Star.
London, England, 1811-01-19 00:00:00

THE REGENCY RILL

The Order of the Day for further considering the
Rc7ency Bill, was read.
HoLIS: resolved itself into. a Committee on the
above Bill. Mr. Lushington in the Chair. The
C:airman having read the clause for appointing the
council of Cie Queen,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
rose and sated, that before be proceeded to name the
persons as fit and proper to be appointed on the
Council of her Majesty, it would be necessary that
he should say a few words in explanation of the for-
mer proceedings in this particular respect. On the
occasion of the Regency in 1788, it had been judged
expedient to name the Councillors. Not designating
simply their official capacity, but with the prediction
of their names. In this manner were named the two
Archbishops of Canterbury and York, Lord Thur.
low, then Chancellor,. Lord Kenyon, then Chief Jus-
tice of the King's Bench ; together with the Lord
Chamberlain of the Household for the time being,
and also the Master of the Horse, and the Groom of
the Stole. With reference therefore to that prece-
dent, he should propose, that the two Archbishops of
Canterbury and York, by name John, Lord Eldon,
Lord iiiih Chancelblr ; Edward, Lord Ellenborotigh,
Chief Justice of the King's Bench, should be of her
Majesty's Ceuncil. 'With respect to the Lord Cham-
berlain for the time being, the Committee must be!
aware that the office is at present vacant, and that it
had been settled yesterday it should remain so ; there-
tore it became necessary (on the supposition that the
former plan would meet with the concurrence of the
Committee) that the deficiency occasioned by the ab-
sence of this person should be supplied. The Right
Lon. Gentleman conceived that the Bill of 1758 was
defective in this particular : that in the appointmer
of the Council, the Committee of that day had not
nominated any one of that Council who had a seat in
this Hense. To remedy the defect in the present
instance, he thought would be wise, by introducing a
Member of Parliameet. Without meaning to throw
any irnoutaticn or blame upon the future Councillors
of her Majesty, it would be obvious to the Committee,
that the haei::g sortie person who could from time to
time state to the 'louse, if necessary, an account of,
the proceedings cf the Council would be a desirable
object. With this view he should propose the Master
of the Rolis, an ir.dividual whom the Committee, he
was satisfied, could not object to, either on accottnt
of his station, or the respeetability of character.—
( Hole, Lee.)—in making these appointments, it must
be observed, that the Council would be constituted
from the names of the persons composing the same,
and not from their official situations, because'it was
very possible that the duties of the Queen, in regard
to the care of his Majesty, might continue for a longer
period than the Household, and it was necessary that,,
the arrangement made in the first instance with re-
spect to the Council should not be disannulled. The
names of the other Councillors would be the. Earl of
Wiacheisea ( ), the Duke of
Montrose (Master of the Horse), and the Earl
Aylesford ( ).
Mr. WHITBREAD wished the Right Hon.
Gentleman to inform the Committee, why he propo-
sed that the council should be constituted rather by
names than by official signatures ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
replied, that with reference to the arrangement in the
Household under her Majesty, that was only to con-
tinue for twelve monthi ; therefore, if any alteration
should take place at the end of that time, and the
officers should not be continued, of course the Coun-
cil of her Majesty would be deranged and incom-
plete'. It was better, therefore, that it should be as
proposed by him, until it was seen whether Parlia-
ment would fix the limitations permanently.
Mr. ADAM observed, it appeared to him extraor.
dinary that the Right Honourable Gentleman had
:lot nominated any one of the Royal Family on that
Co..ocil. Did he mean to name any one ? If not, he'
wished to name one.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
had fill wed the precedent of 1788, in which he did
Lot fio.cl any cf the Royal Family. Nor did it occur
to him for that reason to ask any of the Royal Per-.
hi: wishes on the subject.
Lord JOHN THYNNE conceived that many per-
t:-.ougnt it right that some one of the Royal Fa.
should be of the Council, and as his Royal High-
na-s:. the Duke of York was the next in, succession to
ti r acpe3:, he should propose that Royal Person to
(,7,.t of her Majesty's Councillors. He knew of no
Royal Highness should be excluded.
'I!:e CHA!‘:CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
f.,cr,•er.l-'.7.4t it it was proper to introduce that Royal
Firsf,n, hi.: name shouldj precede those he bad pro-
posed. The Chairman then put the vestion, 46 That
thi2 blank he rifled up with the name of his Royal
Highness the Duke of York."
Secretary RYDER perfectly agreed that, Kit
was proper to have the Duke of York on her Majes-
ty's Council, :he name of his Royal Highness should
precede all the others ; but feeling, as he did, Oath
urea. ex:remely objectionable to have any of the Royal
Family on that Council, he should vote against the.
Tinting. It was almost needless, the Right Hon. Se-
cretary observed, for him to state the grounds of his
mlijection. It w:ts certainly very natural that her
Majesty should wish to have the advice of those next
• 'oh,od to her ; but it was unnecessary that they
,:hooh.l be on the Council, for her Majesty was in the
r:aNy habit of seeing them, and might consequently
reire any advice out of the Council which they
w: re inclined to give. In the first place, it was ins-
r-'.per that the Duke of York should be on the
because he had a strong Constitutional ob.
••rti, n that any of the Royal Family should hold an
4•47::: of trust or responsibility unless strong and
reasons were adduced to the House for it. (Hear,
A:er.) I,Vould any mars deny that circumstances
might occur in which a Member of the Council of the,
Royal Family might be called upon for advice in
'vhick) his own interest was concerned. - That was a
sticng reason for the objection. It was desirable that
the Council should be composed of.: persons 'ready
to give the most impartial, and unbiassed advice.—
And was nut the ;Jake of York Ada:l4lc.: to have a

