Star.
London, England, 1829-11-03 00:00:00

L()N DON.

'OVEMBER 3.
AT TWO O'CLOCK.
India Bonds 61 3
South Sea Stock
Old Annuities'
£lOOO Exch. Bills (2d.) 74 5
£5OO Ditto 74 5
£lOO and £9OO Ditto 74 5
Commercial,
Bank for Acct.
C 0,.. far Do. 91
FORRIG \ FONDS, TWO OCl.tot K.

TUESDAY, N
PRICK OF STOCKS
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India Stock 20

Brazil Boacis,s pr Ct. 8.51 I
Do. Acct. 654
I) okli lids. Zp. Ct.

Ditto 100, 211
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_ . .
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BRITISH AND FOREIGN SNARES, TWO tl•rt..ii.K.

lONA lii lain. !ii OUSE.
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Real del Monte 400 400 80

PROPRIETARY BOROUGHS.

We publish in another column a letter on the subject
of Lord GROSVENOR'S conduct, in the management of
his proprietary boroughs: it bears the signature of A
MEMBER OF TILE LATE WIIIG CLUB, and we have rea-
son to know that it emanates from high authority. It is,
indeed, precisely because of this ascertained emanation,
that we are induced to reconsider some of our past epi-
thets, as applied to the political character of that Noble
Earl. We should be sorry to wrong the Noble Borough-
monger : we should regret, deeply, to do him one hour's
injustice. But let him not feel offended that we
designate him by that descriptive term, to which
in his own conscience he cannot refuse to answer,
constitutionally opprobrious though it be. After the
receipt of the letter which' we now make public,
we will no longer press the appellative of his class
against the noble Earl, as branding him with any per-
sonal shame : he shall stand clear before us throughout
the ensuing argument—nay, honoured foi his considerate
exercise of a corrupt preponderance—but we can never
consent to criminate ourselves, by mis-describing him.
The noble Earl, then—without disparagement to his
public virtue, let it be repeated—tho noble Earl is an in-

fluential, overwhelming boroughmonger. He holds in
his hands a power which the Constitution ignores, even
supposing that he does not work it against the Consti-
tution : but it ought not to be at the mercy of indi-
vidual arbitrament, to wield—or forbear from wielding—
engines of such corrupting influence. So jealous are
the old laws in this regard, that they hold it to be a high
misdemeanour in a PEER, to be found even interfering
in popular elections: and justly so, since—if they were
pitted to dictate to the people what members they
bald return to Parliament—the third estate of the
realm would suffer a virtual abrogation, and be swal-
lowed up in the whirlpool of the second : or, ra-
ther, to speak more to the point, the counterpoise
to the aristocratic power being taken away, the
monarchy would be left defenceless to its encroachments,
and the aristocracy become sole supreme. This is the
light in which to view the mischief resulting from pro-
prietary boroughs : by this process, the triple fence of
our old institutions has been overthrown, and bills and
charters have been made a mockery. The Government
of England, which—according to the Constitution—
ought to be administered by three equiponderant estates,
by these degenerate practices has become essentially
oligarchal, and is verging rapidly to unmitigated des-
potism. Like tabes, or phthisis, in the body physical, so
the borough system corrodes our political vitals ; and
constitutional deatfi—if we do not execind.the rottenness
—is imminent as inevitable.

The Noble Earl must. forgive us for this digression.
His perspicacious mind did not require such a picture
as ti 3 fore pin; to be held up, to capacit It I him
for comprehending all the depravity of which he himself
is one of the centrel buttresses. But the people cannot.
be too much familiarised with these ratiocination and
deductions, which will enable them to understand the
seat of the malady, and guide the application—for,
to be effectual, it must clearly proceed from them—
of the remedy by which alone it can be arrested.
A more forcible appeal, or a plainer illustration to
their capacities than the letter of our Chester corres-
pondent, cannot be well imagined. We mistake—he
says—the place for which Mr. EDWARD DAVEN-
PORT sits: it is not for the county of Chester, but for
Shaftesbury—" a borough under the influence of Lord
GROSVENOR !" This is plain speaking at all events;
there is no attempt to mince matters here—no phraseolo-
gical mystification of a fact, to announce which is to
proclaim that the Constitution is defeasant. EDWARD
DAVIES DAVENPORT does not, then, represent the
electors of Shaftesbury in the House of Commons, but
the interests of the Earl of Gaosveson. And
what interests has the Earl of GaosvENOR
there? None, constitutionally: but the territorial
predominance of the Noble Oligarch has made him
stronger than the Constitution in his precincts, and in
his magnificence he nominates Members to REPRESENT
ins PROPERTY, and vote as he pleases upon the laws
which are to regulate its possession. By this means,
any great borough-proprietor—whether Noble or Com-
moner—exercises an ascendency over the Minister for
the time being, more or less controlling, according to
the number of votes which he can marshal on a division
of the House: while, all Members—except those for
great cities, like London and Westminster, or great
places like Liverpool and Southwark—.who sit in Par-
liament as ostensibly returned by boroughs, do in point
of fat represent the PATRONS only, but not the popukt-
•R
gjea Of than pseudo-constituent electorates.
••.: • ,-..v.••• •

