Star.
London, England, 1821-02-22 00:00:00

Alliance, which he hoped would long live, for the
preservation of the peace of Europe. lie trusted
that the Hoose of Commons would never think that

the Alliance had forfeited its claim to the confidence

of Europe. He could state, from personal know-
ledge, that none of the Powers of 'the Holy Alliance,
had ever formed a wish for territorial aggrandize-
ment, and that principle operated with equal force
in Italy as in the rest of Europe. Should n wish for
territorial aggrandizement be felt, it would be
iscor-
rected from the nature of the Alliance itself. A stria
v
could not look to aggrandizement in Italy shout
opposition on the part of France and the ' talian
States. The Paper to which a reply had beefs made,
was not to be regarded as a final arrangemeht ;. and
it was a proof of the good faith of the Allies, that
a British and French' Minister were present, though
they took no part in the transaction —( Hear ).
It was said, that Ministers were under a charge ; tut
Ministers had distinctly stated, that they were no
parties to the proceedings. of the Allied Powers. It
would be a most dangerous principle to state gene-
rally that no case could arise to justify interference
in the affairs of Foreign Powers. But the only ques-
tion between him and the Honourable Gentleman

was, as to the extent of the exception. Ile would
contend, that. all States might deliver an opinion on
passing events. But there was a wide difference be-
tween an opinion and a remonstrance. Nor could he
conceive, that upon all occasions we were to step for-
ward and cut the Gordian knot of Continental affairs.
Though he did not think meanly of the resources of
the country, yet we ought to pause before a formal
remonstrance was made to Foreign States. A re-
monstrance on paper would be of little effect, and
would only tend to lessen the character of the coun-
try. But he was happy to be able to state, that the
speeches of the Honourable Member had not les-
sened the estimation, of England upon the Continent.
He had stated the same view to the Government of
Naples as to the Austrian Government. Though he
bad not received Prince Cimitelli in his character of
Ambassador, he had often seen him, and there was
no cessation of relations between tke two countries.
Everything had proceeded in the same manner as
formerly. His Majesty's Ministers had lost no time
in explaining themselves to Austria that we could not
admit that we could take any steps with respect to
Naples. At the same time we never had contemplated
interference in the question as to how the Allies
were to conduct themselvei with respect:to Naples.
He thought that the Hon. Gentleman did as much
injustice to the views of the Sovereigns, as if they had
gone to Naples to place any stain on themselves, or
to oppress the Neapolitans. They acted under a view
of the interests of all parties. We had never encou-
raged Austria to go to war,; and he could assure the
House, that he was as distinctly separated horn that
measure as any party to it, though he could not say
that there were in this case circumstances which
would warrant an Austrian Minister in proceeding
by force against the kingdom of Naples. But he
could not come to the conclusion of the Honourable
Gentleman. Neither could he agree that the Govern-
ment of Naples was so immoral and oppressive that
the People had a right, wising from necessity, to alter
it.--The case of Spain was different. She had a Con-
stitution previous to the return of the King, who had
promised a continuance of a popular Government,
and he had refused to sanction it afterwards. But
be must protest against the doctrine that a People
might rise in rebellion because it might think its
Government not exactly free cr representative. In
Sicily, the two Houses of Parliament could not
agree ; and though our Representative System was
given them by a Noble Lord (William Bentinck) who
was sincere in it, yet they petitioned the Government
to reform that system. if they had asked any in-
telligent travellers and public men in Naples in the
month of March, previous to the July when this
Revolution of Naples broke out, they would find,
that there was not a country in Europe where such
an event was more unlikely to have taken
He did not pretend to say that there was not now a
very strong party in Naples in favour of a Represen-
tative system. Hs read extracts from some corre-
spondence from Naples, to_ shew that the Revolu -
tionists had no complaint against the Government,
even by their own proclamations, and that the taking
off the duty on salt to the amount of one-half, was
the only boon to be given to the people. So paternal
a Government had never existed in Naples before.
He denied that the King made no promise of a Re-
presentative Government, on his retiring from his
dominions. That, he could assure the House, was a
false document; for he was in possession of the true
one. We were determined to interfere nationally, if
any person, subject to this Government, should be ill-
, treated because they might have had something to
do with the Government of Sicily while that country
.was under our protection. When the Revolution of
Naples broke out, the Government was the most pa-
.ernal that had ever been known in that country.—.
He mast put himself in the situation of an Austrian
Minister, and then he must say that it was impossi=
ble to allow a sect to start up for the purpose of com-
bining all the States of Italy in one great kingdom.
They had never heard our lamentations for Genoa or
Venice, when they were unjustly annexed to Prance.,
Then the Honourable Gentle Men opposite were only
anxious to negotiate with the great Napoleon: The
Carbonari Was not a Neapolitan sect, though they,
like all other revolutionary sects, were philanthropic
enough not to confine their labours to their own bor-
ders. It was not a secret sect. In Naples they went
as Carbonari to the Prince Regent; they menaced
and controuled the Parliament, and it had for its ob-
ject a combined movement in the North of Italy,
to drive out the Austrians, or the Germans, as they
called them. Under such circumstances, it became
the duty of an Austrian Minister to ascertain that
there should be a Government with whom to trrm,
to prevent such scenes, rather than to suffer a sect
to establish itself in the immediate neighbourhood
of the Aostriati States, which had for its object to
overturn her Government—(Hear, hear, hear).--
Austria was engaged in this measure under the jea-
lous inspection of the other great Powers, oho would
not endure her making to herself a permanent esta-
blishment in the South of Italy. The Revolution of
Naples had been brought about by fraud, and in
• secrecy; and the-Subalteros in the Reyolutionary
Army, threw up their hats, and thought themselves
heroes when they had overturned their Government.
A mob attacked the Palace, and it was under these
circumstances, as he was told, the King was desired

