The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-05-03 00:00:00

THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL.

MR. CHARLES KEAN is engaged at this Theatre for
Ten Nights, being his FAREWELL VISIT TO LIVERPOOL,
previous to his departure for the United States, and will
make his fifth appearance this season
THIS present FRIDAY, May 3, 1839, when will be re-
peated Shakspeare's Tragedy of

HAMLET.
Hamlet Mr. Charles Kean.
The Ghost of Hamlet's Father....
Claudius.... Mr. Lynne,
Of the Theatre-Royal, Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, his first ap-
pearance here.
. Mr. Chaplin. I Osrick.. Mr. W. 11. Bland.
Laertes Mr. W. Howard.
The Queen.... Miss Cleaver Ophelia Miss Faucit.
To conclude with the popular Melo-Drama of the
TALE OF MYSTERY.
Count Romaldi....
'rancisco Mr. Chaplin. I Michelli Mr. Vivash.
Mrs. Baker.
Incidental to the Piece,
A PAS DE DEUX BY MR. AND MRS. J. RIDGWAY.
The Box-office will be opened daily, when. Tickets may be
ad, and Places taken, of Mr. PARKER, 'from Ten until
Three.

oratio

Selina

jP Zlimpool tanbarb.

FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 3, 1339.

In the Operative, a Chartist paper, which has been
recently started, we find the following atrocious lan-
guage, in an article signed by Bronterre O'Brien, one
of the members of the National Convention :—" There
is no use in mincing matters. The landlords and ca-
pitalists of this country, including the profit-monger
on the land, as well as the profit-monger of the fac-
tory, must either concede the rights of the people, or
they must be exterminated. Twenty millions of peo-
ple were not made to be either slaves or playthings for
these murderers. If the landlord opposes armed force
to the rights of the people, the landlord must be put
to death. If the capitalist opposes armed force to the
rights of the people, the capitalist must be put
to death. If the farmer, or any description of profit-
monger, opposes armed force to the rights of the peo-
ple, the farmer or profit-monger must be put to death.
We deliberately charge these several classes with being
wilful robbers, traitors, and murderers of the people.
We charge them with being traitors, because they have
usurped the sovereignty of this nation to the exclusion
of Queen as well as people. We charge them with
being wilful robbers and murderers, because nine-
tenths of their wealth is acquired solely by robbery,
and because there is not a large town in Great Britain
in which scores or hundreds of poor people are not
every year starved to death in consequence of their
robberies. The landlord produces nothing ; the capi-
talist produces nothing ; the farmer or profit-monger
produces nothing. 'Whatever service is rendered by
these classes to society (supposing them to render any)
is far more than paid for by their annual expenditure,
without allowing them one farthing to accumulate.
There is not a common pickpocket in society—there is
not a burglar, not a highwayman in the land, that does
not get his bread more honestly than the majority of

those monsters. What right have those assassins to
make laws for me, more than I have for them ? What
crime have I committed that my life and character
should be at their disposal ? What just reason is there
why my employment, or non-employment, should de-
pend upon their murderous speculations ? What right
have they to hang or transport our fellow-creatures, for
crimes not the one-thousandth part equal to their own ?
For crimes, too, that would never have been commit-
ted but for the greater crimes of those horrible mon-
sters ? I defy the power of man to show any cause—
to assign any reason—why those murderers should
hold the government of the country in their hands. I
could assign a thousand just reasons why they should
have no share whatever in the government. I have
only to point to the one hundredth part of their noto-
rious acts of felony and treason, to show that they
have no right even to live in the land. I could
adduce proofs strong as holy writ, to show, that, in-
stead of exclusive authority, they deserve to be driven
with fire and sword out of every community on the
earth." The real designs of the Chartist agitators are

here plainly and unequivocally avowed. Those designs
are of the most destructive character; and we very
much fear, unless the government of this country is
speedily devolved upon men of more firmness and ho-
nesty than the present imbecile ministry, that these
murderous designs will be carried into execution. We
have already to record an actual outbreak of Chartist
violence. It appears from the Salopian Journal that
these revolutionists have taken forcible possession of
the town of Llanidloei. We trust that an example
will be made in the punishment of these insurgents
that nay deter others from setting the laws of the land
at defiance. " There is no use in mincing matters"—
the Chartist agitation must be immediately crushed, or
the country will be deluged with blood.

Our radical contemporaries hasie repeatedly desig-
nated the Ribbonite conspiracy as a phantom of the
imagination. They have endeavoured to turn to ridi-
cule all the statements which have been published in

the conservative journals of Ireland respecting the out-
rages committed by the members of this treasonable
confederacy. They have, over and over again, echoed
the boast of O'Connell that this secret society has long
since ceased to exist. But what is the fact? We ven-
ture to assert that Ribbonism was never more prosper-
ous than it is at present. It has its ramifications over
the whole extent of Ireland. Its members (we speak
advisedly) have been selected by the executive as the
fittest objects of promotion in the departments of the
revenue and police. Acting upon the recommenda-
tions of O'Connell and his priestly associates, Lord
Normanby has almost exclusively appointed these re-
bels to different posts in the constabulary force of Ire-
land. A discovery has just taken place which proves,
beyond the possibility of a doubt, that these Popish

traitors have been thus invested with the authority of
officers under the government. The Carlow Sentinel
announces that two Ribbonmen have been actually de-
tected in the police force in the town of Gowran. These
men, whose names are Patrick Stafford and Daniel
Doran, are among the recognised chieftains of the
treasonable fraternity. It appears that Stafford, while
on his way home from Gousbridge, accompanied by a
Protestant policeman, and while under the influence of
liquor, divulged the secret of his being a captain of
_ _

