Star.
London, England, 1829-03-02 00:00:00

. .

doubt is aware, that a the full and permanent secosity
of our establishments in Church and State (in which he
Majesty's title to the Throne is included). with the main-
tenance of the reformed religion as established by law.
and of the rights and.frivileges of the Bishops, anct
the,Chig y or the Realm, and of the Churches committed
to their charge;" depends on the ?ossession of political
power by those whose religious opinions accord with his
najesty's title-to the throne, under the Act for settling
Site succession to the Crown on the Protestant Princes
of the House of Brunswick, in exclusion of the nearer
heirs, who professed the Roman Catholic religion ; by
those whose religious opinions accord with the refotmed
religion as established by law; by those abuse religious
opinions approve of the rights and privileges of the
Bishops and Clergy of the Realm, and of the churches
committed to their charge.
His Majesty must be therefore fully aware that the
full and permanent security (full as well as permanent,
and permanent as well as full) of the establishments in
Church and State. for which his Majesty expressed his'
anxious care, and of his own title, and the title of his
family, to the throne on which he is placed, depends on
the full and permanent exclusion from political power
of persons professing the Roman Catholic religion p
especially of such as openly profess that those stab.
lishments are all of a gross usurpation, founded on the
delusion of that pestilent heresy, odious to GOD and
man, which those who now seek to obtain political_
power are anxious to sweep from the face of the earth ;
confident that in so doing they shall accomplish the in-
teationr of DIVINI PROVIDENCE, and that that PROVI.
DUCE will assist them in the completion of their holy
work.
The leading of his Majesty's Speech was followed by
a declaration of his Majesty's confidential Ministers, in
both Houses of Parliament, of the measures which they
meant to propose for the consideration of the Members
respecting the parts of the SFerch to which I have
alluded.
There appeared to me somewhat of obscurity in the
expressions used for this purpose in the House of Lords,
and I .'o nut find that clearetexplanations were offeted
the. Commons.
I could not clearly discover what were the measures
proposed for putting down (accordiog.,to the phrase
used) the Catholic Associatiro. *I must presume they
differed from a former measure, adopted for the same
purpose, in probable efficacy. That measure was in
execution inefficacious; though I doubt whether any
boneii attempt was ever made to put it in execution. It
(rightened the peaceable, and the others laughed at it.
" The measure now proposed, if of the same descrip.
Lion as the former, can be considered only as intended
to amuse the Protestant public, as persons engaged in
the whale fishery amuse the sh they seek to destroy
by Volowing out a tub for it to toss about, whilst they
prepare fur its destruction. Whether the proposed Bill
will be a mere tub for the whale, and whether the Ca-
tholic -Association will consider it as such, and laugh at
the zealous Protestants who may be deluded by seeing
'it floating on the water, must depend on its enactments
being very different from !hose of the former Act. But
though it may abolish the Association in one form,
it play leave it to start op again in another, when-
ever. the interest of the Roman Catholic religion shall
requite such assistance. As to what were called
"ultetior measures," r which the speech represented
as not to be proposed until the "'seceding measure si
bad had the effect of restoring perfect quiet to the,
country, and by removing all influence of turbulent
faction and menace of personal vio'ence, give opening
for calm discussion), they were also opened to the
House with little of that perspicuity which ought to ac-
company every proposed measure, patticularly every
measure of importance, and especially a measure de-
scribed to be of paramount importance. The want of
perspicuity iu the opening was Ferny kable, as there ap-
p. ared netloing complicated in the measure proposed,
if I riglit'y understood it—it was plain and simple, and,
in iew words might be reduced to this: To give to,
thole hostile to the Act of Settlement—hostile to the
established religion, and to every establishment for the,
security and permanence of which his Majesty had ex-
pressed so much anxiety, every power which might
enable them to prosecute their hostility with the greatest
effect. In fine, to mak- the security and permanence
of those establishments depend on their forbearance,
and not on any of the laws which our ancestors had
made to effect such security ; a complete abandonment
of all the laws passed from the Reformation for this pur-
pose; of all the fortifications which had from time to
tine been drawn round the Throne, the Church, and
the Protestant Religion. to defend all against the as-
saults of Popery, ever aiming at their destruction, and
employing the most powerful machinery for that pur-

