Star.
London, England, 1828-10-25 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

IRON THE JOURNAL DU COMMERCF, OCT. 22.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Sim 26.
Since the departure of the Sultan for the camp at
Tchefilk, troops, artillery, and provisions are arriving
there every hour. For the accommodation of the army,
the shopkeepers and artisans of the capital have received
orders to erect barracks in the vicinity of the camp,
which forms a well-furnished bazaar.

It is thought that the Sultan will soon set out for
Adrianople. The superiors and clerks in the Govern-
ment offices all Sleep in the Palace of the Seraglio, that
they may not lose their time in returning to their own
residences. All the members of the Administration
have assumed_ the military costume; the Ministers now
%%ear a shawl round their heads, a sabre at their side,
and pistols in their girdle, holding themselves in readi-
ness to march at the first notice.

The Sultan's Treasury has just been enriched by a
sum of 45,000 purses, or more than twenty millions of
piastres in money and jewels, by the death of the late
Governor of Scio, Emir Walled Pacha, well known for
the part which he took in the negociations for peace.
with England in 1809, and for his mission to Napoleon
(luting the campaign in Prussia, in 1807.
It is positively affirmed that Government has received
a telegraphic dispatch, announcing an engagement
between the Mussulmans of Patras and the brigade of
Getter.' Schneider, in which our troops had the ad-
vantage.
FRENCH FUNDS..--PAINS. OCT. 2g.—Five per Cents. 105 f. 20c.
25c. 50c.—Three per Cents. 74f. 15c. 10c. 15c.—Bank Actions,
1,835 f. I,B4oE—Denies de Naples, Cer. Falconnet, 79f. 10c. sc.
10c. 15c. 10c. 79f. sc.—Royal Spanish Loan. 793 /.—Rente Per.
petuelle d'Espagne, 49/, 50/. 49/ /.—llaytian Loan, 650 f. 648 f.
75c.—Exchange on London, one month, 251. 25c. paper, 25f. 25c.
muuey. Three months, 251. 15c. money.—Coors Author. Oct. 22.

SENT MEETING.

PEN E N DEN HEATH- FRIDAY EVENING.

At an early hour in the morning people began to
assemble on the Heath, and the preparations for the day were begun
by the arrival of waggon+ and vehicles of different descriptions on
the ground. The Shire House is a small shed situated in a hollow,
at the back of which there is a plantation, and the ground in front
rises in the form of an amphitheatre. A waggon immediately before
the building was appropriated to the !high► Sheriff, and from that
point a line of other carriages, in some places three deep, stretched
round a large open ring, appropriated to the people on foot, and
within which no horse was allowed to enter. A smaller space was
Inclosed immediately under the Sheriff's waggon for the convenience'
of the persons employed iu reporting the proceedings. On the right
of the outer ring were two waggons hearing large placards, with
the words el Civil awl Religious Liberty"--" 11. e Legislature, and
no Dictation from Clubs," Ste. These had been prepared by .the
Canterbury Committee of the Whig party. On the opposite aide,
the waggons were early occupied by Yeomanry with oak leaves in
their bats ; and shortly after ten o'clock a cavalcade of horses and
carriages arrived, with a band playing , GOD save the King," and
they were received with a general shout of cheering, and cric4 of
" bats off !"

At eleven o'clock, a very considerable body approached, with
mu►ic and a great number of banners; among the inscriptions on
which we observed, " Civil and Religious Liberty." en a blue if IC,
and" Catholic Emancipation," on a green one, which waved over
Mr. Spiel. These were ranged on the liberal side, and received
with shouts by ooe party and hisses 011 the other.
Placards were likewise about this time displayed on the Bruns-
wick side, one of which bore. " Idea of Kent, no show of hands
for Adjournment."
Sir Edward Enatchbull, the Member for the County, was the
first person who appeared on the Sheriff's waggon, and three cheers
were instantly given for bins, amid cries of No Popery," " Down
with the Blacking-bottle, &c.
The principal men on both sides now began to make their ap-
pearance.
On the Liberal side were the Earl of Jersey, Earl C-owper, Mr.
Wade, M.P. Colonel Wildman, Lord Teynliam, the Right Ho-
nourable Mr. Calcraft, 'M.P. Lord Radnor, Admiral Sit Henry
Blackwood, Lord Darnley, Lord Clifton, Mr. (the late Sheriff)
Winchester, Mr. Hodges, Mr. Bentley, &c. Ike. In their waggons
no banners were displayed, nor from them were any placards
circulated.

In the High Sheriff's waggon were the Marquis Camden, who
wore the riband of the Garter, Earl Amherst, Earl of Glengall,
and bud Brecknock ; neat them was Sit Edward knatchutill,
and them were then four or five wagguns on the left, in which
were the Earl of Vlncki.ea, Lord Sydney, Lord Le Despencer,
Sir E. Lrydges, and the other Gentlemen who were the promoters
of this Meeting. They bad no banners, but they all wore oaken
sprigs at their bosons.
The elide/Kid space within this circumference was filled by one
dense sm.'s of people. It is difficult to estimate numbers in such a
qpace ; but sonic c,timatcd the attendance at nu lei, than 100,0 GO,
others at 50,1'00: it is probable that the numbers present were nut
less than 30,000.

Some jukes were pointed at the different parties as they appeared
on the ground; the severest thing said against Hunt was an attack
upon his blacking; but the general bearing of the people as they
formed en the heath was orderly and good humoured. Some cried
" Where is Din O'Connell?—where is the As‘ociation ?" but there
was nobody disposed to answer these interrogaturies. After a
couple of hours had been spent in this way by the people,
At twelve o'clotA the High Sheriff, Sir 'F. AIAIIXON Wiue.ns,
Bart. appeared on the hustings and opened the business of the day.
He said that the object which they had met to promote was to
prepare a Petition to Parliament, praying that the Legislature would
adopt such measures as appeared best calculated to support the
Protestant establishment ut this kingdom in Church and State as
by law established—(llear, hear). He trusted that in the pro-
ceedings
of the day they would he tumid to maintain the dignity'
becoming men assembled for such a purpose—(!sear, hear). Let
there be no interruption. Let no tupic be introduced foreign to
the business before them, and let every man receive a Lair and im-
partial hearing, who thought fit to address them upon the requisi-
tion. in pursuance of which he had convened this meeting--(Hear).
The UNDZIL Surßire then read the Requisition which had led
to his calling this Meeting: It was drawn up In nearly the same
words already used by the Hiatt Surairr in referring to it. He
afterwards read the following letter, accounting for the absence of
111 r. Honewoon, one of the County Members :
" Mark's Hall, Oct. 21.
_ _ _

" Sia—My brother would have written to you, but I am sorry
to say he is very unwell; be fully intended to have been at the
Meeting on the 24th instant, ani regrets extremely that it will slot
be in his power to attend. You well know how strongly be feels
on the subject, and therefore you may suppose how much he is
mortified at being absent on such an occasion, when nothing but
indisposition would have prevented him from opposing, as he ever
has done, all measures so much at variaocr with our civil and reli-
gious libt-ties. I have the honour to remain your oh, dient servant,
" To J. H. Darrant, Esq." " E. 110 NY WOOD.
Mr. GIPPS then carne forward to claim the attention
ofthe meeting. lie said it was mist gratifying to him
lo be surioutuled by so many of his fellow countr) men
on this auspicious day—(Cheers). To see such an as•
semblage peaceably met together, to discuss one rf the
greatest questions which could affect the liberties of their
count: y, was to him indeed a gratifying sight. He hoped
then from them a patient heating ; that was all he asked,
and it was what no man could ever ask in vain front
Englishmen—(Cheers). Nothing would have induced
hint to come for ward in so promitient a manner, but the
conviction of the nectibity there now was of bringing
to issue the great question which had so long been
bandied about among them—which had been, as it were,
for years tossed to and km without a pilot or a rudder.,
and Hung from party to patty without being productive
any definite result—(A cry of .. "Its time to settle it,"
which was immediately. re-echoed by the opposite party.)
He claimed their indulgence only as lung as lie spoke

