Star.
London, England, 1816-01-08 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS;

PARIS, JANUARY S.
The importance of the question which yesterday
occupied the Chamber of Deonties, brought an im-
mense concourie of speceatcirs, who were generally
struck by the tone of wisdom and moderation that
pri sided at the discussion. One speaker alone went
oUt of his way by a very misplaced digression, which
excited murmurs of disepprooation. This error of
one man served only to shew to more advantage the
rod spirit that animated the majority-
At the review on New Year's Day, when the
tro Its were preparing to defile before the King, his
Majesty made a sign that he wished to speak. The
following is what we could heer of his speech, deli-
erred with the most touching unaffectedness
6% This day is one of the happiest of my life—l
confide entirely in my army, it is composed et French-
men ; I can present- them equally to my friends and
to my enemies."—Universal acclamations burst forth
on all sides.
Several Journalists state that the appointment of
M. Fouche, Duke of Otranto, to the embassy at
Dre,den, has been recalled, and he himself prohibited
to re-enter France. Nothing has yet appeared offi-
cially on the subject.
During the Duke of Wellington's visit to England
Lord Hill, it is said, will command in chief, and will
hive his head-quarters at Cambray.
CHAMBER eof DEPUTIES.
SITTINGS or THE 4211 or JANUARY. •
The Duke de Rival:Lieu, Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs, the Ministers of the Interior, the Police, 'and
the Marine, attended this sitting.
The Pacsioiter --osilefore the discussion on the law
of Amnesty opens, the Minister of the Interior is in-
. vited to ascend the Tribune, to make a communica-
tion independent of that discussion."
M. de VAUBLANC. in a short speech, referred to
the situation of the Clergy, as described by the Mi.'
mister of the Finances in the details of the Budget,
and his announcement that new resources would be
employed for its amelioration. He then read the
'levet of a law, by which it is proposed that extinc-
tions by death in the sum 11 the ecclesiastical life an-
nuities, And pensions, comprised in the estimate of the
public debt, for 181 G, be appropriated to the improve-
ment of the funds of the Clergy, and the institutions
dependent on it ; and that the Royal Treasury shall,
from the commencement of January, 1816, keep at
the dispesal of the Minister of the Interior the sum
of 50,000 francs, on account of the produce of such
extinctions. The fanjet will be printed and il;ecussed
in the bureaux.
The PRESIDENT—" It is usual when Committees
have not been unanimous to allow the first hearing to
the minority. The minority of the Committee which
has reported nn the Amnesty, has chosen M. de Ger-
'tiny for its organ."
Count De GEIIMINY44 Far be from ins! the idea
of ascribing to my Honourable Colleagues, composing
the majority of the Committee, any otter intentions
than those whith the love of order and of the public
welfare inspire. They have been desirous to impress
upon yea truths which themselves have tette but,
a:tuated by the same metives, we have differed in
opinion from them respecting the means.
The amnesty is a measure prescribed by our Inn
e dimities, by humanity, the love of peace, and the
necessity for exercising clemency, that virtue so oa-
t Ira] to good kings. That this measure may have its
effect, it is requisite that it should go so far as to
lorce the really guilty to repent, that it should teach
all those who might be tempted to pursue a criminai
career. that there is 'uniting to be gained by conspi-
ring against a Prince who knows how to govern and
to pardon. •
" I am exceedingly mistaken if the idea which I
have formed of the amnesty is not entertainee also
by the foist el Kings. The declarations of 1814 and
1813, everlasting monuments of his bounty, have
proved to me, that if sovereign justice has an empire
over his mind, which we cannot doubt, clemency and
mercy sway his heart,
" The Ordinance of the 2.4 th July, though incom-
plete, is of itself sufficient to calm animosities, and
to dispel all alarms. The Committee has not in-
fringed the respect due to the acts which have ema-
nated from the Royal authority ; it feels the necessity
of seeking, in the very terms of the Ordinance, means
of extending exceptions. But the 'majoriry has ap-
peared to me to have deviated from another not less
salotary principle.
"I shall follow the Reporter step by step. He
has told you that the right of amnesty is inherent is
the Sovereignty. ln this place such a principle will
never be contested. Neither is it examples that are
to be sought. The only difficulty lies in the applicae
lion of the exceptions to the amnesty. That such a
proceeding might be less imperfect, we ought to have
lied twenty years less of a revolution, which began
with faults of every kind, and ought to finish with
pardon. Neither ought the melancholy catastrophe
of the month of March to have been so recent, and,
above all, the measures already taken ought not to
have thrown invincible obstacles in the way of the in-
troduction of: a new system. France ought not to
have received the promise of reposing under the shel-
ter of the conviction, that the clemency of the King
is inexhaustible.
-46 If the emendment proposed by the Committee,
in Article 3, were to receive your approbation, the
Executive Power would have to bear all the weight,)
of it. Some object to the insufficiency of the lists.
'I he system of classification proposed to you would
but augment the difficulty. Nobhdy doubts th
the lists contain the leaders in the conspiracy of th
month of Match ; why then introduce new classes
why extend those lists which the King himself has
foreborne to complete ?
• "If these lists are improperly drawn up, it is an
irreparable mistortunee—a misfernme which must .be
ascribed to the Counsellor valsrait'we cannot but
accuse of perfidy, and with the mine reason, as he
has lost the few titles that were still left him to (arcs
us to silence, you find in these liar names cele-
brated in the history of our misfortunes—you per-
ceive is them the principal criminals implicated in'
'the conspiracy. There. are, slonetlees, ethers I but
do you intagineß that those who. halve left any traces
of this plot in eanstence, have tvmaincd quietly at
• their homes ?
.4 The Committee divides WO pill into the, tinee
annel.e4 classes i