most affectionate and dutiful regard for his Royal
Father ? Had it not been already decided that the
Regent was the most improper person to have the
care of the King's person ? That objection was upon
Parliamentary grounds—the objection equally ap-
plied to the Duke of York or any of the branches of
the Royal Family entitled to the succession to the
Throne. The Right Honourable Secretary stated,
that a similar motion had been made in 1785, and
rejected.
Mr. PONSONBY did not think that the Right
Honourable Gentleman was correct in the last state-
ment he had made. He did not think that any Com-
mittee would have rejected a proposition similar to
the one made by the Noble Lord. The Right Hon.
Gentleman had stated, that it was objectionable to
appoint any of the Royal Family to offices of trust
or responsibility; he (Mr. Ponsonby), however, could
not forget that this same Royal person held an office
of great trust and responsibility, and yet the Right
Hon. Gentleman at that time raised no sort of objec-
tion, on constitutional or other grounds. With re-
spect to the objection on account of the affectionate
regard and duty of the Royal Duke to his Majesty,
why his Majesty must indeed be in a vet'y unfortunate
situation, and different from all other fathers, if the
affectionate attention and regards of his children were
to operate as bars to seclude them from the care of his
Royal Person. If the advice of any of the Royal
Family might be obtained by her Majesty, without
their being appointed on the Council, she would have
it where it could be of no effect or consequence. We
flattered himself the Committee would not see any
just grounds for excluding the Royal Duke ; on the
contrary, he thought it would be most proper and po-
lite to have all his Majesty's sons (with the excep-
tion of the Regent) on the Council, as affording to
the eyes of Europe a proof of the unanimity between
them and the nation. To reject the motion would
be doing little less than holding them out as deft-
dent in those virtues 'which the nation knew they
possessed.
Mr. Secretary RYDER denied that he had said
that it was not desirable to have any of the Royal
Family in places of trust or responsibility gratuitously.
When the Royal Person, the object of the motion,
was in power, he had not forborne to bear his humble
testimony to the admirable qualities and extreme in-
dustry of the Commander in Chief. He had from
various mijitary quarters gained the knowledge of
the very handsome conduct of his Royal Highness,
and of the respect which the army entertained tor him.
—He hardly expected such an attack from the Right
Hon. Gentleman.

