Star.
London, England, 1828-05-09 00:00:00

effect—he did notisay that in terms it was specifically
given. Mr. Pitt*errai.blitcirrldix pledge the Eitgliah -•
Parliatrieotbut when tiny Minister of the Crown *-
pressed himself, as he had. just staled, what could any
man of sense understarid by it? A degree of caution
was enjoined in the supporters of the Union—and so
Igreat was the violence 'of the. Protestant. Parliament
of Irelabd,' that he' was in a minority 01,15 against
300 in the . question of further concession; that
again being accompanied by the question of Re-
form, which was becoming a favourite topic in thu
country. All hope of concession was then centred
in an. Imperial Parliament; and he would
.be glad
to know if Mr. Pitt had not at least vistually plesleal
himself to it? If he did not, what did he rritara-r.
Did •he intend to exclude the Catholics ?—Was that
his object? No man could for a moment suppose
it. The question, after all was, not what Mr. Pitt
intended, for that was put an end to by his invaluable
letter, but whether, pending the Union, hopes were ex.
cited in the Catholic mind. If hopes were held out to
the Catholics, and they were induced by such means to
promote the measure of Union, it was impossible that
any thing more base could be imagined, than to deprive
them of the consideration to which they weresentitled.
The Hon. Member here read several extracts from the
notes of Mr. Howard, of conversations with Lord Corsa
wallis, to show that his Lordship considered the Union
would do nothing if concession to the Catholics did not
follow from it. All this was stated by the Noble Lord
that it might be circulated amongst the Catholics—it
was so circulated at his express desire, and Lord Fingall
added, that Lord Cornwallis, a prudent,able and honour-
able man, said he would himself propose the question of
Catholic Emancipation in the House of Lords, and that
he had sanguine hopes of its success. He asked Lord
Cornwallis, if such was the opinion he entertained, and if
such were the views entertained by the Ministers,why the
relief of the Catholics was not included'as an inter rat
part of the Union. The answer he received was, " Yea
know that if we were to declare that object as a past of
the measure of the Union, we should immediately have
all the strong Protestants against it." He further said,
" How can you doubt that the measure will f Bow the
Union, when you know of what Parliament consists?—
There is Mr. Pitt and his Ministry 311 favourable to•the
measure, and on-the other hand Mr. Fox and his friends
all bound to support it by their own principles of tell.
gious freedom. I ask what else remains ?"—(Cheers).
Certainly the Hon. Gentleman behind him (Mr. Bankes)
would have remained, for he manfully opposed the
m!asure of the Union, because it favoured concession to
the Catholics. He contended that all this :bowed
the relief of tie Catholics to be one of the principles
upon which Mr. Put proposed and carried the Union.
And if it had not been for that fatality which attended
his exertions and arrested his course, he would have
come down with a measure in the year after, and have
carried it without a murmur. At that time, too, it might
have been carried with the least possible effect upon the
Catholic Body. There was then a Catholic Aristocracy
which directed the Catholic feeling, and possessed its
entire confidence. It they now. saw that Al istoeracy no
longer controlling the acts of the Catholic. population—
if tile priesthood no longer exercised that influence
which they had given up to a political laity—to what
did they owe it?—(Cheers.) To themselves—(Con-
tinued cheering). The Right Honourable Gentleman
then refereed to two communications received by him
upon the resignation of Mr. Pitt's Ministry, in which
it was declared that he had retired because he was
not able to bring forward the measure attended by
circumstances calculated to ensure all its benefits, arid
ie:ommending the-Catholics to preserve a. prudent and
exemplary demeanour. It had been stated, with a confi-
dence which hecould hardly have conceived,and gravely
put in pint, that Mr. Pitt, in the latter part of his life,
saw reason to alter his opinions respecting the Union.
He knew that after the Union Mr. Pitt continued to look
with anxiety to the object of Catholic Emancipation.
He knew that when the question was afterwards sub-
mitted to the Cabinet, and argued by two of the most
able of its members, Mr. Pitt said of the arguments
against it, that nothink could be more inconclusive.
Lord Castlereagh showed him the argument which he
submitted in support of the measure; and ashe consi-
dered it to reflect the highest honour upon his• consis-
tency, as well as upon his intellectual powers, he would
read it to the House, instead of troubling them with
further arguments of his own. Having read the docu-
meta, the Right Hon. Gentleman said, it had been
stated that though the Ministry contemplated concession
to the Catholics in that more tranquil state of Ireland
which was expected to follow .the Union—now, that
violent .doctri, es had been broached, and a dangerous
spirit of menace anal demand had arisen, it would be
impolitic to take such a course. He did not mean to
deny that a dangerous state of society now existed in that
country. No man regarded the events of the present
day with a higher sense of their importance and dan-
!ter than he did. . But they had been produced by the
procrastinating this necessary and inevitable measure
,sf justice—( Hear, hear). Were not these dangers fore-
men? He had some time since an interview with Lord
Liverpool,. at which he entered into a full discussion- of
this subject. He told Lord Liverpool, that if the mea-
sure were withheld, a few years would find the Catholic
Clergy an organised political body. lie would not at.
tempt to deny that that prediction had been verified. The
Catholic Leaders made it their boast, whether wisely or
not it was not for him to say; that the whole Catholic
population was organised, that the-Clergy were ioineil •
with them in the pursuit 'of political objects, and. that
the whole was capable of being moved by the Catholic
leaders as one man, fcir any speeifiVpurpose. TWo'yea'r s
ago, and this was not. Four years before that:he.prca.
phesied that such a state of things must take place in
ten years, and it had obtained in six. Twenty'years
ago, and the persons who were now the Ctitholicleaders
could no more have influenced the Catholic population
than the person most distantly connected with them in
all' that Elouse.—(Cheers). To whom was this dreadful
state of Ireland to be attributed ? To those whOfsadafir •
agree
for it, Canadthaolllicits
consequences,
to
'rhehYa . t
awsl 1p
the country. And let it be remembered, that those'thaHdous to
e
still opposed that measure must be prepared to say'th4t
this state of things must last for ever, as long as a. pi.
pas
tholic remained in the country, or they must be. .psi.
pared to find a new system of Government.--(Cheers),lf the country was to be left in this condition,. what
was to be the state of an Irish country Gentlemati,
every moment at the mercy of this power so organised,by
which his whole property might at once be involved in
destruction? He saw no benefit in preserving mystery
upon these subjects, or in slurring over the. real extent
of the danger to which the
.country was exposed. Ito
connection with this state of feeling in Ireland, it otitis
be remembered that there had been of late a powerful
effort made by a party called the Apostolicals, who
were composed of Ultra Catholics, to extend their is-
fluence aim Europe. That effort had now leeward a
check from'publtc opinion; but two years ago it wee
actively employed in exciting in Ireland a hostile feel-
ing towards the govytomept of this country._ Ague