" 1. The Ministers and Counsellors of- State who
accepted offices prior to the 23d March. •
" Your-severity is already satisfied in regard 'to
part otthese persons. S2me of them, for reasons of
State which We must not attempt to fathom. have
not been placed on the lists ; but the Committee
itself acknowledges the necessity of leaving to the
Executive Power the task of prosecution.
" 2. The Marshals and Generals commanding in
chief a division, who declared for the Usurper before
his entry into Paris.
66 The first list contains scarcely any other than
such names. One of the most guilty among, theni
'has already paid the forfeit of his life to the cAlaini.
ties of his country, and the annals of the world will
say that this important sentence saved France from
' new danger'.
44 S. The Generals in Chief who marched their
troops against the Royal Armies.
" But why • make a distinction between those who
Marched against the King, and those who marched
against a Prince of his family? If at every step I.
meet with criminals, at every step I also meet my
King. who is desirous to pardon them.
46 The Fifth Article proposed in the form of
amendment, purports that the Treasury shall act as
tho civil party in the prosecutions to be instituted;
that on its application indemnities shall be granted
out of the property of the guilty towards the expenses
of the war.

" This indemnity, attended with the loss of pro-
perty, is a
.real confiscation. They may have ac-
,qttired this property—they may preserve it at the
price of our tears ; but, setting aside all specious ar-
guments, is not the total loss of this property a con-
fisdition
" Is there any further occasion ft r me to lay be-,
fore you my opinion on the persons whom France
spurns from her, whom the ashes of our Kings con-
Idemn, but whom the last words of a dying Bourbon
have recommended, not to the justice of the Princes
of has 'family, but to their inexhaustible mercy.
The sacred shade of the best of Princes, doubtless,
forbade his brother to prosecute them ; and it is
this august shade, it is the recollection of my King
that hovers round me at this tribune, and orders to
suppress, say nothing of the horror with which they
fill me.
" Here ends the 'painful task'which I h;ve under.
taken. Oh, that I could but render the truths which
are so clear to myself more palpable to all I—l vote
for the irrsjd as presented by the Ministers of his
Majesty."
Count Durvrotnu... It is not in empty sophis-
try, in a false philanthropy, that we caught to serk
remedies for our calamities. The wicked know too
well how to assume the mask of virtue when dread-
ing for themselves and theiradhuents all the severity
of the laws.

As It is the most egregious folly to be talking
incessantly of the Romans; for twenty-five years
past we havo aped their vices and their ferocity,
without having ever imitated their vilues.' Let us
say no mere of that antiquity which gives us few
examples which we may petit by. Listen to the
voice of reason and sound sense, and you will nit
be at a loss what side you ought to take. All he-
sitation after so many disasters would be a fault,
perhaps a weakness. Every body knows that as
tyranny provokes resistance and seditions, so weak-
ness provokes the fall of empires, witu the same
effusion of bleind, with the inn= niiaci ie i ..1 cvcry kind.