pose.
The measure proposed resembles the blasts of the
trumpets which, demolishing the walls of Jericho, gave
free entrance to the 'steatites, and accomplished the
stn r destructioo of those whom those walls had pro-
tected. It seerm:d intended to accomplish, at twee, the
prophecy s.f. a sodden destruction of the pestilent heresy
of Piotes autism, on which the Irish peasant has been
taught implicitly to rely, and to assist in its completion
by plunder, devastation, and murder.
I could find nothing of that security, fall and per-
manent, to which his M sjes y's Speech referred. The
only security suggested wag, that the obligation of the
Nave on the Totone to be Protestant, and in COMM!.
nano with the Established Church of England and Ire-
land, should remain ; but it was proposed that that
Prince might be surrounded by persons professing the
Roman Catholic relrgion, in his Privy Council, his Cabinet
Council, and Ministers and Officers of es ery description,
the Chancellor only excepted ; and that, is like manner,
the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland(being himself Protestant)
might be surrounded by Roman Catholic officers of every
description; and especially by the Secretary, who (ac-
cording to modern practice) is more truly the Lord
Lieutenant than the Lord Lieutenant himself; as, in-
deed, the King's Prime Minister has often been more
truly the King than the King himself, The " Ego et
lies wens of Cardinal Wolsey depended on th • par-
tiality of his master, but the •• Ego et Res meue of a
modern Prime Minister may depend on the influence
of a patty much more than on the pleasure of the
Prince. How often was his late Majesty compelled to
dismiss the Ministers whom he wished to employ, and
vs take into his service those whom he wished not to
employ. and who endeavoured to bind him in chains,
that he might never escape out of their hands ? His,
late Majesty was a man of great firmness Of mind and
of great experience, and yet with how much difficulty
did he break she perpetual thraldom more than once
attempted to be imposed upon him ? And perhaps his
escape from absolute slavery was almost as much ef-
fected by the folly of those who meant to have reigned
over tuns, as by his own firmness and superior intelli-

Bence.
Suppose a weak Prince, suppose a young and tines-
- pate. ced Prince, pined on the Throne; suppose a
armor, under a cratty, et perhaps a weak guardian, or
a iteracy, composed of many persons—what accuritl

