Star.
London, England, 1820-08-10 00:00:00

~k

EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO.—No.

In the &err of the 2d of August we laid before our
)leaden some remarks on the value of the commerce
with the Eastern Islands. We now proceed to offer
some ob.ervations relative to the danger of our being
excluded from it by the machinations of the Dutch.
The dispositioa of the Dutch to deprive us of all
share in what we have denominated the Independent
Trade in the Indian Archipelago, may be inferred
from their unremitted exertions in former times to
prevent our obtaining it, and from their present une-
quivocal language and conduct. In the zenith of
.their power they had brought most of the native
Princes under their subjection, and where they did
not acquire territorial rights, generally obtained
grants of an exclusive trade, requiring all native ves-
sels to carry their pass and flag, and restricting them
from entering except at ports where the Dutch had
L•'stablishmen;s. At their instigation it was that the
natives cut off our early settlements, and there is lit-
tle doubt that many of our vessels, which have been
burnt in the Roads of BataVia and elsewhere, were
set fire to by their orders. Their commercial ambi-
tion and their animosity against British trade were
never greater than at this moment. They are deeply
impressed with the recollection of their ancient ma-
ritime and commercial grandeur, and would favour
any other nation, especially the Americans, to our
prejudice. Of the disposition of the mother-country,
"the actual contemplation of a prohibitory duty on
'British shipping trading to their Colonies in the Ar-
chipelago, i, some evidence, and various incidents
which took place at the moment of transferring the
colony, are sufficient to prove the assuming spirit of
the Colonial Government.—" We have experienced
from the Commissioners General of his Majesty the
King of the Netherlands," says the Lieutenant-Go-
vernor in Council, in his dispatch to the Court of
Directors of the 9th June, 1816, " an evident dis-
inclination to concede anything to the British name,
or to the character of the British Nation in these
seas. Resting on one argument only, that the Con-
vention contains no clause or obligation on them to
acknowledge existing relations, they have uniformly
entrenched themselves within what they consider to
be the law of the case, and have acknowledged that
'they do not deem it necessary to consider what also
may be thought requisite on grounds of justice and
equity." And again, in another dispatch of the same
date, the Lieutenant-Governor adds, " Judging from
the measures adopted by the Commissioners General
in this Island (Java), and by the general policy which
appears to direct the Presidents and other subordi-
nate Officers of the present Government, there seems
'reason to believe that their wish is to erase the re-
collection of a British Administration of the Colony,
and studiously to prevent the native Princes and
Chiefs perceiving any influence of the British Go-
vernment in the arrangements made at the transfer."
The Dutch Commissioners have essitively refused
to guarantee or acknowledge any of the Treaties en-
tered into by the British Government in Java; or any
of those relations of comparative independence on
the part of the natives which the British Government
had sanctioned ; indeed for them to have behaved well
to the British, seems now to be punished as a crime.
Supposing, however, the disposition of the Dutch
to be more favourable to us than it appears, would
prudence allow us to depend upon its continuance
for the possession of a cornmerce which we have
the means of securing to ourselves by a better tenure
than their good pleasure?
The means which the Dutch possess of excluding
us from the trade of the Eastern Islands, appear to
be chiefly-
1. By taking possession of the vacant ports.
2. By treaties with the native Princes.
3. By intimidating the natives.
4. By duties on our shipping and manufactures.
5. By vexatious or violent measures directed
against our merchants, or the natives with whom
they may trade.
6. By degrading us in the eyes of the natives.
To these means what can we oppose?
To their system of taking possession of unoccu-
pied ports, and making treaties of monopoly with
'the natives, we can oppose the same system. There
are yet, at least there were when the last accounts
came away, ports of which we may take possession
before them, and Princes at liberty to make treaties
'with us in favour of our commerce.
To their intimidation of the natives we may op.
pose a course of protection.
To their imposition of heavy duties on our regular
trade with the Dutch colonies, no resistance can be
made in the islands, but to the effect of such a mea-
sure we can oppose the facility of obtaining our
goods free of duty.
To the vexatious and violent measures which may
be directed against our independent commerce, we
may oppose a British authority at hand, charged
with the special duty of seeing justice done. Such
a protection, necessary at all events, would be ,
doubly so in the event of heavy duties being im-
posed on British trade with the Dutch colonies.—
Smuggling would then, no doubt, be attempted to
a large extent, and, under pretence of repressing it,
our independent and legitimate trade in the Archi-
pelago would otherwise be so harassed by search-
ings, detentions, and disputes, that it would not be
orth having.
To the last means of exclusion, viz. that of de-
grading us in the eyes of the natives, we may oppose, ,
in the first instance, a strict regard to the engage-
ments which we have already made with them, either
expressly or by implication, and afterwards early in-
formation and prompt notice of the calumnies that
may be propagated against us, of the-arrogant pre-
tensions that may be set up, and of all other insults
that may be offered to us by the Dutch.
Ought not the Dutch Government to be held bound
to fulfil those engagements which we have either
directly, or by implication, contracted with the native
Powers during the five-and-twenty years, and espe-
-cially during the British Government of Java?—
Having accepted the benefit of those acts which are
favourable to them, should they refuse the burden of
those which they may deem otherwise? No provi:
sion was made, in our agreements with the native
Princes, for the contingency of the Colonies reverting
to Holland. The language which we held out to
them was that of a Government competent to make
agreements in perpetuity ; without such a language,
we never could have done what we have done for