64 Under existing circumstances, we owe a new
proof of our love and devotiln to the King, as
of *our profound ret-pect, in intimatiag to hint, ac-
cording to our consciences, the means that appear
to us most pauper tti consolidate the throne of bia
august ancestors. This Can result only from a po-
sitive law man...tint; from our discussions, as we
are ruled by a II:1XL and liel)ll2SClltittiVe Gavernment.
44 I vote, witnotit discussing sepinately the articles
of the projet of the law, that it be accepted by the
Chamber with the amendments proposed by the
Committee. I find these amendments founded in
the interest of the King of France, and of the
respnns,bility we owe to our Constituents and our
country."
M. Simeox-4, If it he true that Kings are the
images of Goo on earth—that they hold in their
hands the life and death o: their subjects, they ought,
like him, following the inspiration of their wisdom,
to be just, impartial, and merciful. He who can
punish, can also pardon—from that proceeds the un-
disputed right of the Sovereign to extend mercy.
Has he also the right of amnesty ?
46 This question might appear absurd, since the
King proposes in form the law Of amnesty, and seems
to doubt of his own power. However; it will nut be
useless to examine the principle in a few words.
64 After having established that amnesty is nothing
more than a general favour, while pardon is more
particular, the speaker asks if the Chamber ought to
adopt the amendments of the Commitiee ?
46 The Committee has not thought it proper to
admit the second article, because the Chamber is not
competent to judge. But, said he, it is not a judg.
meat that is proposed; to judge is to examine, to ab-
solve, or condemn. -after conviction, and to pro-
nounce a legal punishment. Here knit/matt is not'
contemplated ; that word is improperly introduced.
Nothing more is considered than a measure of high
police.
44 The law pronounces it only exile, the duration
of which is-left to the King's authority.
14 If a Governatent suspected, by its severity and
despotisin, were to demand such a measure, you
would manifest' yourselves as the defenders of the'
people's rights by relining it ; but it is proposed to
you by a Government which can be reproached only
for its excessive moderation and clemency. We must,
in this case, accordin*. to Montesquieu, throw for a
moment a veil over liberty, and conceal the statues
of the Gods.

88 To refine 'the exile of thirty-eight individuals
would be to take on ourselves the chance of their pu-
nishment. if they be aecused4 and the scandal sf intT
punity if they be not./
86 Th Committee excepts from the amnesty (Ive
claws of Generals and or Public Functionaries. I
am not surprised that *alter the long agitations and
, great misfortunes. there should exist some resent-
%sent, • bet should we perpetuate hatred and jogai,.
codes The civil troubles cannot be terminated but
by the appearance, in the ptilitical torionis of the
emblem of peace, and this emblem ig :tionestyt
46 Are nut 19 critzsistat trials sufficient ? Are sot

5$ captions from the amnesty, and of persons to be
teat into exile, sufficient ? Why should we augment
indefinitely the umbel' of those who would fear to
be comprised in the prosecutions r Let us hesitate
to compromise the public credit—let us fear, above
all, to excite the avaricious and cruel hopes of those
who watch us, and who reckon on our intestine dis-
cord as the means of their profit.
gi With respect to the indemnity which is proposed
to affect the property of the condemned, it is ridicie-,
lons, k would be a drop of water in the ocean;'
moreover, it recalls the odious system of confiscation.
ea With regard to the individuals comprised b; the
Committee in the second number of the 7th article,
I do not mean to commence a dismission on this me-
lancholy subject. I will express but one sentiment—
hoiror I horror a hundred toll for the regicides ! but
respect a thousand fold for the will of the sainted
Ki:tg ! inviolable respect for his august brother, who
could undoubtedly contest this legacy of goodnesz,
but who prefers paying it altogether ! I vote for the
law without an amendment."

M. de la BOURDONNAYE-1( I will not reply to
what has been advanqd respecting the right of am-
nesty. That question is superfluous, since the King
has invited us to concur in it : but from this very
participation arises our right to discuss and modify
it. To support the contrary would be,to pretend,
that the law was sent us merely to be regictcted.
But, Gentlemen, if such only be our province, why
is the discussion opened ?
a We are not to examine here one of those laws,
which, destined to be submitted to the crucible of
time and experience, can have but an inconsiderabt•
influence on the lot of the people,; the law, presented
to your deliberation, is irrevocable in its nature, ir-
revocable in its effect; irrevocable, because it is the
expression of your will, and th it %ell becomes in-
stantly the possession of history. It will fix the
judgment of posterity. Thissolema act will apprise
Europe, if the demands of a nation will be vain. A
century and a half has passed away since a neigh-
bouring na,tion, celebrated aiso by long calamities,
and the crimes of some factious pars-ms, raised her
humiliated form, and, by splendid extmples, avenged
the blood of her King and the national honour. Se-
parated,frotu the Continent, delivered by the death
of Cromwell and the imbecility of his childieno and
more fortueate in her arms, England owed to herself
alone the restoration of her honour.