with temper—(Hear, hear); and if he was betrayed for
a moment from such a feeling, he would willingly
crave their pardon for such au improper use of their
time. It was incumbent on him to say, that the object
of this meeting had been grossly maligned; the pro-
moters
had been charged wah int derance—(Cries of
" Yes," from one side, and 46 No." from the other).—
they had been charged with stirring up civil strife, and
he knew not what in fact their opponents had failed to
ascribe to them. What, is it possible for men meaning
what they did, to permit such vilification to pass un-
contradicted ?—(No, no). Was it possible that they who
only asked to be permitted to enjoy in peace the coast'
moon which their forefathers had handed down t •
them, to stiffer with impunity such charges, as that
they meant to resist all kinds of enlightened improve.
ment ? He saw held up, as if in opposition to his
side of the question, the banners of civil and reli-
gious liberty ; but he would tell his opponent ~ that
that was the motto under which he and his friends
fought.—(Cheers, and a universal waving of hats,
with cries of civil and religious liberty,—all parties
joined in the expression of this sentiment.) For
that great cause," resumed Mr. Gippo• 46 we con-
tend as our ance.tors did, and for that we must tri-
umph"—(ltenewed cheers). The question before them
that day was, whether they should petition Pailiament
to give expression to that feeling ?—(Hear, hear, and
some interruption of " No, Gipps, you want monopoly").
He intrcated they would not interrupt him—he was
unused to public speaking, and he knew there were
many more experienced speakers present, who would.
give them the benefit of their opinions on this occasion.
All he asked was—what he was ready to give to others
—a fair hearing—(Hear, heat). He would not contend
before them that the Catholics of England. in the pee-
sent day, were like those of the time of Queen Mary.
He did not fIICAII to say that the present race of Ca-
tholic Gentlemen in England would, if admitted to
power to-mot row, do as bloody Mary had done—(Cries
of "They would," and " They would not"). GOD forbid
he should impute to them a disposition to perpetrue
such barbarity. Nevertheless he must say, that were
they admitted into places of power, the threshold of
the Constitution would be from that moment passed—
(Hear). He did not mean to say, that even if this took
place, the age of persecution would re-appear ; yet he
was bound to look to principles, and not to men, and
in the Catholic religion he beheld nothing but intole-
rance—(Cheers). When he looked to Ireland, an I saw
what was daily passing there, how else could he think ?
When he saw tl:e use made of spiritual agency in that
unhappy country—when he saw what had been done
by the Catholic Association and their agency—when
he saw that Mr. O'Connell bent his knee in devotion
before his fellow-man when on his way to the bustiags
in the county of Clam, he could not shut his eyes or the
dangerous the to which the Catholic religion was con-
vertible. When he saw the Irish brought up like the
flocks of the field, lint by the shepherd, to be piotecred,
but to be fleeced by the shearers, what el e could he
see than a fatal spirit of dominion, the progress of
which would be fatal to Protestant Biwa,/ ?—(flear,
hear). The religion of the Catholics, as Dr. Dayle had
truly raid, was temporal as well as spit itital—(Cries
of 4C Yes," and " Na," fi om the two parties.)
(Cobbett here said something, and he was assailed by
cries of o Tom Paine, Old Bones," and oil er epithsts).
Well then, he would appeal to history. Was not the
Constitution settled in the year 16S8 in the most so.
lemn and conclusive marine' ? Was not King James
compelled to abdicate the et own, and did not tlieWhios
take the lead in his exclusion, because he war,trd to
supplant the British Constitution, and make it Catholic ?
—(Yes, yes). Fur the maintenance of that Constitution
King James had been dethroned ; for it their ancestors
had fought and bled; and then with joy and exultation
handed down to their postirity a Constitution which
was the envy and admiration of the world—(Cheers
and interruption, and cries of No Popery). They were
bound to leave such a Constitution unimpaired for those
who must follow them; they were bound to preserve
for otters the blessings which they so der:ly prized
themselves—(Cheers, in which both sides again con-
curred). Pray, what did any class of teligionists in this
country now want? Didahey not, whether Dissenters
or r tier wise, possess the full benefit of toleration? Could
the) not all worship GOD in their own way without in-
terruption, just as well as sound Churchmen could?—
(Hear, hem.) But they had heard that sonic securities
could be devised for Catholics. He wished to. Goo lie
could devise any which would answer the real put-
pose. He knew he could not, or he would grant
Catholic Emancipation with all his heart ; for nothing
shoit of absolute necessity would prompt him to ex-
clude any fellow-rubject from the full enjoyment of
his rights (Here coeers and some inter; option).—
It was said that the great man at the head of the pre-
sent Government, the Duke of Wellington, wished to
settle this question ; perhaps that Minister could do so
as it ought to be done, but lie (Mr. Gipps) could nor—
(Laughter sold applause). What securities could Bo-
man Catholics give to this Protestant State—(A cry of
None, and of Yes, with exclamations of They look upon
us all as heretics, met with others of 'Tis all a lie). They
hold to a foreign allegiance--(Here again mingled inter-
ruptions Yes and No). Dr. Doyle himself declared the
infallibility of the Catholic Chui ch, and that if' even the
Pope made any concession, his successor in the chair of
St. Peter would not be bound by it. He gave the Ca-
tholics lull credit for the sincerity of their belief, and
he only imputed to them what was natural for m.n to
do, according to the general impulse of human nature :
they would of coui se wish to undo the Established
Church of their opponents—(Cries of They shan't upset
us, met leith exclamations of Who wants to upset you ?)
He would leave the decision to this great meeting,
only reminding them that while the Catholics openly
refused to allow Protestants to legislate in any manner
tor the rechurch, they did not hesitate to claim permis-
sion to have some rule over the Establishment. They
would not allow England to deal with their church—
(A cry of who wants to deal with it? we want none ol
it). Ile admitted it would be a happy day when this
question could be fit ally set at rest—(Cheers). What
hoist could there be upon Catholic allegiance ?—(Ci we
of, the law and their interest). The safest way would
be to hold fast to the Constitution; there, and there only,
would they act wisely; to temporize would be to de-
, ceive. Ile had a great dislike to trespass upon their
Mime, but there was one tiring of which he must remind
them, namely, the perilous situation of their brethren
of the Protestant religion in Ireland—(Loud cheering).
la England the Protestants would be comparatively

sate, if the Catholics even got wh..t they sou.,;ht f ;
ut how would it he in Ireland ? There cieir lit etnien
(the Protestants) %sonic!, on the very r ext d y, feel the
fatal effects of this dangerous departure from the policy
of their ancestors. S:e the th'eats rf the Catholics
themselves—see their denuncia i ns agatrist the Pro-
testatit religion—see the war m iverrients of the Ca-
tholic Associati-n, with the Priests at their head, avow.
edly aiming at the subversion rf the Protestant religion
—(Cries of Hear. and No). There was. he had heard,
a Gentleman (Mr. Cobbett) who came from a distance
to enlighten them as to their duty: he hoped they
would give that person just as good a representation
on the Heath, as he understood he had received on his
entrance into Maidstone yesterday. They had before
them better advisers in the experience of history, in the
instance of the rebellion cf Ireland, where sonic (f the
Priests led their bands against the King's troops ; they
had besides their own good sterling commuu sense,which
was a safer guide than the declamations of itinerant
orators-. (A cry of " Ay. and take that Old Gridiron,
you and your Indian corn "). Ile would now conclude
by reading the petitiOn. It shouli he generally distil-
huted for signatures through the county, so that every
Kentish man Who pleased cr uld put a shoulder to the
a heel. Toe worthy Gentleman then concluded by
reading the following petition,which he moved fr.r their
adoption :

" To the Ilonnurable the House of Commons, &c. the humble
Petition of the undersigned Freehtdders of the Cirri-4y of
Kent, sheweth
" That your Petitioners beg leave to express to your Minot r.
able }louse their sense of the blessings they enjoy under the Pro-
testant Constitution of these Kingdoms, as settled at the Remo-
lotion.

" Viewing with the deepest regret the proceedings wh!ch have
for a long time been carrying on in lie Pal. your Petitioners feel
themselves imperatively called upon to declare their stroll and
inviolable attachment to those Protestant principles which have
proved to be the best security for the civil and religious liberty of
these kingdoms.

" They, therefore, approach your Honourable Howie, humbly
but earnestly praying that the Protestant Constitution of the United
Kingdom may be preserved entire and inviolable."
PLUMTREE, ESQ.—That Gentleman, who wou'd
have seconded ihe motion which I have now the honour
of seconding, I mean ►llr. Charles Ward, a beau sif the
old school—((heat applause)—firm and faithful to those
principles which have placed and niaintained the teigns
' mg Family on the Throne—(Bravo, bravo). That Won•
Gentleman has been prevented, by the serious illness of
a near relation, from occupying the situation I now hid.
Brother freeholders, we ate met together at a mot mo-
mentous crisis, upon a most important subject. The
question before us is, in its very essence. that of cisil
and religious liberty—(llear. hear). We meet together
not as Noblemen and Geotlemen, oittinguisimd as such,
nor as rich and poor—not as men of East Kent and
01 West Kent. but we meet as the Protestant inha.
blunts of this noble county. We nice' together, hum-
bly but earnestly undictated to, but unhesitatingly to
petition Parliament to maintain entire, undivided, and
inviolate, our religious Protestant C.nstitution. li.ha•
bitants a Kent and Brother F►eehn!,'ers 1 1 fcel :hat
nothing can be said more than has been said. again and
again, upon this m• st important sohjecr. I feel thn rt
is not necessary, that it is not desiratoe, to trespass upon
your time. I now pray you to be loyal to your King,
be firm to your Constitution, above all he faithful to
pour (ion—(llear)—and this great country shall yet
flourish, fiee and Brett, the glory f Vits Piot Id. I have
the sii.cere4 pleasure in seconding the motion put by
toy Nobie Friend—(lncreased applause).

Lord CAMDEN now presented himiet to tl:e Meeting,
and said—Mr. High Sheriff, and By th-r Freeheldet
those who may address this Meeting may probably say,
that they have thought it an impera ive duty to attend
the meeting called upon by this requisition. I am about
to tell you the reasons 1 have attended, because I tliiak
—(Cries of no atijnoitnment)—becanse I think that it in
general is not my duty, standing as I do, to attend meet.
ings 01 this description, and to say at toe same time I
am quite aware of the respectability, as well at the
numbers of those woo attend it. Gentlemen, 1 Lad the
honour to receive a letter firm a Noble Friend of n
—a Noble Earl whe» 1 see not far hero n e, to inform
me that a meeting was about to be held,. and telling
me that he apprehended that I, as well as he, must di:,
appiove of tie meaonef of the Catholic Association. I
told my Noble Friend, that I thougt.t th.t It, use in
'which I happened to have a seat was the proper ~lace
to deliver my sentiments—(Heat)—that I sheuld m t
attend that meeting. 111 had known IA hAt was :n hate
been peptised at that meeting, 1 believe I should ha...e
been there, because I would rather have declared my
disapprebation If what pasted there helm e it terok place
than since it has formed itself into the shai e that it
now has. Gentlemen, I am desirou-, and in what
I shall have to say to ru shall eneeavour to ex-
press myself with as much moderation as possible.—
(Cries of 44 Bravo r ) 1 have been for thirty years
engaged in difference of opinion, but never i t contro-
versy on this question—any thing like controversy.
can as..uie those who hear nte, that though upon this
occasion I may differ from others, and from the manner
in which this meeting has been opened, I feel I must do
so, yet we have lived together, arid I would live, in in.
timacy and friendship with all around me. Let us, for
GOD'S sake, when we have done wh..t we think cur duty
upon this Heath, unite in every thing advantageous to
this great and respectable county. Do not let those
op pions which must and ought to be discussed at Par-
liament, do not let what may be said upon them here,
make any difference either in our feelings or conduct
hereafter—(Bravo)—Gentlemen, I tioubted long, as
many lion. Friends of mine well know, 1 doubted long
whether I should invent myself to your notice at this
meeting. But when I saw the manner in wtich the
requisition was brought forward, I really thought it a
duly for a man who has been coni.eced in sonic degree,
and in a great degree, with this question for 30 years,
and who has been in the offices which I have titled, not
to be prevented front offering myself here ; for, nctwith.
.t sliding the violent and intemperate language used
by the Catholic Association, and notwithltanditog some
loyal effusions which have come trona Gent! men cf
another description—(Hear, hear). Gentlemen. I don't
know whether 1 shall the you to going ever a short
letter that I wrote in 1797, SI years ago, to Mr. PAC
upon this question. (The Noble Lord here read a copy
of the letter, which he stated bad been read in the
Lords on a iormer occasion). His Lordship, at the
time alluded too sate in his Majesty's Cuuncil with Mr.