the Eastern Islands. Our leading measures, of which
the Dutch. ire now deriving 'all the benefit, in the
augmentation of commerce and revenue, could never
have been effected,. except the naives had relied on
our securing to them a perpetuity of those rights
which -we had recognized. Our honour, and a re-
gard for our character with the natives, demand that
we should insist on those treaties being.confirmed ;
otherwise, we shall be considered as wanting either
the disposition, or the power to see our engagements
fulfiled. It may be said, that the Convention be-
tween England and the Netherlands makes no provi-
sion or reservation which can warrant this demand
of ours. But ought the King of the Netherlands to
be allowed to take advantage of an oversight, which
resulted only frcm our eagerness to restore him his
Colonies? Add can the British Government admit
that the neglect of a point on which our national ho-
nour and good faith are concernei, should be attri-
buted to anything but an oversight ?
Is a whole Nation, of between four and five mil-
lions, industrious, obedient, and strongly attached to
us, indebted to our Government for emancipation
from feudal bondage, and for the right of civil freedom
and security—a people interesting for their simple
manners, and amiablefor their virtues, to be abandoned
and cast aside without notice or remembrance ?
The British Government considered the native
Princes as independent Sovereigns, and treated with
them accordingly. The Dutch hive refused to gua-
rantee our treaties, and appear to consider these
faithful Allies to the British Nation as mere vassals,
who are now subjected to their vengeance and rapacity.
If this be unjust with respect to the Settlements
actually subjected to European controul, what must
be thought of it with respect to those States which
.have risen into importance, and maintained their in-
dependence, by means of their connection with Bri-
tain, in opposition to the restrictive policy of the
Dutch ? The Dutch aim at an absolute despotism
over the whole Archipelago, with a view to exercise
it oppressively. We have encouraged sentiments of
freedom as far as was compatible with tranquillity,
and have led the natives to rely up-on us for the con-
tinued enjoyknent of that portion of independence
which we allowed them ; they look upon that allow-
ance as a grant, and will certainly despise and up-
braid us if we permit that grant to be revoked by
the Dutch.
The following extract of a letter from the Sultan
of Palembang to the Lieutenant-Governor of Java,
written after the actual transfer of Banca to the
Dutch, will skew the sort of feeling which prevails
among the native Princes:
" I hasten to send back my Ambassadors to Ba-
tavia, to wait upon my friend, the Lieutenant:
" Governor, of whom I earnestly entreat that he will
44 confirm and settle all the arrangements regarding
" me and the country of Palembang, as heretofore
44 existing with the English Government ; and that
" those relations may remain uninterrupted, notwith-
" standing the establishment of the Dutch Govern-
" ment on the Island of Java. I cannot on any con-
" sideration separate myself from the friendship ex-
" isting between me and the English Government ;
" and I place my reliance on the English Govern-
" ment, that their protection will not be withdrawn
from me. They have exalted me to the Throne
" of Palembang, and for what reason I do not know;
" but I cannot understand any other Power upon
" which I can place my dependence than the English
Government. It is on the protection of the English
" Government I place my trust, as I have so long
44 done : their friendship is engrafted on my mind,-
; 64 and my sentiments can never change:'

COPY OF A MEMORIAL
ADDRESSED TO ALL THE MINISTERS OF RUSSIA, ON
TIIE SUBJECT OF THE AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

