Star.
London, England, 1828-06-10 00:00:00

lieve that they contained any.thint which could either I
justly alarm the Catholics or give ditsatisfaction to
the Protestants, although he should at the same time ,
say, that he did not entertain any hope, from the vio.
lent .language used on both side p
c. and articularl
by the petitioners before the Howe, that therey
was a probability of an amicable arrangement.—
He however thought that a medium might be found,
and that all parties might come to an agreement, by
which the question could be set at rest. Of oaths and
declarations they already had more than enough, and
they were in his opinion of but very little importance.
He did think, however, that the question could be set
at rest, if the nomination of the Roman Catholic Bishops
were vested in the Sovereign. He teas inclined to think
that this was not congruous with the Catholic Church ;
but the Noble Mover had showed that something of the
kind existed in every nation of .Europe. He was aware
of the difficnity that awaited ,a measure of this descrip-
tion, from the interests and the violence of parties ; but
if those were the only obstacles, the Legislature had
ample power to meet them. He did not think there
could be any difficulty in commencing a negotiation
for the purpose, nor in repealing a law which was once
looked on as a safeguard of the country ; but he was
told, that even after that the Catholics would not accept
of the boon, wherefore he for one would never consent
to place the Parliament in such a dilemma. He would
neither compromise the dignity of the Legislature, nor
would he begin to give effect to the measure he pro-
posed by a species of persecution. The tranquillity of
the country should induce Parliament to settle the ques-
tion, without any allusiort.to the subserviency in which
the people were held by that tie which bound them to a
Foreign Potentate. There was no knowing what changes
might take place in the Foreign Potentates to whom he
alluded. There was no knowing but that in other times
they might not be so respectable as it must be admitted
the present holder of that power was. But it must also
be considered that the power he alluded to must always
be great, while the people looked to it not only as a de-
pository of temporal rank, but of spiritual happiness.
If the Noble Marquis (Lansdown) would submit such a
proposition as that he (the Marquis of S.) had alluded
to, he would be most happy to support him, but as
the question at present stood, he should certainly op-

the Church may be in an unknown tongue, and such
was the practice of the Church of Rome. In refutation
of this doctrine, he would read their Lordships atten-
tion to the miracle on the feast of Pentecost, which
they had so lately celebrated, when the cloven tongues
were seen to descend from heaven to enable all the
people. to•he. bear - the Gospel in their own language.
On die—worifillX:_iitiages he would mention, the
in the terefiti-e* 'article of the decree of Pius it
was declared. !t-that • the image of CHRIST, and
of the, mother of Goo, who was always a virgin,
should be hod in reverence;` but what saes the Scrip-
tures—" thin shalt worship the LORD thy GOD, and
him_ tidy shalt thou serve." The second commandment,
forbade any image worship, and the prophets were full
of command, against idolatry. The Christian Apostles
also constantly forbade any -to worship them. Peter
said to. Cornelius, when he would have fallen down be-
fore him arid Worshipped him; 44 Stand up, I also am a
man.* And Paul and Barnabus, when the multitude
would have worshipped them, rent their clothes, and
said," Sirs, why do you this thing? we also are men."
He had repeatedly witnessed the ignorant votaries of
Catholic superstition kneeling before statues, worship-
ping stocks and stones. He might be told that this was
not the Catholic religion—be it so; but it was the
Catholic practice, and if the priests of that religion took
one tenth part of the pains to prevent it that they did
to prevent,the people reading the Scriptures, the un-
hallowed practice would soon cease in the land. He
was most desirous to emancipate the people from the
degradation of ignorance, and superstition, and dark-
ness—to emancipate their minds by a scriptural educa-
tion, not an education that 'would tear from them the
book of Gon, or make it conform to their prejudices or
their passions. Ifewould qualify them for freedom by
giving them an education founded on GOD'S holy word,
the standard of mercy and truth, and eradicating ig-
norance, superstition, and false woiship, which were
ever the enemies of liberty and man.