Mr. C. WYNNE conceived the objection now
urged, could not apply to the Duke of York.
The motion was then put and negatived.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
then proposed to fill up the first blank with the name
of " Charles Manners, Archbishop of Canterbury."
Mr. SHERIDAN objected to the introduction of
the first name. Notwithstanding all that the Right
Hon. Gentleman had before described of the structure
of the precedent of 1788 (of which he was so fond)
being all that human wisdom could devise, he did
not,imagine that the Right Hon. Gentleman could
have ventured to carry his attachment so far, as to
propose the insertion of names rather than by official
situations. The Right Hon. Gentleman had now, it
seems, discovered that in addition to the clerical I
errors in this famous Bill, it was not that grand struc-
ture which his imagination had fondly pictured—,
there was some mere nonsense in it. Among other
defects, it was discovered that there was no Member
of Parliament in the Council, and in order to remedy
that defect, the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed his
Honour the Master of the Rolls, wishing, no doubt,
to have a superabundance of Law in the Councils of
her Majesty. Without meaning to speak in terms
of disrespect of the Master of the Rolls, whom all
must allow was a person of the most exalted cha-
racter, he must be allowed to say, that in his opinion
there was too much of law already in the Councils of
her Majesty, and it could not be denied that law was
an ingredient the least necessary there. It would have
been more respectful to the House of Commons, if
the Right Hon. Gentleman had named the Speaker
of the House to fill the claim. Looking to the pre-
cedent of 1788, lie must say that the whole of that
proceeding was applicable to persons and not princi-
ples, and consequently highly objectionable. He
would not speak with disrespect of the memory of
Mr. Pitt, but he must declare that persons were the
objects of that Minister in appointing his Majesty's
Councils, and not principles. There was this me n-
strous absurdity in the Bill of 1788, that the King's
recovery might be announced or not. He could not
avoid noticing the rapturous applause with which the
Gentlemen behind the Right Hon. Gentleman cheered
the recommendation which that Right Honourable
Gentleman gave himself, in order to fill the Prince
Regent, with the idea that he was the best Minister
he could have. He could not help admiring the vet y
handsome character for honesty, ability, and fidelity,
which he was entitled to from serving his Royal Fa-
ther, and he could not avoid in consequence, observ-
ing that the ambition of the Right Hon. Gentleman
was to remain in the service of his Royal Highness.
" Take me," said that Right Hon. Gentleman,
66 I am the fittest person to manage your affairs—
select me as your Minister."—(Hear, hear.)—The
cheering, therefore, was not extraordinary, consider-
ing that the Right Hon. Gentleman had made so
brisk and eloquent a canvass.—(Hear, hear.)—He
would bring the Right Honourable Gentleman to
the test of his sincerity of attachment to the Prince.
Would the Right Hon. Gentleman agree to the mo-
tion he should conclude with, and instead of names,
insert the titles of offices ? If he could not consent,
then he must declare that the Right Hon. Gentleman
was casting the most foul and unmerited reproach
and suspicion on the Prince. Was the Prince so pro-
fligate as not to be trusted? Did the Right Honour-
able Gentleman suppose, that in case any of these
great Persoes, viz. the Archbishops, or the Chan-
cellor, or Chief Judge of the Bench, should die,
that his Royal Highness would appoint successors
not of the most distinguished character in point
of talents and virtues ? The Right Itni. Gentleman
concluded with moving, to leave out the name of
44 Charles Manners." It then was to stand, 66- the
Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being."
Tice CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
trusted he should be successful in repelling the accu-
sation of treiiing his Royal Highness with disrespect,.
and of makias use of the precedcut of 1784 for

convenient purposes. He had always expressed a
general and strong opinion in favour of that prece-
dent, but never to follow it np with servile and de-
grading views. The Right Hon. Gentleman on for-
mer occasions, had given too high a cc:lnuring to the
conduct which he (Mr. Perceval) had pursued. The
principle upon which Parliament had proceeded, was
first, that the Prince Regent was not the proper per-
son to be entrusted with the guardianship of the King,
nor that in the second, was he the person who ought
to be on the Council of her Majesty. That was the first
step on the principle ; therefore he should feel him-
self justified, on Parliamentary groimds, in proceed-
ing with the next step, which was to negative the
proposition, which, in so doing, implying any sort
of disrespect or distrust of his Royal Highness, whose
conduct throughout the early stages .of the business
was such as to call forth unfeigned 'respect and ad-
miration. His Royal Highness had acted with a re-
serve which appeared extremely creditable and highly
commendable—that was justly his due. When the
Right Honourable Gentleman talked of mistrust and
disrespect, he did not do him (Mr. P.) justice.
Mr. SHERIDAN maintained, that the effect
would be, as he had before stated, -throwing a foul
stigma on thefiegent.
Mr. WHITBREAD contended, that the Statute
Book would record that stigma. That suspicions, it
waq clear, do exist, and must remain, unless the Right
Hon. Gentleman consented to adopt the motion of
his Right Hon. Friend.
Mr. ADAM declared, that in his opinion the idea
would be conveyed to the world that his Royal High-
ness would use improper means, and therefore was
not to be trusted. The question was, Whether the
country should have the security of a good and excel-
lent Council, or have the certainty of a job ? For the
appointment of official names would give that secu-,
rity against the present proposition.
Mr. HERBERT ani, Mr. JOHNSTONE sup-
ported the original motion of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer._ _ _