does the Protestantism of such a Prince afford to the
Protestant establishment in Church and State?
. Bet suppose another James the Second (who long
concealed his religion from the public eye, who was a
Wooed Papist when he pretended to be a Protestant)
to be placed on the Throne. What security then would
there be for those establishments in Church and State,
for the security and permanence of which his Majesty
has expressed so much anxiety?
What smoke can the Protestantism of the Chan-
' cellor afford ? The breath of the Catholic Pr ime Minister
may instantly deprive him cf the seals.
Who appoints the Bishops, and a large part of the
Clergy in the patronage of the Crown; and the large
part of the Clergy in the patronage of the Chancellor ?
All, all this patronage of the Church may be wholly in
the Prime Minister; and dispensations (one of the crying
sins of the Roman Church) may place concealed Papists
in every episcopal see, and in a large portion of other
clerical offices, as well as in a large portion of the pa-
rish churches. What, then, woild become of that re-
formed religion for which his Majesty has expressed
,so much anxious care?
The Judges of the land may be Roman Catholics,
and every officer under them. How, then, could the ,
laws for security of the Protestant religion be admi-
nistered?
One of the accusations against James the Second was
his attempt to form a Catholic army ; bu', according
to the proposed measure, army, navy, militia, every
office, civil and military, may be filled by Roman Ca-
tholics.
Having gained power to one extent, what is to stop
their career ? What is to prevent Roman Cathidiss
obtaining Influence in every corporation; and, acquiring '
wealth with power, influencing every election, bbyond
the ordinary influence of the Government which they
would command? They might nominate Catholic she-
riff. ; Catholics alone as justices of the peace, and in 4
every situation of trust and power. The whole admi-
nistration of the law might be in the hands of Catholics,
hostile to every law made for the preservation of the
Protestant Constitution in Church and State.
What, then. would prevent a repeal in Parliament of
any law made for the protection and security of the
Protestant Churches; and what would prevent new
enactments, giving to the Roman Catholic Church sole
and undivided sway, filling the country with monas-
teries, with Jesuits and monks of every description,
establishing the Inquisition, and driving all freedom in
religious opinion out of the country ? •
Would these be evils, or would they not? If they
would be evils, against these evils the Ministers pro-
position offers no security. It surrenders the Protestant
religion to the Roman, and leaves nothing on which
Prote,tauts can rely but their bodily strength and their
swords.
Is this the full and permanent security of oor esta-
blishment in Church and State on which his Majesty
was taught to rely, which by his Majesty's Speech we
were taught to believe would be proposed when the
time should arrive when it might be proper for the two
Houses of Parliament to take into consideration the
whole condition of Ireland ? Is it not absolute, uncon-
ditional, submission to the claims of the Catholic Asso-
ciation, granting at once, and without reserve, all that
that Association have immediately demanded? But,
having obtained so much, will they not defy every at-
tempt of his Majesty's Ministers to prevent the Roman
Catholics of Ireland obtaining for their Clergy the rights
and privileges which the Protestant Bishops and Clergy
in Ireland now enjoy, and the Churches coinmitted to
their charge; and then separating Ireland from Great
Britain, and placing on the Throne of Ireland the Prin-
cess who.elaims the Crown of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, as heiress of the House of Stuart?
The Roman Catholic Association having thus ob-
tained their object, separation of Ireland from Great
Britain may possibly leave the Engli.h Catholics to ma-
nage their business for themselves as they may be able.
fhat separation of Ireland from Great Britain is the
object of the Catholic Association, has been openly
avowed by some of their leaders; and the fneign con-
tributions to the Catholic rent, and those coming from
the exiled Irish rebels, demonstrate that the separation
of Ireland from Great W itain is the ultimate object of
their friends abroad.
The measures proposed by his Majesty's Ministers
appear to me calculated to forward this object. They
must tender Ireland wholly Roman Catholic; or, at
least, render the Protestants in Ireland, if any shall re-
main these, the slaves of Roman Catholic tyranny.
Those Protestants, indeed, who may cling to their pen.
petty and remain in Ireland, may be the allies of Great
Britain in a war with the Roman Catholics of Ireland—
a war which I think the measures proposed by the Mi-
nisters will certainly produce, though they prc•fcss tbat
the object of their measures is to avoid such a war.
Permanent peace they cannot produce, because they
will give strength for further claims. All which they
can produce a ill be a hollow truce ; a sullen interval
of war:'
Should those measures be carried I shall not deprecate
the separation of Ireland froth Great Britain; for, if
Ireland should become what I thiqk it must become if
those measures should be carried. separation from Ire-
land can alone preserve the Protestant Constitution and
Protestant establishments in Great Britain. I think that,
by the adoption of the measures proposed by his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, the influence of the Roman Catholic, re-.
ligion in Ireland (Ireland remaining united with Great
Britain, as one kingdoen,with one Parliament, assisted by
foreign influence in support of the Roman Catholic reli-
gion in this count. yond by the liberality of modern 1)40-
: ciaos)w ill speedily remove every obstacle to theestablish-
, ment of RomanCitholic ascendancy in this country--will
, repeal the law which compels the Prince on the Throne
to be Protestant; and it seems to me that that Prince,
whatever his religious opinions may really be,must(if the
two islands shall then remain unitedlabdicate the Throne,
'or be compelled, like Henry IV. of France, to profess
the Roman Catholic religion, that be may be able to
govern the country with the assistance of the Roman
Catholic faction—a faction already powerful in this
country. This fiction will then be assisted by Irish Mem-
bers in the two Houses of Parliament, professed Roseau
Catholics, and by those who will be compelled, for the
safety of their property, to profess also the Roman Ca-
tholic religion, as many of the Protestants of France,
after the defection of Henry the Fourth, were compelled
to profess the Roman Catholic religion to preserve their
rank, their property, and political influence.
.Thus, by
degrees, the prevalence of the Roman Catholic religion
in Ireland, and the prevalence of the liberal opinions
nowfashionable throughout Great Britain, with the as-
sistance of the Jesuits and other religious orders, which
will swarm in Great Britain, imported from every Ro-
man Catholic country its Europe where the Governments
are jealous of their influence—will obtain for the Ro-
man Catholics the superiority in the Legislation; and the
Protestants in Great Britain will be reduced to the condi-
tion of the Hugenots in France under the Government
of Louis XIV. The United Kingdom will then have
A Roman Catholic King—
A House of Lords, of whom the majotitY will be


