The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-12-06 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.

SlR,—Your exertions in laying before the public the pro-
ceedings of the Dock Committee tempt me to trespass upon
your columns.
Amongst all the great improvements lately made, the ap-
pointing of Pier Masters, and Deputy Harbour Master, are
nothing, compared to one that is being made. Rooms are
preparing for the Secretary in the Custom-house, where he
will exercise the functions of Sir John Hall. This arrange-
ment, when completed, will give great facility to the trade of
the port. By inserting the above you will confer a favour.
A MERCHANT.
December 4, 1839.

The attention of our readers is directed to the following
communication addressed to Messrs. Rowland 901 Son, 20,
Hatton-garden, London, (whose advertisem appears in
another column :) Canterbury, Kent, Feb. .—Gentlemen,
I write this as a convinbing proof of th efficacy of your
M ACASSAIL OIL. For nearly three year my head was quite
bald ; during that time I tried several a ertised preparations,
but to no purpose. Your Oil belt* n high estimation in
this place, induced me to try it, and • a short time was won-
derfully recovered, and I have the easure to assert the Oil
contains those virtues which you xpress in your bills and
essay ' • in short, my hair was ne er so comfortable, is free
from dandriff, feels extremely pleasant, possesses a strong
curl, and is very thick. I shall make it my study to recom-
mend it, and you have my free will to publish this note.
Your obedient humble servant,

MARLES EDMOND COLMAN.

POPERY versus THE CORN LAWS.

(From the Conservative Journal)

O'Connell, the great political missionary of popery, is a
noisy opponent of the corn laws. Why is this ? The repeal
of the corn laws would add to the wretchedness of Ireland !
Nothing, therefore, but some great over-ruling motive could
induce O'Connell to join in the cry for a free trade in corn.
That over-ruling motive is to be found in his desire to ad-
vance the cause of popery—a desire which furnishes 'a key to
all his political movements. To that end, Mr. O'Connell
has lent himself to " Liberalism ;"—to that end, more espe-
cially, does he strive to remove from Biitish industry, the
last semblance of protection.
Political " Liberalism" has no natural affinity with the
tenets of Popery. Quite the reverse. Popery is essentially
despotic in its character, and tendencies. But the professi( n
of political " Liberalism" has, of late years, afforded to
men of the stamp of O'Connell, the most obvious means of
organizing the whole b►ute force of Popish Ireland against
the Protestant Chtirch, without imposing a necessity for
avowing other than political pretexts for their preparations
for violence—or other than political causes for the brutal
system of assassination by which Irish popery contrives to
lessen the numbers of " the heretics."
But while " Liberalism" has thus been converted
into an instrument for doing the work of popery in Ireland
—in England, the' convenience to O'Connell and his co-
adjutors, of the political course which they have chosen, has
been scarcely less striking. In the first place, the profession
by O'Connell, of " Liberalism," established a bona of seem-
ing sympathy between him, and the English " masses," who
might have attached little value to the agitrjor, in his cha-
racter of Irishman and papist. Sympathy on one point is
apt to beget sympathy on others; and O'Connell, when he
began to coquet with the English labourers, might fairly
hope, in time, to render popery (popery, in apparent alliance
with radicalism)—more attractive to the " masses" than
protestantism—protestantism, which resists the political doc-
trines that have recently found favour in the eyes of the dis-
contented poor.
There are yet other modes—modes scarcely at the present
moment, suspected by protestant conservatives—in which the
interests of popery may be advanced by o.'Connell's adhesion
to the cause of " Liberalism."

Let it he recollected, that the ends aimed at, by the "
phy-
losophical" Radicals, with whom' O'Connell acts, me, the
abolition of the Corn Laws—household suffrage—and the
hallot. No other schemes which Jesuitical ingenuity Might,
devise, could so well advance the interests of Popery, as these,
if they should be crowned with success. k repeal of the.
Corn Laws would uproot the Protestant Aristocracy—and
utterly ruin the farmers of England, of whom it may be truly
said, that they constitute the most thoroughly Protestant
portion of the community. Nay ' more : a repeal of the
Corn Laws, by throwing out of cultivation, nearly all the
arable land of England, would annihilate tithe, and all the
sources of temporal strength by which the Protestant Church
is upheld ! -Meat serviceable, therefore, is " philosophical"
Radicalism, if triumphant, likely to prove to the cause of
Popery !
The uses, to which the Papists would turn the triumphs of
" philosophical" Radicalism, would not, moreover, terminate
with the overthrow of the Protestant Church, and of the
Protestant Aristocracy. No :—the establishment of Popery
might be expected to follow almost as a matter of course.

If the Corn Laws were repealed--and the other changes
which we have indicated, effected—life and property through-
out England, would be deprived of all security. The esta-
blishment of a pens d'armerie would be necessary in order to
maintain even the semblance of respect towards the law.
Safe materials, it is obvious, could not, in such circumstances,
be found in England, for the composition of such a corps.
As, however, we have seen O'Connell within these few days,
offer to the Whigs, the "aid of live hundred thousand fight-
ing men"—so,.in the event of that utter disorganization:of
English society which would, inevitably, follow a repeal of
the Corn Laws, O'Connell would be found able and willing
to supply the materials of an armed police force, for the
purpose of " keeping down" the ruined Protestant landlords,
farmers, and labourers of this country. The Popish merce-
naries supplied by O'Connell and the Irish Priests, would
soon, it is obvious, be in the position of conquerors of England.
They would be enabled, in fact, to dictate a religion to the
triumphant f:ee-traders of whose property and lives these
Popish mercenaries would be the guardians.
O'Connell and the priests would, moreover, 'in the cir-
cumstances supposed, have yet other influences in reserve—
influences which would be found all-powerful with the order
of men who should, after the overthrow of the Protestant
aristocracy, become the depositaries of political power. That
order is the order of manufacturing capitalists—the whole-
sale buyers of labour. To that order of men, proclaiming,
as they do, that their " capital owes no allegiance to the
shores of England," and that the great end of legislation
ought to be the cheapening of labour ;—to those men, we
say, would O'Connell eagerly point out the mode by ich
the influence of Popery can cheapen labour—and yet keep
the starving labourer in a state of thraldom to the priesthood.
What Ireland has long been, in the matter of cheap labour,
England, as O'Connell would show, might soon be rendered,
simply by the establishment of Popery ; nor would the temp-
tation prove unavailing in the case of men who, as they boast
that " the whole world is their country," might soon be in-
duced to declare that religion to be the best which tends most
to abase the labourer to the level of a slave.

A repeal of the corn laws would tend directly to the over-
throw of• 'Protestantism ; and that, as we have endeavoured
to show, is the sole reason why the project of repealing the
corn laws (by which assuredly Ireland would suffer) finds
favour in the eyes of O'Connell.