Star.
London, England, 1821-03-21 00:00:00

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bees done in 180/1•0t18091, never beeneadel
kdOwn t 1 1917. •
The Petition w then*id, praying for relief and
remuneration for tr• services.—Laid oit theiable, and
ordered to be printer& • -
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NAPLES.
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Sir R. WILSON had received a copy of a letter
from Sir W.A'Court to the Duke:de Gallo, of a war-
like, and not a pacific nature, and containing doc-
trines highly exceptionable; and it being, finally, in
every point of view, open to very considerable ob-
jections, he had thought it his duty to bring it before
the House in the shape of a rtuestion( Hear hear).
—But the Noble Lord oppositeconceiving, nodoubt,
that this mode might lead to 'a discussion; irregulat
and inconvenient at the time seemed to prefer' that
the question should be brought forward in the shape
of a special motion, and such motion, therefore; Ihe
now rose tnsubinit, in compliance with that with-a'
(Hear, hear).—The House Would be prepared, by 60
debate which took place upon the Circular addr
by the Noble Lord to the British Ministers abroad.;
and which wan rendered so memorable by the eid-
quent speech of his Hon. and Learned Friend (Sirl
Mackintosh), for the consideration of the present
question. The House would bear in mind that the
Noble Lord on that occasion said, that notwithstand-
ing the assertions which had been made, and made
by him (Sir It. Wilson) relative to the suspicious
name of certain paragraphs in that letter, the in-
tention of the British 'Ministry was to maintain, in
its conduct to Naples and Austria, a strict and im-
partial neutrality, and not one of a doubtful or eva-
sive character. And, with a view of enforcing that
statement, the Noble Lord did then go on to say,
that when the British army evacuated Sicily, the
British Minister was directed to state to the Neapo-
litans that it was not the intention of the British
Government to interfere in their affairs, excepting
in one or two cases which Were on that occasion as-
signed. The first of these cases being, where any
attempt might be made to wrest from the Sicilian
people those rights and privileges that had been lately
conferred on them by the new Constitution; and the
'other case being, where any Neapolitan-born subject
'might be prosecuted for any services previously ren-
dered by them to the British during their occupation
of the island—(Hear; hear).—}16 must here appeal
to the House whether or no the Noble Lerd in that
debate proved himself a jealous guardian of those
reservations which he, however, thought it necessary
at that time to state as an asi;flable ground fot his
sitian tq the motion of his Hon. and Learned
Fnend (Sir James Mackintosh)? lie (Sir R. Wilson)
thought the House might have participated in his
emotions of surprise upon reading in the letter of Sir
William A' ours thatp4ragraph, which, after a de-
iciiptiOn of the general intention of this Govern-
meat to obserie a strict neutrality, and to take no
part, directly or indirectly, in the wit, proceeded
thus :.‘, it will interfere in no wit in the affairs of
this country, unless such a step should be rendered
indispensable by any personal insults or danger to
which the Royal Family may he exposed"—(Hear
hear, hear):=Sir William A'Court added, that " not
foreseeing the possibility of such a case, he flattered
himself that nothing would alter the peaceful atti,
tude in which Great Britain was placed—(Hear):
—Of this passage there could be no misconstruction;
it appealed disonitly that Sir Williatri A'Court ima-
ginell that this country had a right to interfere if the
Royal Family of Naples Were exposed to personal
insult or danger.. From hence it was fairly to be
inferred that the British Minister might consider him-
self justified in telegraphing the British iquadrod to
bombard Naples eneknally; whilst some commotion
took place. within the Walls, in Which insult or
danger might be incurred by any branch of the Royal
Family—( Hear, hear).—The assertion of such a'
power was incompatible with the rights of inde-
pendent nations, and most injurious and hatardons
to our own ; for it ought to be recollected that we
could apply no principle of public law to the fo-
reigner, that he, in tern, might not apply to us—
(Hear, hear).— He (Sir R. Wilson) would infornt the
Noble Lord of a fact, for the truth of which he
might venture to pledge hitnself. Subsequently to
the conferences at Troppau, the directing Minister of
the confederacy 'against Naples had held a conver-
sation with some other distinguished persons, which
turned on a pOisible change of Administration in
this country, by the introduction to office of some
Members who usually sat on the Opposition side of
the House: that directing Minister had not scrupled
then to say, that if 'sitar) a change did take place, it
was the determination of the Allied Powers to treat
England as they were resolved to-treat Naples (Hear).
—lt was hinted to tha Minister, that Bonaparte had
found the 'Mid to London Icing and impracticable.
" True," he rejoined; " but even then we can put
England upon the footing of an infected nation (na-
tion ileitrie), cant tiff ill cOmmunication
(Haar, tear).—Ni kvis'pepired to assert that this
was not a loose unguarded Conversation, but ex-
pressly intended to prove to those who heard it the
determined :and extensive 'character of the Confede-
racy against Naples. If the principle laid down by
Sir William AlCOurt were maintained if it were to
go forth to Europe that such was to be the ground
on which a war might be Crinsineiked—he put it to
the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) whether Protests would
be wanting to involve Great tritain in hostilities?—
Did he think that the inichinatiorilthit hid disturbed
other nations,—that had agitated Spain' that had dis-
tressed France, that had suspended the Habeas Cor-.
pus Act in England—Would be wanting in Napleslo'
compel this country to take part. in the war already,
commenced? Did he imagine that the adVeriaries,
of the new Constitutional filiitern in Sicily would be
deficient in their mischieiobs activity? blight not'
even the Allies theinselSes -use effectual exertions to
-drag the British Government into this most impious
crusade? Dismissing this, however, lie would ask
whether this menacing neutrality was tick calculated
to alienate the feelings of 'the inhabitants of Naples,
holding out, as it did, that their King was the property
of the foreigner, not of the native? Would it not
rather urge them to, than restrainthem filth] the very
acts Sir William A'Court deprecated? Such was not
his language only, but that of a person whose audios
city the Noble Lord and his friends would not be
dined to disparage, lYfr. Pitt. In 1792, a communi-4
cation was made from the Crown to Pailiament,and
in the diicuasion,Mr.'Pitt conjured the House not tO
employ such language as, in the furicus state of the