Star.
London, England, 1829-04-03 00:00:00

of those whom is has been sent to instruct in an empil
decree with their brethren in England. the if ctions
of those whom it is employed in instructing, an I I have
no: doubt but that the persons belonging to the Este.,
blislinient in Ireland would be realy to shed the last
drop of their-blood in defence of -the doctrines of that
Church. Now, it is said, my Lurds, that it is violence
which is apprehended as likely to be exercised against
that Mutely. but I 'ast your Lordships whether that
Church is more likely so be succesoully protected
against violence by an unanimous Government and
Parliament oohed with the Given:norm and with it-
self. or by a divided Government, and a Parliament of
which the parts were opposeetlo each other ? My L
1 am convinced that no than can look with patience sail
attention at the present state of this question withoot;
being convinced that the real interests of alt classes in
this cosiest' y, and particularlyahe Church itself, require
the consideration and settlement which I now Ins:spoor.
T:iis settlement will give Wen ty to the Church, strength
to every departioent of the Government, and general
tranquillity to the country at large. Having now, my
Lords. gone through the general principles on which I
have introduced this MINIUM to your Lotdships.l shall
trouble the House tot a short time by an explanation of
the provisions of the Bill itself. The Bill is a very sim-
ple one. It concedes to the Roman Catholics the power
of holding every office in the Bate except a few which.
were connected with the administration of the affairs e(
the Church. The Bill al.o admits the Roman Catho-
lics to seats in both Houses of Parlament. I believe that
it goes Catcher in the concession of offices to the Roman
Catholics than any former measute which has been sub-
mitted to Parliament ; and [confess that the reason why
1 have thought it my duty to make these concessions
larger than has been ever done was derived 'rem a c. 0..
tideration of the effects posducel by the partial mea-
sures of concession adopted in 1739 and in 1793. 1 ob-
served that any restriction. upon concession had only
the effect of increasing the demands of those who were
the objects of restriction, and of giving fresh power o•
those who were will excluded from any portion of their
civil privileges. 1 therefore thought-it my duty to make
at once the me Isere of concession so large as to sati.ty
the expectations #4 any reasonable man in the courtly.
To stop shout in this course, and leave any exclusion.
in existence, would only provoke fresh demands, and
produce the continuance of the disorders which have
already Rowed from the same cause. My Lords, with
regard to the securities which are to accompany this
measure, 1 have already said what I think upon the
atifiect. So far as the Church is concerned, 1 cannot
see how the granting of seats in Parliament to Roman
Catholics can in airy manner affect the security of the
b.,t4hlishinent.• My Lords, 1 woell here observe, in
the first place. that when the Act of the 300 of
Charles 11. and the Acs at theßevolotion were passed, it
was not she Church that was in danger. but the State..
The State was in danger, not because the Church was
threatened. but because the person then spool the throne
was suspected of being a Roman Catholic. whilst the
next in succession •was a declared Papist. This system;
of esclesion was then adopted. not from any danger to.
%%hick the Church was exposed hole the Roman Ca-;
doylies; on the contrary. it was well known that the'
danger to the Church in the e days was apprehended,
not from the Roman Catholics. but from the Dissenters.
I do not, my Lords, therefore, think it necessary Imo
me, in adopting and recommending these rneaotres,
Justify myself upon the subject of any danger to be '
ap-
prehended for the Established Church. The Roman
Catholics, when admitted to Parliament. would take
their seats as they had done before the 30th of Charles
the Second. At that tins' Peers sat in this House, and
did not take the oath of Supremacy. Now they are
required to take the oath of Allegiance, into which a
great part of the oath of Supremacy has been embo-
died, as mach at least as relates to the question of a
fokeign jurisdiction; and, if the Church shall be placed
in• danger by this Act. at least it will be in no greater
danger than it was. before the Act ache SOth of Chas.
11, Btu, my Lords. what 1 principally rely upon, and
what I wish mote particularly to point out to your
Lou &hips' attention, is the tact, that lot the last forty
years, during a lads this question has been agitated,
it hls beers the opinien of almost every considerable
two in this country that, whatever necessity may have
originally existed for the passing of these laws, the time
was come when they ought to be repealed-.(Hear)
I know, my Lords, .that there are many persons in this
House and in the country who entertains a different opi-
nion (and I have myself been of that opinion f r some
time) that it was.necessary, in the event of making any
concessions to the Catholics. to receive from that body
sufficient securities for the Church of England. and to
have some stronger obligation upon the conduct of
the Roman Catholic Clergy than was to be derived
from oaths. I confess, however, that, upon looking
Mote closely into the subject than I had previously done,
sad upon examining the Acts of Parliament by which
the Church was constituted and on which it was founded,
have come to the conclusion, that we catm• t obtain
any important or efficient security of that kind. To
illustrate this a little, I entreat the attention of your
Lord hips far a moment whilst I explain the situation
of the King of Prussia in reference to this subject, who
exercises the power of appointing Bishops in the various
parts of his dominions, under different concordats with
the Pope and other Powers—for the territories on the
left bank of the Rhine under a cone°, dot wish Bona-
parieond for the territory on the right bank under an
arrangement a iththe former Sivereigns of that country.
Now. each of these concordats supposes the Pope to
have some power in the counts yfor which the wow' chit
was entered into. It would be otherwise impossible that
the Sovereign cf those countries could be parties to
ouch a contract. Now, that is the very point to which
we can never yield. We can never admit that at y per-
son whatever out of this country can bate the power to
enter into such a contract with our Sovereign. .We
must keep our Sovereign clear of all such transactions.
It is clear, then. that the sort of secutity to which I
refer could not be had wit!: out admitting that the Pope
does possess, and actually is enti.led to, exercise in Vsis
country a power, the existence of which we de. y. It
was impossible to take any step towards this kind of
woe ity without f riling into the inconvenience which I,
base mentioned. It would be impossible even to pro •
cone Cie appointment by the Como of one of the per-,
sons called Bishops in the Catholic Church, without ad-
mitting in the Pope an authority to inset here in the
tetrad efts of this country. But, sopposing that the
Kis% had obtained the power of non incing the Catho-
lic Bishops, his M..jesty. after appointing the Bishop,
Ovoid provide him with a Bishoprick. and provide
him with a diocese in which to. wren* his jurisdits
tioo. Nese. 1 should like to know in what pan of Eng•
land or Ireland it would be possible for his Mlesty t •
discover a spot is which be could plant the new Bishop.
His Majesty is sworn " to preserve Virtu the Bishops
and Clergy of this realm, and to the churches committed
to their charge. all such rights and privileges as by lew
do appertain to them." I should. thmefute, like to
kaow how bis Majesty Could provide fur these persona