Star.
London, England, 1820-11-14 00:00:00

.G'_ Y

~

311 E EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

TO-MORROW LOTTRRY BEGINS—TWO 0F.E20,n00
IN THE FIRST TEN MINUTES--FOUR OF 1E20,000,
AND ONLY NW TICKETS.

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1820.
THR FUNDS.

PRICE OF STOCKS THIS OAT AT ONE O.CLOC6
Bank Stock 217 21754
3 per Cent. Reduced 683/8 3/8
3 per Cent. Cons. 691/8 1/2
per Cent. 771/2-4 f,er Cent. 861/2 3/8 $/8
5 per Cent. Navy 105% 106 10578
Long Annuities 17Y4 13.16 11-16
Imperial 3 per Cent. 66 Y 4
India Stock 2221/2—Bonds 265. 275. pre.
Exchequer Bills 3s. ss. pre.
Omnium 3/8 1,4 dis.
Cons. for Acct. 691/8 1/2 3/8•

The Stocks have met with a rise of three per Cent.
during this Account, Consols being donc this morn-
ing at 693/4 for settling day. The alarm created by
the recent Investigation has completely subsided in
the country, in consequence of the result, and confi-
dence among the Monied Interest is again reinstated.
Those persons who have been lately selling to an
immense amount, have now become purchasers, and
the general opinion is, that a further advance will
take place; indeed, so confident are the Bulls, that
many bets have been taken that Consols will be
done at 73, on or before Christmas-day next.

From what a gulf has the Kingdom escaped !—i
it has yet, indeed, escaped it. Were any one to assert
that the Government of tilt. IlAnovEnlANs, like that
of the STUAItTS, has, for some years, been studious
to become despotic, would it be more difficult, from
the complexion of many public measures, to infer
the fact, than it was from the measures of the ex-
pelled family ? We will not take upon us to answer
this question, but content ourselves with reminding
our countrymen, that the attempt of JAMES to raise
money without the sanction of Parliament, was but
a make-weight in the crimes charged against that
Monarch. The real and fundamental cause of his ex-
pulsion was, the means employed, during his reign,
to pollute the stream of Justice. We presume not
to say that the present administration of Justice is at
all to be compared to what it was under the infa-
mous JEFFERIES, the favourite Judge of JAMES; but
we will venture to assert, that the plots which were
the precursors to the bloody adjudications of Jar-
FERIES were not supported by more abominable
means than we have seen employed in our own time
(even before the suborned and perjured witnesses
were adduced against the QUEEN), to put down
conspiracies hatched by the employers of Edwards
and Co. whoever these employers may have been.
—Now, with the circumstances before us of the Cato.
greet Plot, and the character of the different wit-
nesses employed to give testimony against individuals'
tried for High Treason, we would ask—ls there no-
thing in this which bears a semblance of a tendency
to corrupt the administration of Justice? Should
the force, however, of political prejudice induce some
to shut their eyes to this, we appeal to, the QUEEN'S
trial, and we ask, if there have not been doctrines,
solemnly argued in that detestable and immoral
proceeding, subversive of all confidence in the
wonted purity of the Blitish Judicature ? We have
seen, fur example, the QUEEN dishonoured by the
omission of her name in the Liturgy ; and yet we
have heard the Lotto CHANCELLOR, who was an
abettor in that most unjust and scandalous proceed-
ing, grave 4 stating, with tears in his eyes too !
EWliat a touching sensibility 11—that the QUEEN was
to have the benefit of what was once a Briton's birth-
right, namely, of being considered innocent until
proved guilty ; and this, too, after the same person
bad concurred in stigmatizing her, for months before,
to the world, as a guilty person, although the speech
to which we refer was that of the very first Judge
who had it in his power to offer any opinion at all
on her case. We ask, therefore, with such facts
before us, whether there is not the greatest and
best founded cause to fear that the young despot-
ism in this country, believed itself sufficiently strong
to punish, to a certain degree, before trial, in order
to insure a greater degree of credibility to the
testimony intended to* be adduced to the tribu-
nal, however corrupt such testimony might be? Be.
wren man and man we have no doubt that justice
will yet be long impartially administered, but be-
tween the State and individuals we dare not trust
ourselves to express what we fear was aimed at, and
is not yet lost sight of, by the men who sought the
destruction of the QUEEN Of ENGLAND. We cannot,
therefore, refrain from still calling upon the country,
from one end to the other, to address the House of
Commons, as their natural guardians, loudly express-
ing their detestation of the deadly taint that has been
given to the Judicature as between the Crown and the
subject, by measures which, had their contrivers and
supporters succeeded in their object, would have sub,
vcrted entirely the British Constitution ; and praying
the Housv to take into its most serious consideration
the best means for preventing ;Ay future attempt to
'violate the laws, under the pretext offssiiensing justice,

