,
and declare th• twelves the firm and uncomprOmising
assertors of its principles. The Proteatants of Ireland
were not induced to stand forward to declare their at
tachment to that Constitution which they know is the
foundation of whatever civil and religious liberty
they enjoy.'until they had looked in vain for redress
and protection from the constituted authorities against
the long-endured oppression and violence of the Catho-
lic Association; nor until they had been told even by a
Moo; er of the Crown that a.I the ties of society were
broken and rent asunder. The Government were I or.
suing a nii,chievous neutrality—the impartiality of the
administration of juatice was impaired and the different
institutions of the land were, in the opinions of the mass
of the people, undergoing a revolution which threat-
ened, with one common destruction, all the Protestant
establishments of Ireland: it was not, my Lords, I say,
till then that the Prot stants came for ward, as they then
did, boldly, ao meet and to resist the spirit of rebellion
which stalked over that ill-fated country. Such were
the circumstances under which the Protestants of Ire-
land were crinwelled to stand forward for their own
interests, defence, and protection ; and in no one instance
have they in the slightest degree gone beyond that ob-
ject. I repeat it, my Lords, the Protestants of Ireland
can, in no one instance, be charged with having out-
stepped the respect due to the laws of their country,
which, I trust in GOD. they will always have the pride
and honour to maintain. They were compelled, I say,
to unite in the: it detente by the pressure, too long borne,
of the aggregate evils i.f the continued and unceasing
oppression and violence of their enemies, which they
were forced to .uffer under the false and mistaken sys-
tem of conciliation. At last they were obliged to
stand forward and ende svour to avert the pending
danger, which, as I said, menaced to destroy in one
common ruin, everything th st was dear no there—their
lives, their property, and what was above all, their li
betties—(H44r) Such were the circumstances, my
Lords, which induced the Protestants to stand forward
in their own defence; and such will be the circum•
stances which w II call on ;he whole Protestadt pOpu-
lation of England to stand forward and unite in defence
of that Constitution which 113. been so long the admire-
lion and envy of the world, and which has raised this
country to the highest pitch of earthly grandeur,. and
given us 'the possession of liberties which no country
since the foundation of the world has enjoyed. But
now this Cofistilution is to be sacrificed to those who,
daring enough to trample on the laws of GOD and their
country, have sit at di fiance all the constituted Autho-
skies. or who—if they have not d 'net so, let those who
vindicate them deny it—have at least trangressed every
feeling of respect which should be observed towards
those who filled the employments of Government. It
is to be sate iticed by men, too many of whom have, by
profession. of attachment to it, gained the confidence
of the great body of Protestants, and who are by that
very confluence now placed in the situation: which
enable them to make this sacrifice ; by men, too, who
deserted a statesman, o hose political character I cer-
tainly did not respect, but who will always bear a dis-
tinguished name in the history of this country, because
some of them steles* chat it was not consistent with
their principles to belong to a Gove nment favourable
to concessions ro the Catholics—(Hear, hear, hear).—
There are individuals in this Hou e to whose desertion
of that eminent statesman we may justly attribute the
shortening of his life; arid if we %idled to have the
gratific non of witn-ssing the ju-tice of fate, we see it
now in the condition anJ feelings of the se who deserted
him—(Hear, beat). Strongly as I feel, I find it *hotly
impossible adequately to express the sense of thoe who
have conititattunally a voice ia altering the existing

institutions of the cout try. But .1 do entreat th N '
Duke at tie held of his Majesty's Government, as he
values t!.e high chatacter he earaed in the Metre of
his counts y, not f.pr a moment to endanger his own re•
putatinn, nor the honour, character, and seen it' r
Crown, by advising it in give its a•sent to a mea•gre—
The Duke of WIILLINGTON (who was listening attentively)
ezelaimed—Speak up ! _

The Earl of WINCHILSE A continued—A measute,
my Lords, which I do say, if it should be carried now,
is against the expressed feeling f the counts',. Many
of the Members now in the other House were returned
to represent places on the ground 'of their attachment
to those principles of the Constitution which all parries,
tip to a certain period, agreed in upholding. Thes.
Members, by abandoning the principles vc.ich they
pretend still to maintain, have in fact ceased to be the
Representatives of their constituents; and the franchise I
should be given back to the people, in order that tl ey
may decide this question; for I boldly state that the
voice of the people is against it; and though I am a
staunch friend to all parts of the Constitution, and es
pecially to the Crown and this Noble House, I never
will suffer the rights of the people to be despised and
trampled upon. I say again, my Lords, that the voice
of the people is
.not for the Catholics, and that, if the
people are appealed to, they sill show it is not—
(Hear, hear). I will farther say, that if the Bill pass
through both House', and an appeal be not made to
the country by a dissolution of Parliament before the
Royal Assent be given to it, it will be clear that its
friends know the voice of the people is against it. I will
also explicitly declare, that it the people of Great Bri-
tain, by their Representatives, returned af.er a general
election, sh'ulJ agree to this change taking place in
the Constitution however strong my feelings against
it, and boss ever I may still retain my opinion that fatal
consequences must emue float it, I shall submit—fin I
am sure I bear na personal hostility to any member of
'the Church of It ime; for with many of them I am on
terms of the strictest intimacy nisi friendship, and I he.
belie they entertain as much respect frr me as for many of
those who advocate their claims, because they know that
I am sincere as they are in those religious ptofessians,
opinions, and principle., which are inconsistent soh the
existence of our Protestant Constitution. I will ho.
neatly say that if I were a Roman Catholic, I should
entertain the same feelings, and if I had political power
once in my hands, I should never be con ent until I saw
the Roman Catholic Church restored to the lull eleva-
tion and dignity of the station from which we Prc,t •s-
-tants overthrew it. Such being my fcelings, i! is Era
wonder I should occa-ionally express myself warmly ;
but I am desirous always to speak with. earnest respect
of every man's opinion, it it be consistently and con-
scientiously eotertained. But Ido implore your Lord-
ships, before you agree to any such proposition as m ty
essentially change the principles of the Constitution
with regard to the admission of the Roman Catholics
to political power, to consider well what you have he.
fore you, and to examine with scrupulous care the Bill
that may be introduced for that purpose. I semensb r
that formerly, when I have reproached the fi eeholders
of Kent, at the County Elections. with not taking pelt
in this question, and have said, .4 Why are you neutral
in your sentiments on this great political queati n ?"
The answer was, " B cause we confide in the U 1 per
House. and in the profe-sions we have received fr,•ns
our Representatives of their apreement in those prin-
ciples in which we all concur." I confess, fot my ors n
part. that after, what I have heard, all political colifi-1
dente is shaken if my mind. But if my opinions be
against the express feeling of those who have a consti-
tutional voice, Fain bow to it ; for never will I belong
to any factious 'or frivolous Opposition. I ssill not,
however strong my feelings may be, do• any thing to
agitate or excite the public mindi but I do feel that
this question is essentially important to the interests of
the country, and that its footrests .sequences will be of
a most.dangerous and fatal chatocter. %Vhatever may
be the views of your Lordships, and however severe
may be the animadversions on my conduct, I will ap-
peal to the judgment of those who have a conssitutional
voice in the country. The letter of mine to which te.
ference was made last night, is not perhaps so clear as it
might be; for I have no intention to apply my observas
ts•ins to those who have consistently advocated the re-
moval of all civil disabilities from the Roman Catholics.
They are men whom I respect and honour ; but, as I
stated before, my political confidence is for ever gone,
since I have seen the defenders of the Protestant Ascen-
dancy desert their principles. 1 will even go further,
and say I think the ties of private ftiendship are broken
by such conduct, for the man whose public character
I cannot respect, because be is not found t be firm and
consistent, can never be entitled to my friendship or
esteem. NO confidence or reliance, it seems to me, can
now be placed in any man engaged in public life, from
the Clown downwards, unless we have a Tlibtough
knowledge of the individual, and are certain that he
possesses sound moral and religious principles. _ I shall
now. my Lords, lay before your Lordships the ve.ition'
which I have the honour to present ; and I be; to say,
that if I have at any time, in the heat of de',ate, ex•
pressed myself ton strongly with regard to any indivi-
dual, either within these walls or without, if he acts
with conscience and psinciple, I am sorry to have given
him offence.
IThe Petition was read at length. . .