Rowan Catholics, with Roman Catholic instead of Prtra-
Atilt Bishops; and
A House of Commons, of Web a large majotity
will be Roman Catholics; anal the greater part of those
who may still profess the Protestant religion will be
wholly under the dominion of the Roman Catholic in-
fluence.
The Ministers of the Crown will then be all Roman
Catholics; or so much under Roman Catholic influence
that the Goat:la:tent will be, in spirit, wholly Roman
Catholic.
To save Great Britain from the misery of Roman
Catholic slavery I would rather vote, immediately, for
the separation of Ireland from Great Britain (stipulating
for the Protestants of Ireland upon the best terms which
I could obtain for them), than v-te for the measures
proposed by his Majesty's Ministers. lam convinced
that those who value the intesests of Protestant Great
Bo itain ought to prefer separation from Ireland to sub-
miss;on to Roman Catholic dominion, which, for its
own preservation,will probably become more than mere
dominion. It will possess the character r f the Roman
Catholic Church—despotic tyranny.
So much for the business of yesterday—to me a tub
ject of melancholy reflection and foreboding.
1 am no enemy to conciliation; but conciliation has
been usually produced by mutual concession.
The English Roman Catholics have intimated a dia.
position to concession on their part—the Irish will con-
cede nothing. They maintain their hostile attitude,
without offering peaty; and expect Protestants to con-
sent to unconditional, absolute submission.

Can this produce conciliation?
Let Roman Catholics become what Roman Catholics
'were in England and Ireland in the reigns of Edward
the First, Edward the Third. and Richard the Second.
Those Roman Catholics boldly resisted encroachments
oldie Papal power, and restrained that power by whole-
some laws.
Such are not the agitating Roman Catholics of Ire-
land in the present day. They are, in the most odious
I sense of the word, Papists. more devoted to exaltation
of the Papal power than the subjects of any R.,man
Catholic State in Europe; those 4,1 Spain, perhaps, only
excepted, even if they ought to be excepted.
The Roman Catholics both of England and Ireland
have imported and supported the order of Jesuits—an
order odious in every Roman Catholic country in En-
rope—an order which had no existence till after the ,ear
1540. and which the was not in existence till above
fifteen centuries had elapsed alter the first preaching of
Christianity. and till mane, many centut ies after Ireland
as well as England. had been in communion with the
Church of Rome—an order inconsistent with the Chris-
tianity originally received in Ireland—an order de-
nounced as hostile to every civil Government from the
moment of its creation, abhorred in every part of Ro-
man Catholic Europe, abolished on the outcry of eves y
Roman Catholic Government, and tecently restored by
the late Pope, and sent to England and Ireland to
preach sedition and rebellion against every civil Go•
ver nment.
Yet to this order the Roman Catholic families of
England and Iseland have entrusted the education of
their children—to men whose doctrines must impress on
the tender minds of those children opinions which the
general cry of Roman Catholic Europe his'clenounced,
as tending to overthrow all civil Government. to render
the subjects of all Governments disobedient to those
Governments, and the abject slaves of theCoutt of Rome.
Does this demonstiate any spirit of conciliation ?
Does it show any disposition even to moderation in vic-
tory ? Does it not show the most rancorous and deadly
hatred to all Protestant Governments, and indeed to
every Government which will not submit to be the slave
of imperial Rome ?
As long as the order of Jesuits shall be supported in
England or Ireland there can be no peace; not even if
the Roman Catholic religion were made by law the es-
tablished religion of the State. and the Protestant tell-
gion, of any sect, were not tolerated.
The first step to conciliation, therefore, must be ex-
portation of the order of Jesuits, as an order hostile to
every civil Government.
My 61a1:119147rd, truly years,
liarki-street, Feb. 6, REDRADALS.