From this imperfect and hasty outline of the borough-
system, it may be inferred without any extraordinary sa-
gacity, with what a wide extended and irresistible activity
the proprietary principle works, to degenerate our an-
cestral forms. Human nature cannot produce the purity,
which is proof against such a power of deprava-
tion. Shall not, then, the pernicious system be
exscinded at the roots ? Now, while the State-vessel yet
maintains a difficult and precarious buoyancy—and the
growing storm has not yet rendered our life-boats un-
manageable—shall we suffer her to go down before our
eyes, overwhelmed by the waters of corruption? It cannot
be. The people's wrongs have roused them at last from
their dangerous torpor, and they are awakening just in
time to parry off the crowning calamity.
With the eulogy of Lord GROS V ENO a—as it respects
the noble Earl's forbearance of an unconstitutional privi-

loge—we do not quarrel : far from it, we wish that other
proprietors, while the system is permitted to endure,
would take a hint from his generous and high-spirited
xample. For generous and high-spirited it is—beyond
all question, or possibility of cavil—for any BOROUG lI-
MONO ER, possessed of such amazing preponderance, to
leave his nominees " free as the air they breathe, to fol-
low their own views of their duty." In our inference,
that Mr. DAVENPORT knew beforehand what would be
the tone and topics of his noble patron's speech—lrak !
pudor, that we should be forced on the phraseology— it
appears by our correspondent's letter that we may be mis-
taken. Let it be so. In either alternative, it can
not affect the exalted purity and patriotism of Mr.
DA VIES DAV EXPORT; who affords thus—in his own
person—an honourable and splendid illustration of the
self-denial and public virtue of the Noble Earl. It is not,
however, against LOId GROS V EN OR, that any of the fore
going remarks have been directed—but against the prin-
ciple of that oligarchal influence which it is unconstitu-
tional for him to possess—which he possesses, only by
corruption—and which, though he forbears to do so,
it is in his power and at his discretion, to turn to the
destruction of the State. It is a poor argument in favour
of unjust authority, to say that it is vested in a man who
will not abuse it to injustice : yet it was on this ground
that Mr. Houtoust —only in the last session—had
the effrontery to vindicate the borough system.—
No ; while it lasts, and men can discern—like Lord
GROSVENOR—the redeeming qualities which we look
up to in the Member for Shaftesbuiy, these are God
sends, and we receive them with gratitude : but not for
ten DAVIES DAVENPORTS—and we are not aware of a
purer patriot than he—would we compromise with the
principles of Corruption.

In giving the narrative relating the horrible treatment
experienced by the Spanish Patriots who took refuge in
Portugal, from the agents of the usurper, we reminded
the country that it was chiefly owing to the influence cf
England that the Spanish Constitution had been esta-
blished ; and that those who suffered persecution for their
support of it, were entitled to the strongest sympathy on
our part. Having followed up this assertion-with an ap-
peal to the Noble DUKE, which we thought calculated
to excite some attention, it is with extreme regret we have
heard it hinted that there is nothing to hope from the
sympathy of his Grace. This circumstance renders it
imperative on us to recur to the subject, and in doing so,
we trust that our efforts may not be altogether ineffectual.
The following facts will enable the public to judge of
the real situation of those unfortunate men who have
been forced to throw themselves on the humanity of
England. There are at this moment nearly eight
hundred exiles, besides an indefinite number of women
and children, scattered over the United Kingdom. Of
these, two-thirds consist of Priests, Deputies of
Cortes, Civilians, and Military Officers. The re-
mainder are composed of soldiers. Whatever may
have been the allowance hitherto afforded, we
are enabled to state that the funds arising from the
general subscription are now almost exhausted ; and that
there are several individuals, of high rank, living
with their families in the immediate vicinity of the
Metropolis, on pittances which do not amount to one
pound per week. Many others for whom no allow-
ance has been fixed, depend for the support of their mere
existence, on the scanty means which their more fortunate
companions in exile are enabled to afford. With respect to
the committee of Spanish officers lately formed to su-
perintend the distribution of the money subscribed for
the refugees recently arrived from Lisbon, it is called
upon to provide for ninety-nine persons--whose mere
subsistence leads to an expence of £3B a week.
The prospect of these may be conceived, when
we state that the whole of the funds remaining in
the hands of the committee, does not exceed 2001.
Here it should be remarked, that in a climate at
all times so different from their own, aggravated by
an• approaching winter, the whole of the Lisbon exiles are
totally destitute of warm clothing. It is almost needless
to say, that scarcely one of them is provided with a bed.
Under all these circumstances, we again put it to the
Government, whether some energetic step ought not
to be taken, in order to obtain an uncondi-
tional amnesty as well as a guarantee from
the Cabinet of Madrid, that the promises held cut
may be faithfully observed. In the mean time, is it not
incumbent on us to prevent these victims of their princi-
ples from perishing in the streets ? We think there
can be but one opinion on the subject. It has
been most impudently stated in a Sunday Journal
devoted to M. ZED BERMUDEZ, that those Patriots
who apply at the Spanish Embassy may obtain
passports. We admit that a certain class of the
exiles can ; but we ask whether they can do so with-
out a base abandonment of those principles which in-
duced them to emigrate? Such, indeed, are the degrading
conditions now proposed, that we are sure the patriots
would rather perish in a foreign land than subscribe to
them; and we honor these men for their firmness. It was
asserted by the psaegyrists of ZEA BERMUDEZ

tha Senor LA GAsca, a distinguished membtr
of the Cortes► has been allowed to return to Spain.
We are confidently informed there is not a word
of truth in this statement. Nothing in fact will be
done, unless the subject is more warmly taken up by
Ministers. In every case the benevolent and humane
of all parties, have a sacred duty to perform. Let us hope
they will on this occasion bear in mind the great maxim
of Christianity.