Mr. ADAM re-urged his former arguments, and
contended, that it was indecorous to suppose the Re-
gent would appoint persons to fill thus= high situa-
tions unworthar.

Mr. MARRYATT supported the original motion
on the grounds stated by rte Mover, that it had been
deemed inexpedient to place the guardianship of the
Sovereign in the Regent ; that this was a contingency
on that anointment, and consequently must be sup-
ported in the same way.
Sir S. ROMILLY observed, that the Gentlemen
opposite seemed to suppose that the Regent, in the
event of any of the four great offices mentioned in
the clause becoming vacant, would, in filling then
up, overlook all the great qualities which were neces-
sary in the individuals to be appointed to them, and
would consider only whether those individuals would
be subservient to his wishes in her Majesty's Council.
If his Right Hon Friend persisted in following pre-
cedents, let him follow the precedents of the 24th of
George 11. and the sth of George 111. and not the
inchoate precedent of 1789. In the two former cases
the Members of the Council of Regency were ap-
pointed not by name but by office. He was sure that
it was not the intention of his Right Hon. Friend to in.
suit the Prince of Wales ; but it was the interest of all
to take care that his Royal Highness's character
should be supported. If the clause should pass as it
originally stood, the public would suppose that the
Legislature suspected his Royal Highness of being
capable of raising an individual to the rank of an
Archbishop or a Lord Chief Justice of the King's
Bench, not because he was eminent for his piety or
his learning, but because he was capable of prostitu-
ting himself to the most scandalous purposes. He
repeated his recommendation to his Right Honour.
able Friend to be guided by the spirit of the prece-
dent which he had described.

The ATTQRNEY-GENERAL could not re-
frain, without disclaiming on his own part the calum-
ny, that it was intended to do any thing disrespectful
by his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. It was
impossible that any nnin who deliberately considered
the provisions of the Bill could be of that opinion.—
The principle on which the present clause proceeded
was founded on the original principle, and admitted
by all, that the Regent ought not to be the guardian
of the King's person. It necessarily follow.A, as an
extension of that principle, that the Regent ought not
to appoint those who were to be the guardians of
the King's person. This proposition did not arise
from the slightest distrust of his Royal Highness per-
son-ally, but from the principle that no Regent should
possess such a power. As to the precedents adduced
by his Hon. and Learned Friend, they were not at
all applicable in the present instance, for those prece-
dents referred to Councils of Regency who were in-
vested with political powers, and who had nothing
whatever to do with the care of the Royal person.
After a short explanation by Sir S. Romilly, the
Amendment was negatived without a &vision, as
were also similar Amendments proposed by Mr. She-
ridan, respecting the other Members of her Majesty's
Council, and the names, as they originally sti,od in
the proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Isere inserted in the several blanks of the clause.

Mr. SHERIDAN observed, that the clause direc-
ted that the Council should meet in the first week of
April, and then only once in• three months, except at
the discretion of her Majesty. In another chaise,
however, the power was vested in them of examining
the Physicians as to the state of his Majesty's health.
It appeared to him to be a great oversight that the
Council should not have the power vested in them-
selves to meet when necessary.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER.
had conceived that the context of the other clauses
gave to the Council that power. However, if it were
not so, the error ought to be corrected.
An Amendment was accordingly introduced in the
clause giving the Council the power of assembling
themselves.

A long conversation, which followed on the mode
in which the Queen should affix her Sign Manual,
and the mode by which the Prince should affix his
Sign Manual, was re-discussed. We were unable ac-
curately to correct the result.

