Star.
London, England, 1827-05-26 00:00:00

useful to no class of the people, and was treated with'
ridicule, and thought on with disgust, by every thinking
man out of the H.iuse. He called upon their Lordships,
as they valued the *interests, the happiness, and the
property of all the subjects of this realm,—as they
would preserve unimpaired that' Constitution of which
they were so proud,—as they would maintain those
institutions which were justly the pride of the nation,—
as they would save the country from the horrors of
general ruin, of revolution, and of national bankruptcy
—to give this measure their most decided opposition in
every stage, and especially in that which it had now
reached.

Lord BEXLEY said it was extremely unjust to call
this measure one of confiscation, and contended that it
was no more a measure of confiscation than the mea-
sures of 1815 and 1822. The Noble Earl (Stanhope) had
said that corn had been imported at the price of 225.
per quarter. It was true, literally, that some corn had
been imported at that price; but it was not so far true
as to warrant the inference which the Noble Earl sought
to draw from the fact. He ought in fairness to have
stated that corn was of bad quality, and was damaged ;
and that it was proved by the evidence before the Agri-
cultural Committee, that the foreign growers had bear
reduced to despair by the resolutions adopted by this
Government. It appeared that very extensive seizure,
had been made by the foreign Government to compel
repayment of advances they had made to the mer-
chants, and that the sellers had consequently been coal-
pellet! to send corn of any descripti rn to this country.
In all the laws on this subject which had been be•
tore proposed, prohibition was merely a snare for the
consciences of the people, a net for frauds and perjuries.
This measure, without going the length of prohibition,
afforded as great protection as the' grower could re-
quire, or as was necsstary for the interests of the land.
With respect to Ireland, the change its the old system
had been most sensibly felt. In the three years endinft
1816. the average exports had amounted to 3,012,0001.;
but far the last year they amounted to 7,000,0001. The
present measure was calculated to extend these ad van.
tages, and by pronioting the agriculture, to improve
the condition of all the wrier manufacturers, on which
the tranquillity and prosperity of that nation so mainly
depended. As to the effect which might be produced
on the woollen-trade, he wished the House to keep in
mind the fact, that wool was not here, as it was in other
countries, the principal part of the matte of the sheep,
or the chief source of the grower's profit; in .1822, pre-
vious to the reduction of the duty, the Southdown wool
sold for 161 a pound, which made the whole fierce
worth just 3s. 4.1., at the same time ahe mutton of the
same sheep fetched 4Os. In 1826 the price of wool ha,'
fallen to 9J., the ficece was wortn but 2,.2d. but the mut-
ton sold for 2165.8 d ; so rh it the value of the whole sheep
had Considerably increased. He was convinced that
none of the Corn Laws which had been introduced had
ever deserved to be compared with this. It went, by a
regular process, from higher to lower prices; and by
the duty increasing as the price fell, such a check "was
placed urn it as must altogether check any rapid fall.
For his own part he confessed that he was very much
lattaclie4 to this measure. He looked upon it as the
last which had been produced by isis Noble Friend
(Lord Liverpool), Whose services were now lost to the
country ; and he regarded it in the light of a legacy
from that Noble Lord. He knew that he had attached
to it the greatest importance, and that a great part of
the last summer was employed by him in investigating
profoundly and minutely all the details of the subject
After he had given it his fullest consideration, he laid
it before the Government, and having been fully des-
cussed, it was approved of by them, and afterwards sub-
mitted to the House. Ile *as far from saying that
this measure, or any other of hum rn invention, was al-
together perfect; but he was quite convinced that it
was infinitely better than any which had before been
brought forward.