Pitt, Lord Grenville, Lord Spencer, and many other
distinguished personages, and since his retirement trills
office had uniformly supported the measure of Eman-
cipation. Was he likely to be diverted f•om his (pillion"
by what might be stated here, in a manner scarcely lo
be distinctly heard ? He nog! t, and he could assure
the Meeting he did. ent. ruin the a armest affrctioa•
for many who had etiteied into what he would take the
liberty of describing as an it must've—(t•ler,
of hear, hear, turn him off, turn him off.) If the Clu.)s
which had assumed the names of the Bruns.. ick Clubs
--(hear, hear, from the Catholic side of the meeting)
are not numerous—(cries of "they will be")—they are
impotent—(hear from the Catholic side) if they are nu-
merous, the question is, are they dangerous? They
can only mean to do that of which we complain—(ap-
plause, and continued hissing). They can only mean to
dictate. Is not that what was complained of in the Ca-
tholic Association? We should be glad if the meeting
would hear a person (Mr. Shiel) describe what they
themselves thought of their proceedings—(Cry of "tor
shame, my Lord.") He bad heard a person call him a
radical. He had taken a line the radicals never ap-
proved of. It was not likely he should at his time of
life change his principles, but a change in politics had
taken place. A personage whose name be could not
mention, no longer considered it a party question.—
This question, say what they would, was gaining
ground—(No, no). When the time came, there would
be a change in the policy. He would oppose the peti-
tion. The words, "that the Constitution remain invio-
late," implied that there was to be no change in the
principles of the Constitution—no concession. if that
was the meaning, he would not support the petition.
He thought it his duty to appear as an independent
man, and state, that at the proper time this question
ought to be conceded.
Lord DAIRNLILY next addressed the meeting, but was
for some time inaudible owing to the noise. He said,
that not only as an English, but also as an lush pro-
prietor, he stood before them ; and on behalf of the lat-
ter country, which he stood there to represent, he so-
lemnly protested against the substance of the Resolu-
tion which had been proposed to them. He was nearly
and dearly connected with Ireland, and he would ask,
if that country was not already sufficiently inflamed,
without having a meeting called of the freeholders of
Kent to throw an additional firebrand into that mine of
gunpowder ?—(Cheers.) He called upon the meeting to
weigh well the question before they came to a decision.
The Resolution was couched in rather general terms,
but the purport of it was to call upon the Legislature
to exclude for ever their Catholic fellow-subjects from
the benefits of that Constitution of which they so much
boasted. You are called upon to act upon false pre
tences—(Cries of No, we do not want the Pope). The
Catholics have errors of faith, as I believe; but then
they conscientiously believe in those errors—but what
of that, if they are possessed of as much devotion, and
as much loyalty, as the rest of his Majesty's subjects—
(Cries of No, no, they are not). The Noble Load bad
told them that he had advocated the cause of Catholic
Emancipation for a period of thirty years, and he (Lord
Darnley) had done the same; and GOD forbid that he
should lose any opportunity of stating shortly in con-
viction, that they, the men of Kent, were deceived—
(Cries of No, no, you are deceived). You believe, be-
cause it might have been necessary to exclude Catholics
from the full benefit of the Constirsilion at the time of
the Revolution, that the same necessity exists still; but
such was not the case, for at that period the Catholic
raligion was intimately connected with arbitrary power
—(Cries of we don't want faggots). Much had been
said of the cruelty and intolerance of the Catholics in
the time of Mary, but be felt bound to deny that the
Catholics of the present day entertained such feelings ;
they no longer entertained hostility to civil and religious
liberty—(Cries of they do). One point he must draw
their attention to. It bad been said that Emancipation
would be dangerous to the Constitution; but he knew
something of Ireland, and he would ask the meeting,
it there was no danger in driving the Catholics to mad-
ness ? Was it not more dangerous to do that than to
adopt a measure by which, perhaps, one half-dosen (cer-
tainly not more) of Peers would be admitted to the House
of Lords, and about 15 or 20 to the House of Commons?
Allusion had been made to the power exercised by the
Catholic Association, and by the Catholic Priesthood;
but he would ask, why it was that the Catholic Asso-
ciation and the Priests possessed this power ?—(Cheers.)
Because they had no other resources to obtain a re-
newal of their civil rights—(Cheers). It was the people
led the priests, and not the priests the people—(Cheer-
ing). Let the people then be restored to their rights,
and property would resume its natural sway, if they
were admitted with a good grace; but it they were re-
tained until they were compelled to restore them, the
consequences might be vet y different. He was persuaded
that the Catholics could not abuse the power that would
be granted them it they would; and he was equally
persuaded they would not if they could—(Cheers). Ire-
land was now quiet, and why was it so? It was be-
cause of the exertions of that very Association which
they had vainly attempted to put down. He told the
Members of the Legislature, if the grievances of Ireland
were not speedily settled they would have to conquer Ire-
land again, and then they must look to their pockets: the
Noble Earl appealed, not to their fears, but their justice.
The Roman Catholics asked for rights to which they
were entitled—(Cries of "No nor) Those who were
In Ireland in 1792w0u1d know that Government pledged
themselves to remove the complaints of Ireland. Six
months after Dumonrier invaded Holland, and the Ca-
tholics enabled the Duke of York to oppose him. A
freeholder bad told him there was danger in making
concessions to Ireland ; but was there a man in his

senses that could believe that to be the f cc? E igland
and Ireland united might defy the world—(So we col
now.) The Noble Lord said he was in the discharge of
an important duty, and he should say that it. was dis-
graceful to those who set on foot u.ese unfortunate
Clubs, for so he must call them. He gave his Noble
Friend credit for the purity of his motives ; but be
thought that the Constitution would be best preserved
by gibing civil and religious liberties. His hope was,
that the Mewing would consider well what was asked—
(Cries if We have, we have !) Where did these Bruns-
wick Mb, take their origin ?—From the Jacobins of
Fi ance—tFor shame, my Lord). The Noble Duke at
the head or has Majesty's Government would act wisely
in conceding the ci .ems made by his Irish countrymen.
The Earl of %.% i•CHILSZA then touk off his hat, and
bowed to tire Mt rung. He was received with an owe,-
powering shout o! rii,pfause, and by the waving of hats
and houghs from a vast majority of the Meeting. His
Lordships reception seemed to strike the opposite patty
with confusion, and they only ventured a few hisses,
winch were instantly drowned in the renewed acclama-
tions of the people. As silence was about to be restored,
it was observed that Mr. Spiel was.attempting to make
himself heard, and it was not until some rn.siks of in-
dignation began generally to be expressed, that he gave
way. The I.arl of Winchilsea then proceeded to speak
as follows Men of Kent, and Brother Freeholders 1

II am standing before you this day in ,the Proud charne-
-1 ter of a freeholder of the county of Kent—(Cheers) —a
county which. I will boldly assert.-(Here some hetet-
itiption occurred., and his Lordship said,
inet
at
Chit a+
he
other side had met with a fair and pat
had no doubt he should experience the same treatment.
All be asked was Oat ;and he assured any Gentleman op-
posed to him that be would use any little
might possess to insure the same attention to any thing
he might wish to address to the Meeting). fits Lord.
ship then prnceeded :—I stand here as a freeholder of
county—notwithstanding that it is charged with
il-
lib-rality by Gentlemen *Too:lie—second to none for
high .minded principles, and for the m"st liberal prac-
tice in all its dealings—(Great cheering). And I trust
and believe that the county of Kent will this day show
by its almost unanim, us voice, that as it was formerly
the last to surrender the liberties of the country to the
arms of a victorious foreign Monarch, so they will now
he the first to stand up in support of that Constitution
whose basis is founded upon civil and religious liberty,
and whose blessings this country has now so long and
so happily enjoyed—(Cheering). In offering the few
observations which I am now about to submit to you.
I desire distinctly to state, that in withholding my vote
from any proposition for granting political power
to the Roman Catholics in this empire, and thereby
enabling them to legislate for a Constitution which,
both in its temporal and spiritual character, they
were bound by the principles of their religion to
use their utmost efforts to destroy—(Cheers)—l so.
lerunly protest that I, should be influenced by no feel-
ing of personal hostility to the members of that church,
either collectively or individually—(Hear, hear). How
could I entertain any such feelings? With many of the
members of that church I am living on terms of intl.
macy, and I do hope that the sentiments of cordiality
which exist between them and me will not be lessened
by any thing which may pass here this day. Brother
Freeholders, my opposition to any concession does not
arise from hostility to the members of the Roman Ca-
tholic Church, but to its principles—(lmmense cheer-
ing)—which principle,, by denying to a man the right
of exercising private judgment, militate against the
very essence of all civil and religious liberty—(Loud
cheers, and waving of hats). To those principles I al-
ways have been opposed—to them I am now opposed,
and to the last hour of my lice I will contend that the
members of such a church shall not be allowed to le-
gislate fur the free and liberal institutions of this coun-
try—(Cheers). I will not occupy your time here by
referring to the darker pages of our history for exam-
ples of cruel bigotry and intolerance to which the prin-
ciple; of the Roman Catholic Church has led. And
when I allude to those records of past deeds, far be it
from me to impute that a similar spirit of intolerance
now animates the hearts of those who are favourable to
the measure of Catholic Emancipation. I will not waste
your time, nor do I wish t r harrow up your feelings by
recounting the many melancholy scenes of cruelty and
oppression which marked the period when political
power was vested in the hands of the followers of that
' Church. 'lf I wished to do so, sufficient and ample
testimony could be found in that part of our history
which intervened between the early struggles of the
Reformation, down to the period of the glorious Re-
volution of 1688, to show that political power never
could be conceded to the Church of Rome without sa-
crificing the freedom or the security of the Constitution,
and that the result of all such experiments ended in the
expulsion from our shores of the bigotted family of the
Stuarts, and in placing the sceptre of these realms in
the hands of the House of Brunswick, whose members,
I trust, w ill never abandon that Protestant Constitu-
tion. or endanger the existence of those principles of
religious liberty which they have bound themselves
upon the altar of their (ion conscientiously VI maintain.
I have been accused of incorporating myself in a Club
which presumed to dictate to the Government the line
of policy which it ought to adopt and pursue. I can
honestly aver that such a charge is neither founded in
fact, nor justified by any thing which has emanated
from the Club of which I am a member. All we have
said, and all we say that we admire, we love, we re-
vere our Protestant Constitution, and that we will do
every thing in our power to preserve it entire_(" We
will, we will I") We are charged with intolerance, and
the great body of the freeholders of this great county,
and of the empire, are to be charged with intolerance
for this, because the Constlution excludes Roman Ca-
tholics from political power. If any one will- prove to
me that political power is the inherent right of every
subject, independent of all qualifications, then I shall
be ready to admit that I am guilty of refusing Ihe
Roman Catholics their just rights when I support their
exclusion from certain offices in the State. But is there
any one who will ease. t that such tight can be admitted
in any system of Government? and do we not all know
that all trusts of char nature must be held under certain
conditions, which provide for the security of their exe-
cution ? And if any body of men refuse to comply
with chore conditions, they are excluded with strict jus-
tice ftonn holding places of trust and office under a
Government to which, it it is natural to believe, they
are unfriendly or opposed. The Roman Catholic and
the professor of any other religion, is left in this coun-
try in the rift enjoyment of his religions opinion, of his
liberty, and of his wealth and property If any law
excluded him from these, I would be the fist man to
stand leeward in support of its tepeal —(Clii ers).—
When I hear of intolerance, I am contented to
appeal to those who are beat acquainted with my
character, and to ask them in what I have ever
showed myself an intolerant person ?—(Cheering).-
-I will appeal to those who are about me and under
me, and I will challenge any man to point out an act
of my lite in which any man ever received from me a
greater or a less share of favour on account of his reli-
gious opinions—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Never").
I have conscientiously opposed this concession, and will
oppose it until the Church of Rome shall have aban-
doned those principles so hostile to our free Constituticn
—until its followers have renounced that allegiance to
a foreign Power,.spiritual though it be—and I know
that there can be no spiritual influence which does not
in some degree extend to temporal affairs as well—un-
til that change has taken place, I never can consent to'
change our Constitution—(Veliement cheering, and
cries of " No, nor will we; never, never"). These are
the grounds, Gentlemen, upon which I have always
been the opponent of Catholic Emancipation—(Cheer s).
And let no man deceive you with the vain assertion
that the Church of Rome is different to what it formerly
was, and that its principles are changed. If so, lit
those who make the assertion now come forward with
the proof of it. Let them show me by what act they have
renounced those doctrines and principles which are in-
compatible with our liberties, and I am prepared to
meet them upon the point. Where is the evidence ut
such a change? If we look to the state of Spain, do
we find the proofs of such a change there, where the
people are kept down in ignorance by as dreadful
sytem of bigotry and intolerance as ever existed on the
earth? If I look to the thraldom in which the Irish
peasantry are kept by the Catholic hiestbood, do I find