The !Bart of WINCHILSEA, on an occasion like
that, could not content himself with a silent vote, and
he would therefore trespass upon the time of their Lord-
ships with a heir observations, while he briefly stated
his sentiments. He had always observed that those who
came forward in support of Catholic Claims uniformly
contended that the Roman Catholic faith was not now
what it was in the 17th century. Now if it had changed,
be wished to know at what period that alteration bad,
taken place? He challenged the whole Roman Catholic
Hierarchy to show that such a change had at any period
occurred. He challenged them as well as the laity,
some °fathom could only prove this change by claiming
for themselves she right of exercising that private judg-
ment which was in all ages denied to them by_ their
spiritual guide,'the,Church. lon corroboration of this,
be mold adduce many proofs, but would not go farther
than by referring •to two passages in a letter written
some years ago, not by an individual governed by the
same feelings,or professing the same religion with him-
self, but by Doctor Troy, the Titular Archbishop of
Dublin. He • expressly said, " that the decisions of
General Councils were of infallible authority, and also
binding on the consciences of Catholics." The 4th sec-
tion of the Council of .Lateran was, according to Dr.
Troy, one of those that "expressly prescribed the de-
thronement of heretic Sovereigns, and declared particu-
larly that all engagements entered into with heretics,
even although sanctioned by oaths, were not binding."
The Noble Lord then observed upon the indefatigable
endeavours of the Gentlemen who combated the errors
of this Church, notwithstanding which, its arbitrary
and superstitious principles still prevailed, and he asked
whether, in these days, the most strenuous advocates
for Emancipation could deny that any change had
taken place in that Church, whose system of mental and
spiritual despotism showed what little difference existed
between the Irish (Roman Catholic Church and the
fetters of former ages? As to the argument adduced by
the Noble J4axquis, from the privileges Catholics en-
joyed in various Protestant Countries, that might have
weight, if it appeared an free and impartial investigation,
that there was any one other Protestant State in Europe
which had enjoyed during the last fifty years the same
liberty and the same free institutions which we bad
enjoyed here for three times that period. If such a free.
Protestant State, giving such privileges to Roman Ca-
tholics, and existing for,such a period, could be found,
then, indeed, there might be something like the test of
experience, both as to the freedom of that State and the
durability of the arrangements. It bas so happened,'
however, that none such &stied, for the free Protestant
States of Germany had nothing like a Constitution until
the year 1815. The Netherlands had also been re-
futed 'to; but these, also, the Roman Catholics had
not been admitted to political power until the autumn of
1827, so that there was no possibility of ascertaining
what might be the result, more especially when he
could with confidence ask, whether it was not well
known that considerable ill will at present existed
between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants
there? He would not allude to Russia or the
United States, because there could be no comparison
between a Republic which bad no Established Church,
and a Monarchy 'which bad one forming an ante-
gial part hf its Constitution. Let no one then give
his convist io nieasures'ivhich would endanger the ex-
isterice of the PrOtestant Establishment, and let them
not deceive themselves by supposing that however much
they might give they could ever satisfy the encroaching
spirit of the Church of Rome. The connection, as a
powerful writer expressed it, between the Roman Church
and the Roman Catholic Association, and between the
leaders of both, forbid any such idea. One of those
leaders, O'Connell, at a meeting held only the 15th of
last month, said, 4‘ The Catholics have already trampled
on all their enemies except the Church,' but he (Lord
W 4 trusted their Lordships would never consent to the
passing of measures that would destroy that Church,
which, under the Constitution, has produced so much
benefit. Let proof, and satisfactory proof, be given that
no injury 'would be inflicted on the Protestant Church
-by !moving those barriers under which this country
Lad' been raised to the highest prosperity, and become
the 'admiration of surroandiag nations. When such
proof was given, he would be the first to turn round and
abandon those objections he felt to admitting the Ca-
tholics to the full enjoyment of civil rights. Being of
opinion, however, that no such proof could be given, he
would, for the reasons he had stated, oppose the present
motion.
The Marquis of SALISBURY hoped that he might
be excused on this occasion for trespassing on their
Lordships, as he could not, %viten he considered that the
question was brought forward upon aßesolution of the
other Mouse, give a silent vote, unless he were prepared
to say that no circumstances could arise Mader which
should be willing to grant Emancipation. He only
spok,e in answer to the challenge given by the Noble
Marquis (Lantclowo) who thought that sufficient sects,-
fey a*lst be had, and he himself also was of opinion
ant sod, beedritirenil4bt be 14xtOd.,,and thought that
dip faseiteontielle could pursue was by stating what
Arose securities were—(ktut, heat).-4lc did not -be.

pose the motion.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN explained.