The Marquis of SALISBURY said, that if the N ble
Lord who bad just spoken, could persuade the farmers
that sheep were so very valuable as they were repre-
sented to be, he (the Marquis of Salisbury) would be
most happy to be the means of conveying them the in-
formation, as be might thus, perhaps, be able to raise his
rents. 11.0 admission of foreign grain, last year, was a
posi ive robbery upon the agriculturist; and he belie red
it was so regarded by the Noble Earl, lately at the
bead of his Majesty's Government. It was a mistaken
notion to suppose, that the farthing in the pound which
was to be saved by this measure, would be extended
to the community at large, in the lowered price of ge-
neral produce. The Noble Marquis complained of the
change of opinions in the Noble Lord who had opened
the discussion, and referred to a pamphlet formerly
written by the Noble Lord, oa the subject of the Cora
Laws, deprecating dependence on foreign supplies. He
feared visionary theories, and thought that nothing but
increasul disueu attended the march of intellect. He
was of opinion that all interests-ought to be attended
to alike, and that for the sake of the manufacturer, the
home grower of corn ought to be encouraged. In his
opinionfithe better plan would be, to fix the duty at the
limo of the impoetation, and not at the time of its be•
ing taken out of bond.
Lord ELLEN BOROUGH expressed his dissent from
the opinion of the Noble Lord, who had said that this
Bill was the most perfect creation of human art. He
was obliged to regard it as a Bill of amendment, and
he was so far willing to entertain it at present as to go
into the Clununittee with it, and there endeavour, in
dettil, to improve it, with the full determination to op
pose it on the third reading, if not altered to his wish.
If the Noble Viscount opposite (Lord Goderich), had
not been a very young Peer, he would not have exhorted
that House to lay aside all the acrimony of party leelmg
in the discussion of this question. The Noble Viscount
would know what he had been a litt!e longer a Member
of the House, that upon no great national question was
the acrimony of party feeling ever displayed there.—
He would find perfect quiescence amongst them upon
all such occasions. The Noble Viscount, however, shewed
himself not only a young Peer, but a young Statesman,
when, in the conclusion of his speech he called upon
them to enact this law, because of the distresses of the
manufacturers, thus demanding .a permanent measure!
for a temporary evil—(hear.) The Noble Viscount had
also shewn great magnanimity in the recantation of
his former opinions ; and he believed they . would
see many more such confessions before long. With re-
ference, however, to the Bill of 1815, about which so
much bad been said, it did appear to be a singular ad. i
mission, that the price of 1822, introduced for the par-
pose of correcting its evils, had been inoperative during
four years. He did not think this circumstance a good
foundation for that confidence, for which the Noble
Viscount bad called upon them that night. The Bill
of 1815 established the principle of prohibition, and
the Bill of 1822, incorporated with that principle a

''gviidoated scale of duties; and 'as this 'graduate,
scale) sd not' yet come into operation, it appeared to
him to be that.their wiser course would be to coffee'
that Bill, and give the system so framed a fair trial. He.
Was of opinion that this was a great constitutional ques.
tion, and that there was none which more deeply of
fected the general Interests of the country than the agri•
cultural interest. Upon agriculture rested the Consti-
tution—(Hear, hem). It was impossible for him to
look at the depreciation of the last seventeen Years,
amounting to about forty-four per cent. in the agricul-
tural interest ; he could not see the m inufacturing sys-
tem at the same time in that state, that the slightest'
stop given to it, affected the public tranquillity all over
the kingdom ; he could not see how often there had
been within the last twenty years, encroachments upon
the liberties of the subject, how often measures beyond
the law had been demanded—without feeling the deepest
anxiety at the appearance of any law tending to in-
crease the balance—already too strongly inclined, to the
manufacturing interest—(Hear, hear). Looking on the
other hand, upon the agricultural interest, as the basis of
the Constitution, and being anxious to maintain the
constitutional laws, he could not view with favour a
measure tending to lessen its importance and prosperity.