The Chevalier de Zea Bermudez has presented to
the Imperial Cabinet the annexed note, relative to
the events which have just taken place in the Penin-
sula, and of which we were already informed by the
dispatches that were forwarded to us by our agents
at foreign Courts.
M. de Zea, in this document, confines himself to
informing us, that the Constitution promulgated by
the Cot tes in the year 18l2f has been accepted by
the king, and expresses a desire to know how the
Emperor has viewed this change of the Government?
If the distance which separates us front Spain, and
from the States which are best enabled to weigh
maturely the nature of the disasters with which she
is menaced, be considered, k will be readily acknow-
ledged, that the position of the Imperial Ministry,
with regard to the Representative of the Spanish
Nation, was difficult and delicate.
The Revolution of the Peninsula fixes the atten-
tion of the two hemispheres ; the interests which it
is about to decide, are the interests of the Universe;
and if ever the Emperor wished that the opinion of
his Allies might conduce to regulate his own, it cer-
tainly was at the moment when the note of the Che-
valier de Zea imposed upon his Imperial Majesty
the obligation of pronouncing upon an event which
involves, perhaps, the future destinies of all civilised
nations. This obligation, however, existed ; for, in
these days, every subject of doubt becomes an in-
strument of malevolence.

The necessity of replying to M. de Zea was, there;
fore, evident ; but, in this important conjuncture, it
appeared natural, that previously to pronouncing an
opinion, the Emperor should consider the object
which the Allied Powers proposed to themselves in
their relations with Spain ; that he should consult the
views which they had expressed to that same Power,
and that he should take as a guide fc•r his own, the
principles of European policy. This is what his Im-
perial Majesty was bound to do ; this is what he has
done. Since the year 181 Z more than one diplo-
matic document attests the generous solicitude,
which the several Courts of Europe have constantly
maniiested in behalf of Spain. They applauded the
noble perseveran* with which her intrepid people
resisted a foreign yoke. They rendered homage to
their wisdom, when they rallied round a constitu-1
tional Throne, the dearest interests of their country ;
—the interests of her independence. Finally, from
the period when PROVIDENCE restored Ferdinand
VII. to his people, they never failed to acknowledge
that solid institutions could alone secure on its basis,
the ancient Spanish Monarchy,
The Allied Sovereigns did more. In the course
of long conferences, relative to the differences with
Rio de la Plata, and to the pacifisatioa of t,lie Coe

tonics, they let it be sufficiently understood; that
these intentions would cease to be a means of mce
and happiness, if, instead of being grantertsby kind-
ness, as a voluntary concession, theyiould be
adopted by weakness as a last resource of salvation.
Let us investigate, on the other hand, the great
transactions which established the European Alliance.
What is the object of the engagements that were
renewed on the (3d) 15th of November, 1818?
The Allied Monarchs had just then obliterated the
last traces of the Revolution in France; but that Re-
volution seemed ready to produce new calamities.
The obligation of the Monarchs. was, therefore,
and their design was, to prevent, bursting frbm the
same horizon, the same stotth that should a third

time desolate Europe,
Nevertheless, as if the alarms which were then ex-
cited by the state of France, and which it still ex•
cites, were not sufficient—as if Governments and
Naticns entertained but slight doubts with respect to
its future condition, it was necessary- that the Genius
of Evil should select a new theatre, and that Spain,
in her turn, should be offered up as a fearful sacri-
fice. Revolution has therefore changed its ground,
but the duties of Monarchs cannot have changed
their nature, and the power of the insurrection is
neither less formidable nor less dangerous than it
would have been in France. _ _

In unison, therefore, with his Allies, his Majesty
cannot but desire to see granted to the Peninsula, as
to its trans-marine Provinces, a Government which

