Star.
London, England, 1828-02-27 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

Eltobi THE GAZETTE DE FRANCE, DATED FEB. 25.
CONSTANTINOPLE, JAL 25.

You have ptobahly rec 'red the Proclamation which
is in circul 4 tion bele, and which fi.ls the mnds of all
the Chi istians with alai in. You ar r doubtless iniumed
Also the persecutions to wh'ch tin. united Armenians
of the It ,man Church are exposed; persecutions which
remind the capital of the days of terror when the J.
nissar les %set e di,solved. The Pr oc Lima tion is exec t.t..n

is its lull force ; it has reviv•:d the courage of the Nlus. j
sultirans, and ihe genet al aiming has alrr aJy began.
pin this fortnight above S ()00 Armenians base
been sent to Asia. The most di-tinguohed persons of
this religion glory in showing then zeal, and suffering
for their faith ; they rather expose themselves to the
most severe fate than accept the condition of favour
which the Patriarch has offered them in the name of
the Sultan, namely, to embrace the Creedn! the sect of
the Euty chians. Thus the riALt Lebo* ous and the most
moral subjects are forcibly torn, on ihe proposal of thei,
Pau larch, from-the eseic se of tteir ptofessinns. The
capital will feel the loss severely. It ..eems that many
of these u:dortunate persons have gon. to Ociessa, where
they have been well received.
The changes in the Adniinistra ion continue. The
Kiaya Bey, Moister of the lnte.ior, has just been
dismissed, and Tahir Pacha, who was supposed to be
in disgrace. even beheaded, is in fell activity, and
gone to Slitylene to take the command of the Turkish
squadron dest'ned against S.io. The Pacha of Sniyina
will suppoit this expedition with -thile thousand
try. Accout is from Sinyrna of the 15th January say,
that the Pacha is gone to Tcliestue, to prepare the ear-
bat kation of the troops.
The Consuls of the three Powers at Smyrna closed
their functions on the 14th; but as they are merchants.
and 41C Very extensively engaged in the business of this
place. none Of thefll have quitted this tows. . Thr
English and Fiends Consuls have ircommended the
iiiairiduals of their nati,nis to the Consul of the Nether•
lands. The Russians ale placed under the protection
of the Austrian Consul.
M. Ulacquo, Editor of the thiettial Spectator, who,
was attested .by order of the French Consul and put on
board a French ship of war, has bees released.

A Message from the Lore
of Sir W. Rae, to give evidence
their Lordships upon the
Sir J. NEWPORT present
in the city of Waterford ar-
dece d to he printed.
Sir J. NEWPORT moat/
neficed Curates of the &tat
number of years during whirs
and allowances they have gat
St A. GRANT pr Rents
Supply, containing the Reso
E.donates.—The Reculutions
CORPJI4IO
Mr. Alderman Worsts pre
Chapel, in the city of GI
Corporation and Test Act'
Sir E. KNATOIMMILL, front
and twelve other places in
from Maze Ponds its the I
ART, from Brecon, and ten
from twenty places in Cermet
moothsbire; Sir E. Coxe
Glamorgan; Mr. Possorear.
THORP, from Kettering and -
from Ashby-de-la-Zouch;
sod seventy-two other places
Wales; the Marquis of
Bedford ; Mr. T. ligints
Mr. I.wwLsr, from Birmi
Essex; Lord Ifammirst,
Lord MARD►r►6LS. ITOM
Lord F. OSBORKI, from
Cambridgeshire; Mr. Bran,
land ; Sir IL Helton, from '
Horncastie; Lord NORM/
from Thetford and
Berkshire and Oxfordshire.
Crown-court, Covent-gat de,
from Greenwich, Bethel
places in Essex ; Mr. DEN'
Protection of Religious L
stated, were the rep:ries
from Mr. Rowland Hilt's
:runt, from Oxford; Mr.
individual ; Mr. Uuacomas
Westbury, Corsley, and
front the Poultry Chlari.
SON, from a Parish in tht

Brighton; Mr. KA.i, er
Z:uch; I.avcr.slgo
INGTON .rom Tregohy ; Mi
.1. Ittissel.t. from Godinauct
MAnchreter.—Orderctl %crf

Lord J. RUSSEL
bringing forward a I
not be deemed lea
Haase on account of
wAs fel suaded tam II
vet c.f Pen loners, plat
did, upon the great
e held worthy the d,
their prayer ant disni,
'twit. He felt r.o dithi
of the Petitioners in
knew that no one
character of the Pi ote,
There was one consit'
with a feeling sornew
were not for ether ri
with despair—he all,
last time the subjec
came supported by th,
Fox; yet, notwithstat
was rejected by the .
have rendered all exer
did not know that
weapons as Mr. Fox, neither had
to encounter. Dining the last thi
te,lings of the country had made sui
larly amongst the middling classes,
to en (Apposed to ti.e rep-al of these

Among its. most stienuout SUppOi,
ilibilatiOn Of this was to be found
of the Common Council of the CI
1790, resolutions wets passed by tl
the topes) of the •Acts in queition,
Members who voted against it.