Mr. 'SHERIDAN remarked, that although her
Majesty had the power of filling up certain offices
that might become vacant, the Dill did not reader it
compulsory on her to fill it up. He thought that this
should be obviated ; but as the clause had been passed
in which tbis,provisien had been made, he would pro-
pose an Amendment on the Report,

On the Chairman real:l4ole fl
it pf tl.e lain!
provide feu the resumption ofthe opt! autt
rity by his Majesty,
Lord MILTON fat it his duty to state his'ohje
tions to the proposed mode. ungracto
such an assertion might be considered, he declare
that, in his opinion, a more. solemn mode of determi
ing his Majesty's restoration to health, and one too
public, and more satisfactory to the country, ought
be adopted. If it were necessary that his Majcsty
illness should be substantiated in the tn(4t solen

manner before the measure now b progress was ins
tuted, he thought it equally necessary that his IA
jesty's recovery should be substantiated in as sclemn
manner as furore the operation of the measure thou
determine. By the Bill, it appeared that his Majes
was put completely into the hands of her Majesty at
the Council, and however unbounded the confiden

which he might entertain is those person., he thought
that the tranquillity of the public mind required that
they should not be vested with such extensive powers.
By the three clauses of the bill, it was impossible that
his Majesty could resume the Royal authority until
the restoration of his health was certified by the Queen
and Council to the Privy Council. His•Majosty was
then authorised under his Royal Sign Manual, to call
together a portion (chosen by himself) of the Privy
Coune4, for the purpose of ascertaining whether or
not the recovery was complete.' He objected, first,
to the power given to the Queen and Council ; and
then to the provision that his Majesty should sum-
mon only a part of the Privy Council. To the whole
of this complicated machinery he had a great dislike,
and he thought that the ultimate investigation by
which the complete recovery of his Majesty was to be
ascertained, Had better take place in Parliament.
Mr. FULLER did not know what the Noble Lord
meant by machinery. What would the Noble Lotd
have done ? What did he wish ? Did not the Bill
g..) on in all its stages, according to the rule by which
it had been so accurately and nicely debated on st for.'
mer occasion ? If the Bill was founded on the ptt-
cedent established by one of the wisest men that ever
lived, why not keep it regulated by his understand-
ing, and by his comprehensive mind ? He should,
perhaps, have thought with the Noble Lord that an
examination of the Physicians by Parliament would
be better than an examination of them by the Privy
Council, were it not that in the latter case they
would be examined on oath, which in the former they
would not. It might be said that by this obserration
he imputed to those Gentlemen a disposition to say
that to which they would not swear. Far from it ;
but in this case the House ought z.o be governed by
philosophical principles. (A loud laugh) Gentlemen ,
might laugh at that, but those were the principles on
which the measure proceeded. It was a philosophi-
cal principle which restrained the House horn ap.
pointing the Heir Apparent to the Crown as the
guardian of the King's person, and which inch:red
them to prefer the appointment of persons who could
not be unduly influenced.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER,
in reply to the Noble Lord opposite, oh';erved that
the Noble Lard seemed to think that because the pre•
sent measure originated in a Parliamentary Inquiry,
the Regency ought not to be suspended but on a Par-
liamentary Inquiry. But there was a considerable
difference in the two cases. That which was easy. in
the one would be difficult in the other. The Corn-
mittee must recollect this important distinction,
namely, that the measure propbsed 'to the two
Houses of Parliament, was to divest his Ma'rsty,
fora time, of the whole of the Raiyal Authority.—
It was impossible that they could consent to this,
without ascertaining in the most ecmplete manner,
that the case was one which authorised their interfe-
rence. But with regard to the resumption, his Ma-
jesty was entitled to resume the Royal Authority the i
moment that his health was re-established. It was
his intention, however, to propose an amendment to
the clause, which, in his opinion, Was defective, in-
asmuch as it did not contain any prrivision Authori-
sing his Majesty to interpose himself on the snlsject,
and to institute an inquiry into the state of his health.
By the clause, the Queen had the power of assem-
bling the Council—by the amendment introduced at
the suggestion of the Right Honourable Gentleman
opposite, the Council had the power of assembling
themselves—to these provisions he thought ought to,
be added one by which the Council should he directed
to assemble on the requisition of his Majesty. He
stated this on principle, and tint froin the slightest
doubt of the readiness of her Majestyto assemble the
Council, or of the readiness of the Council to assem.
ble themselves, should happily an occasion demand
such a proceeding. Nor was it by aqy means his in,
tention by this amendment, to give his Majesty the
means of getting rid of the Regency in any other
may, than hey an investigation by the Privy Council ;
but only. to enable his Majesty himself to put in mot
tion that investigation. With respect to the resump-
tion being founded on a Parliamentary Inquiry, such
a provision would be attended with great inconve.
niences. If Parliament were not assembled, they
must be called together. A considerable time mast
intervene before they could meet. He allowed, that
in point of form, Parliament, if prorogued, might he
summoned in 14 daye on a pressing emergency ; but
would 14 days suffice for assembling such a Parlia-
ment as would satisfy the object of the Noble Lord
The 13111 provided, that the circumstances of the re.
sumption of the royal authority should be submitted
to Parliament, immediately after the resumption had
taken place. It looked so anxiously to that subject,
as to provide that, in the event of a dissolution hav-
ing taken place before the resumption, the Ministers
of the dissolved Parliament should immediately meet
for the purpose of taking into consideration the•cir-
cumstanceis of that resumption. He meant to fill np
the blank respecting the number of the Queen's Conn.
by whose opinion, in coincidence with their own,
her Majesty should be autberised to notify to the Privy
Council, that his Majesty was restored to such a state
of health as to be ca,lahle of resuming the personal
exercise of the royal authority, with the word--
" Four." And he proposed to introduce as an amend:
meat, words to the following effect—a That, her Ma-
jesty's Council should assemble in the presence of bee
Majesty, on his Majesty's royal will and pleasure
being signified for that purpose."
Mr. FULLER repeoted his objections to the word
" machinery," used by the Noble Lord, and declar-
ed that he would rot lend his hand to 'n tetaehir.-
' whatever. 'His idea was, that &In Hoes* Wes,l
metat e Regent, and that a Ratan wa•