The Marq tis of CLANRICARDE would trespass
for a very few moments upon their Lordships' tune.--
He, and he believed he might speak for many othera
of the Protestants of Ireland, did not wish to be
in the description given of the situation and feel-
ings r f the Protestants at Ireland by the Noble L. rd.
He had had the honour of affising his name to a docu-
ment which was also signed by many of the most te-
spectable of the Irish Nobility, in favour of concession.
The Protestants of that country could not, in the state .
to which it was now reduced, be secured by the law,
and they were 'thus driven to absenteeism. The Noble
Lord complained of tumultuous assemblages in Ireland.
This complaint did not proceed from him with a gond
grace, when presenting the Petition:speed to on Penal-
den Heath. He disavowed all feelings of jealousy or
dissatisfaction on account of a deceased relative, to
whose principles upon this subject a tardy justice was
about to be rendered. Sooner or later, be doubted not,
the same justice would be done to his principles upon
every other subject. He thanked his Majesty's Minis-
ters for the frankness and candour with Which they had
come forward to acknowledge their conversion.
The Earl of DARNLEY had a Petition which it was
his duty to present, from a numerous body of Noble-
men, Gentlemen, and Freeholders of the county of Kent,
in opposition t r that which had just been presented by
his Noble Friend. He did not mean to detract from
the description of the Meeting at Penenden-heath,
given by the Noble Lord, neither was it his intention to
be drawn into a discussion of the various topics upon
which his Noble Friend had insisted, as a more conve-
nient opportunity would occur when tie general que.
don was brought forward. It was his intention merely,
to lay before their Lordships a correct statement of thel
cikomitaocos of the Meeting. He well knew the sin.
. . • .

his
1"le
Pi e,'
"bad
Let ity and zeal *ilia actuated
this subject, nor had he failed to perceive the incee,,,.
of those qualities which he had recently eshibited. He
knew he was always what might be called a bigoted
Ponestai t, but until the last summer he had kept his
zeal within moderate bounds. Ile had never before pets
mitt d it to bre rk in upon society and good neighbour;
hood. But during the last summer a new
broken upon him. Was.it from his desire to sappee"
the Catholic Association.? Was it from any new feature
the case had assumed P 2111,horspa. It was that
Noble Duke hid happened to take up his residence
in the Isle of Th.ittet for the summer, who btcasie
the main spring of the enterprise. He did not via.
Jicate the Roman Catholic Associat'on, but he thought
great allowance was to be made for the feelings of Ca.
thnlics ; and in point of fact, language eqiially viulent
with the worst of theirs had been employed by other
0: sons who bad not the same excuse. The' estabii
lishmes t of these Clubs was not called for in Enga
land by the same causes which had led to their ereetiod
in I eland. He did not mean to disparate the keisi
Meeting, but his Noble Friend Would scarcely dent
that a large proportion of the Meeting consisted of
labourets and other.. hired to drown by clamout
voice acid that of others who thought with him, and te
ensure a hearing to the Noble Lord and those of
party. 'f ne se'sse of the county could not be collected
by a Meting of this description. He aintitted that
the Noble Lord had a majority at the Meeting; but
whether he had a majority of the freeholder!, he must
be permi ted to doubt—at any rate. if these was a Ina_
jortty, it was an inconsiderable one. Thz agitation of
' the subject ha.l, however, done good, in poi ducing con.
verts to the eau eof liberality. Of .his the Petition lie
lad now to present was a proof. He differed It, in his
Noble Friend, inasmuch that he thought men might
son climes conacientiou•ly change their and
Le had no chutit that the changes to which his N.rble
Ns i old hid alluded we e the genuine results f convie.
lion. The words of the Pet lion pies nted by ll.e Noble
Lord were unobjectionable; and if the meaning they
intended to convey had not beers kn rwn, he would have
had no objection to afli s his sign store toil ; for he ilruyht
the Protestant Constitution of the Empire might test
be preserved in its integrity by giving civil and reli.
us liberty to all who lived under it. The Roman
Catholics at the present moment possessed political
power, which their exclusion from the St .te rendered
more formidable than it would orlrerwi-e be. But be
knew that this exclusion was not likely to be durable,
when he hear d his Noble Friend declare hit a ish during
the last Session to have the question settlecl:"Fiom list
moment he knew he would find the is cans to settle it.
His Noble Friend who pre.ented the Pet iron urged the
dissolution of Parliament, as of the people e n d hate
been taken by surprise. when repea ed maj:ni.ies in the
House of-Commons had already declared to favour of
concession.