• rsPiA. . .
jalk
.' " - • 7 .4. 41 NI mii I ri, r'B r 6 '.4S, .
oAii. 1.
.. : `,F- • .
•17.7- le /Au*. 3,."- •• : .
• -
:War. ;•,-'43lVi 4.".7.4..ef•••• .'1 - • .
llt.
• %•4 I-: *k I
.. ''''
- .s••-..•.-sr4iwit:s.!;4.-..
4„
• .r.;:,,,,... .-...1..,.. •
•:.::
1,,,,, 1 .
[PEACE S fr: VEN PENC E s
:
. . -....--.4--„,,A, I •
AL PARLIAMEN l'.
7-ria--
OP LbRDS, FED. i 6. I - 1'
ntel Petitions for the Repeal of the Test
ffia the Protestant Dissenters of Brecon,
. .
tented Pithiest' to the same effect front
. - ~ • .
ii
toted skilir Petitlotts froM Erightheire-
' presented a Petition. to the like effect
titers of East-street,
,Mary.lalbotine.
rd similar Petitions from the Protestant
Wilts; of fleadingham, Kssek ; of Glos.
s county or Caluvarthett ; of King-street
af Cannon-street (lapel. Manchester; of 1 f
n; of Llatifechan, in the county of Asa i,. • :
he county of York t. of the Baptist Con. ' •i. .
t, Soho; of Winslow Bucks; of Kirby • ' 1
I : I
of Long Sutton; andi of,a great number
. • / '
.
several Petitions
It ll presented sintitar Poi:ions front the I
Peter.field, in the county of &amino'''. ; i
of Mareshefd. Notts; of flay Weston, .1 .
nercial-road, Mt:tech:pet ; of Penn -way, . i
ycombe, Bucks; of Bold-street, Liver-
places. ..............,...,..„.,..,.. •-• --I
kLE presented a similar Petition from ti . , .
cr • .1,
of the tow, and t3r•rt of Deeet. .
ed Petitions to the same effect from the
to town of Leicester, and of several other
% •
DOWN prese ated Petitions to the same
.
Vass raters of Nlaresfield Chapel, H .c..... .
area ; 4 the Academy Chapel, Hoetnn; ai l'a. '
'work ; of Chippenharn,Wilts; of Silver-
al Cockermutith, Cteritherland ; of Efini
),. a .I. '
it. M .ry.street Chapel, Cardiff; of Cur-
ceet Chapel, Deptfutd; of the City of .
rii.r place.. " • i
a Petition from an Individual§ Conte of
utioplaining that be was not 'efficiently 1 I
'.12 ill inked the Noble Lord for the con. I'4
he had presented the Petitiim, and had 14 '.:l *
taut cognizant of the circumstances of
i It'
• ''
'
: f
DOWN presented Petitions, praying the i 1
Mg religious liberty trine several parishes
v, and in other parts of Ireland.—The
rally ordered to lie upon the table.
tilt was reported, and ordered to be en-
1 adjourned.
IE OF COMMONS.
/ moved for Returns of the Amount of t•
irits imported, exported, and upon which
t year ending sth January, 1828.
Teseltted a Petition from certain Malt-
the Regulations of the Mali Duti a Ac. • t
ed a similar Petition front certain
nu Malt- It, i'
abroke.—Ordered to lie n the table.
. a .
a NDOS presented a Petition from the
, praying for an ahetation of the Puor
~onintittee on the Poor Laws.
ed a Petition front the Parish of St. Ni-
a the Catholic Cairns; also similar Pe-
aces in the county of Galway.-Ordered i.fitl• ' •
.ords requested leave for the attendance lit:', a
widener before the Select Committee of
Game Laws. 4 tit .
'esented a Petition from certain Maltstera I 'a .t
against the Malt Duty Iteeulationso—Or. i ,
!.'
. I
cured fora return of the numbe Ot of gre- i
- 1-
;abilities! Church he Ireland, Mow* the
t;
'hich they have officiated, and the salaries -
generally received.—Ordered. . t.
ented the Report of the Committee of
4,.:
esolutions of the Committee on the Nayy .
It• -
ions n ere agreed to. "It 7:
tATION AND TEST ACTS. ,a-1 !".
rreserted a Peti:ion from Barton-street j
Glnu, ester, praying for a repeal of the
as; a similar Petition from Greenwich;
i Milton; Sir W. Rowter, trout Walton,
1 the county of Saffolk; Mr. N. Cosmeat, , •
Borough of Southwark; Lord J. STEW. I, .1 1 -
rn other places in the county of Brecon; :
! I 1
...:
rmarthenshire, Cardiganshire, and Mon-
me, from sits places in the county of ''
weer, from Southampton; Lord As..
and another place; Sir Charles Hoirrntas,
a; Mr. WILLIAII SMITH, from Norwich, t
1 !, '• I t' :
a
aces In different parts of England and • ' `
TovisToce, twelve from the county of
.. ,
HARD, from Chelmsford and Ivanhoe; • t
•mingharn ; Mr. WESTIRN. fifteen from * I
, seven from Nottingham and its vicinity; 1 •
a Kimbolton ; a Misinee, front eswestry ;
t. •
a Vilsbeacb, and several o her place* in i
Tate, from Mile End, Houton, and Kings- I 11- I' '' ''
to, Peterborough, Stanford, Steaford. and
~i.
.:.
KARST, from Alnwick ; Mr. B. DAMAO,
inner ; Mr. Nonce, from two paces is . .
hire; Mr. P. Tnoraraon. from Dover; 1
den, and two other places ; Mr. Cercaerr,
I Chapel. I.l..nd.street Chapel. and three a 1
r
. ,
'ciao., Iron the Pra.testant Society for. the
Lihetty, who, the Honourable Member , 1
entative of one thousand Congregations ; r . ,
'a Chapel, and from Mitcham ; Mr.LANO. !, a A
.1 ' • '
• I Immouse, front Deptford, and from an ' "
ass, aunt Pickering; Mt. Bemire, from
I Deptford; Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, -
a / • •
Boartingford, and Poplar ; Mr. A. DAII/- ' :
he County of Loath ; Mr. ('caress from ,
. • ,
ieveral from Leicester and Ashby de-la-
trout a place in Devonshire; Dr. Luso-
Jr. Axs ,n from Melton filowbr.y ; Lord . 4
tache•ter, London-road, liorselidowni and ' i 'l. '.
ereral:y to lie on the table, a
.L then. rose, for .the purpose of
motion, which, he trusted, would - , 'i a
worthy the considetation of tlae - t
a .
• the weakness of its advocate. He #
the waits:rot such an immense nun - 1*
. , ~
lacing their cause, as they gent rally ,
• ground of religious liberty, would I, ''-i i I
I,
deepest attention of the House, and
iiined without the grayest deliber; - '''lt'
tEculty on account of the conduct ''' 'l,
o approaching the House, for I e ';
could impugn the loyalty or the ~ •
)testant Dissenters of this country.
idea ation which impressed his Third ita..
r•
recoliloeoggeettii,hl7tnhcHetehonoalittvien
M;'theorint.
what allied to awe, and which, if ;t ...tt; I I _
t
circumstances, would have filled it
I •
a . ' y
the
tiding
i illagi talent
saenaddtvhaen
' ' '' ' a
:11tewde.ilis
introducedt.)
eloquence
: I ,
; . ~..
House. Such a consideration w.u'd - i. '7
:sections
ors' his part hopeless, if le I, • 1.,..
while
.he could not wield the seer e •
•,,
i
a, neither had he the same enemies i i 1;:. •
ing the last thirty ) ears the liberPl
.•
:ry had made such progress, pollen- ".• •-.,.
siJciling classes, that those who were l:
j;: •A
I ..'.. i
11
. •: .1,
..
I.e rep-al of these laws, were now , ••
Sinuous supporters. One fact in il- r ,1 :u.
as to be found in the proc.eJings i • ,
Juncil of the City of London. In
t .
etc passed by that body deprecating
Acts in question, and that.king their • !,
ed against it. So much had the tai
„a ...
11",L1'
. o
C .1
'!s t I.
li