to grant the People a Constitution, like that of Spain;
though he believed not a man of the Commit which
so advised him, had ever read it. It was not alvrayi
that the word Liberty brought freedom with it; nqr
that a Constitution, so called, gave anything brit
confusion to a country ; which was the lAorst of all
kinds of tyranny. If the Neapolitans had a right to
Choose a Government for themselves, snreiy tine Hon.
and Learned Gentleman would not say that the Sici
flans had not a right to have the same? however, the
Neapolitans had forced them to abandon that deter-
mination, by sending an army against them. For
these reasons, he should give the motion his de-
cided negative.
Sir ROBERT WILSON argued that our neutra-
lity would eventually lead us Into a war, through
the delay in our Ministers in remonstrating-w th fo-
reign Powers on this subject. He nas once told by a
Minister of high power, in presence of a Russian
officer of rank, in Paris, in 1814, that a Treaty was
being drawn up, to which Great Britain was a party,
which guaranteed the Crown of France to the Bour-
bons, and the occupation of France for a term of.
years by the Allied Troops. He (Sir Rohert Wilsoh)
not being then so well acquainted with the composi-
tion of that House, ask now, tnnok the liberty of con-
tradicting this statement, by saying that it could not
be so! and if it were, it would not be •ancti, ned by
Parliament I The other ridiculed this idea, and said
they had no difficulty about the thing (la chose) hut in
the words in which it was to be submitted to Parlia-
ment. He rasa himself heard the present, and the
late King of Naples, both say that the demand for a
free Constitution was general in that country. He
wished to know whether the Noble Lord opposite had
or had not made this country a party to the military.
' execution of the late King of Naples ? He should be
glad, for the honour of his country, to hear him deny
this in his place.—[Lord CASTLEREAGH said across
the table, " I do assure the gallant General, that this
is the first time I have ever heard of itrj—Loud
laughter from the Ministerial benches.—He (Sir Ro-
bert Wilson) begged to assure the Noble Lord, that
the
.rejoiced in this removal of such an imputation
from the character of the country : he had telt it his
duty t 6 enquire respecting it thus publicly, because
it had been communicated to him as a fact by very
high asithority, and becanse he was anxious, if it
could be contradicted, that the contradiction should
be most complete. His only motive was dictated by
a love of country—(Hear, hear, particularly lions
Lord Castlereagh)—and he should have been most
ready to join in the laugh of the Gentlemen opposite,
had he not thought the subject rather too grave a
one for jocularity.—( Hear, Hear.)—The gallant
Officer then proceeded to animadvert in a strain of
great eloquence upon the conduct of the BI nisi %H.
nister and the Allied Powers with respect to Naples.
The operations of the Carbonari were said to ire se-
cret : that was not extraordinary when they knew the
powerful opponents with whom they had to combat.
They were said to be numerous, and to amou.a to
hundreds of thousands! So they ought, if their
objeot was the assertion of their liberties—and • their
numbers would soon, he trusted, become millions, if
liberty were to be assailed by despotism !—(Hear!)—
In adverting to the acts of sovereign Princes, be
wished to speak of them with all possible iespecf.
The general decorum which was due to their exalted