Earl GREY did not think this a proper time to dis-
cuss the peat question to whi.b the petition now be-
fore the House referiel But he could not refrain
from the expreision of what he thought upon the course
that had been I.ursued. He could inot, in linking
back upon the petition of the Keotish Meeting, with
all his conviction of the necessity of conciliation, find
any thing in it which he would have the. least d,fficulty
to subsCribe. The Noble Earl here recapitulated the
tatious passages of the petition, and declare.' his con-
6nrence in each of them. There was another point;
one /sh.ble Lord had said yesterday, and another to-
day, that roine.tenths of the people of England were
adverse to concessions, and the Noble Earl, in presenting
the pet tion, had recommended to Ministers the extra.
ordinary coin se of advising his Majesty to appeal to the
people, by the exercise of his Royal perogative of Ms-
solving Parliament. Was it decent, he would ask, was
it Constitutional, for Members of that House to accuse
the House of Commons of not speaking the sense of the
people, and advie that the House of Cdmitons should
be tent back to the peopie with_a !nark of the Royal di..
pleasure inflicted upon theory:4f The suggestion of the
'House of Lords ?—Appeal to the people! Had the mess
mire then peer before been. agitated in Parliament?
Why, in 1807, he was himself a party to a proposition fur
partial relief, and after this proposal, the A dnoni tratioa
of which he wai a number, were dismissed horn office,
because they would not give a pledge which appeared
to them inconsistent with their oaths as Pl(vy Council.
lo: s. And, alter the next general eleelion—an election
completed during the prevalence of the " No Popery 1"
cry—a measure nvt the same as they had proposed,
but one which went much further, was carried through
Parliament withont difficulty, and with a majority
of the House of Commons of 129 in its favour.—
These was another general election in 1812. And
after this there was a majority in the Hou e of Commons
in favour of a general measure of refuel. Another
general election took place in 1818, and this gives
majority 'of two or four, he forgot which, against the
Catholic claims, at a period when' all the influenced
the Crown was excited to oppose them. Again, in 1820,
there was a general election, and in the Par lid orient them
assembled the questiOn was intro.auced those tinie-.-o
In 1821 there was a majority in favour of a Bill of re-
lief. lo 1822, a Bill introduced by a Right Honnotrabe
Geotlensan, now deceased, Jo, enabk Catholic 'Peers
to sit in Parliament, pasted the Commons., and was
defeated iq. the Lords.' The last general election
took, place in 1826, and in the first Sessipn of the be.
Parliament a motion for an inquiry was der, rated by a
small majority, which, considetirt the pecoJiar citcuno
stances orthe times, canliinothe thought surprisiug.—
But in the following.Sessipp, that of 1828, there was I
majority of six in favour of an adjustment of the que tins.
Then, after five successive Parliaments, dusk% which'
the attenti,,n of the people had been 'constantly directed
to the question, and in each of which there had been a
.majority in fayour, of concession, what could now be
tie pie of again appealing to the people ? It olis
his firm belief that the result
.of a new election
would not be more favourable to the opinions of ice
Noble Earl. His opinion as to the general feeling
of the people was quite the reverse of that of the
Noble Earl. The question between them was one it
such a nature that it could not be accurately deter mined;
but there was this difference between. them, that the
opinion of the Noble Earl was merely a conjecturer
'while his rested upon facts, upon the declaration of the'
House of Commons after five successive dissolutions of
Parliament, and this he maintained. was the most Corr
stitutional way of collecting the opinion of the peoris.
He did not know what were the sentiments of the Nair
Lord as to the composition of the House of Commons
Perhaps he carried his views not only to an immediate
dissolution, but to a reform in Parliament; and if this
were the case he would. concur with him to the es-
tent of a. calm, moderate, and temperate reform-4
reform upon solid practical grounds, and not upon ab-
stract theories of imaginary perfection. He did not say
that the House of,Commons was now .a perfect repre-
sentation of the people; but he did say that such Was
the influence of :public opinion as to induce him to be.
helve that. so many decisions of the House of Commons
woaltynot have taken place in layo- or. of concession,

the people bi
deted octal
Inge, so attic
he had beer
jority of rce
Lord bad soli
country. VI
Leading the
certsm pap,'
that name w
yet he heard

gave consent
the country
talon of elm
themselves*
for granted
Omen's whit
bad heard o
shire and Ct
,If this were
Man should
large major it
he believed
tat y Ref irn
that, the sense
Sures propose
Lets would pi
port of that I
port to the be
trim. As to
province to d
needed not h
pressing hist
be a very eat
stances had c
Was a divide
been stated
he could state
evil, foe in col
rale, he had
tration when
Duke of Yo:
gent. He wo
the letter ade
his Royal Hi
strongly they
hese read the
anent had be
Another and
things was a
alarming on
abroad. An
placed in the
Then thole
land, actual
country, but
here pronoun
I►linistets, *
connected, a
right and poi
Catholic anc,
Lord TRY
cession, and

of Kett in th
Lord FAL
of the sentinio

He had spok
meetings in I
thank his a,
one of the Cot
yet that Hon.
E t,l, . that he
been on the
mense majoil
Noble Lord t
paragraph by
hich .h ad be
to the ooncew
!erred to the
debates, and
which the No
The Earl o