ag Rivals in glory and in generosity of sentiment,
but betrayed by our fortune, bruised under an iron
sceptre, it was from united Europe that we received
the pledge of a tranquillity which see hope to be du-
rable. France, emerging from beneath the-eaverY of
tyrant, to pass into the paternal :trnrs of her King,
has not been able to man:lest her will, and to. wipe
0.11 the disgrace impressed on the nalioaal character
by a criminal faction.
s Invested with the confidence of our Constituents
summoned to pronounce on the fate of the authors of
the conspiracy, Divtuo PuoirrogNcE, ever just in is
decrees, delivers at length into your hands the cause
of our e,rly crimes and late misfortune, as if supreme

justice had reserved them to complete our disasters,
only to prom. in an irresistible' manner, the vanity
of human prudence, and the perfidy of hearts devoid
of F ty. In this delineation do you not reco?itiee the
murdt rers of your King, the assassins of your families,
the eternal oppessors of the liberty of France
44 These men whom a destructive energy and un-
bridled passions elevated above every consideration,
originating in the habitude of respect and obedience,
and of every apprehension created by marked and ter.
rilying examples ; these men whom clemency found
without repentance and without gratitude ; these men
whom wild passions, perverse sentiments, deep hatred,
and a frequency of crime render so dangerous, appetr
now before you, and under the nis ni an unbounded
clemency demand the amnesty of the Charter for
crimes that were subs-equent to its enactment, as if
the first crime merited perpetual impunity; as if the
august blood with which they are c. vexed resembled
the soil of reprobation placed by the ETERNAL on the
forehead of the first fratricide.

66 And you, pusillanimous Magistrates, improvi-
dent Legislators, you will behold the conspirators,
but will not punish them. Will you wait t' declare
them criminal, until they again audaciously raise
their hands against the Monarch, overturn his power,
and raise an illegitimate throne at the expense of the
monarchy ? Twenty-five years of experience, twenty.
five years of fury, have neither opened your eyes, nor
assuaged their violence.
66 Hive you forgotten those appalling cries which
signalized the Tyrant's return ? Menaced in your
property, threatened in your lives, it is to the pru-
dence of the victor, and not to his clemency, that you
owe your existence. Who were then the Counsellors
of the Tyrant, the Ministers of his power ?—The Re 7
gicides I Who were the criminal men that a victo.
rious faction placed at its head, and signalized to our
indignation ? 'rfie Regicides I—Who were the most
perverse of those Representatives to whom any Sove-
reign was desirable, provided he be not legitimate
The Regicides !--;still the Regicides I Such was the
party whom the Tyrant served, not as a chief, but
as a flag.
•16 Have those Ministers, who recall to you the will
of Louis XVI: forgotten his misfortunes—have they
forgotten the causes of them ? Do they not remem-
ber, that at the commencement of these misfortunes,
the punishment of some great culprits would have
saved the Monarch and his Kingdom ? Do they for,
get that the promises contained in the Charter have
been religiously.observed on one side and despised on
the other ? Have they forgotten these made by them-
selves on accepting the Ministry, when they swore to
defend the Throne against its enemies ?* Are not
these promites as sacred as those of the Charter ?
Hue they other gnarantees to furnish us, than the
Ministry of the Ist of March ? Ah I let them besi.
tate, if new troubles should arise, to undertake an ap-
palling responsibility. Let them take care lest they
commit the same errors as their predecessors. Al-
ready, have they not to reproach themselves for some
remissness ? Does not the escape of Lavalette; At-
tended with so much mystery, inspire them with some
inquietude, or urge some reproach ? (Aforamrt of
disopisrohation-4evord velar, 14 Us hiss qua !")
But et is not as regicides, it is as conspirators that wr
would attaintthe guilty. Let us imitate the conduct
of the Parliament of Paris, in pais in its refusal to
register the anmeety jn favour of the King's assassins.
If Sovereigns con pluton their personal injuriest the