he concludes as the only one that can yet justify
some hope, in this age of calamities. But in virtue
of his engagement of the (3d) 16th of November,
1818, his Majesty is bound to mark, with the most
forcible reprobation, the revolutionary measures set
in action to give new Institutions to Spain. Such is
the twofold idea which is found developed in the
annexed Answer, which the Cabinet of Russia has
made to the Chevalier de Zea, by order of kis Impe-
rial Majesty*. The Emperor does not doubt that ,
his august. Allies will approve its contents, and per- h.
hips they have already addressed similar sentiments
to the Court of Madrid. The same wishes may, in
fact, have inspired the same language, and convinced,
•like his Majesty, that crime must always yield per-
nicious fruit, they have doubtless deplored, as he has,
the- outrage which has recently tarnished the annals
of Spain. We repeat it, this outrage is deplorable.
It is deplorable for the Peninsula—it is deplorable
for Europe; and the Spanish Nation now owes the
example of an expiatory deed to the people of the
two hemispheres. Till this be done, the unhappy
Lobject of their disquietude can only make them fear
the contagion of her calamities. Nevertheless, amidst
ill these elements of disaster, and when so many
rtiotives combine to afflict the real friends of the wel-
fare of nations, may a better future still be looked
for! Is there any wise and redeeming measure, whose
effect may be to reconcile Spain with herself, as well
as with the other Powers of Euiope?
We dare not affirm it ; for experience has taught
us to consider almost always as an illusion, the hope
of a happy event. But, if we might trust the calcu-
lations which personal interest would seem bound to
indicate : if it were permitted to presume that the
Cortes would consult the interest of their own preser-
vation, it might be believed, that they would hasten
Ito extirpate, by a solemn measure, ll that is culpa-
ble in the circumstances which accompanied the
change of the Administration in Spain. The inte-
rests of the Cones are here identified with the interests
lef Europe. The misled soldiery who protectetV may
tomorrow assail them : and their first duty towards
their Monarch, their country, and theinSelves, seems
to be, to prove that they will never consent to legalize
insurrection. These are hopes which would not appear
to be without some foundation. The Emperor is
far from cherishing them : and if he•admitted the
possibility of a result so useful, he would make it de-
pend upon the unanimity which might manifest itself
in the opinion of the principal Powers of Europe, as
to the Act by which the Representatives of the
Spanish people ought to signalize the•opening of
their deliberations. Thisunanimity, always so power-
ful when it takes the character of an irrevocable deed*
will perhaps carry conviction to the minds of the most
eminent members of his Catholic Majesty ; and the
Allied Courts would seem to have an easy means of
impressing upon their language Web an imposing
uniformity.
Their Ministers in France have hitherto treated, in
their name, with a Plenipotentiary of the Court of
Madrid. Can they not now present to him' in com-
mon, observations, the summary of which follows,
and which would recal to the Spanisti Government,
the conduct, as well as the political principles, of the
Allied Monarchs ?

64 The Monarchs," would say the five Ministers,
" have never ceased to entertain wishes for the pros- '
perky of Spain. They will always entertain them.
They have desired, that in Europe, as in America,
Institutions conformable to the progress of civiliza-
tion, and to the wants of the age, might procure to
Ml Spaniards long years of peace and happiness.—
They desire the same at this moment. They have
wished that all these Institutions should become a
real blessing, by the legal manner in which they
should be introduced. trey new wish the same. .
" The last consideration will convey to the Minis-
ters of his Catholic Majesty, with what sentiments of
affliction and grief they have learned the event of the
Bth of March, and those which preceded it. Accord-
ingto their opinion, the salvation of Spain, as well
as the welfare of Europe, will require that this crime
should be disavowed—this stain effaced—this bad
example exterminated. The honour of such a repa-
ration appears to depend upon the Cortes. Let them
deplore, and forcibly reprobate, the means employed
to establish a new mode of Government in their coun-
try, and in consolidating an Administration wisely
constitutional, let them adopt the most rigorous.laiks
against sedition and revolt.
" Then, and only then, the Allied Cabinets will
be able to maintain a friendly and amicable relation
with Spain."
Thesc observations, urged in common by the Re-
; presentatives of the five allied Courts, would, from
thenceforth, demonstrate to the Spanish Ministry the
conduct which the Allied Governments "would ób-
t serve, in -east the consequences of the Bth of March
should perpetuate, in Spain, trouble and anarchy,.
If these salutary councils be listened to••••if the Cor-
• This refers to the" Note of the Imperial %Rattan Ministry
,e 0 the resident SparAish Minister," whidi &peered iu the &.'r
• of the 31st

tes offer to their King, in the name of the Nation. 3
pledge of obedience—if they succeed in e•tahlishin+,
upon durable bases, the tranquillity of Spain, ai!Li
the peace of Southern America—the Revolution will
have been defeated, at the very moment when it
thought to obtain a triumph.
If, on the contrary, alarms, perhaps too reason-
able, be realized, at least the five Courts will have
discharged a sacred duty—at least a New announce-
ment will have developed the principles, indicated
the objects, and displayed the scope of the Elm-..
pean alliance.
The Emperor awaits the answer of the Courts of
Vienna, London, Berlin, and Paris, to the communi-
cations which his Ministers have addressed to him on
this subject. He informs them, that the present
Memorial is the instruction which he has caused to
be dispatched to all his Ministers on the subject of
the affairs of Spain.

THE EVENING f.t it

LONDON.