himself. II oq►

ing, and deni
the county ci
further state,
neither direc
to bring a to
day of meetii
say, the maj
proportion c
ley) remainet
peatedly Orr
spun out to
hardly bee th
ing espresset
he scorned
character wit
Lion of Flavin
unf4ir and I
that at the otl
sans jinn the
s-ns were Inc
the real freelii
and his collea
ed, thoug
had in this
e could cot

ith,
then Lordblii
cAse, I.e couli
which he be!
conviction II

elapsed, the I
mpitii.,n ► f th
‘tivosi the imF
Unman C.th
inn i e presse

bead ul► lb i
deen►ed unne
upon tins %tit
giving •eut t

theCAtiml

patties to ssl
made, were
Earl
communicate
cursed ttie m
his tyrants!.
Lurd 13EJ
the blame v.
not earlier di
tended meat
becsuse he hi
this impottai
meeting of
also changes
pet fence cit 11
!het the senti
to those alte
hitherto so st
no symptom
people of E
been presents
the county C

rs •

le

r,
le-
pf
1-

the people had not been oh the side of what be Consi-
dered the cause of liberty aid justice. The county meet.
Inge, so match relied on, Were but two; and from all
he had beard, he thaugbt that in both cases the ma-
jority of real freeholders was very narrow. The Noble
Lord bad said he would be the last man to agitate the
country. Was this so? Had be been mistaken in
reading the -pause of Wmchilsea and Nottingham in
certain papers? But the answer to the appeal made in
that name would probably satisfy the Noble Lord. As
yet he heard no answer. yet silence, as they often heard.
gave consent. He hoped, however, that the good sense of
the country would preserve it from the influence of agi-
tators of every description. If the people would not exert
themselves without efforts of this kind, it might be taken
for granted they did -not feel very deeply those sen.'
timents which distinguished the Noble Earl. They
had heard of the great number of persons in Devon.
shire and Cornwall who were adverse to concession.
if this were' so, it was extraordinary that a Gentle-
man should have been returned for Cot nwall. by a
large majority, whose sentiments were so liberal that
he believed he might class him among Parliamen•
tat,. Ref irmers. Upon the whole, he concluded
that, the sense of the people was favourable to the mea
ures proposed, in which he hoped his Majesty's Minis-
ters would persevere, and that they would have the sup-
port of that House, as they should certainly have his oup-
port to the best of the feeble abilities that Gon had given
him. As to the charge of inconsistency, it was not l.is
province to defend the Ministers of his Majesty; they
not his aid ; but he could not refrain • from ex-
pressing his opinion that their task in this respect would
be a very easy one. It had been asked, what circum-
stances had occurred to justify their change r.f opinion?,
1
Vas a divided Ministry nothing? The evil of this bad
been stated in another place much more strongly than
be could state it. But he had never been insensible to that
evil, for in conjunction with his .oble Friend,LordGren-
vine, he had refused to form patio( a divided Adminis-
tration when applied to for that purpose by the late
Duke of York. in behalf of his Majesty, then Prince Re-
gent. He would trouble the House by reading part of
the letter addressed by his Noble Friend and himself to
his Royal Highness, from which it would be seen how
strongly they felt upon the subject—(The Noble Earl
here read the letter).—This evil of a divided Govern•
merit had been long felt, and would every day increase.
Another and still greater evil in the present state of
things was a divided Parliament, which was the more
alarming on account of the clouds which loured from
abroad. And in what a situation would the country be
placed in the event of a rupture with a foreign Power?
Then there were the seven millions of people in Ire.
land, actuated not by loyalty and affection to this
country, but by jealousy arid The Noble Lord
here pronounced a warm eulogium upon his 'Majesty's
Ministers, with whom he prolesssed to be entirely un-
connected, and concluded by referring to the national
right and privileges for which we were indebted to our
Catholic ancestors.
Lord TEYNH AM said a few words in favour of con-
cecsion, and of the sentiments expressed by the people
of Ke II in their counter Petition.

Lord FALMOUTH begged to give some explanation
of the sentiments which had fallen from him yesterday.
He had spoken freely of the decisions of the l üblic
meetings in Devon and Cornwall. But the Noble Eail

thooght his allusion to the latter incorrect, inasmuch as
one of the County Members was returned as a Rel"rinei ;
yet that Hon. Gentleman could have told tie Noble
E sil., that however disposed his electors might ha.e
been on the question of Reform, they were in an im.
mense maps ay hostile to the Catholic Claims. Tie
Noble Lord then proceeded to read the Kent Petition.
paragraph by paragraph, and to relute the consul uctic n
o hich had been put on it by those who were favourable
to the concession of the Catholic Claims. He also re-
ferred to the majorities which had occulted in previous
debates, and denied that they bore out the aid rence
which the Nole Lord had deduced from them.

The Earl of WINCHILSEA, in reply, vindicated
himself•ftom the imputation of undue warmth if feel-
ing, and denied that he had disturbed private society in
the county circle in which he usually moved. He could
further state, without fear of contradiction, that he had
neither directed the attendance, nor used any influence
to bring a tenant of his to Penenden-heath upon the
day of meeting.
.Of that assembly he could positively
say, the majo, ity in favour• of the petition was in the
proportion of 12 to 1. The Noble Earl (Lord Darn-
ley) remained in his waggon, while, he bad gone re•
peatedly through the crowd, before the business wasl
spun out to so late an hour that the Sheriff could
hardly see the result. He was quite sure that Meet-
ing expressed the sense of the county at large, and
he scorned to vindicate the erten of honour and
character with whom he had acted. (tom any imputa-
tion of having promoted that exptession of opinion by
unfair and disingenu•ius n cans. He knew, indeed,
that at the other side pains were taken to brii:g para.'
sans into the li Id. and that a considerable body of per.,
s•'ns were brought up to stifle, if possible, the voice of
the real freeholders of .the county, and drive himself,
and his colleague from the Heath. Some Noble Lords,
Toted, thought that the general feeling of the country
had in this respect undergone a great changes II
e could concur, with th.ni in tit .t view. he should
cert.iiily refrain from urging his own sentiments upon
their Lordships; but believing the cnntra•y to be the
case, he could nut conscit ntiously relinquish opini•ms
which he believ'ed to be correct; and he felt a strong
cenviction that .before a few weeks, perhaps days.
elapsed, thr Governmeet would find that the genet. 1
mpinit.n r f the re ple of England remained unaltered,
moon the impolicy of conceding political power to the
Roman Catholics. lie hoped bat the measure %timid
riot i e pressed until the vt:ice of the country could b
head uo n i:s import. Goo lotbid that he shot LI be
deemed unnecessarily an agitator, but feeling strongly,
upon this subject. he was only discharging his duty in
giving vetit to his f.•elings. As to the historical char cc!
of the Cat'lolics, he could nut help rem+, king that ,he
parties to whose literal principles allusion had been
made, were for tl e most part excommus•icated bodies.
Earl GREY, in explanation, said, that though ex-
communicated they had been Catholics, and had in-
curred tbe malediction of the Pope by a resistance to
his tram'.