•
opinion of the City of London chanfal Rine that period,
that the Common Council had now thought it right to.,
pass resolutions declaring the Atts hostile to religions I
liberty, and praying few theft repeal. Another import-
ant fact was, that Mr. Pitt, who opposed the motion
of Mr. Fox, within a few years after declared his
wish that these laws were repealed. He saw, as
every enlarged and enlightened mind must see, that
the time was past when the necessity for such laws
existed ; that there was no longer a contest going on
as to what religion should have an ascendancy in the
State ; that the conflict of principles then existing was
purely.of a political nature, and that it was wise and
necessary- to bring together the well disposed of
all
religions to support the Constitution against its p4oir.
cal enemies. It would be asked whether he mess tip
propose any test in lieu of that which he desired to abs.
lith ? His answer was, that he objected to all religiOns
tests whatever; he wished to see the whole of bur laws
resemble the Act of the sth Geo. IV. telatins. to„,the-
Customs and Excise, in which no oath was required from
those taking offices in such departments, except the oath
of allegiance. This he wished to make the only condition
of holding seats in Parliament, or offices under the
Crown. With this opinion it was manifest that he
should propose no test in lieu of the one he desired to
remove. He now cline to the great principle upon
which he should found hit motion. He had stated that
the greater number of the Petitions went upon the
principle that every man ought to be at liberty to fol.
low his religious duties according to the dictates of his
own mind. By this it was meant, that every man should
be at liberty to entertain his own religious opinion, to
teach, propagate, and maintain it, to worship GOD in
his own manner without any restraint whatever; and
every penalty imposed upon him for so doing was in
the nature of a persecution, and therefore equally an
offence to GOD as an injury to the man. He admitted
that these were certain exceptions to the rule, which
he illustrated by the exception to that rule which pre-
vented one nation from interfering with the internal
affairs of another. If the internal affairs of one nation
operated injuriously upon the constitution of another
nation, then interference was justifiable. The same
might be said of religious opinions. If any religion con-
tained within it principles hostile to the political con-
stitution of the State, and to the allegiance of the sub-
ject, then the Legislature had a right to impose restric-
tions upon the persons who professed such doctrines,
because they were political and not religious. The
course he should take in laying the question before the
House was, first to look at the history of these Acts, to
show whether they were founded upon any thing hostile
to the Constitution of the country ; and secondly, he
should contend for the necessity of their repeal upon
the general principle. The Noble Lord then described
the origin of the Corporation Act, stating that it was
imposed by Charles the Second, with a view to %Rove
from. Corporations all such persons as were net well
affected to the Government, the Puritans having been
the cause of the death of his father. This Act contained
a clause, by which all persons to be in future admitted
into Corporations, were obliged to take the Sacrament
according to the rites of the Church of England. The
Test Act, he contended, arose entirely of t of- the troubles
relating to-the Roman Catholics, to prevent their at.
tempts to overturn the Constitution, and not with a view
to impose penalties on the Dissenters. There was this
difference between the two Acts; the Corporation Act
was ietended to exclude the disaffected Dissenters at
a particular period—the Test Act was directed against
the Roman Catholics alone. At the Revolution it
might have been expected that these laws would have
been repealed. But strong reasons existed at the time,
which rendered such a course u.expedient. When King
William wished to admit Dissenters to hold offices, those
who had brought about the Revolution knew that the
Church was disaffected towards the Dew dynasty, and
that if the Dissenters weteadsnitted to office, the Church
Establishment might be its danger. He had the autho-
rity of Bishop Burnett for saying, that the Church then
wished for a repeal of the Toleration Act, and the re-
storation of the Stuarts. Of course no relaxation of the
laws took place while the high Tory party were in
power, and nothing was done down to the time of
George the First, when Lord Stanhope brought in his
Bill in the other House. He was nut so successful as to
attain his object; but the measure was at that time
strongly supporrel Amongst its friends were some of
the Bishops, whose speeches showedthat since that day,
atledat in religious matters, liberality had made so
very great ptogreu is those quarters. One Learned
Prelate had devised the soundness of the priopiple which
went to deprive men of their flannel tights fn conse-
quence of their religious opinions, and objected alto-
gether to depriving men of their civil rights upon any
such ground. Upon that occasion also it was
that Bishop Kennet had said, that the Church re-
quired no such security as that which the obnoxious
Acts' afforded. He said that from the observations he
had been able to make through history, he was con-
s/lined that the Church was most secure and most
flourishing when it possessed only that power and that
influence which fairly belonged to it—(Hear, hear)
The Learned Prelate might have added, that the words
" security of the Church" were oftener used for sinister
purposes than for the furtherance of true religion and
the real interest of the Establishment—(Heat). That
security of the Church" was a cry which might be fit
to impose upon the credulity of women and children—
(Hear ). And, really, he (Lerdsl. Russell) should not have
ventured to use such expressions upon his own authority;
bur, said Bishop Kennet, by those who understood the
real merits and valued the real welfare of the Church,
that cry would be treated with contempt. The Church
of England was founded epos a rock, and while on the
one hand it was not to be shaken by infidelity, outhe
other, firm in its own purity and excellence, it required
not support from the operation of penal statutes (Hear).
Such were some of the sentiments of the enlightened
Prelates of one hundred and ten years ago. Still, how-
ever, Lord Stanhope failed in his attempt; and Sir
Robert Walpole, his successor, a solo who never gave
up any practical and present good fee .tie adoption of
any views, however admirable or important in them-
selves, opposed the repeal of the Test and Owpotaties
Acts, simply on the ground that the time net fitting
for their repeal. That Minister acknowledged the jos.
tice of the claims of the Dissenters; he said that he was
favourable to granting the concessions they asked for;
but that the security of the reigning dynasty would sot
allow hies to pursue his own wishes, so strong was then
the feeling that the Halls! of Hanover would no longer
be supported by the Established Church than the Cor-
poration and Test Acts were onrepealed; that it was
thought better that the Dissenter:Assad still suffer the
oppiessioo those Acts imposed upon them. than to run
the risk which would be incurred by their abolitios.—
Nay. many of the Dissenters themselves, aware of the
opinions and the feeling of the Church, appear to have
been of the same minds and as a fresh proof of their
loyalty, they sere. as in the time of Charles IL still
willing to suffer patiently rather than give rise to any
new difficulties. But that course of conduct led to a