But, beyond these considerations, this was a great Irish
question—(H ar.) Fur twenty years past that country
monopotized the supply of grain to England ; and
as their agricuttneal wealth increased in consequence
their manufacture; had increased also. Now I.e was
not bdirttnottb to look, at a measure whicly was to
I
shake'the foundations of Irish prosperity with Wife-
reace—lHear, hear.) He did not say that be would
abandon the Bill, but merely that be ,bolo go let° the ,
consiteration of h with. great apprehension. By the Bill
of 1815, this country was placed in a state of rude
pendence as to foreign supplies; and he must say
that he was one alto feared to see the English nation
'provisioned by the ftireigner. He should fear to see the
En4lish Slate dependent upon a foreign Sate, jealousof
its existence, of its liberty, and of its power. He knew
the inconvenience of high prices; but he'wou)d rather,
have that inconvenience for twenty years than have one,
year of famine, or of national dependence—(Hear,l
hear.) He was sure the Noble Viscount would not bring
this Bill forward at present, were it not for the pledge
given last year. It was a most inconvenient moment,
when the currency had by no means been settled by
the measure of last year. The Noble Lord complained
that that House hid been nicht unjustly assailed by
calumny as to its' motives upon this subject; but it
*ea placed far above the reach of clamour, and stood
too high not in look with indifference on all interests
and classes. The House would decide conscientiously
upon that course which it conceived best for the coun-
try. He would not act with regard to this Bill upon
the grounds avowed by his Noble Friend opposite. He
would never consent to lay the privileges of that House
at the foot of any other. He thought the independeece of
all irduld Jo best preserved by maintaining the distinct
privileges of each. • He would not be guided in his
course towards this Bill by its name ; nor by any con-
sideration of what would be done or thought in another
place.—(Hear. hear.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWN, after the ample dis-
cussion of this question, was anxious to take up no more
than a few minutes in explaining why the Bill would
have his support. The Noble Lot d who spoke last bad
done that which produced, however unintentionally, the
effect of a dr.:et misrepresentation. He had assumed
that his Noble Friend had made the distress of the ma-
nufacturers the foundation of the measure. Those who
had attended, on the contrary, to his Noble Friend,
must have heard him state. that the manufacturing
distress was gradually and effectually decreasing. He
himself objected to all attempts at arguing this cries.,
tion upon the ground of separate interests. Manufac-
tures were here allied to agriculture ; and if the latter
had in this country attained that high pre-eminence
which had been so justly described, it ought not have
been lett out of the recollection of the Noble Lord
(Ellenborough) that it attained that superiority while
the manufacturers were at liberty to seek, even abroad,
for their own provision market. By a judicious use of
the means which the country then possessed, she had
been enabled to call into the assistance of her resources
the science of the whole world. As to the comparison
of this Bill with those of 1815-and 1822,' the difference
was, that the present Bill, instead of an utter prohibi.
tioo, adopted the principle of a gradual admission of
foreign grain, under, regulations which should at all
times prevent an overflow of the market, and allow an
adequate protection to the native grower. It was with
this view of it that he was ready to adopt the measure
as it was now laid down. He thought that the dread
of allowing other nations to assist in supplying us
with grain was not one which it would be becom-
ing in the Legislature to notice. In the nature of
things, the richest country would be more depend-
ent than _others for the supply of corn, because its
capital would at all times be engaged in machinery
and manufactures; and by this application of capital,
the agricultural interests would be elevated in propor-
tion to its profitable occupation. The opposite argu-
fluent would apply equally to letting the agricultural
produce of one county into the markets of another.
This consideration would shew clearly that the present
Bill was framed with a view to the general interests of
the country, and not fof the mere.encouragement of
tillage, as this fast could never, or ought never, to bean
object with a country like this, which was sot rich as to
make it next to impossible that it could ever haven con-
siderable export of its raw produce. Ravening to the
fate of the country under the existing law,had they not
seen the greatest distress pervading the agricultural
classes in 1822, in spite of the prohibitory law ? and were
not those classes left by a succession of prosperous
seasons and other ciicumstances, almost entirely without
the means of disposing of their 0A n produce? Had
they not witnessed a transition, in consequence of that
law, from.scarcity to glut, an.] from glut to scarcity,
the embarrassing effects of a hich had been that there
WAS 110 one class which had not expressed, in terms of
complaint to the Legislature, their sense of that law, and
called for its repeal ? The fact being so, he contended that
there was no time so proper to consider of their alteration
as the present. Would they wait to be prompted on the
one hand by famine, or on the other by manufacturing
distress, to do their duty upon a subject which came
home to the feelings and to the mouths of the community,
and which was so lull of those ingredients that were the
most likely to excite the display of their passions ; perhaps
too, at a time which would, for those very reasons, in-
volve all which they could attempt in misrepresentation,
when, by the reaction of the public sympathies, they
might be aroused to inflammation and fury, instead of
pursuing their course by deliberate, and temperate le-
gislation as they were free to do at present? The prin-
ciple of the Bilk went to admit, by proper gradations,