Lord BEXLEY derlired that he did not concur in
the blame which had been cast upon Ministers f
not earlier di-closing amt. intentions respecting the in•
tended meatute. Did the Noble Duke suppose, that
because he had been enabled to make up his opinion nn
this important question only a few days before the'
meeting of Parliament, the sentiment of the nation bid
also changed within that short time? Was the re-
•petience of the last few days :efficient to convince him
that the sentiment of the nation was no longer adverse
to those alterations of the Constitution wlia it had
hitherto so stienuously resisted ? ' He had hiusfli seen
no symptom of any such change in the opinions of the
people of England. Besides the petition which had
been presented that evening by his Noble Friend from
the county of Kent, there were four other petitions

la •

to be presented with similar• prayers from four other
large counties. He believed that when the nature
of the proposed chinges was fully known to the
country, more petitions would pour in against them
than had ever been presented to their Lordships
upon any other subject. The present measure was
' described as a measure of conciliation but he,
deemed that every measure of concession was also a
measure of conciliation. In a minute of concilia•
lion, the feelings of two parties must always be con-
sulted. Each of the adverse parties might to be per-
mitted to state his case; but in the present instance only
one of them had been heard. He felt how improper it
was to go 4 large into the general subject on this oc-
cation, and be should therefore abstain in time, al-
though the Noble Earl who had spoken on the other
side had entered into it most largely. As to the state-
ments of the Noble Earl with regard to the declared
opinions of the other House of Parliament, he had
only one remark to make, and that was, that all
that the Noble Earl has proved amounted merely
to this—that for a long succession of years there
had been regular alternations of majorities on each side
of the question, and many ♦ery narrow and close divi-
sions upon it. He must also observe, that he did not think
that there was any thing unfair or unconstitutional in
hisNobleFriend's declaring it to be his deliberate opinion
that, when great changes were going to be proposed in
the Constitution of the country, the Administration of
the day ought to appeal to a Parliament specially
elected to take them into consideration. There was one
pact of the Noble Earl's speech which he did not clearly
comprehend ; but it appeared to him as if the Noble Earl
had asserted that liberty of conscience fotmed no pan
of the present qoestion. He would ask theN,,bleEarl hi-
they he really meant to assert that liberty of conscience
did not form any part of this question? He would
ask him, whether the professors of the It 'man Catholic
religion had not endeavoured to put down liberty of
conscience, whenever they either had or thought that
they had the power? He would ask him, whet' er any
thing but the over throw of the Roman Catholic religion 1
In this country prevented its professors from destroying
the religion which was now established ? It WAS
said, however, that we owed the principal part ofl
our liberties to the exertion; of our Catholic ancestors;
and as a proof of it, we were told that the most valu-
able safeguard of national and individual freedom the
trial by jury, was the ins hobos of the Catholic Allred.
Now, allowing Alfred to have been the inventor of that
institution, which might perhaps be questioned, still he
would say, that Alfred was no Roman Catholic, or at
least not such a Raman Catholic as we were accustomed
to see in modern times. The Roman Catholics the
present day were opposed to Ye diffusion of the Scrip-
tures in the vernicular tongue. Could that be pre-
dicated of the illustrious Alfred? By no means;
he had himself translated a great portion of the Bible,
into his native tongue. Most of our other great
Catholic Princes, who had been quoted as such staunch
friends to the liberties of their people, had been
tainted with the spirit of persecution, which ap-
peated to him to form no small part of Catholiciim
itself. The ascendancy of.lbsi,arsma:t Catholics was.
not yet restored, and he.tnisted that-it•never would b•;
for h: was prepared to show that the spirit of Ca. bolt.
cism was, as one of its poets had asserted, immortal
and unchanged." He was convinced that if ,hr,ineasrite
shou'd pass, their L•trdslips would soon be compelled
to tsitness a succession rf Roman Catholic encl. ach-
ments, which would never cease until vose who onside
(hem succeeded in overtu►ning the tellgion of the
country, or were themselves overturned by the violent
re.action of their own ei.thosiAton.—The Petit Vis was
then laid upon the table.

The Earl of DA !INLET said, that he had a Petition to pre.
rent in favour of Catholic Emancipation, which came from a large
proportion of the Freeholders of Kent. It might not be so oume•
rowdy signed as that which lud 'Ns( been presented by his Nubk
Friend from the same county *built was ►till very ounveruu.sly and
respectably signet. Among the Individu..l4 whore signatures were
attached to it, were 15 Members of their Lordships House, and
many other opulent and respectable FretholdriS.
The Duke of RICHMOND—How Many signatures are there
so it?

The Earl of DA RNLRY—Seventeen hundred.
. The Petition was tbrn laid oti the table.
The House then adjourned, at Har.r.esss Rion: o'Cr.ocK, to
Monday neat. •
HOUSE OF COMMONS
-

Mr. &mini from the Bank of Ragland. brought up various ae-
counrsof balances in the hands of the Governor.

Sir H. INGLIS presented a Petitio; frets7Ashbury, in Berk-
shire, against graining further concessions to the Roman Catholics.
—Ordered to liven the t4ble.