'very anomalous proceeding. During the reigns of
George I. and ii. certain Acts were passed not less
than four times for the purpose of relieving such
"persons as had not complied with the Test ancl
COrporation Acts.i They were protected from the
penalties; and that was surely a most extraordinary
state of things. If the Dissenters were dangerous the
Acts ought to have been enforced ; and if the Dissenters
were not dangerous, the Acts ought to have been
abolished. He had thus shown the state of affairs with
respect to the Dissenters up to the period of which he
had spoken, the beginning of the system of indemnity.
Then what had happened afterwards? Why, in 1745
the number of the Dissenters was greatly increased, and
a large body of Non-conformists came to assist in the
suppression of the rebellion, which was then entered
ittto-for the purpose of restoring the Stuart family to
the throne of these realms. They acted most loyally,
'most gallantly, apd most successfully; and it was
thought and felt that they were fairly entitled to some
.Honourable reward. They had maintained the reign-
log dynasty, they had secured the liberties of the
country, and they had supported the authority of Par-
4isment ;and what was the reward they received for such
such important services? Doubtless the House,the
edpuptry would imagine that their sovereign had show-
ered honoursifavours, and confidence upon them ; that
Parliament tad hastened to record, by some striking
act, its. liestly merited gratitude; and that the nation
bad followed in the same train of congratulatory ac-
knowledgment for the benefits it had received. But no
such thing. What the Parliament did was this—
'Because the Dissenters bad maintained the present
dynasty, supported •the authority of Parliament, and
secured the liberties of the people, the Parliament
voted them—a free and. full pardon— (Hear, hear,
hear). Sod} was the anomalous state of affairs
in 1745, and which had been persevered in ever since.
For eighty-five years Parliament bad, year after
year, renewed the Acts of Indemnity, and not re
pealed those Acts which rendered such an anomalous
proceeding necessary.—(Hear.)—He then came to the,
reasoning part of the question; and the very first point
be had to consider was the propriety of persevering in
passing the Act of Indemnity in preference to any
other course. It might have been very sound and good I
policy to have passed such an Act for ten or fifteen
years, in preference to repealing the Test and Corpora.
tion Acts at once, because by so doing any dangeri
which Might have been apprehended from a sudden re-
movalof the disabilities ',paid have been avoided. It cer-
taisly was very natural for the parties in power to say—
" No, we will not give all at once, but effect the change
in a safe and gradual manner." Such a plan would
have been wise ; but that the Indemnity Act should be
persevered in for 85 years, and that after all, there
should be any who were not satisfied with the loyalty
of the Dissenters, wai to him a most extraordinary and
most preposterous circumstance—(Hear.) The next
argument he came to was as to the nature of the test
proposed. It was one of a most serious and solemn
nature. The Sacrament of the Lotto's supper was
held by the Church of England to be an ordinance of
tho last importance, and the terms in which the
Church' spoke of those who partook unworthily of it—
dor it declared 44 they sealed their own damnation"—
claimed unbounded consideration. And yet, after
that overwhelming declaration, the taking of the
Sacrament was adopted as a test to try whether a per-
son was fit to hold a civil office? He knew it had been
said that candidates for offices were not compelled to
take the Sacrament, that it was merely tendered to
them as a trial of their faith; but that was nothing more
than an evasion,—(Hear.) They tempted men to make
light of GOD'S ordinance to acquire office.—(Hear.)
They put emolument and official importance in opposi
lion to one of GOD'S most sacred ordinances—(Heat).—
But let the House go a little further, and see fully how
that test operated. It was very possible that persons
might be refused the Sacrament from a malicious feel-
ing existing against them; and if they were refused it,
Ishey suffered a civil injury. Bat not only might the
Sacrament be refused, and a person thereby suffer a
'civil injury; but the fact was that such cases had oc-
curred, and were to be found recorded. The refusal from
malice had been proved in a Court of Law, and the ac-
tion Or civil injury held good. Stich, then, was the
position of those who had to undergo the test;.
and the next point to consider was the situation
of those who had to administer the test. A Clergyman
might be called upon to admiairter the Sacrament to
one who was living in such a way, that the Clergyman
was bound by his oaths and his conscience: not to admi-
nister it to him. And if theClergyman,in the fulfilment of
his solemn vows and most sacred duties, did refuse, what
was the consequence? Why, he was subject to be
dragged into a Court of Law, and to be sued for in-
flicting a civil injury, although in doing so he had well
and properly discharged his religious duties—(Heart)
Such had actually been the state of things, and Clergy-
men had found themselves compelled to administer the
Sacrament, without regard to the characters of those
who presented themselves to receive it. That such
was the fact wasytot to be doubted, and it was to be
found recorded, that in London a Church had been
known by the name of the 44 Qualifying Rothe:—
Those who wished to take the Sacrament in way of
qualification remained at some neighbouring tavern tilt
the time for administering it arrived; they then went
into the Church, and upon the clerk calling upon those
who wished to qualify to come forward, those who did
so were up to the communion table and took the Se-
ceansent, merely that they might be capable of holding
office—(Hear)—Such was the consequence of mingling
religion with civil matters—(Hear). And he could net
help asking the Right Honourable Member for the
University of Oxford 4Mr. Peel), whether that Learned
Body were prepared to express through hien .their wish
chat such a Test should be kept in force with a
view of preserving the purity of religion?—(Hear, hear.)
—But then it was said ia reply to the arguments he
had urged, that the grievance was merely theoretical
after all ; that the Test was no longer put into prac-
tice, and that persons were no longer forced either to
tabs or to lose office. Well then, if such were thefacts,
what could justify the continuing of the Acts? When
k was once allowed that they were no longer necessary,
'they were then left in all their naked deformity, and
could be looked upon only as measures for religious
; ersecutioa. But he maintainej that the practical
grievance was greater than even the legal penalties of
the Statute were severe. For although by the Act of
Indemnity all those were mated from not having taken
the SAcreasaut who had been prevented by illness or by
accident, yet there was no security against molestation
granted'se those who had abstained from taking the Sa-
crament on account of their religious scruples. The very
persons who ought to be protected had no protection.
And what had been the language of Lord North, in the
ablest speech which bad ever been made in that House
Pagainst the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts,
with reference to dime Dissenters who took advantage
of the indemnity granted upon the terms ea *filch It
stood ? That Noble Lord had said, that itmres a mental
deceit and equivocation on the part of thaw Dissenters