the proofs of such a change there ? No. no"). No
Gentlemen, there is no chAnge, for these principles are
unchaingeable-s—(" None at all"). Let me also caution
you not to be deceived by the idle that pay
measure of concession to the Catholics will give trans
quillity to Ireland. Let me ask you, would the admis-
sion of a few person+ in the higher ranks to a few offices
give food to the miserable and starving population?
Would it give clothing to the naked ? 1 say that this is
a deception attempted to he practised upon you and
upon the people of Ireland, to keep from you and from
them the real causes of their suffering. Let those who
advocate the cause of Ireland come forward with a
measure calculated to afford her relief, by compelling
all who possessed property there to circulate at least a
part of it in the country where it is producei, and I will
give that measure my most cordial support. Gentle.
men, we are charged with disturbing the peace of the
country, and with increasing the bitterness of patty feel-
ing. But what has been the state of the Protestants of
Ireland long before the establishment of any Brunswick
Club whatever? 1 will refer you to a paper, and it
s'tall be circulated amongst you, which was in existence
before the Protestants were roused to a sense of their
danger, by meeting it upon their very threshold. I
hold in my hand a paper, which two years ago, long
before any Bs unswick Club was formed, was distributed
in the town of Drogheda, in Ireland; and it is a list of
those persons with whom, they being honestly opposed
to the concession of their claims, no Roman Catholic
was permitted to deal, under the pains and penalties of
his religion—("Shame, shame" and groans). Does this
mark the tolerant spirit of the Church of Rote?—
(Loud cheering). If it does, then I am mistaken in my
understanding of its meaning. Gentlemen, I can con-
scientiously state that I have come here to-day with the
desire of supporting the most moderate Petition which
we can send to Parliament, consistently with the dig-
charge of our duty. And regretting as I do the dif-
ference of opinion which exists between my Noble
Friend (the Marquis Camden) and myself, whose friend.
ship I hope to possess to the last hour of my life, I
am really at a Is as to conceive upon what grounds he
rests his opposition to this Petition of my Honourable.
Friend, which simply states our determination to sup-
port the Protestant Constitution of this country—(great
cheering)—t.sat Constitution which has raised it to the
highest pitch of earthly prosperity, and made it the
envy of surrounding nations—(loud cheering)—that
Constitution which I trust we, the honest, the just, the
loyal, the liberal Men of Kent—(vehement cheers)—
, are this day met to support, and that we shall now
finally declare our determination to resist every attempt
to take that Constitution away from us-4, We will,
we will !") There is one word more which lam desk-
ams to add. Liberty has been amply enjoyed under our
Constitution by every man in this country, whatever
his religion may be. A measure has lately been car-
ried by the Legislature for making that liberty more
secure. No man was more ready to support that mea-
sure in principle; no man was mote anxious for its
success than I was; but it was catried a litde furth,r
than I wished—(Lausbter and hear from the opposite
party). I will explain why I did not wish it to go so
far. I wished to exclude no man whose opinions came
within the doctrines of the Christian Church, but 1 did
not wish to go further, and admit Mahomedans or in-
fidels upon the same footing. For the Dissenters I have
a respect—(Cheers and laughter from the Whig side).
For the Dissenters I do entertain a resoect, and I rejoice
in their enjoyment of their rights; and I say let all sects
of Chi isrians, as well as those of she Established Church,
unite this day in support of that Polestant Constitution
by which alone their rights and their religi-us liberties
can be secured—(Great cbee:ing). I now thank this
great Meeting for the kind attention with which they
have heard me, and any Gentleman who now wishes to
address it, may depend upon any influence which I pos-
sess being employed to procure for him the same amis.
live hearing.—(The loudest cheering and waving of
hats from about nine-tenths of the Meeting followed
his Lordship's conclusion..)
Mr. SHISL then presented himself t s the Meeting, and
at the same moment an English Gehtleman, a Mr.
Slue, addressed the Sheriff. The Undet•Sheriff an-
nounced that Mr. Shoe was in pos essiun of the Meet-
ing; but, from the singularity in the sound of the two
names, the Meeting was in doubt as to which of the two
Gentlemen the Sheriff wished to have heard. The
assembly seemed determined that then, whatever they
might do afterwards, they would not hear Mr. &lie!.
Mr. Shee appeared not to be so objectionable t' them
as was the Irish orator. The noise soon waxed great,
And for a time all attempts of either Gentlemen to ob-
tain a hearing plowed perfectly fruitless. The cries for
silence were incessant, but for a time altogether unsuc-
cessful. At length the Under Sheriff stated that Mr.
Shee, having first caught the eye of the High Sheriff,
was entitled to precedence, should it appear that he
possessed any claim to be heard at all. Ile wished t)
learn from the Gentleman then endeavouring to speak
bow he was connected watts the county of Kent?
Mr. SHBE-1 rejoice at the opportunity thus afforded
me of standing forward to explain the motive of my
connexion with the county of Kent, and afterwards the
grounds of my claim to be heard by the assemblage
whom I have the honour to address—(Voices in the
crowd, " Are you a tie-holler ?") Mr. Sbee—Upon my
honour, I am a freeholder of the county of Kent—(Tre-
mendous uproar, and cries of proof, proof). The noise
and uproar centinued during the whole of Mr. Shire's
speech. Ile was, therefore. for the greater part, in-
audible, and, when heard, little more than fragments of
sentences could be caught. Alt, r he had been fur a
consist-rabic time addressing the multitude.
The UNDER SHRKIII interfered, in the hope of pro-
curing him a better hearing. He assured the Meeting
that it was not Mr. Shiel, but Mr. Shee, who was ad-
dressing them. The Gentleman was intitled to be heard.
He had declared upon his honour that he was a free-
holder of the county.
Mr. Sine resumed—Tell me not, said he, that Ca.
tholics are deprived of their rights—th.ey are robbed of
their undoubted, their invaluable rights—(Then the up-
roar began with renewed violence: From the gestures
of Mr. Shee, it might be infetred that he was address
ing the assembly; but it was only at rare intervals that
he was at all audible, the Under Sheriff all the while
making appeals to the multitude, and praying them t.
give the Gentleman a hearing). Amongst the tew pa
sages of the speech which reached our ear, we under-
s•ood him to advert to certain en.iowments s t Ai:
S ,uls' College in the reign of Henry the Filth, and Inc
proceeded to call the attention of the Meeting to the
circumstance that the descendant of the iisclividual by
whom those endowments were made could not take a L;e-
gree in the university that had beenenriched by his liners
tors. Nut only did Catholics lab. ur under such disadva:.-
rages, but they were excluded from filling the meanes
offices in the country. There existed not in Iris Ma
je.ty's ct men better eiststled to rho
savour of Go. eromer.t, and the privileges and imniu.is la-
tish British subjects. Was it fiitiog that the fahbols
he Howard,, the Clifforadds,
iitilluemstiintzrothines, thL
r Undelid-MinleS that b Fate

I

English history by deeds of chivaloy and cy y,!‘
oulJ live for eget —( I renseii.li us iiptf,4,, ,„0
Down with him ! down with hini !I Gei.ce,,,dn.
you believe it—(ienewed uproai)—Gentlero..n. l do
that it is not to he borne that, in the heteslit4il ten
of the nation, the son of a limner and the st, of a e
fitter should besmear the escutcheon or the Dolt:4lj
Norfolk. It is said that the Catholics
iut to pull down the Etablished Church. 1 totally
the charge. They are perfectly sensible of the ,7
utility of a church establishment. 'l hey, in comme44,
other intelligent Christians, think that an outward du'
visible symbol of the pure and intellectual faith
01-;
Christian are essential to true religion. They agree ad
most of the rational and well•intornied men who hd;
thought upon the subject, :hat the founders of thee,.
tional church took jester notions than their descend, .
if the present day are disposed to attribute to NZ'
They foresaw that, unless religion were surrounded
with the temporal advantages which wealth and digs,,
confer, that the scoffer and the infidel would spit 44
het humble garment. (Cries of question, que.tion,
,4
hear, intermixed). I do not deny that some teirsis,
exact their tithes with a severity which may bee4l
sidered oppressive. (Considerable disapprobation oases,
pressed on the mention of tithes, and several voices 0,14
our, " What have we to do with tithes here ?') I 4, r 4
deny that part of the enormous revenues of the Ifid„ea
might be advantageously adapted to other purposes. Tit
income of the Bishop of Durham might well bee, rs
keit
duction—(Shouts of disapprobation). Vl.en you,
the Irish, I do assure you you are moot
error ; and when you give credit, and reaction, r. 4
support, to those in Ireland who call theni,elre,
testants, you are not less in error; they are no mere
Protestants than I am—(Hisse,). I will tell jot midt
those called Protestants did at Wexford in the wed
1797, previous to the rebellion—Ruction, q.,e.i,d44.
The gallant soldiers who had bled and fought tau*
country in foteign wars were, in the year 1797, vaaie
instruments for goading the unfortunate natters ot rte
sister island into madness and rebellion—file Me,
here became quite tumu;tinnis. Shier, during *
whole of Mr. Shee's speech, stood uncoveted,
for an opportunity to be heard; occasionally techeivtd
Mr. Shee, who continued for sonic tsn.t iongtr to od
dress the Meeting, but frrm the unceasing "
were unable to discern the purport of what fell hoe
him; but from some of his ge tures, it wasconjetuned
that he described the use of pitched cape by some oldie
contending parties in Ireland during the rebe,iinii.
Mr. SHIER. thin addressed himself to the High Sherd. be elk
uproar mid groaning totally prevented his bring heard.
Mr. Comet also came forward, and attempted to spea,but
without sueemo.