Mr. BANK ES pt./seined similar Petitions from 900 of the In-
habitants of Poole, and from Wooten, in the county of Duraet.—
Ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. WHITMORE presented a similar Petition from
north. In Shropshire—(hdried to lie on the table.
Major General KING presented studio Petitions front the town
of Ilandon, and two harindes.in the county of Cork. The Hum
Member observed tbarth, petition from Bandon Was signed by
1,800 of the inhabitants.— Oril,red to lie un the table.
Mr. ELLIS presented a Psalm) front the Unitarian Society of
Newcastle-upon Tyne in favour of Catholic Emancipaiion.—Or-.
shred to 1k on the table.

Mr. DUNCOMBE yresented a Nthion front the Archdeacon
and Clergy of the archdeacnory of Bridgnorth, in the dioceve of
Chester, on the subject of the Catholic Claims.—Ordered to lie
on the table.

• Mr. 11 DAVIS presented a Petition from the Pariah of St.
Augustine, in die city of Bristol, against the RomanCatholicCliims
and also praying for the suppres.tion of the Catholic Association._..
Ordered to he laid on the table. The lion. Member then presented
another Petition of a similar nature. front the inhabitants or St
Thomas's Parish, in.the city of Bristol, which was also laid on
the table.
AJmiral EVANS pietented a Petition front the Town and veil h-
bourhood of Cbarleville, in the county of Cork, against further con-
cessions to the Boman Catbolics.—Ordered to lie on the table.
. . .

Admiral SOTHERON presented six Petitions .teont vaihtys
pari4hts In the county' of Nottingham, all against granting further
canice%sions to the Roman Catholics.
Mr. LLOYD presented three Petitions from the Roman Catholic
Inhabit-its «f the town' of Newcaule, In the county of Limerick,
praying for Catholic Emancipation.
The SoLICITOIt.GIiNkRA L presented a Petition from the
Archdeacon and Clergy of the Archdeaconry of Ely. against grant-
ing further concessions to the Roman Catholics, andr lso praying
for the effectual supprewion of the Catholic Araociation.—Ordered
to Io on the table. •

Mr. H. MAXWELL presented Pwltions to the same &est
from Armagh, Lomb, Leitrim, Longford. and Catlow, la Irelaud.
—Ordered to he on Ilse table.

Mr. BOYLE presented a Petition from the Roman Catholic
inhabitants of quirked!e in favour of Roman Catholic Bananci-
pAtion.—Ordered to lie on the table.
Jr. W. PEEL moved that an humble Address be laid before
his Majesty, praying for a copy of the stOth Report of the Commis-
sioners of Inquiry into the State of Public Charities.—Ordered.
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE presented Petitinns from Chard and.
other parishes lo the county of Somerset against granting further
concessions to the Hassan Catholic.—Ordered to tie on the table.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said he had the honour to pie.
sent to the. House the Petition of the Chancellor, ,Mus•
ter., and Scholars of the University of Oxford, praying
that no further political power might be granted to the
Roman Catholics. He telt himself bound to state that
the opinions advanced in this petition were couched in
still stronger won than petitions coming from that
body had formerly been expressed; sod it was also
duty to state, that the petition was not agreed to with-
out due notice having been given, but that it was agreed
to at a more numerous assembly than had usually been
biniight together when the subject was discussed, and
that the opinion expressed in the petition, though not
an unanignotts opinion, was the opinion of a larger ma•

ijority than forafeily, the numbers in fay, ur of it 'icing
164, while those against it amounteJ to 48. It had
fallen to his lot to present this petition in the absence
of his Hon. Colleague, who WAS detained from the
House by a domestic calamiy, And he had discharged
his duty in thus doing justice to the feelings of the Uni-
versity of Oxford, and in calling the attention of the
House to the relative numbers at the meeting by which
that petition was carried.
The Petition was then brought up and read. Oa the motion
that this Petition be printed,
_ _

Mr. BRANSBY COOPER was desirous upon this
occasion—when a petition against Catholic emancipa-
tion was presented from so learned a body, a bbdy ne.
cessarily so deeply interested in the welfare of the
Established Church—to state his sentiments with re-
ference to the important subject. He felt himself the
more called upon so to do because of the great surprise
and disappointment he had felt at the opening of the
present Session of Parliament—a surprise and disap.
pointment, indeed, which had been so great as to have
heretofore deprived him of the power of giving utter-
ance to his feelings. The change that had taken place
in the sentiments of his Majesty's Council was indeed
most extraordinary, and the country had been alto-
gether unprepared for it. It was, therefore, with the
most poignant regret he hscl witnessed that change in
the sentiments of his Majesty's Goveinnieno and, in
particular, in the sentiments of his Right Hon. Friend
the S cretary of State for the Home Department. He
(Mr. Bransby Cooper) could not have apprehended the
.possibility of such a change; and, indeed, from the
correspondence between him and the Right limn. Gen-
tleman, he should have held it to be n.terly impossible.
He deeply lamented such a d-lection from the c lose, not
only becau e of the heavy loss it had sustains f, but
because it had the effect of paralyzing the efforts of
many of those who had been always disposed to place
the utmost reliance upon the Government. He had
listened with the utmost attention to the speech of the
R-ght Hoa. Secretary at the opening of the Session.
in hopes that he might have heard some can assigned
for the unaccountable alteration in his sentiments ;
hut he had found none; and, even in the speech re-
lative to the state of Ireland, he had found nothing that
satisfied him. It was, indeed, full of details relative to
the distressing and disturbed condition of that couotty,
but it was a condition that Is 4d existed for a considerable
time, and might have been changed by decisive and
lawful means. His conviction was, that, if exertions were
made to suppress tumultuary pi oceedings in the south of
behind, they would be successful, pal ticularly now that
the Protestant feeling had revived and the Protestant
pe rple.were unite o He would say that, if the danger
was ten times greater than it aas admitted to be, he
could not conceive that the Ministers of the Crown welts
justified ir, infringing thevital principle of theßritish Con-
stir ution.ThAt principle was essentially Protestant,and if it
weteinfringed upon, the consequences might be snore
fatal than could be well conctived. He certainly agreed
with the Right H nourable Secretary that a system of
neutrality in the Cabinet upon this subject had been
persisted in tool .ng, and ought to have an end, because
it encouraged hopes which could never be properly ful-
filled; but he thought a Protestant King ought to have
a Protestant Ad 'maim), and no doubt one could be
easily formed. It had been stated that we might have such
muskies as would satisfy us; but the best security was,
to his niinti,total exclusion. It was also coire ided that the
quiet, ion of the RomanCatholic-clairris to political poo er
would be now settled; but he considered it sewed at the
Revolution ; and as it was admitted on all sides that the
Roman Catholic Religion rentaineJ unchanged.it would
be impossible to give the Catholics Emancipation with-
out danger to the Constitution—A ithout introducing
positive evils against which no. security could guard.
He knew not of what natio e the ititended rue .sure was
to be, but he felt perfectly assured that it would satisfy
either party. He had long con, idered the question, and
to his mind it was utterly impossible to gr • lit it without
minsinetit dunes to the Constitsition of these iealmb—
ai bout impairing the title of the House of tois icic to
the "Throne—without depattilig from th .t line of policy
by which this country had risen to the highe t ttstion
among the nations a the eatth—without endangering
tie vet), existence of the establi hied r without
conternitiag that Paitotoace by which it bad bre.) so
long and so signally preserved—(Hear) He belonged to
that church ; he aas one of the vue Protestants ; and
be belonged also to that band of brsolters who had de-
termined to aco'under present carcumst sneer, in such a
way as, by every constitutional means they could, to
prevent the Roman Catholics from holding *CMS in either
House of PAlliaitient upon any terms what tweet.
Lord NUGENT said, he could not ostler the intima.
lion of the Hon. Member for Gloucester, that thine who
opposed the Catholic Claims only were true Postestanto
to pass without notice. Ile (Lord Nugent) assumed for
,himself, for those Hon. Friends who agreed with him,
ano for the Right lion. Secret +r y, who had dose himset!
so much honour by the course lie had pue surd, the title
of true Piot. stouts—the right to he considered notes-
tints as true as the H n. blenibt r for Gloucester or any
,othigi individual in the House. 'l' c basis cf true Pro-
testantism was liberty of conscience, freedom of opinion ;
and lie wi uld Dever silently bear the title atrogat-d as
exclusively belonging to those also oppose the C.ith• lic
Claims.