who so acted, unless they were really prevented from
taking the Test by sickness or accidesst. Then he would
ask if the grievance were merely theoretical ? Could it
be expected that those men, who entertained deep and
sincere religious scruples as to the propriety 'of taking
the Test, would subject themselves to such a stigma, to
such an imputation, for the purpose of gaining office?
The great body of the Dissenters would not consent to•
bring upon themselves any such degradation. If they
could-hot obtain office without violating their religious
feelings or their honour, they would go without
office altogether—(Hear, hear). And what was the
consequence of their upright determination? Why,
the State was deprived• of the services of men of
the noblest and the greatest talents—were not
that injurious Test in existence, the Dissenters might
have contributed to their country illustrious Cap-
tains to lead her armies on to victory, and to
enhance her glory. But it was not only that con-
scientious feeling NI the part of the Dissenters that
excluded them from office ; for if they were to forego
their own sense of honour, and by ptactising a mental
deceit to enter into office, they would be at the mercy
of every interested hireling or malignant bigot that
might choose to denounce them. That such was the
fact experience had amply proved. He had then a list
of the diffetent cases which had been made public
.doting the last few years, and he would quote one to
the House. I allude to an Election for a Corporate
Office, where the person having a minority of votes,
was declared duly elected, because be who had a
majority was a Di‘senter. and was not qualified
under the Act. The Law is not, therefore, a dead
letter, nor are all cases of grievance removed by
Indemnity Bills. But if such.cases were to be foul d
on record, how many mote would there have been,
had Dissenters come forwa. d generally to take advantage
of the pretended non-enforcement of the test? The
test might be enforced, and it was clearly a practical
evil of serious magnitude. But that was not the only
way in which the test was a grievance. If a Dissenter
chose to.come forward to fill an office on the sup-
position that the test would not be enforced, he
might be asked for his certificate, and that was a de-
mand to which a Dissenter did not choose to expose