the
ote
It
ml

foi
fa

The Ummia.SH Iry theft said, that Lord Teynhsrn had Nair
a con,iderabk tune &serous of addressing the Meeting. and isms
hoped that the Freeholders would give kis Lordship a fur Lett %
Lord Ta:sinaat then proceedril to speak, white Mr. kW 4
vaneed his claim, and tremendous uproar ensued. all the *Lk tis
High Mend' and Under-Sherilf endeavouring in vain co rums
order and quietness.
Lord 1 EYNHAM then proceeded to congratulate tit
freeholders opposite to him upon the glorious appear-
ance which they presented, whereupon the uproar be.
came quite deafening, (Mr. Shill, at this time, es,
addressing himself to the Meeting, and thus the Noble
Lord and Learned Gentleman were making speeches
together). At length, however, on the interference cf
the High Sheriff, Mr. Shiel desisted, and the Under
Sheriff announced to the Meeting that Lord Teynhaa
was to be heard, and requested that he noght be
heard with order and decorum. His Lordship thee
proceeded to say, that, with all due humility and
with perfect defferenee to the better judgment of his
brother freeholders, he must say, that he thought the
best intere, ts of the empire depended t; pon a liberal treat-
ment of the Catholics of Ireland. He entreated the Meet.
ing to take care that the report which their High Sheol
shy uld have to give of the proceedings of that day
should prove one not discreditable to the great county
of which they were ft eeholders. He could safely us.
dert.ke to prove, in the most irrefragable manner, that
the participation in the pclitical tights which the Ca.
thoiic seeks cannot be attended with. any evils to Ike
State, and that concession to them was not only expe-
dient but right and necessary. It was undertaken at
the time of the Irish union. England stood pledged
to it, and in honour, as well as for her own interest,
was bound to redeem the pledge. It had been pro.
mired to the Irish people, and hitherto that promise
had not been performed—fa other words, it had been
br ken—(Cries of " No, no. What I George IV. break hes
promise r'—Groans—hturas). His Lot d.htp then called
upon the Meeting to reflect upon the ill consequences
of not making concessions to the Catholics. He
called upon them to look upon the foreign relations
of thii country. Such was till situation of the Dube of
Wellington, that he timed not go to Iv sr w ith the
most petty and insignificant of foreign Powers.
Portugal, for instance, might effect its blockade con-
trary to the laws of nations, and yet might do so
with impunity, a. far as England was concerned.—
His Lordship entreated the freeholders of Kent act to
decide a question such as was that day submitted to
them in any other than a cool and dispassionate manner;
but he entreated them, at the seine time, not to lend
their sanction to a system which curtailed and crippled
the resources of the country, and left its Government
powerless; a system which, if much longer persevered
in, would aid in the destruction of national honour and
security, and the gradual loss of all our Colonial
possessions. They would drop off one after anctEer.
His opinion was, that Catholics ought to be admitted
under wise and tensible restrictions, to equal immu-
nities with Protestants. Thus alone would the pacific &ea
of lt eland be effected, or any approach made towards the
satisfaction of all pat tie's. It be had but succeeded in
convincing Noble Lords and Hon. Gentlemen opposite,
that the Title he took of this momentous question sere
founded on reason, and in tact, he would gladly unite
with them in a modified petition to the two Horses el
the Legislature. He would recommend them to retire
and modify their petition—t Cries of, no, no). He con-
cluded by calling on the Men of Kent to set an example
to the rest of the country, and to prevent civil war be-
tween Great Britain and Ireland.

Mr. Sum once more presented himself to the Meeting amid
the most (anions uproar.
The Hum Sumer acknowledged that Mr. Shit' was the text
of right to speak.
The Usura•Suestirr—Sir, I awn directed by the High Sheriff to
inquire in what manner you are connected with the county et Krn. '
Me. SHILL-1 i,m a Freeholder of tbr cuuuty ut Kent (A !..41,*
The I:741)1M SHIM/I—This 6entknian bring a Frrrho.,..: Of
the county of Kent, the High Sherse begs that he may be IssteneJ
to attrinivtly. The High Sbersil alga re.,ues!., that as the O.
advancing, 6tntlensets who addiess the Alt:vatis will ettscastat 11!
:se as concise as possitik.
The limit &ratrr here forw.-ad, and eartn.sey in:reared
the Nlettmg to Lt.'s. 'lc. ::.utas. qui tly anti impartialt .
Sti IL!. pp% ei:de tl Lu alai vet a aiseeet:, W:.:(1: was
met ;a, led alnwat every sentence by louu I:wes .14
woos:, Crc us cant pasty and equally vehement plan.::s
!*rons t.,t` lie s:tid, 1 st•st tut intruder !Jere—you
.11. .s enlisted to atijuthtntc Upoli tights•-YOU oze
adieu toge.l.er up,i: a mattes Mss.:ll afl.ty‘ts my itite•
e.ta. Lnglithructl, l hat c nut come here to enter IMO
U 3 dilstst.itititta with you. It isnot in the year IS.'S
Shea we aliould eater talltO a at.hoiiiniC contromy ufull

fee
tbt
«i
fee
cast,
bit
I 1
tbt
ttsbt
tic
es
the
.1)
Of
111
.to
tb
H
14
T
tr
p
ol
L
bw
to
P
al
tl
CI
i b
ti
tH
0
14
• It
• a
11
1. 7
e.
Is 7
le 8
es
El
tl
a
be
et
rd
is 1
he t.
at- g
ley
sty
41~
bat
g
the t
Pe' b
tea •
red
eKa e
la I
lift
KO
ha I
led
co
He
cos
!of
;he
un-
-141
to
to
!et ;
!nd
led
erit
red
Ind
tial
:et.
ted
3U-
Ica
the
lia
ite,
ere
Cl
:ire

the real `reserve. I believe in it, you do not—what
matter is it to me VI beit you helieve, and what manr►'i

it to you what I beltere? Lori Winchilsea sps, toa
my religion is the relig of slavery. I shall re.
fare this charge against that Creed, which was pro•
lesser], as Cobbett, in his most eloquent vindication nt
the religion of your forefathers, has said, by the men
ri whose flesh and bones make up the earth for many

feet deep in every one of your Churchyards." Come)
my Lord Winchilsea, let us ()pen the pages of English
history. One fact is worth a hundred argument', and
I have a host of facts on my side. Where do you find
the elements of your Constitution? Alfred gave you
the body of your common law, your Judges, your Ma-
gistrates, your Sheriffs (you hold your office, Sir, and
have called this great assembly by virtue of his institu-
tions), your Court, of Justice, your elective system, and
the grand bulwark of your libtrties, the best and most
useful, as well as the most glorious of your rights,
the shield of freedom—the trial by Jury. Does the
Duke of Newcastle think that Alfred was aProtestant ?

or that the Barons of Runnemede were Prot •scants?