Earl BATHURST said, that the proposition of the
Noble Marquis (Lansdown) necessarily involved the
question, whether it was now expedient to renew the
discussion of the entire subject of the propriety of yield-
ing- to the Roman Catholics the possession of political
power? That had been the subject of frequent debate
for five or six-and-twenty years together, and he there-
fore despaired Of being able to add any thing new on a
question upon which so much had been already said.—
The motion was that their Lordships should concur in
the resolution of the House of Commons. [Here his
Lordship repeated the words of the resolution, which
have been already given.) Now, before they agreed to.
concur in this resolution, he thought it was necessary
they should understand not only what was the meaning
of the resolution itself, but also what it was understood
they were to do in ease they did concur in it. Whether
the proposition was that they should agree to consider
the laws respecting the Roman Catholics, or whether
they were so to consider them for the purpose of a final
adjustment, there could, in his opinion, be no other
object but that of a conciliatory adjustment, by which all?
the views entertained might be accomplished. What then:
were their Lordships to do, or is-as the House of Peers
satisfied. as one branch of the Legislature had already
done, if he understobd right, to pledge themselves to ac-
complish the object of the resolution as far as was pos-
sible ? He considered the resolution as a solemn pledge
on the part of the House of Commons, and the ques-
tion was, whether what the Noble Marquis called on
their Lordships for, was not to enter into the same
pledge ? His objection to that course was, and he never
would consent to it, unless Alley saw that they had it in
their power to redeem that pledge; nor could he suffer
himself to be swayed by the eloquence of the Diable
Marquis to agree in his proposition, until he brought
forward some proof that' it was in their Lordships'
power to accomplish the object in view. TO, Webb:
Marquis had nut intimated that he would be ready
with any proposal to effect his object, nor had he'
given any intimation, if the resolution were agreed to,
that he was in a condition to accomplish his purpose.
Then,' if they looked to the measures which had been
proposed by the other House,and which, if he recollected
aright, had had the Noble Marquis's support, be must
say that he despaired that their Lordships' House could
ever redeem this pledge. Without going through them
all. he would only rder to that which had come up in
1825, and he wished to ask those of their Lordships
who recollected it, whether, if previously to the measure
having come up to that House, the House of Commons
had some to a Resolution similar to the present, and
that tee Noble Marquis had asked them to agree to it,
;they would have agreed to the measure of 1825 ? He
Ishoold only call the'attention of the House to one pan
of that Bill, something similar to which was enacted
wherever.the Roman Catholic Church was, permitted to
exercise authority, and with respect to which his Noble
Friend (the Marquis of Salisbury) had expressed an
opinion conformable to his own, namely, that he
would never consent to any measure like the one
proposed without some satisfactory arrangement
being made. Every Protestant State felt a jealousy
When they allowed authority to the Roman Catholic
Church, and always previously entered into an, arrange-
ment with the See of Rome, before they would allow
the publication of any Bulls or other documents coming
from that quarter. The Bill of 1825 provided. that
•• When any Bull or Dispensation came from the Pope
to Ireland, the party receiving it should submit it to the
inspection of the Commissioners appointed for the put-
pose, who would forward it, if they declared it not in.
Orions to the Protestant Establishment in Church and
State; but if it were, they were to notify that circum-
stance to the Lord Lieutenant." They were not to state
the contents of the Bull, but merely that it was injurious
to the Protestant Establishment ; " and having so done,
it was to be sent back by those who had received
it, and if those Commissioners declared otherwise,
then authority was given for the publication and
execution of the Bulls* although the Crown had not
given its consent, and did not know what its con-
tents were. Thar was the measure of 1825, and the
Legislature thereby provided guardians for the Pro-
testant Establishment in Church and State. But
who were those guardians? Were there to be found at
least a majority of Protestants who were competent to
decide on what ;was injurious to the Protestant interest?,
The Crown was prohibited-trans naming one Protestant
oil the Commissioo ; no only that, but the Crown was
prohibited from naming' any lay Catholic, whether Peer
or Commoner. The. Commissioners were to be all
Priests. and of these such only as were Catholic Bishops.