THURSDAY, AUGUST 10, 1820.
MCI& Of STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK
Bank Stock 223
3 per Cent. Reduced 691/8
3 per Cent. Cons. 681 A 1 $
3i per Cent. 771/2 5/8-4 per Cent. 871/2 14
5 per Cent. 1031/B—Long Annuities 181/4
India Bonds 245. 25s.—Esc1i. Bills, 4s. ss: pre.
Cons. for Acct. 681/2 8/8

We mentioned, yesterday, that her Majesty Ilte
QUEEN had addressed an important letter to tLe
KING, on the subject of the pending proceedin,
which, it was hoped, would open the way to an aJ-
tittstment. The Tianes of this morning says, " that
the letter was delivered to the Km:, at Windsor.
Cottage, early on Tuesdaymorning. His MAJEsry's
messenger arrived with an answer at Brandenburt;ll
House about four o'clock of the same afternoon.
The QUEEN'S messenger was immediately dispatched
to Lord LIVERPOOL, and returned to Brandenburg!'
House, from his Lordship, at ten o'clock at night.

The fact of this correspondence having taken place
has given rise to strong hopes of its leading to an
amicable arrangement; and the 31orning Chronicle
tells us, that persons most nearly connected with
Office, affect to believe that the prosecution of the
Bill of Pains and Penalties is even yet to tie avoided."
We confess that, however glad we should be to par-
ticipate in such hopes, we de not participate in
them ; and we know well, that persons who are some-
' thing more than g 4 nearly connected with Office," be.
here no such thing as that the prosecution can or
will be avoided. We can well imagine that her 314•
JESTY might see the propriety of personally remind-
ing her Royal Spouse of many private matters, very
necessary to be kept in mind, in regulating his cm-
duct towards her, and of which she Might reason-
ably suppose his MAJESTY'S Minicefs might not
be. in, the knowledge;. and we can see also an
important object to be dived by getting his. MA-
igsTY to identify himself*/ Use ktter, as much as !e
is in spirit, with the prosecution against her MAJEETY,
before it is further persisted but after the length that
mattershave gone..-after the repeated failures at nego-
ciation whiCh have already taken place—and consider-
ing- how much less than what must now be sacrificed
*was before absolutely refused----it does appear to us,
that it-is not withirarirriiional probability to expect
from the negotiation. more than some such advantage
in point of relative position between- the two Royal
Personages as ;hat which we have last hinted at. If
any thing is yet to be done in the way of stopping
these deplorable prOceedings, it must be through the
medium of the House of Commons% in the form of
injunction, and not .negciciation ; but the House of
Lords will have met, and gone into the case before
the Commons can have an opportunity of making
any such wise and patriotic interposition.

It is said that an arrangement is making betweet
the leaders of all the parties in the House of Com.
mons, except the Ministerial, to ptesent the questief
respecting the QUEEN from being ever entertaind
within its walls.

The Paris Papers of Monday arrived thit
but they furnish little additional information from
any of the quarters to which the public attention II
at this moment so anxiously directed.

From Spain we learn, that en the night of the 25th
ult.
.the Cortes had a Secret and Extraordinary Si'
ting. Nothing had transpired concerning. its
inge, but a general inquietude prevailed; and
strangest reports *ere in circulation. An Order
the Day, posted up on the morning of the 27tbr
nouiked, • that the night patrols had orders to
all suspected persons whom they might meet a\
after eleven o'clock at night. The Ktric and
continued at the Baths of Sacedon all the
Members of the Royal Family were at Madrid.
. A letter from Vigo, dated the 17th (rather
'says; that the Chiefs of the maleottents had
the frontiers on the night of the 111th, to the nul
of -100 individuals, bet that a party of twen:y
diers Shad sufficed to disperse them, having 1
upon them; killed seven, :among whom was the
neral-in-Chief, and taken eleven prisoners.
Esrmosa had advanced at the head of a din
but learning that all was tranquil, he fell back
l'ontevedia he proposed going to Vigo.—.4:
letter, but of the same remote date, makes the
ber of Insurgents to amount to three thousand,
regards tlle affair as SO Vallaeolid letter.

is forenooni
ation from
attention if
of the 25th
rdinary
proceed'
!di and t:t
In Orde? of
to 27thi sr..
[II to arrest
fleet abrOXI
and Qval
11 the otbei
ladrid.
(rather elit
had passed
the nunitit
twen:y so!'
laving firt4
Was the Ge
rs. Genezi
a divi,iai
I back tire
D.—Another
tes the no,
nosalici, aid
lid ktter. •