Bin to touch upon a case that appertains snore nearly
to his Grace. Who was it that gave the people the
power of self-taxation, and fixed, if he did not create,
the representation of the people? Edward 1. Oh, my
Lord Duke, there were no rotten boroughs then. The=
House of Commons was not returned by a set of
Nobles, who, talking about liberty, opposed all reform.
There were no great men, in those times of Catholic
slavery, who seat in ten Members to the House of Como
mons, and, when a corrupt borough was cut off, con
trived to get its still more rotten substitute into their
pockets. The House of Commons was then a perfect
mirror of the people, which was unstained by the breath
of an Oligarchy. Give up your ten Members, my
Lord Duke, and then you will talk of liberty with a
better grace, if not to a more useful purpose. h was
to the first Edward that England was indebted for her
Parliament, and her pecuniary controul over the Crown;,
and the third Edward gave perfection to the system by
holding annual Parliaments. He, too, passed the great
statute against constructive treason. Englishmen, with
these facts 'reline you, how can you listen to the men
who tell you that Popery and slavery are nevem'.
ray allied? Englishmen, when you peruse the an-
cient Chronicles of your glory, do not your hearts
beat with a sense of exultation, are not your emo-
tions deeply stirred, and are not your natures highly
kindled ? Where is the English boy who reads tne
story of his own great island, whose pulse does not
warmly beat at the contemplation of all the renowned
names, and all the lofty incidents, with which them()
annals of his country are splendidly studded ? Is there
one of you all who bath not almost fallen down to
adore the memory of Allied? Have you turned ido-
14tors to the memory of the immostil Edwards? Who
is there that bath not thtilled at the name of Ronne-
onede, and whose soul hails not swelled and alined at
the remembrance of the scene, when Langton, with a
Catholic mitre upon his head. extorted Irons a tyrant
your mighty, and I trust in GM), that it will prove your
eternal charter? Little did you think (and yet how could
you forget?) when you experienced, as you muse, this
generous national exultation—little did you think that
it was at the altars of religion, which you are en.
sunned ti consoler as the hand maid of oppression,
that the great progenitors of liberty knelt down—you
may write damnation upon every grave which bears d re
before the year 1521 ; but in the face of clear and indiso
potable evidence, with Alfred And the Edwards, with 'I
Trial by Jury, with Parliament and with Magna Cherie
before you, do not denounce the religion of your frue-
lathers as the mother of slavery, and visit it with all the
execration that s'toold pursue the parent of so detestaroe
a child. Englishmen, 1 have spoken with warmth, I can-
not help it, but that warmth &Minot carry me too far--it
is enough for me to defend my religion, without animad-
verting on yours; but it I were disposed so to do, might
I not turn the leaves of history upon you, and after
you had charged my creed with its servile tendencies
might I not ask, whether the cradle of the Ref'ss a-
nion was not rocked with a bloody and an iron
hand? Whether Henry did not trample upon liberty,
and his base Parliament did not mike him a voluntar)
release and surrender of the Constitution ? Did liberty
exist in thureign dfthat precocious Theologian, &loofa,
VI, or under the auspices of the virgin of the Refrma-
tion, who took infant Protestantism under her armoire
auspices.? You night say t, ere. if I were suificieutly
bold to press these conaideratious, that I should nut re
for to such remote events—on the very day that Lord
Russell perished on the scaffold, the University, the
Protestant University of Oxford, she seat of reformed
Christianity, the throne of English orthodoxy, published
its declaration in favour of passive obedience. But let us
travel "a little out of England. Protestantisin, it is said,
is the inseparable companion-of liberty; they arefound
walking arm in arm together, in their march for the im.
provement of mankind. It this be so, how does it
happen 'that Prussia is a Protestant, and Prussia is a
slave; and Sweden is a Protestant, and Sweden is
slave.; and Denmark is a Protestant, and Den-
mark is a slave; and half the German' Scam; are Pro-.
tenants, and are also slaves. Turn now to Cath,lie
Europe. Look at Italy—not as she now is, but as site
was long before the name of Luther was ever uttered—
look at her when the Catholic was her religion, and
liberty was her glorious practice. I call up her crowd of
Republics as %snots es in that cans* which I air. thus j
daring enough to piead before you. Venice, Catholic
Venice, rises up from the ocean, with all tier Republican
glory round about her. Venice fell at last into an oligar-J,
chy ; but Venice was for .500 years a noble and hity
democratic Government. I nest produce as witnesses So
my favour Genoa and Florence, and all the rest of those
free States in which Popery, liberty, kerature, aid the
ants, grew up and flourished tgether. Turn to SY, user-
land—shall I not find evidence in her Alpine values its
my favour? Look to France—has not France'a Clatter,
a Parliament, and a Trial by Jury? • From toe old
I o ill travel to the new world, and produce to England
bet pupils in democracy—the States of South America
—Republic after Republic is bursting out through that
immeasurable continent, and the fire of liberty mounts
Lite a volcanic flame from the summits of the Andes.
arid with its wide and vast illumination lights up one
the world. Well, my Lord Winchilsea. what say
you to all this? Is Bolivar a slave*, and are these facts
to be enc:untered by such trash about Popery as we
!save heard to-day ? I dismiss the charge with all the,
sc.in w hick it deserves, and turn to the main question
before you. Look at Ireland—what do you behold? a
beautiful crldntry,with wonderful agricultural and cons.
rner cial advantages—the link between America and En-
rope—the nrurtar resting-place of trade in its way to
either hemisphere—and inhabited by a bold, intrepid,
and, with all their Limits, a generous and. enthusiastic
eopie. Such is natural Ireland—what is artsficral Ireland
—l7.ch is Ireland as GOD made her—what ni Deland as
England made her ? Look at her again. This fihe
country is laden with a population the most miserable
in E .rope, and of whose oretchedness, if you are the
srobors, you are beginning to be the victims. Alt the
pest commercial lercitie, of the country ate lost.the

.leep rivers Nit s) tielJ circulate opulence flow to the
nte•n is ithintt a/Along a boat or turning a wheel—and
he wave breaks e silent magniiicene of deserted and
.hiple•t place of being a source of wealth
and revenue to the empire. Ireland cannot defray her
own expenses, or pay a tingle tax ; her discontents cost
millions of money, and she hangs like a financtal mill-
stone round England's neck, in place of being a bul-'
walk and a fortress; she debilitates, exhausts, and
endangers England, and offers an allurement to the
speculators in universal ruin. The great miss of
her enormous population are alienated and disso.
ciaied from the Sate—the most ferocious passions
rage from one excre,,,ity of the country to the other—
hundreds of thousands of men, arrayed with badges,
gather in the south, and the smaller faction, (Kith disci-'
pline and with arms. are marshalled in the north—the

country is strewed with the materials of civil commo-

tion, and seems like one vast magazine of power, which
a spark might ignite into au explosion, which would
shake the whole fabric of civil society into ruin, and
of which England would not only feel, but perhaps
never recover from the shock. And, gracious GOD I
(for I cannot refrain from the exclamation) i. this
horrid, this appalling, this accursed state of things to
be permitted to continue? It is only requisite to
present the question, in order thAt all men should
answer—some hing must be done. Well, then.
what is to be done? Are you to re-enact the penal
code? Yo►u were cmiiged rrl;x the penal code whin
theCatholicf were only 1000.000; and now that they a. e
7,000,000. , ill you iay on their charms again? Are
you to deprive the Catholics of their propertie., shur
up their schools, drive them from the bar, strip them of
the elective fralichiee, and reduce them to a state of

Egyptia'i bondage? You will scarcely have recourse
to this expedient. What then is to be done? Whet.
yt.o coma t) consider what ought to be done in this
emergency, surely you will nut dismiss trim your
recollection that the greatest, the wisest, and the
best Statesmen and Legislators oho have fur the
last fifty years oirscted your council., sod conducted
the business of this mighty empire. all concur red iu
the opinion that without a concess.on i f the Catholic
claims. nothing permanently use:iil and effects'.
ally sanative could be done for lieiand. Withow

going through the cat .logue of splendid names which
stand afro aged in the cause ••1- emancipation, I shall
select only t•ltee, Buike, and Pitt, and F ; they w, re
all &Eine, t in habit, in character, and in th toy, ver
this question th, it great minds met in a deep conflux.
Burke., the toe to 'evolution, Fax, the as-ertot of popular
righl, Pitt, the stay and prop of the prirrogatiar—th-.
grand triumvirate of legislation concurred in this single
opinion. See to what a conclusioe you must arrive
when you denounce the advocates of ernancipatloll
the foes and the enemies of their country. T.
whom will your anathema reich? It will take in
one-hail of W stutinitet Abbey—and is not Vbe vet.)
dust in which the tongues and hearts of Pitt, and
Bathe, and Fox hare moulJereJ, better than the
living hearts and loop s et those who have 'ou-
tlived them ? Yes, I will put it on this tat—if you were to try
the question by the venerable authorities of the illustrious dead.
and by those voices which may be said to issue from the grave, how
would you decide? lt, instead of counting votes to St. Steitheu's,
you were to count the tombs in the mausoleum betide it, bow
would the division ot the great departed .tared ? Enter the sacred
aisles winch coutam the ashes of your greatest men, and ask your.
selves, as you pass, how they felt and spoke when they had emotion,
and they bad utterance in chat senate where they can be heard uo
more? Write,' Eniatotpator" on the grave of every treat advocate,
and its coutiter-epitaph on that at every opponent of the peace io
Ireland. and will there not he a majority or sepulchre' an our
favour? But pass from authority—Aid cashier ..how such
• system as that of exclusion ought to work. that he a wise
and puha. 'course of governme:o, zenith orates nut an Aristocracy
of opulence and rank, and Weil, hut an Aristocracy in retie. ; •
and places seven millions of peooe at the feet to a few huudred
thousand? Try this a Aldan n/ government by a very obvious ter
and mike the case your own. If a tew tioiolred thousand Pre.by •
tettans stood towards you in else relation whirl. the Irish Pro.
meteors stand towards theCathi•lios, how foroulti you encore ? Arr
Irishmen and Homan Cathipitc.s se/different.), comer uted from your.
wives, that they are La behold Domini sat mertiligs, in $ System
which ybs would look upon*. at mass ot unendurable wroog? Pro-
testants also Englishmen, hooey. el you may teem our !OW-
try, and boweser slavish you may 'eget d nor religion, believe nie that
we nave enough of human Galore kit witum us—rewash of the
spirit of manhood, all Irishmen as we are, to resent a usage of this
kind. You would not bear the y. k. for a moment. We Ate gored
and galled by it, but we do i.ot thiow 1: off. You are told that
there is no national calamity in the excludes of a few Gentlemen
Com Parliament, and a iew lawyers front the present amnia the
bar. How narrow a view of the case is this! Don't you (eating
this very exclusion throws degradation act r the whole ut the do.
franddsed community, and that the mint which is devised from
that political uisbonouring of a whole people, must rust through ail
the'departments of society, and must be baneful indeed? A bract: I.
stuck upon the forebrad of the country. and it festers there. The
nation is divided into two castes. The powerful and privileged few
are patricians in rtligion,andtrample spore and despise the plebeian
Christianity of the minions who are laid prostrate at their teet.Evet y
Ckaageman thinks himself a Catholic's totter, aid everyOraneeman
feels himself the member of a privileged corporation that must be
protected—thew Judges, their Sheriffs, their Crown Counsels and
Attornies. their Juries are Protestants to a man; what confidence
can a Catholic have in the admiaistration of public justice? We
have the authority of an eminent Irish Judge, the late Mr.Fkitcher,
who declared, that iii the southern comities the Vrotestants guilty
were uniformly acquitted, and tbe Catholics innocent were as tuss
deviatiugly condemned. A body of armed Orangeaseu fall upun
and murder a set of defenceless Catholics—they are put upon their
trial, and when they raise their eyes and look upon the Jury, as
they are commanded to do. they see twelve of their oiethten in
ntawacle empannt lied Ito their trial; and after this I suet, be told
that all the evil tot Catholic disqualilicatiota is in the stuff gown. ot
lawyers, and the disappointed longing of some doen Gentlemen
after the liaise of Commons. No, it is the -halm, the diserac-,
llbi his, the opprobrium, the stigma the brand, the contumely,
lbe Wee of mask and dishonour, and the scasidatous partialities, the
Write., lusts and perjured reining% and the mt.*? roue and hydra
headed injustice, that ammonite the grand anti es.eaual evils ot the
country. Aud you think it very wut.derlui—(you, torsooth.
'that cut off the bead of a K.ng for imposing an Wesel tax
open Yoe)—that we shoulsi be ineltgrant at .11 this. You
Iwo eels and ,re astonished, an,. thitik it prodigious, that we are
horned by a sense of these iniutics into rise u e ot rash and vebe-
ttseaK but are we the only individuals who have forgotten
Ulf dictates of temperance am: of charity, and bAllt• our opponents
been always distinguished by their meekness and forbearance? and
have no Cilicrtitlll4 rapprewwte, anti 110 galling taunts, and no
fierce sarcasms, and no ferocious suen.ces ever escaped from them ?
lAA, look, I pray you, to the ilutissinek orgies of Ireland, and
behold, not merely the torturers of Ninety eight—who, like retired
butt-ben, feel the want of their own occupation, and tong for the
political shambles again—but look to the Ministers of the Gospel.
pouring out their votive libations to the Moloch of Ascendant y, and
cheering their demon with the promise of betacumb of blood.—
Unglislonen, l implore you to make some allowathe for the excess
into which with much prove/can= we may be burned, and pardon
we when you recollect how, under the sans: circumstances', ymi
would in all likelihood feel yourselves. but perhaps yea wit* say.
that while you ate conscious that we have much to suffer.
you owe It td your own safety to exclude us from power.—
Englishmen, we bare power already—the power to do nus-
chief--eive is that of doing good. Utatrray us, dissolve us,
Neak up out confederacy, take tram the law (tor tt is the great
ounspitator) ha combining and orgatuswg qoality—make us equal.
and we shad pokier.: be united by the ban chain of slavery with
each other, bet by the natural bonds so allegiance and of content.
noon with you. lint you tear our influence in the House of Cu.m
mono—elon't you dread our actual influence out of it ? We are
°My Catholics mat of the Mow of Commons, we should be culla*
within it. If Catholics had the will, would they have the power
to overthrow the Cutistitutiou ? What! some twenty Catholic*
overwhehn tbo Ho rash Moues of Commons? but it is suggested
that they will aim at the annihdation of the church. Why
should they be actuated by any such solicitude, when the
chard' will no longer affect their individual interests, or statist
in the way of their personal ambition? The Presbyterian. of
Ireland are a powerful body. They have as sooty a political
nouns for distaste towards the establishment as the Catholics;
arid before they were emencipse4 cfur they have been long
Asia pitt upbO i level *Mt the medbers of Use Mtablistiment),