Air. B. COOPER, in explanation, said that he certainly did not
mean to arrogate the character of •' true Protestants" exclusively
to himself and those who thought as he did.
Mr. OUNCOAI HE (Hertford) observed, that the lion. Mem-
bers who opposed the intended measures of his Majesty's Ministers
ought to propose the adoption of some measures iu their stead.

Mr. C. WYNN said, he was surprised to hear it said
in that House that the security of the Houser f Brian,
wick could at all depend on the settlement s•I theCasholic
Q.iestion. The best security of the Throne was in the
atfection of a free people, au.d in the support of Parlia•
meot, who bad a right to limit the succession, and who
had already exercised that right. He was glAd the Go-
vernment had determined to put down all political As-
sociations in Ireland; and he a as alsoglad that Catholics,
as well as Protestants, had agreed in the necessity of
putting down theCatholicAssociation ; but he hoped that
measure would be followed by another that would give
Emancipation to the Catholics, and tranquillity and
security to the ixtotestants of these realms. With regard
to the conduct of the Right Hon. Secretary for the Hume
Department, be (Mr. Wynn) entirely approved of it.—
He thought it reflected the highest credit on the Wight
Hon. Gentleman, who might. it was ti ue, obtain a I tile
by an appearance of consistency in giving up office for
a time, and returning to power, after allowing others
the responsibility of measures which he would be called
upon afterwards to enforce—(Hear). 'f he Hun. Gentle-
man had pursued a manly and straightforward course, ,
and he deserved the support of the House, and of the
country.
Mr. Secretary PEEL assured his Hon. Friend the
Member for Gloucester that, hosiever be might differ
in opinion from that Hon. Gentleman; he should ever
entertain towards him sentiments of unaffected esteem.
He felt assured that he would pursue no course which
be did not believe to be honest and honourable. .He
(Mr. Peel) tote only in consequence of the Hon. Meal•

tier's allusion to a c.stresprindence that ti4J,takr.sa place
betsieenthem;aiiehe would Vave been better aatisfied
it the correspondencehsd been read rather thaorefetted
to. When the Hon. Meint.er wrote to liis Majesty's
Governnient for formation as to the course the meant
to pursue, his 'meet for his H Friend ; rev,•nted
his leaving his letter without reply, yet he slid not con-
ceive it tight to give him the iiitot tow ion for which he
sought. His Honcuiabl. !fiend had tied that h-
had heard nothing with mitten: e to the condition cf
Ireland that bad not been state,' before; and that
no circumstance existed in that count, y which could
not be put down by the strong arm of power. In his
opinion he (Mr. Peel) petfectly concurred; but, he
would ask, when he had done so, w here were we? In
the year 1798, the success of the law was complete,
and certainly would have been so again ; hut, after the
most complete success, would not the question have
semained just where it had been, except that aninu.sitiis
would have gathered additional bitterness, and s iciety
mote deeply pois-ned by the struggle? And outing
the int real of that struggle, let etfti y individual
Jet the position in which the Established Cbureli r f
Ireland would have been placed. Such were the m t-
iers to which the minds of a 1 persons ought to have
been directed before the question were left to the is-u:
of a civil conflict.—The Petition was then laid upon
the table.

- -
Lord NUGENT presented a Petition in favour of Catholic
Ensancips ' from certain Protestant shopkeepers and others of
the city of theritd.—Laid on the table.
Lord NUGENT gave notice that lie should. on Monday, pre.
sent to the House the Petition of his Nlajetty's Roman Catholic
subject+. in England and Scotland, pr iying for Catholic Eanancipe-
tion. lle thought it due to the high character of that body toys'
this notice of his intention.

Air. 0. CAVE presented a Petition from the rem Jr Inhabit.
ants of Cagle Dollington against the practice of hulloing Widows
in itedia.—Lail on t..e.