himself. Such, then, were a part of the actuel and prac-
tical grievances suffered by Dissenters. •But he was
aware, that when he stated and proved that those Acts
did operate as barbers against the Dissenters' ac-
cession to of he only confirmed some who were
already opposed to their repeal, and wit() argued that the
fewer the Dissenters admitted into office, the greater
was the security of the Established Church. to such
reasoners he would reply in the language of Bishop
Kennet—the Established Church of England was
founded upon a rock, and requited not the support of
persecution or of intolerance.—(Hear, hear.)—Buistiß
it was said, and the arguments had been adopted by a
Learned Prelate of the present time. that if the Test
and Corporation Acts were repealed, the property of the
Church mutt of consequence be attacked. He thought
that argument, in the first place, most impolitic. If
they said that they could not admit millions of their
fellow-subjects to their civil rights, lest the property of
the Church should be attacked, what feeling was suck
an assertion calculate) to raise in the minds of the Dis-
senters? It certainly would not be likely to induce them
to continue suffering with patience, or to reconcile
them to the hardships they endured. But the argument
Was most unfounded. He was convinced that thegreat
body of the Dissenters had no desire whatever to possess
the Church property; and he knew also that they did
not consider that a rich Church, like that of England,
was the best possible means for supporting or extending
Christianity. But if the argument were good, and such
an Act as the Test Act were necessary, whatwould be.
come of the Church of Scotland? In that country there
was no such Act—in that country no such means had
been adopted for the preservation of its Established
Church, and yet that Church was not indanger—(Hear,
oar).—Again, let the House look to Ireland. lihete the
Established Church was not protected by such Acts.
The Corponkion Act bad never existed in that country
at all; and the Test Act had been introduced during
the reign of Queen Anne, and was repealed about 45 or
'46 years ago. The House would, perhaps, recollect, that
a Right Hon. Fr lend of his had observed, about 20 years
ago, that the Test Act could not be repealed in England
with safety to the Established Church ; and he had men-
tioned that circumstance in order to show that much of
the fear, with respect to the security of the Established
Church being weakened by the repeal of the Test and
Corporation Acts, was purely fanciful. Such, then,
Was the case with respect to the to.intries nearest
England ; and when he turned his view to mote distant
arts, he found only a confirmation of his opinions.—
Let the House look at the state of 'Austrian Italy, and
it would find even there no Test or Corporation Acts.
In Austria, which was, too, a Catholic country, no such
barriers existed to prevent the entrance of l'rotestant
Dissenters into office. A Protestant Dissenter could
become a member of the Corporation of Vienna, or
of any other town in Austria, without undergoing
any peculiar ordeal, but he could not become a
member of the Corporation of Bristol, or of any
other Corporation in England. without doing so.—
The minions who were then patiently waiting at the throes of that
House to obtain the relief to which justice gadded them, were the
Protestant -Diesentees, who alone, of all Europe, lore subjected to
degrading and offensive restrictions in eonsenuence of their religions
opinioos.—(lllear,hear.)—After, having urged those arguments, he
would call upon the HMSO to remember the times in which the
Acta were passigd, and to look upon the times in which be sought
(Sr their repeal. la the time of Charles the First, *s Protestant
Dissenters had contributed to the overthrow of the Government.
In the time of Charles the Second there was an ample reason for
dm Test Act without the Protestant Dissenters being taken into con-
sideration. Those causes bad long since ceased, and ihe experience
of eighty-five years had proved that the Acts were not necessary,
and did not require to he acted upon. He had thus gone through
the history of those Acts, anl be thought that he bad proved, that
however necessary they aright have been when they were passed,
they were now no longer requited.--(Hear, hear.)—That he had
proved that they did inflict great practical evils, and that they
were at variance with the policy of all enlightened Europe.—
(Hear.)—Having said thus much, be bad little more to add, than
that the repeal of the obnoxious laws would tend to allay all feeling
of discontent. that it would unite the Protestant Dissenters heartily
with the rest of their fellow subjects, and induce them to bear
cheerfully the burtheus under which the country laboured; and
also that such an alteration would be suitable to the spirit of the
times. He had heard with great astonishment that the Right Hop.
Secretary for the Home Department not only intended to oppetee
the motion for their repeal himself, but that the opposition to k
was to be a Government measure-rand that the whole strength of
the Ministry was to be arrayed on the occasion. He was sorry to
hear that such a determination had teed come to, not only in con-
sideration of the fate of the motion he should subfhit to the Hots
but also in consideration of the Ministry itself. If the conduct ot
the Gavarornent on that occasion was to pc:talus at.an wanted
the plan upon which they intended generally.to act, Pc coultkioult
augur most unfavourably for their future. popsdatitt.- At Yor'tbd
question itself, he repeated that he did not regret the count* lakii
heard Government would pursue miely.upon its account, Melt was
one the progress of which might be checked, btit could not be pad
dpwn.—(Hrar, hear.)—The times whop Ouch a plan could have,
been carried into execution had passed away, and it was no longer
possible for the Government to say; Millions shin be denied a just
participation in the blessings of the Conetkotion. If he wanted proof'
in support of his assertion, he should find it by looking et the wan-
ner in which the late Government had been cunducted. If Lord
LiverEool bad governed the country, the etsinitry* had at least as
much governed hire as he had 'governed 16.-s(lteit 0.) 47R Mr.
Canning's Geeernatert,lt arastbe attowet,that ebatever influence
or coondeuce it plesessed, it derived (sum acting hi accordance with