it Was kidded that their vitalisation wend( hod to the lir
senseden of the legal religion. The direct contrary has been else
result. The Presbyteriaos are piefesredly indifferent a the shines
of the establishment, and they care 11.4 Otte iyi whether a Lord or
a Bishop. whether ea "bootee truss Ireland or from Maven, has
eh 0001. a year in his command. You allege, huer. ger, that we',
Catholics would be anxious to raise our Church upon the ruins of
yours, to strip your Clergy of tithes and CO possess narrowly'', ei
the gorgeous upsnence ed an anti-apostoik and anti scriptural e.ts
blishment. Never was there a mute uterooneled intonation Tin•
whole body of the Irish Cetbolks look upon a wealthy pee ham'
with abhorrence. limy mot only do not desire that time Bishops
should he invested with rootlikel gorgeous tras and prelatic pomp.
bet whets a Bill was introduced in order to maks a small, and no
more than a decent provision for the Catholic Clergy. did they
Dot themselves repudiate the other. and .prefer their himourable
poverty. and the affections of the people, to the donations of
Crown? And bow did the people act? Although a provision fro tin
priesthood would relieve them from a trarden.did they not deprecate
their connection with power? The Catholics of Ireland wahine, .
that if their Clergy were endowed with the wealth of the establish
meat, they would become a corrupt and profligate corparation
key churchmen, bloated with insolence, pampered with luxury,
swelling with sacerdotal: ptidc, and presenting in their lives .sad
persons a monstrous contrast with that simplicity and poverty to
which they are now as well the practisers as the teachers. They
well know that in place of being the pious, active, and indefatigable
instructors of the peasantry—in place of being their consolers in of
fiction. their resource in calamity, their preceptors and their model,
iu religion, the trustees of their interests, their visitors in sickness.
and their companionson their beds of death—they would be a vale,
supercilious, reckless, heartless troop of abaudoned prudigates,
equally insolent to the humble, and sycopbat.tic to the great—
eatteretrat the noble's table, and grinders to the poor man's hovel
-sit acious in retortion, styes hi politics. and tyrants in demeanour,
who from the porticoes of Palaces *odd give their instructions ion
humility—who front the banquets of patricians would prescribe
their lessons in anstinence.—wbo from mitred charities would pro-
nounce injunctions against the pride and pomp of the world, and
from the prittirote path of dalliance would point to the steep
and thorny way to Heaven. The Catholics of Leland well know
that this would be the character of their IllTestbood.if their Church
was ever raised on the ruins of the Establishment; and 119.19V199911
as the opulence of that Establishment now is. they would rather be-
hold the wealth of Protestant Biellops increased tenfold,and another
taillike of acres added to the episcopel territories. than behold their
pure and simple priesthood degraded trunttheir poverty into °pe-
lmet, and sunk from their noble humility to that dishonourable and
anti-Christian ustentati.m.which, if it were once established, would
be sure to characterize their Church. I should have done, and yet
before I retire from your presence, indulge me so far as to permit
me to press one remaining topic upon you. I have endeavoured to
show you that you have tont...lira the character and political prim.
cipies of my religion; I have endeavoured to make yes sen-
sible of the mi.erable condition of my country,—to impress
upon you the failure of all the means which have been hitherto
tried to tranquillize that unhappy country, and the necessity
of
adopting some expedient to alleviate its evils. I have dwelt
span the concurrence of great OliellOrkka in f of amosesko.
the little danger that is to be apprehended from that concessies,
sod the great benefit which would Erie* from the estabilshateat
(to use an expression of the Duke of Wellington) of religiose
peace in Ireland. I might enlarge upon those benefits, sad show
pas, that if factions were reconciled, and the euhrtantial cause of
adiessity were removed. the fierce passions which agitate the
Otuntry would be laid at redt. English capital would, In
mood, flow in and fertilise Ireland—liaiglish habits would gra-
&tally arse—a confidence in the adininistratioa of justice weeds'
stow up—the people, instead of appealing to arms foe redress,
would look to the public tribunals as the °lily arbiters of right
1110 obstacles which now stand in the way of education would
he recnoved--a reciprocal sentiment of kindness would tale place
between the two islands,—a real unim, not dependieg ors acts
of Parlianteut, but upon mutual interest and ammo% wadi
be permanently esiablithed—tbe empire would be cenoildiond,
and all flingers front the enemies of Great Britain would dlssprear
for ever. 1 might also point out to you, what is obvious 411•440,
that if Ireland be allowed to remain as it now is. at no &mat ra
liriod the natural foes of Great Multi may make that unfortunate
(sentry the field for some tremendous speculation. I might draw
a picture o the dftadtul consequences which would arise, if as
estormous population were to be roused into a easement sad 4
niultaneoas movement. But I forbear from presslossuch anode
derstiotis upon you, isecause I bad much rather rely wpm year am
Magnanimity and lofty mindedness, than upon any Ipannil rm.
sible evil and terrible contingency. I therefore depot k yams
that independeittly of every consideration of expedites", kk 11111W1111‘
thy of you to persevere Ina system of practical religions imoderanoo,
which Roman Catholic States, who hold to you a finempnellpkinahh
regard at least, have abandoned. Lord Winchilsea aelfellat the as
thulic religion is a persecuting religion. To be sure it was, mod se was
every other religion that was ever invested with maths*, I might
retort on you the charge of persecution. I might remind yea,
that the early refusers who set up a claim to liberty of camcisses
for themselves, did nut indulge any others in a similar luxury. I
might tell you that Calvin (the Rev. Mr. Pluniptree is ace of his
disciples) having obtained a theological masterdom in Geneva sot
the to the faggots to which Servetus was &mud, and offered up
Ibis screams and grottos as a sacrifice to that peculiar orthodoxy of
which he was the founder. 1 might tell you that even your own
*ewer, who was himself a martyr, had first inllicted what he
afterwards suffered; and that this father of your church bad, even
is the reign of Edward the Sixth, accelerated the progress of here.
tics to immortality, and sent them through fire to heaven. But I
will not adopt this course of recriminatiour the truth is, that both
parties have. in the paroxysms of religious insauity, committed the
most execrable atrockies, and it might be difficult, if their mis-
deeds were to he weighed, to adjust the hokum of ferocity be-
tween them. But both Catholics and Protestants have changed,
and with the alteration of time we ourselves have undergone a
salutary reformation. In the streets where the massacre at It.
Bertholoniev) took place, the Huguenot walks in friendship with
the Catholic ; and even in Rome itself, the simple catetrinuks oh
your reliyiun are undisturbed by Catholic intrusion. Through the
whole Continent religious distinction, have begun to *ankh, and
freedom of consciet.ce is almost universally established. How does
it happen that England should be almost the only country where
rehgious disqualifications ate maintained? Protestants, who age
use the Catholic religion of intolerance, compare the conduct 111
• Boman Catholic France with your owe. In France, where the
religion of the &ate Is that of Rome, all men is admissible go
pwer, and no sort of sectarian distinction is instituted by the law.
Ilse third article of the French Magna Charts provides that the
Catholic religion shall be the established one, but that every
French citizen, no matter of what denorumation, shall be capable
of holding every office in the &ate. The Chamber of Derides
lie idled with Protestants, who are elected by human Catholics
and Protestants have held places in the Cabinet of Franco.—
You charge our religion with intolerance. Encounter these
nmoriuus facts if you Call. Look to other Catholic States. In
Hungary, an the year 1791, Protestants were placed by a homes
Catholic Government ou a perfect level with their fellow,dtiaens.
In Cathode Bavaria the same principle of toleration was adopted.
Thus the Catholics of Europe have given you a splendid example.
and while they have refuted the imputation of intokrance, have
held out to you a practical reproach. Away, then, with the charge
that nay religion is the patroness of oppression, and away with the
isle boast in which you vauntingly indulge. You are behind almost
every natiot in Europe. Protestant Pollak has emancipated her
Catholic subjects, and &testa is tree. In Germany, the churches
are used indiscriminately by Protestants and Catholice--theLin heron
Service in a happy succession follows the Catholic Nieto • or the
Mass, according to Lutheran or Catholic emmniences
follows Lutheran Service. Hanover itarif—(mark it, &mimickers)
—Protestant Hanover has made a proclamation of teligious liberty,
and the Hanoverian Catholic Is free; and shall the trials Catholic re-
main the branded and degraded wretch which you; penal laws have
made him, while the Hanoverian Catholic stands before his Illectoe
without a chain? I. this just dealing towards IMAM? How can
you reconcile with your own magnatiinsity this bard and cruel
treatment of my unhappy country? Will you. can you, with
such examples before you, bring yourselves to offer up a wanton
hivocatton to the legislature to rivet the fetters of your Catholic
iellow•citizens ? Ellishmen, do not undertake so ungenerous
an office. I do not call on you to petition for my liberty, but
I implore you not to raise up your arms against it. This is all
that I aak. Leave the legislature in the uncontrouled semis
of its discretion, and do not tell the Parliameot that the fetters
of your fellow.citisens must be more strongly bench On
behalf of my country, MI behalf at unfortunate !rebind. I conjure,
I supplicate you, not to interfere for the haw-hearted purposes of
oppression. It is ungenerous, it is alnsoat unmanly, it is unworthy
of you. Men of Kew, you have never been conquered, yet you
.ball he conquered to-day, but the victory shall be obtained by
yourselves. Conquer your prejudices, obtain a masterdom over
your antipathies, be victors of your passions, vanquish your Edam-
sides. and put your antipathies to Sight. Conquer yourselves, and
conquer us. This, this is the way to subdue as ; this is the way to
obtain an empire over our affections, and to make our hearts your
own.—( Mr. Shit' NM down amidst the reiterated cries of " Arden
gise for what you said of the Duke of York"—" Remember the
Duke of York"—" lie's paid by the hour, so let him go on"—" Go
down, Mr. Mountebank"—" Be off, you Merry Andrew"—and
the loud 11CC14014110119 of his frlends.l
Mr. LARKIN,. 01 Canterbury, expressed his surprise
on hearing the A:sumacs addressed by the Constitu-
tionalists. Before the requisition was read, be had no
idea that any set of melt considered the Cvastitutiou ia