Sir 11. lIARDINGE 131.1 upon the table of the House tf.,
Army k•timates.

Mr. G. DAWSON hrousht up a Return or the Net Income
and Repttulitute of the Country (runt the Sth Jan. MS, to tic
sth Jan. 18.9.

COMMITTLE Of SUPPLY.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the
Order ut the DAy fur the House resolving itself into a Committee
of Supply.—On the question that tke Speaker do kave the Chair,
Mr. HUME wished to know, whether the Flu si.ce
Committee were to contiune their itivestigatton, and
what :eduction was contemplated Cu be mule in the ex•
penses of the country, or in the funded or untuoded
debt, and whetEer any mode had boen adopted by the
Government for simplifying; the public recounts?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said,
that he had come ,o .he determination if pro'. °song the
revival of the Finance C mnii.tee for some time; but
he caned assure the Hon. Gentleman that, notrith'trnd-
ing this, Government would a t be remiss in g ving
effect to every practicable measure of reirinchment.—
The ICpOst treint the Gentlemen t f the Finance Com.
mittee wtw•volumin, u•, and he had not yet comileted
the perusal of it ; but he would at an eat ly pe iod, when
he should be enabled to offer an opinion to t! e Itruse.
Mr. HUME said,. th it he liacl originally ohjecieJ to
the mode in which the Finance Committee had been
formed, as he did not think it was cepab:e of embracing
the mass of details to be presented to it. Ile was a
Member of that Committee, and, without refertiog to
himself, he could bear testirisbny to its atal and inius.
try. But lee supposed what was er•n,idrred • 'Teals
of his at the time he suggested it must yet be sealosed,
which was, :hat specific departments should be assigned
to specific Committees.
The Seamen's then kit the Ch-ir, and the !louse resolved itself
into a Committee.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER matted
a rest.lut on that the burn of 88,046,00td. It grained tut paying die
Rachequrr ILltt outstaniling op to 1829.
Mr. HUXI Es. with .d to know what we.e the i.ten.
tions of Government as to the large sum rf Fl atitg
debt. The Honourable Member said, that Exci.etpirr
Bilis wet e payable on demand, nd the r.oly r. 4161411 vby
they were not presen ed i.o.v was, that they mete at 4is
ad r ansed premium. But Vivre was 1.0 security agaiost
these being paid in, and he c ul.l not agree to tin, vote
unless informed 4 f sstia Ministers intet.ded to do %sr h
regard to the unfunded dent.

'ihe CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER de-
c,iiied entering into any explanation ut the intentions
of Goverttnient at present, as be was of opinion
that a premature di.clostrie cancer ning the foods or
other public property, WAS calculated to pr• duce in-
convenience. The House would feel that such' dis-
ci° ore, if it had no other effect, would give ,ri,e to
gieat extended speculation that might convulse the
country genes a;ly, and especially the *o et market.
On these grounds he thought hion+ell ju titled in m t
giving the II •nourable Gentleman the iittorniatitm he
required; but there would by nth-r opr o tulaties fir tl e
ft.n. Gentleman to be it•g i, sutject begot, the Howe.
He night introduce it wt en the vote would be caled
for in the Ci.mmit tee of Ways And Alean., and whets he
( he Chancellor of the Ezchecpte ) should b ine in a
Bill %%hid) he intended to bring forward on the S a:rig
Fund Act.

Ms. AIABERLY theught that specul‘Ce n wN)1..1 be
much more -voided by a declaration of the intentions of Ministers.
lie saw no reason why Mini•ters should not say what the) meant
to do as to the payment of that dangerous debt.
Mi. HUME sthclattneJ any stiffs t.s anticipate. hot
he was anxious to inquire into the aggregate and funded debt, this
Large balances, and the situation of the batik of England.
Thy resolution was then agreed to, as was akii a r. a.,iwiun for
granting £392,000 to di-charge Exchequer Hills is.ued lor the
encouragement of the Fisheries and the building of additional
Churches.

The following resolution was then put: a That a rum not ex-
ceeding £4,000,000 he granted to di.charge like suKtliei in the
years 1824, 1825, 1826, 18,27, and 1828."—l1e Muse then re.
bunted, and the Report was brought up, and ordered to be rt.
ceived on Monday next.
CATWILIC /188,CIATION SUPPRIssmoN ACT.
The Mouse then resolved itself into a Conuniare on the Ca.
tholic Association Act. The Mil bring read clause by
Mr. GEORGE 0. MOORE suggested that, to guard
against the resurrection of the Catholic Association under another
name, the following words should be inserted alter the words •
" surh member," in the twelfth line of tile first clause, " under
any name, device, or pretext whatever." •
After some obtervations from Mr. Peet, the ilirrnassv-Gl-
- and Lord Nucixtrr, the clause was sacred to remain, as
being sufficiently prohibitory as it stolkl.
Mr. WALLACE (ot Yarmouth) suggested the pro-
priety of introducing into the Bill a form of the proclamation to
be issued by the Lord Lieutenant. If his Excellency should issue
an order for the suppression of any Aseociation, great difficulty
might arise in carrying the order into effect fur, if the Niagistrates
to whom it was directed were anxious to secure their own in-
demnity, they must take care to he quite sure as to the identity of
the body which they were directed to suppress. There would,
however, be no danger of this kind if the proclamation should be
directed against a body specifically described.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said that the Lord Lieutenant
would exercise his power with considerable quelihcation. The
Lord Lieutenant must see that the body to be suppressed was likely
to produce danger to the public safety ; and if the Lord Lirutenant
' should not be able to prove to Parliament that any meeting which
he should order to be suppressed was dangerous, he would not he
justified, in a moral view, in having used in that way the pow'e
committed to him.
'I he ATTORNEY GENERAL said, that tate mug
be taken not to fetter the Lord Lieutenant in each a manner as to
render the powers which it wits intended to confer upon him
abortive.

Mr. A. DAWSON expressed his satisfaction at thir
explanation of the measure wbiels bat; just fallen from tbelligbt
Hon. Secretary of State. Ile understood by Ulu expbattiou that