the spirit oldie times.—(Hear Arid of that inistrioos and Mot
man who was at present at the bead of his Majesty's Government,
he most take leave to say, that although he must be for ever re.
girded as the deliverer of Portugal, as the saviour of Spin, as the
conqueror of Waterloo, and as one of the greatest Chiefs that have
ever enhanced the glory of their own country and given security to
others—although he stood in a position singular and unezampled in
the history of his country..although he enjoyed the whole patronage
of the State, the patronage of the Church, of the Treasury, of the
Army, and commanded, by the glorious-victories be had ocidevod,
the affections of 110,000 men at arms—although be peoperied beside,
all these, the perfect confidence of his Sovereign--still be said, that
although the Duke of Wellington possessed all that immense power,
he must modify bid opinions to those of the age in whkisbe Heed,
However much be might be inclined to support other feelings, it
was impossible he should succeed in doing so. The millions vibe
sought for justice at the bands of the House might be for the
moment defeated, but their requests could net be sileneed—(HaC)
Their voice—the voice of three millions, would still be heard, an
he entreated the House to weigh well the consequence of with-
holding from diem justice—(Hear!) The Noble Lard then read
the part of the Act to which Ise had before called the attention of
the House, and concluded by moving—" That the House do v,e'"
itself into a Committee o the whole Hesse, to take Intl sslu.rra
Lion so much of the Act of Charles 11. as required persons to receive
the Sacrament of the Louis Supper recording to the rites of tbd
Chinch of ffiegland, before they entered upon any civil office."
Mr. JOHN SMITH seconded the motion. He said
the public were unacquainted with the extent of the
oppression inflicted by the Test and Corporation Acts..
The Test Art applied to all persons holding office un-
cle' the Croivn, of any kind ; ore* the sergeants and
corporals of the army were subject to its penaities; and
these penalties were oppressive and tyrannical in the
highest degree. The person who had not complied
with the Act, not only fotfeited the office he held.
but was rendered incapable of holding any other. He
was also incapable of being executor to a will, of
being guardian to a child. or even of receiving a
legacy—(Hear, bear, hear). He had heard the Right
Honourable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Peel) abjure
persecution • but was net this persecution ?—(Hear.)—
He knew ;he Right Hon. Gentleman could feel for
the injuries of others, and he hoped he would give fair
play to his good feelings on the present occasion. All
those penal laws proceeded from one unfortunate error.
that belief Was an act of the will, and that not to believe
what was required was the effect of obstinacy. The
Acts were so little known in their extent, that he be-
lieved very few persons now conformed to them.—
He lately asked a Bank Director whether I.e had qua-
lified acc,,rding to law, by obtaining a certificate
from the Minister and two witnesses that he had
received the Sacrament? The Bank Director via,
surprised to hear that such a proceeding was re-
quited by law. He also lately conversed on the sub-
ject with a General Officer, who declared to him :hat
he never knew that such an Act was in existence. He
oas himself Colonel of a Regiment of Volunteers in
London, four and twenty years ago, and he could say,
I that if he could make a distinction between the
members of his regiment, he should give the pre-
ference to Dissenters. There were at that time two
hundred thousand Dissenters in arms in England.
Did any man doubt their loyalty ? And was it to be
repaid by allowing statutes to remain that offered
them a gross insult ? To such men the country owed
former glory and present safety.—Tt e Scotch Presby-
terian who conformed to the Test Act, was con-
sidered by his own Church as having abandoned
Would the Scotch officers in the Army and Navy con.
sent to such a conformity ? If those Acts were pease.
vered in, a party of zealots might enter the House when
the Speaker was at his devotions, and say to him, " Go
seek the Lotto elsewhere." The Test Act could never
be put in force. The opposers of the repeal would say,
they did not mean to put it in force, but merely to hold
it over Dissenters. Should the loyalty of Dissenters be
treated oith such distrust? It was said that the Go-
vernment had a right to require such tests. He thought
no man or government could have a right which was a
wrong to others. And, trying the question by the test
of utility, which was the greatest happiness of the
greatest number, he thought the tight to oppress
could not be supported. One person had said, that
the greatest crimes were committed by persons of
light complexion • another said they were committed
by persons of dark complexions? but would it be just,
on either of those opinions, to exact penalties against
persons for their complexions? He respected Christians
of all denominations who made the law of GOD, as
they understood it, the rule of their conduct; and in-
stead of being punished• for being conscientious, he
thought they proved themselves trustworthy, and should
be held in all honour. In no instance where penal laws
were enacted, had they failed to he productive of human
misery. Discontent, discord, and bloodshed were their
offspring. If the country would now grant equality
of freedom to all Dissenters, Protestants and Catholics.
its wealth would soon be quadrupled. The common
sense of the country must soon sweep away film the
Statute Book those penal laws by which the country
WAS now disgraced, and then would Great Brifain
assume her proper station amongst the nations of the
earth.—(Hear, hears)
The question being put from the Chair,
Mr. WILBIt A II A M, in a maiden speech, apologized
to the House tot venturing to intrude himself on its at-
tebtion at so early a period of the debate ; but he had
long thought most seriously upon the subject, and he
trusted that that reason would excuse him with the
House. That such a state of things should have existed
at any time which rendered such enactments necessary,
must be a matter for regret; but• when the lapse of
time and a chaoge of circumstances had swept away all
the causes which had called for their adoption. to per-
severe in maintaining them ceuld deserve no other
name than an act of oppression against religiossopioione.
If he found it necessary to look for any reason for an
opposition to the motion before the House, beyond that
Afforded by the ruling pas.lon—the right of the strong
to keep the less powerful down—he thought be might
I find it in tl e growth of a system, or rather of an abuse.
which had propagated the necessity of an alliance be-
tween the Church and State. By that system people
were taught to believe that the Church was of necessity
most intimately connected with the State, and that
the one could not exist without the other. He however
did not believe that such was the fact. He thought
that they should be separated from each other, and
that their ancestors had been in error when tbey adopted
a different principle. He did not mean to say that
their ancestors had been invariably wrong in instituting
Penal Statutes with respect to religious differences; bvt
when they. were tight,. the distinction• had been made,
not because one man was a Unitarian and another
Presbyterian, but because to certain religious sect* par-
ticular political opinions did or were supposed so belong
Hear.)—la the present time no such distinctiencould
Ile made. Particular politics were not attached to pun-
• cular religious opinions, and therefore the precautions of
their ancestors were no longer required. If indeed it costal
be shown that the Catholics were knit together with a
view of overthrowing the Protestant dynasty and piaci%
another on the throne; or if it could be proved tba be
Protestant Dissenters were aiming as they did is Weer
times, at the subversion of the State, then, indeed, be
should admit that the Penal Statutes might be justified.
But even before that could bo allowed, there was ano-
ther point to be considered; whicipmettat. whether they