Let Parliament know how indignant the British Pen%
pie feel, at having seen a fellow-subject—the highest,
too, in the Empire--attempted to be sacrificed on tes-
tinsony procured by subornation, and the proofs of that
subornation rejected till the sacrifice should be finished.
In-a -word, now that all manner of evident perjuries
have been not only endured,. but defended by the
gravest statesmen, there is no species of audacity
that wt do not expect to heat, unless, as we have
said, the voice of public indignation be raised to such
a pitch as to make truth triumph over the wicked cla-
mour of those whom the success of iniquity has made
bold. We have heard already an individual in the
House of Commons—we wish to forget his name—
complain of the ability with which the oppression
and persecution of the QUEEN was condemned by
the Public Press, and argue, from that circum-
stance, that power should be employed against it
We wonder if the poor fool never heard of Dom-
TIAN, who banished all the literary men from Romeo
that had any respect for truth, in order that posterity
might not receive a true account of his government?
Does he think, that the state of the British Empire
is to be mended by acting on the maxims of DOlll-
- ? We hear also of other Senators reviling the
people as rabble; and of others, whose names are
familiar with the bloody vouchers of the Irish Re-
bellion, calling for penal proceedings, in open
scorn of public opinion. What .may not be ap-
prehended from such men having political power,
when we already see how much public justice is
deteriorated ? Have we not seen a ferocious Yeo-
manry thanked for a massacre at Manchester ?
In all the proceedings that led to the Revolution of
1688, was there any one transaction to be compared
with this ? Have we not seen miscreants, employed
in goading the People into open acts of insurrection,
permitted to escape from Justice ?—nay, in corres-
pondence with those who connived at their escape!
Does not this look like a corruption of Justice?—
Does not this look like a machination to get occasion
for new acts of power, by which the Government may
become more and more irresponsible to the People ?
We, therefore, again invoke the People to consider
the hideous plague-spot that is now reddening and
ripening on the spotless bosom of Justice, and to
apply the remedy while there is yet time.
The House of Commons will soon meet, and if
the table is not covered with remonstrances against
the course of domestic policy now pursued, the fate
of the country is sealed ! Her sun is set, never to
rise again ! A few streaks of glory may yet adorn
the clouds of her twilight, but her day is past, and
she must sink down into the slumber of that night
which has so long invested the greatness and the
virtues of Greece and Rome !
It may, perhaps, be said, that in thus calling on
the People to express to their Representatives the ne-
cessity of raising a barrier against the invasions of des-
potism, we are encouraging that disrepute into which
it is alleged that the House of Lords has fallen. But
any such accusation we despise. None can more
highly appreciate the utility of that branch of the
Legislature than we do; but, at the same tittle, we
see, in the change between the state of the present
age, and the circumstances in which the Peers were
when in the full possession of that ancient influence
which conferred their present power, that they now
possess no political influence but what rests on per-
sonal character, and on that small and narrow ad-
vantage which wealth confers ; for, in truth, the
proudest of our Barons is now shrunk into com-
parative insignificance. A cotton-manufacturer, po-
pular among his workmen, would, in any struggle
with the Crown (should this country be ever again
visited with such a dreadful calamity), be found in
possession of more real power than the most gorgeous
Duke in the Peerage. As long as the existing system
continues, and the Government finds it expedient
to preserve a majority in the House of Commons,
the Landed Proprietors must be deemed to pos-
sess great influence. But they are no longer what
they were when their influence was measured by
the number of their feudal retainers. Still, how-
ever, the House of Lords, as consisting of highly
educated characters, men placed by fortune above
pecuniary temptations, enlightened and bred for
Legislation, must ever be greatly respected : but
they will be no longer so than they preserve their
alleged moral and intellectual elevation. From the
moment that they act so as to make the people sus-1
pect them to be little better than mere adventurers
for place and patronage, they may continue to talk
of their privileges, but their power will be at an end;
and the lass of their power will be so much gained
by despotism. The Roman Senate, when its inde-
pendence was extinct, still met—to deify a TIBE-
RIUS, a NERO, and such monster!.

The fallowing judicious and sapient Protest was
entered on Saturday, at the Parliament Office, already
signed by Lord SHEFFIEI4), who distinguished him-
self by his absence from the House of Lords during
much of the time occupied in hearing evidence fin
and against the Bill of Pains and Penalties; and by
the puke of NOUVIUMPERLAND, the calibre of whose
capacious credulity may be measured by his famous
assertion respecting the hundred thousand armed Ra-
dicals who he knew were to rise between the Tyns
and the Ware 1 It is left for the signatures of ig that
large and respestabk body of independent Peers which
supported the Ministers in carrying the Bill through