Star.
London, England, 1810-05-22 00:00:00

rich, opulent, and..popul.ous,shad c 11).
p
- .
rtvilege of sending 'Members to that
that right was virtually eatingtushed in
of the decay, and impoverishment, and
population, • which had subsequently taken
These were circumstances too generally
too universally admitted, to require any
Evidence had been offered in proof
their bar ; and, therefore, it was unne-
cessary for him to attempt to establish by argument
What was so notoriously borne out by the fact. The
evils resulting from such a state of the representation
.were twofold ; first, many decayed, rotten, and un-
inhabited boroughs sent Members to that House,
which had the effect of disfranchising a large portion
of the population of the country ; and secondly, many
opulent and populous places sent no Representatives
whatever to Parliament. There were various other
evils attending the present system which he should
hereafter allude to, but the two he had thus stated
would be sufficient for him to notice at that time.
—Before he should proceed to the consideration of
the evils that existed, and the remedy to be applied,
he begged to say a few words as to the mode which
he proposed to pursue. The grievance, as he had
stated, was universallvadmitted. Everyman thought
that a Reform in Parliament was necessary, but most
men were alarmed at any idea of sudden or violent
Reform. He was ready.to admit that he was one
of those who telt this alarm ; and, however partial be
might be tohis own plan, his intention was to move
for a Committee, in which it might undergo a vigi-
lant revision, and he would have the opportunity of
adopting any amendments which might Le recom.
mended. His first step, therefore, would he to move,
that a Committee be appointed to inquire into the
state of the representation in that House. and to sus.
gest what remedies might be applied to any evils that
existed. But previously to his making that motion,
he felt it a duty he awed to the House, to state spe-
cifically tie. plan which he had it in contemplation to
recommend.—(Hear, hear.) He was not without i
hope, too, that his plan would meet the support of
many of his Honourable friends, as well those who
wished well to Reform generally, as those who were
alarmed at any sudden or violent Reform. Having
stated thus .much as to the manner in which he meant
to proceed, he came now to the principal evils which
he wished to remedy, and to state the remedy he pro.'
posed to recommend. The first and greatest evil that,
existed was, that so many Members of that House
were nominated by individuals, the proprietors of de-
cayed Loroughs. The remedy for this evil was t', be
found in the good old constitutional practice of the
Legislature. He was wet disposed t look to any in.
titivation ; he should not consult any fanciful theory
or speculative system ; he would be guided by the
s rand practice of the British Constitution, and in that
he should find means enough to remedy the evil of
I which he complained. It was well kilt wn to have
been the practice of old to relieve, on their application,
particular Boroughs from the onus of sending Repre-
j sentativcs to Parliament. The same principle would
authorise the disfranchisement of such Boroughs as
no longer possessed property or popolition to entitle
them to such a right. This principle had been uni-
formly acted upon, and lie trusted that on the present
occasion it would be applied by that House, in order
to correct the defects in the state of the Representa-
! tion. He trusted that the decayed Boroughs, whose
Representatives were sent to Parliament at the nomi-
nation of individuals, would be disfranchised, and the
right of returning Members to that House transferred
to more opulent and populous places. There could
be no question that it would be more desirable to have
in that Fouse Members uninfluenced, than such
whose opinions and votes must be controuled by the
individuals who nominated them. The remedy Wits
pointed out by the Constitution ; and the only diffi-
culty that occurred to him, was, liner they were to
ascertain what Boroughs w.'re so decaved as CO be
proper objects for disfranchisement ? 'There were,
he had reason to know, above thirty Boroughs which
had not fifty voters each, :and the Representatives
for which were consequently nominated by the pro-
prietors of the Boroughs. But it would be for the
Committee, if lie should succeed, as lie hoped he
should, in his motion, to ascertain what Boroughs
were in that state, and to recommend to the House
to disfranchise them—a recommendation which he
trusted that House would act upon. Now that he I
was adverting to that part of the question, he should.
beg to make one or two observations on the right of
election. That right, he must contend, could not
exist in depopulated and uninhabited places. Pro-
perty real and personal, and populatitai, must and I
ought to be the basis of such a right. When a place
became deficient in population, and no property ex-
isted in it but, 'hat was possessed by the individual
claiming the power of nomination, then the place
must cease to possess the right of returning Repre-
sentatives to Parliament : and no consequenc,! could
result from its being suffered to remain with them,
but such as were injurious and detrimental to the na-
tion. That property and population formed the basis
of representation, he collected from the spirit of the
Constitution. It was a principle recognised by our
ancestors, and lie found it pervading every Inci of t
their measures respecting the constitution of Parlia-
ment. The elective franchise for counties had very
wisely been given to the freeholders of such coun- I
ties. He should not think of altering that-arrange-
ment, but was of opinion that the copvholders should
also be allowed to vote. He could see no ground in
reason or principle, why they should not, equally
with the freeholders, be permitted to vow for County
Members. In this part of his plan, therefore, he
should propose no innovation. He recognised the
principle of making property_ the basis of the elective
franchise; for property wo*td, inevitably, possess its
influence, in spite of the theory of the philosopher,
or the violence of the people. The counties, there-
fore, he should propose to have as they arc at the
present, with the exception of adding the copyholders
to the freeholders ; and, after the destruction of the I
feudal system in this country, he could see no objee-
tion to a Bill for enfranchising copyholders. (Thar,
hear.) This was the only alteration be proposed in !
the right of voting in counties, except in a few of the
Northern counties, and in Scotland, of which he
should say somixhing before he sat down. In the
Metropolis, awl other poipnlens places, he should •
propose that the right of votin-g should -be given to
all householders paying parochial and other taxes.—
This was a principle that had been recognised and
acte4 upon by their anct stors and is proposing to ,

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