station imposed that respect upon everybody, and in
this instance he had particular reasons, from the situa-
tion which it had been his Lit to fill near some of
these Sovereigns, to speak of them individually with
the utmost deference and respect—( Hew, hear). But
the acts in which they were engaged became histori-
cal facts, and could pot be suppressed without doing
violence, not only to the dearest interests of the pre-
sent age, but also to millions yet unborn—(Hear,
hear). The Honourable and gallant Member then
took a rapid historical review of the acts which, at
different periods of their respective reigns, had
marked the career. of the Allied Sovereigns, and
rendered their present indignation at a military re-
volution, effected suddenly and secretly, most extra.
ordinary. The present Emperor of Russia had ass
vended the Throne by the means of a secret mind
tar), revolution—(Hear, hear)—and yet no complaint
was made of his accession under such circumstances.
Had not another of these Sovereigns promoted the
defection of General Yorck from his allegiance? and
did not Austria induce the Saxon Army to desert the
colours of their Sovereign in the battle of Leipsic ?
It was singular that these Sovereigns, who had all in
their turn proinoted disaffection, should now threaten
to decimate troops which only followed their own ex-
ample—(Hear, hear).—But how did the present con-
duct of these Allies' accord with what they had done
at Vienna, when, on the 12th of May, 1815 the Mid
nisters 'of the Allied Powers drew tip a Declarations
which they published to Europe, stating, " that the
.Governments they represented knew too well the
principles which should guide them in their relations
with an independent country, to attempt (as they had
been accused) any imposition of laws upon it, to med..
dle with its internal affairs, to assign to it any form
of Government, or to give Rulers in compliance with
the interests or passions of its neighbours ?"--.(Near.)
His own opinion upon the present transactions of Na-
pies was, that the Neapolitans must ultimately sof-
ceed : they had with them in their struggle the tor-
dial feelings of the generous and the braQe, who limed
freedom in every part of the. earth; and they had at
the outset three advantages-71st, the occupation. of
Naples; 241 y, the dislodgment of the strongest of
their enemies ; and idly, the possession of Sicily.
That they had everything to struggle for, they mast
feel ; and that they would struggle for their liberties,
he was satisfied, unless, indeed, he could think the
spirit •of liberty animated a coward hreasr—Wearj.
Of the fate of Italy generally, he might sat in the
language of a popular author—" Italy bee fallen
like a star from her place in the Heiveos. She has
seen her harvest trodden down by_ the horie of the
stranger, and the blood of her children shed in.qnstre
rels not her own— conquering and 'conquered, still
herself a slave"—(bear, hear).—The conitraritive
diminution of the contending armies had Buie weight
with him, when he recollected the noble stand nude
by Hannibal upon the same ground againstthe whole
power of the Ittiman empire. The Noble Lord should
recollect that .Armenitis had nobly contended for
liberty upon the spot where Austria ruled, and ert-
toited from the great historian of the Romans, who
were his enemies, the tribute of being " magis triunt-
phati giant victi seat"—(Hear, hear).—He concluded
by dilating that, as a friend of freedom, he rejoiced