Ribbonmen, and attempted to seduce his Protestant
comrade from his allegiance, into the ranks of this
Popish confederacy. On their arrival at the barracks,
the villain, imagining that he had secured his intended
victim, displayed certain papers containing the signs,
passwords, and the oath of a Ribbonman, to his com-

rade, whom he wished to name a day to have him
sworn in. The Protestant policeman immediately con-
sulted his superiors—the papers were instantly secured,
and intelligence of the discovery was forwarded to
Dublin Castle. A private investigation followed, when
the traitors acknowledged the truth of the charges pre-
ferred against them. The rebels were dismissed from
the force, and strict injunctions were given to keep the
matter a profound secret, lest it should reach the public

press. These two traitors were appointed to the force
at the recommendation of a Wicklow priest—another
proof .of the good understanding which
:subsists be-
tween the priests and the Ribbon conspirators. We
have no doubt that the inquiry now in progress before
the House of Lords will disclose many similar cases.
The apprehension of such disclosures may well ac-
count for the extreme sensitiveness of the ministers.
They may well dread an investigation which will prove
them to have been in league with traitors.

We have just been favoured with the " Report of
George Stephenson, Esq., on the Comparative Merits of
the Railway from Chester to Holyhead, and of that from
Wolverhampton to Porthdynllaen." As the subject is
one in which the holders of railway shares in Liverpool,
and especially the Grand Junction proprietary, are
largely interested, we offer no apology for indulging in
a few remarks on Mr. Stephenson's pamphlet. Our
readers may remember that, a short time since, a pub-
lic meeting was held at Shrewsbury, to take into con-
sideration the expediency of establishing a line of rail-
way from that town to Porthdynllaen, in Carnarvon-

shire. Resolutions were passed at that meeting ap-
proving of the scheme, and measures were immediately
adopted for carrying it into execution. Subsequently,
meetings have been held at Chester for the purpose of
forming a line from that city to Holyhead, as the more
eligible route for travelling to and from Ireland. The
directors of the Chester and Crewe Railway have taken
an especial interest in promoting this undertaking. Mr.
Stephenson has been engaged by them to examine each
of the routes, and to report thereon. In the pam-
phlet before us he has published the result of his ex-
amination. He proposes that the Holyhead line should
commence at the junction of the Chester and Crewe
Railway with the Chester and Birkenhead Railway, and
passing under Northgate-street, cross the canal, at the
south side of the dock and the River Dee. According
to Mr. Stepenson's plan, it then runs nearly parallel to
the river through Flint, Bagillt, Greenfield, by Mostyn
Quay, and pursues its course 2 little inland round the
flat land, avoiding Talacre Park to Rhyl, where it
crosses the river Foryd ; from thence across the
marshes, near Abergele, and nearly parallel to the turn-
pike road, leaving the Great and Little Ormesheads a
little to the right, and taking the low grounds by Nant
to Conway. It then crosses the river Conway, about
400 yards to the south of the bridge, and underneath
the castle wall on the west side of the town ; then runs
parallel to the turnpike road, which it crosses near the
toll bar, and continues its course over Conway marsh,
until it again reaches the coast near Penmaen Bach.
At this place a tunnel will be required passing through
the projecting rock of 500 yards in length. The line
then takes the margin of the coast to Penmaen Mawr,
continuing along the beach at this place for a short
distance. It then leaves the coast, and passes below
Aber, in a very direct line, to the corner of Mr. Pen-
nant's park wall, and under the turnpike road; and
thence in a direct line to Bangor. About 490 yards of
tunnel will be required before entering the city. It
then proceeds in nearly a direct line to Menai Bridge.
The route through Anglesea commences at the north
side of the bridge, and continues on the east and west
side of the turnpike road for about a mile, when it
crosses under the road, and continues over the marshy
ground between the monument and the Marquis of
Anglesea's lodge, to .Plas Llangaffo, running down to
Malldraeth. It then passes to the east of Aberffraw,
above Llangyran to Llanfaelog. The line then crosses
the Stanley Sands, and runs parallel to the turnpike
road into Holyhead.
The total length of the Chester and Holyhead line,
as above described, will be 85 miles. Of this distance
upwards of 40 miles will be perfectly level; while the
gradients throughout in no case exceed one in 272 feet.

n most instances they range from one in 400 to one

In 1,000 feet.

Mr. Stephenson next describes the Porthdynllaen

line, which commences at the cliffs near that place, at
60 feet above high water, and passes by Pwllheli,
Tremadoc, Harlech, Barmouth, Dolgelleu, and Drws
y Nant, to Bala, passing on the south side of the lake,
along the valley of the Dee, by Corwen, Llangollen,
and Pont y Cy ssyllte; to Chirk, and thence to the
Grand Junction Railway near Wolverhampton. The
total length of railway to make, from Porthdynllaen to
Wolverhampton, is 146 miles. Between the former
place and Chirk the line is level for a distance of 14
miles only. For upwards of 10 miles of the distance,