contended that the precedent of the
been strictly followed in the present
infinitely preferable to the numerous
an Honourable Member (whom he
my accurate and sensible nun), had
casion heaped together like strings of
the door of an oil shop. (A loud largh)
contended that the judgment of
Parliament ought to be the sole
his Majesty should resume the So-
In paint of utility and prophecy,
that a Parliamentary investigation,
,tion of the Royal Authority by his
bejtirtly compared to the Parliamen-
before that resumption. He did
proceeding originating in the Conn-
ion was to the subsequent stage of it;
fined that the two Houses of Parliament
the same discretioa on the resump-
authority as they had done on the
He admitted that a Parliamentary

;ht occasLcm some little delay, but he
tat the inconvenience would be much
iterbalaneed by the advantages which
such a proceeding, and the impres-
s make on the mind cf every man in
his Majesty was actually restored to
Such a mode of proceeding would
laced, be more congenial to his Ma-
iss. How was the fact to be ascer-
y Council ? Ia every point of view
him, that his Majesty would be
more mortifying and degrading si-
tquiry into the gate of his health be-
iuncil, than by such an inquiry be-
auses of Parliament. At the same
unaffectedly say, that he was aware
of the Huse was not with him in
should therefore abstain from mov..
tem, lest that A mendment,should
precedent be thus recorded on the
opinion, of the most mischievous