limit he thoeghe there ins little Whir for the Codo
tettutian. The Noble Lord (Winchils-a) had said it
was in danger, but they had all heard the prognostica-
tion of that Noble Lord brfore; re remembried the
Noble Lord saying, some time ago, that two 'wattle
.stionster were rding over she counts y—Sedition and
thsspbetny I I however appealed, upon inquiry, that
he two monsters had vanished. The Noble Lsird had
.0 dumb' said tithe monster, In worth found in Matbdh.
as When shall we three meet again ?
In thunder. beton'', and in rain."
(Laughter). In the new Brunswick Dictionary a great alteration
had been made in the missing of words. They should road fee
the word" Constitution," ' A ktocracy and the CI •rgy." The
eeople were wholly left out—(liere one of the treeholders ex-
claimed, Knock it doe/NC:balky ! yes are an auctioneer, and know
how to do k). It was nonsense to tell the people of the odes/naps
hey derived Irma the Constitution. They ought to go to Neweastle
and Modalities, to see who really did gain by the Coontortion.
WA, there one among all the pretended supporters of the Carotins-
tion who had done one liberal action for the country? Who were
thew new supporters of the rights and liberties of the people? They
were new tangled pigmy nobles—(A laugh). The freeholders of the
comity would 'sever he degraded by supporting each men. Those
who called upon them to present a Petition against Catholic
ineiancipatiou were the men who would cry out, taus and tithes
for ever ! The Constitution of the country was established upon
the rights of the King, Lords and Commons. The Crown and
aristocracy had their rights, and the people their'it. The at istocracy
were afraid the palely would become too enlightened. The Cows
stkution of the aristocracy 'might be said to be le danger. They
sw it could not last. and therefore sought to strengthsn their be
tercet by trampling on the risks of the people. The attack marls
on the rights of the people was made by Serougbineeters.—(Hole
a Freeholder called upon the speaker to aniline himself to the quss.
two). Mr. Larkin then said, Oh: are you tired of bearing me ?+
(Theo, drawing a bottle from his pocket, be drank their bealtb.)-es
lie never could admit that the principles they bad beard that day
were the principles which placed the House of Brunswick on the
Throne. Ile called upon those who heard hint, and who loved
their country and hated humbug, not to be done thus by thole
Brunswick monsters and tither-eaters. The Duke of Newcastle
and those Brunswickers, or those Cumberland, ur thaw WmcMla
a Clubs—be did not know what to call them would skew
the blecting if they listened to them, that tithes were beneficial,
and taxes a blessing. They woold tell them they would return
again into the pockets of rise people. SU the fait was, they
got into, and rentabied in the pocket, of the lew—(Lodd stile
of question, questidet). He wanted the Meeting to look to his.
tosy and the Constitution of the countrra. He moan the Constitution
to be found in tht it dictionary--thi- King", Lords, and Commons.
The Conititutien be had always been zealous to maintain had been
upon the principle, that the King should enjoy his prerogative...a
Peers their privilege's and the People their right.. His coughed=
was that of England. as it was established. and as it is. and which
he wished to maintain in its purity; but their intnitioa was net
to maintain it in its purity—they were afraid, the popish.
Yom had become too much enlightened fur !hem, and they only
some forward now with alluring speeches for he purpose of teatime
the meeting astray. Their Constitution was indeed is danger-se
(Meat). They had found the people would not be humbugged any
conger—(Bear). He, however, ( Mr. Larkin) bad often wet this
freeholders of the county, and they had always found his naked Mk
the liberal side—that ot reducing tithes and taxes--(Cries of hear,
hear, and question). Ic has been said, that the Constitution was
attacked; but cer.aiely, if it were so, it was not by the Roam
Catholics ; were it subject to no °her attack than the one made fir
them, Do one need to be afraid ; bit the fact was, it was att.cked
by bore ughmungers and tithe ea era in the ':.ape of liruttswkkero
as-(lmmense applause). Having explaint dto the Meeting the
mistake many present bad laboured under, . e felt cert.ni there
would be ao more Brunswick Clubs. He admired the Clergymen
of England as they ought to b: but no: as they were. He admired
the Church, and only compLi ied of its abuse; the Church, ash
was intended at the Revolutio I, was the Protestant Church as it
ought to be. Did the distinguished it.dividual, who finned the
Church at the Revolution, ever contemplate in the order of things
that which now tested? Did they ever suppose that Church
property, as he would cal it. was to be appropriated as it was
—that six livings, for example, were to be given to one mom
for doing nothing, and that those who worked were to MN
ocithing? He appealed to every thinking man—to every hewn
present, whether the tithe system was not a system of the
NOM coenelete dishonesty and oppression? If the
voted in favour of the Brunswickers, he assured Bum they
do it for no other purpose than that of increasing the pressure of
tithes; and in aiding with the Brunewickers they teem coed be
more mistaken than in supposing that that was a course eakulated
to support the present Royal Family on the Thnune. The prindpies
of the Brunswickers were the same that destroyed the kingdom In
the person of Charles the First—that destroyed the hierarchy, and
cut off the bead of the Sovereign. In Scotland there was so Bieber'
or any established Clergymen, such as there were in Englindi sad
yet a more loyal and industrious part or the empire was not to be
found--( Hear, hear). He said thus for the purpose of showing that
it was not absolutely necessary for the mistence of a King, there
should be &shops. If ever the Church of Rogl.ted was b
into disrepute, it would be by parsons mounting waggons in=
pulpits—(Great applause, laughter, and cries of question). He
thanked the Meeting fee the patient attention which se had bad.
Sir 8 Keenest:Lt. then stood forward amidst loud cheering, to
address the Meeting.
Mr. Centre roes at the same time, and refused to give the
Hon. Baronet the opportunity of speaking first.
The Haan Suaturr intimated that Mr. Cobbett might be Mewl
Ant, in untie that Unnecessary contention might be avoided.
Mr. Hcansoma. a Magistrate, said it was indecent to prevent
their Representative from addressing Ms constituents.
Mr. COMM still refused to give way.
Sir R. Knoscrausaa—l request the High Sheriff may decide
who is entitled to be heard?
The Freeholders exclaimed, No, no! We will hair our own
Member before any man.
Alter some further hesitation. Sir Eon. ICaTcnauLt.
roes, in apposition to Mc. Cobbett, who refused to give way, and
said—" Fellow Freemen I lam ready at this occasion, as I have
been on every other, to appear before the freeholders. I have pro.
seated myself before you late fa the proceedings of this day. became
lam snakes to be apprised of what N the opinion of the Free.
holders of this county, on the important questiou Dow before us,
Geotienien, the Lord Lieutenant of the County, who has addressed
you, appease antious that harmony and good understanding Say
prevail. Nothing I shall say will have a tendency to Interrupt that
harmony and good understanding which, I am happy to say, I have
bog seen observed in this coon: y. Gentlemen, I appear before you,
not es an Irish proprietor, but as a freeholder ot the county of Kest.
I do more than that, 1 appear before you alum, and as one of
your Representatives io Parliament. If the proceedings of this
day are a matter of importance to the county, I treat rill will
consider that I must be peculiarly enxious on the sultpkt.
appear before you for the purpose of ascertaining whether, skim
I had the honour of representing yu In Parliament, I have
Isithtully and honestly done my duty?—(Loud cheering. sod
a cry of you have). In meeting you on this occasion I was
aware that I should have to encounter some difference of *aim,
and that it would be expressed, but I elpected at least, that the
differeoce of opinion would have been among the freeholders of
the county—(loud cheers). I did not suppose Gentlemen who
take a view of the question different front my view, would have
called in the aid of persons from the other side of the water...
(Cheers). As a freehablet of this county, lam booed to pro.
test agaitot that course of proceeding. That mode of proctor*"
I will protest against tiers, and wherever I go ; but I ask
the freeholders who are now assembled here, to decide on this
important question, whether they will suffer themselves to be
swayed io their judgment and feelings by those who are not known
to you, and who are nut honoured with your conlidence? I call
on the hidependeut freeholders of this county to decide that the
allowance of such interference is dangerous—(Cheers). On the
mein question brought before you, I must ask for your unequivocal
opinion. Hitherto I have, as your Representative in Parliament,
alined that yolk feeling was distinctly, decidedly Protestant; and I
0100 ask you whether it is so or not 1? (Cries ot, It is, it is. The
declaration was made with the waving of hats and busses). Gene
tkriten, the reception I meet at this moment convinces me that
the assertion I made respecting your sentiments was right and tree
--(It wrs, it was). During the last twenty years, oa no Ostellakiel
has there appeared so large a meeting as that which is now preteen.
trust, when this question is again agitated in the House of Com.
mom, you will instruct me to repeat the sentiments which I have
so often expressed. I come not here to dictate to you, ben
to know your will—( Loud cries of. [kayo, bravo, bravo)....)
There Is only one point now which I wish to touch on. I hope
those Gentlemen who have come from Ireland on this occasion, to
ascestaln what the feeling of this county is on the Catholic Ques.
don, will clearly understand that the decision is against them. I
implore them, when they return to their country, that they will
state it was cartied against them. sod when the fact is told,
let the Catholics of Ireland know, that while the freeholders of the
county of Kenr are almost unanimously against them, we entrees
they will add, that there is nu angry feeling on the part of the free.
bidders of Kent to their Irish brethren. It we are called on to deny
that which is asked, it is because we are prepared to say it cannot
be conceded without the greatest injury to the Consutudesoao
I ant not one to be biassed in the House of Commons by any other
than the principles I have always advocated. 11 it should be Gotta
*Wend fumble W coocnle to wer Irish foliow-citiono, shot