lad drength sufficient,. if
. dace 1,7 sAischief?. Al
.tnerely fee the sake if the
Lion really did exidt, Then
don, were the Telt and
give security 'against their
it might be .sfery clear!:
Ler Marina the instance
Charles the Second. T!
'exception of three, were opposed
sino...ln the next reign
'William and the Revolui
'both 'these periods been si
'they would hare overthi
every Hierarchy of which
fliers ? That they did not
• Very Dissenters, whom after,
ism to persecute—(Hear.)
the support 4 all the friends
the tacit assent even '
imppotted the Annual Ind,
'do so if ihey did not -
inutility dltd worthlessness
'now sought to repeal? The
}meant for the purposes
let was meant as a chec:
time and under circumstances
not be trusted with the nominal
Was it not strange that it _
now, and that those should
peal, who, In their. owr
advantages from the free
—(Hear, bear). He was
upon the attention of the '
much further into the sebjeci
presumption on his part,
Noble Lord, to attempt folio
There were onlytwo points r•-•
their consideration. In the
that, by reason of the Anr
, arising from these Acts
real. Was it not an eai
.Is
demnity should at all be
temporary concession ?
the very bad principle, .
power to exclude the weak
of their religious principles.
men that they held their
(He sr)_and that by
branch of. the Legislature
she weight =of those law!
tem did not arise so nut
and- emolument, as fro'
it affixed; and ;he - insolent
anted their orthodox
been said that the Dissenters
about these Acts. The
their table was a sufficient
though a single Petition
should not think it possible
lowest, sat down quietly
How much more strange
pining by men well educr
sions, showed themselves
country, and supported
would have been betray(
Established Chinch. Oi
of these laws was, that it
did not know how much
go. This was indeed a strange ,
was just, from an apprehension
might afterwards be demanded.
with 'any body of Di
their tenets; but were
cease to knock at the door
opened—until he was
equality with the rest
hear.) Let it not be sup)
Church Establishment.
inept was necessary for t
the morality, and decency .e
seethe Establishment preserved in a
ability; and it was for that reason he
stand on other ground than that of
be did not wish to see it call in
Es support. Let others show
stabfishment by arguments '
he should show his by
those blots which were alike
interests, and injurious to its real
He should not attempt to argue
aU further concession. But be vu.
though friendly to Catholic Emancipation, .
sent circumstances. any further concession to
an idea that It would injure the Catholics.
to the teat cause of Emancipation, but he .
liberating one body of men from their chains
rivet more closely the chains of oth
obtain in the way of religious liberty,
thoUc Emancipation itself. Let the t
iudice be once broken down, and the
lie came now to the second point which
vett to. He believed it was not denied ti
a religion of more purity, of more perfec
any of those numerous branches which bad
progress of time—a religion, the mother •'
denominations which now existed. He
theological professor how that religion.
which supported principles that seemed
principle of Chtistianity itself, mutual
formable to religion to make that holy .
which-was intended for far other purposes,
ambition, and the picklock of place? it ha
not more improper to make the sacrament
office, than to make an oath the test of tr
similitude between the two cues. .An •
many, sanctioned by civil society as a test
the veracity of man; but would any one
sacrament of the Eucharist was instituted
Let anything else be made a test, hut let
exempt (tom such coetamination—(
cordial support to the motion ; and he
night see the first blow given to that
system of laws, which was the disgrace
lization—(Hear)—laws which, while they
save, only created the very danger which
against—(Cheers).
Sir H. INGLIS said, though he _
any thing approaching to the talent
who last addressed them, or the
displayed by the Noble Lord who
ject, he trusted the House .
explain what his views of this
lion was this—were these laws
produced, or was it
establishment should be
that he had now to
denied the necessity of some
he believed, was admitted on
quite ready to admit that the least
consistent with the preservation of
ought. to be the measure of
restriction,
Establishment was part of
ever
tilt!: N eell w Zealand,
ay
y however,
differ,
alnd, as s-
to
the
e r e
lotionh e
the Chutch and State, that was
They Were not now called upon ,
union; they had one already, in
State were united inseparably, and il
its overthrow, he should say—
Spades retain, bang a

MinimllNl.lrn.

if they were so
Ind supposing
le argument, th
n would come
Corporition
designs ?
ly shown tha.
e of the Bish.
Che whole of
opposed to
they were '•
ition. Had
successful, was
nrown-the Con
h they thous
tot succeed w
afterwards the
r.) On this q
lends of religi
of their opp
Indemnity A -
feel convinc
:is of the la
Ile Test Law
to which it
:k upon the .
istances when
nomination of
it should be e
loold refuse to
wn persons, .
e exercise of
as unwilling t
House; but h
abject, feeling
a, after the a
following in
s which he wi
the first place,
nnual Indemn
s were rather
it in itself tha
:necessary
It was an ack
that the stron
eak from civil
plea. Wasit no
✓ rights only
the mere cap
ure they migh
ws? The' evil
uch from the p
om the stigm
olent superiori
oppressors--(
Enters themselv
number of Pe
eat answer to
bad not -
ible that Eagl
under such gra
Se if it were ..
cated, men wb
s friends to the
I them at a
fed by the D
lne argument a
if it should be
la further the I
ti.ange argume
rehension that
mended. He w
issenters, nor
he a Dissenter
oor of that H.
placed on a 1.
of his fellow
pposed that he
He allowed t
1r preserving
Icy society.
reserved in a
hat reason he
I than that of
see it call in
hers show th
meats founded
by endeavouri
rere alike de
s to its real
ewe against those
be understood the
Emandpation, ref
ther concession to t
the Catholics. H
:linden, but he had
Itons their chains,
•s of others.—(He
us liberty, was so
Let the bulwark
in, and the victor
tad point which h
was not denied tba
of more perfec
tches which bad sp
1, the mother of th
existed. He sb
sat religion could .
that seemed dews
'elf, mutual benev
e that holy cerem.
other purposes, t
of place? It had
e the sacrament
is the test of tru
to cues. An oat
aciety as a test b
would any one tel
was instituted f
a test, but lot t
ination—(Hear).
on ; and he trust -
Fen to that hack
the disgrace of chi
Lich, while they pr
danger which th
I, though he des
g to the talent
em, or the este
le Lord who in.
rause would per•
s of this subiect
these laws ju
E neeeseary
se kept up? He
contend
of some este
Imitted on all
hat the least •
reservation of
easure of resui.
Was nfcessary
art of the Coost
if they were no
id, as to the .
:, that was not
called upon to f
ne already. in