/AN was rather at a loss to conceive
:act nature of the proposition which
, and his Honourable and Learned
just spoken, meant to support. If
aat his Majesty ought not to resume
the Royal functions until Parliament
AO the state of his health, and if they
proposed to leave in another guar-
proroguing or dissolving Pat liament,
ably, such a proposition would not,
the best mode of paving the way for
:ertain resumption of the Royal Autho.
jesty. He perfectly approved of the
the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite,
ijesty was empowered to originate the
state of health ; but he contended
the power given to his Majesty to
?Zns who were to enter upon the in-
esty, with the concurrence of four
when they conceived his Majesty's
recovered as to be capable of resuming
exercise of the Royal Authority, were to
inion to the Lora President of the Privy
Lord President was to summon the
vhat purpose ? It would naturally be
;mine into the fact. No such thing.
, assembled merely to register the no.
Majesty and her Council. A second
was then to be summoned in his Ma-
consisting of any number of persons
nine, whom his Majesty shall name,
or shall have been Members of his
Honourable Privy Council, 'for the
,ter mentioned." What was that pur-
!dare, if six of the nine agreed in that
Majesty had completely vPred,
iniediate end to all the powers and
by the Regency. Act. Would such
satisfactory to the people at large ?
not. If the state of his Majesty's
be investigated at all by the Privy
: to be investigated by a much greater
body, and his Majesty ought not to
nominate the Members who were to
tstigation.
":ELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
ie Right Hon. Gentleman on the fair
trier in which he had btought his ob-
, In the principle of the clause itself
!d. It was proposed that when her
• or more of the Council were of opi-
was capable of resuming the exercise
tbority, that they should report that
`,.egent, who should immediately call
to whom such report was to be com-
ic Right Hon. Gentleman had coin.
Pri.vy Council not being possessed of
luire into the fact. He had to observe
tommended, but as a means of record-
istering the report of the Queen's
were merely providing the means of
the public the recovery of the King.
)ught to be given for doing so, and
evinced would be felt by no one more
Hon. Gentleman opposite. They
!cide on the mode in which the King
,be Royal power. As the King could
uric other responsible person must be
therefore thought proper that six of
:il should take upon themselves the
declaring his Majesty competent to
inctiens of Royalty. Those Members
mud were to be regarded as pledging
he people, that his Majesty was capa-
tdministering the G.,vernmeat of the
.as certain that there should bt some
for the resumption of power on the
jesty, but that form ought to be. the
Id easy that could possibly be devised.
ale, the provision as it stood was, in his
mexceptionable as it could be.
1-IERIDAN spoke in explanation of what he
--ivanced.—The question was _then put,
Amendment carried.
IS proposed an additional precau-
it on the Queen's Council, by intro-
, words contabled in the. original Bill.
.NCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
ion to the proposed amendment, and
proposed by Mr. Morris were accordingly
remaining clauses were gone through without

MEM=

King; and he coi
Revolution had be
instance, and was i.
precedentws hich a
allowed to be a vet
on a recent occasic
red herrings at the
Mr. MORRIS
both Houses of
pound on which 1
vezeign authority.
it was impossible t
after the resirrnpti
Majesty, could be
tary intestigstion
not object to the p
cil. His objection
and he maintained
ought to exercise t
tion of the Royal
suspension of it.
investigation migh
was persuaded tha
more than counter
must result from si
sion that it would
the country that hi
perfect health. Si
also, he was convii
jesty's own feeling
tamed in the Privy
it was evident to
placed in a much
tnation, by an inq
fore tile Privy Cou
fore the two Hot
time, he must un
the general sense c
this opinion. He s
ing any Amendme
be rejected, and a
Journals, in his
nature.
Mr. SHERIDA
what was the ezac
his Noble Friend,
Friend who had j
they contended the
the exercise of thi
had examined into
at the same time
ter the power of pi
then, unquestionah
on principle, be tl
the easy and certai
rity by his Majes
Amendment of th
by which his Maje
inquiry into his
s*ongly against t
nominate the
quirt'. Her Aeljse
of her Council, is
health so far recoi
the personal exerci
notify that opinior
COuncil. The Lo
Council. For wh
supposed to exan
They were to be a
tification of her M
Privy Council wa
jesty's presence, ci
not less than nine
and who shall be I
Majesty's most 1
purpose hereinafte
pose ? To declar
opinion, that his
and to put an imi
authorities given 1
a proceeding he
Unquestionably r
health were to h
Council, it ought
number of that I
be authorized to n
enter on the invest
The CH ANC:
complimented the
and candid manno
jections forward.
they were agreed.
Majesty and four
nion his Majesty s
of the Royal auth
opinion to the Re
a Privy Council to
municated. The
plained of the Pr
authority to inqui
this plan was recd
ing and of regi:
Council. They
announcing to tli
Every facility ou
this he was convi
than the Right
were then to dec
should resume th
do no wrong, sol
found. It was t
the Privy Counci
fesponsibility of
discharge the fur
of the Privy Con
themselves to the
ble of again ad
country. It wa
form laid down
part of his Maje
most simple and
Upon' the whole.
opinion, as unex
Mr. SHE RII
had before adv:
end tho Amend
Mr. MO RR]
tionary restraint
ducilg certain
• The CHAN
bad no objectic
the words prop
• troduced.
Ftl remainit
co .