Thus Roman Catholic Bishops were appointed the guar-
dians of Protestant interests. Then, besides, when a party
ergs nominated as Bishop, his name was also to be trans-
OW to tto Commiserate:ll and on their certifying

that'll, was a loyal subject, and on hisoaking the oath army to the Catholic Lord Howard. Their Lorothipo
prescribed, be was instantly authorized to esereise all might tesist this application; but still Ireland existed"
nthsihsecouludridtiymap-f.
uwnitdheritasnsiaznofralselevaecnerm,
willhioonws,elolruguadneizisetdooindodibasafft
het%
Episcopal functions, although the Crown
fporordveedoufnsduecrhtharßoiilni twmheicht.wat's hat
lewdly to give secu- aboina The Catholics, it appeared, were now organized
rity to the Protestant Establishment in Church and State as one man. Stop the flame of discontent when tau
They wete often told, these were antiquated notions— might, it would break out again in another quarters
thattina no-,there was no danger to be apprehended—that no-, and this country, in the case of a war, would hexer.h
wag so easy as an arrangement, and the Noble pelled to do an act of tardy justice.: -When perhaps e•
Marquis had adverted to other countries, that we might would be too late. He was sorry to have heard so mop;
Fee how easily this was accomplished, and what perfect quotations wasted in that House, which had been -a;
accord prevailed between Catholics and Protestants. much more, applicable to the pulpit—(Bleat).—ours
Holland was one of the States alluded to, as there Ro- was not a species of religion to be enforced, like Mo.
man Catholics were admitted to all civil offices, and no homedanism, by the sword, instead of bytbe
disqualification prevailed, and there we were told peace nature of its tenets. It would not be consistent in ns.:
and harmony prevailed. The Netherlands were divided adopt the principle contended for by zealots in the p„,),
into two parts, in one of whiCh the Roman Catholics sent day, and stalk through an affrighted land wittithe
were a great majority, and their religion established, Bible in ore hand and the sword in the other, le
while in another, the majority were Protestants,' and the town of Drogheda alone there happened o, be threi
theirs the Established Religion. But if the Protestant preachers of eminence, who were very much tnllowed
Religion were established where the majority were for their edifying preaching, by even persons of the Ito
Roman Catholics, did the Noble Marquis believe that man Catholic persuasion ; but the moment that their.
the same peace and harmony would prevail between formation Society began its operations in that part of
them ? Prussia had also been spoken of, but Sile,ia, the country, their usefulness was at an end, and the-Co
the only Province of that Monarchy to which the argu- tholics no longer frequented these plates of relionie
ment could apply, also possessed a great majority of exhortations. Until then these disabilities wererseim.ier,i)veepdid
Catholics, and theirs was the established religion of the there was no use in expecting there would be anythoo
country. Were they prepared -to say that there should like peaceow concord in that ill-fated country.. tit
be an establishment in Ireland?—(Hear, hear, hear). Lordship concluded by hoping, that the present illus.
We could not deal with the Roman Catholics as we did trious individual at the head of the Governmental ,t
with other Diisenters from' the Established Church, nor country would not put his veto on the project of tooted. '
do any thing which could lead to the discontinuance of sion to the Catholics of Ireland. He most earnestly
the Established Church in Ireland, as that would endan. hoped he would accede with all his power ful knee re
ger the Protestant interest,. and shake the empire to its the cause of the Catholics of Ireland. It was a
centre. The Protestant interest was interwoven with the opportunity afforded him .to improve at once tit coati
Constitution of the country—(Hear, hear). He war popularity, and consolidate the interests of the Empire.
extremely anxious that thequestion should be brought If he proved inimical in this instance to their interests,
to a final determination; but show Was that to be ac- he could not help avowing that he thought that ApFte,o
complished ? He feared that so many difficulties en- tion would drive the Catholics to despair, and rob the
compassed the subject, that it-would be long ere it could Minister of a wreath which was ready to entwine his
be accomplished, though he should be happy when the brows.
time came that they could say—" now the question Lord MANNERS, who spoke from the cross hero%
can be finally settled." let, till then, as he now saw commenced by complaining of the temper of the IrishOo.
no prospect of that period soon. arriving, he entreated the:4k Association, and the tendency of their speeches is
the House not to pledge itself, os the House of Com- inflame and exasperate the public mind. He deprecated
mons had done, by agreeing to this Resolution. It was the spirit which had prevailed in all the proceed*
worse than useless to give a pledge till there was a of that ill-regulated and angry political Association.
prospect of redeeming it—(Hear, hear). . It was impossible to grant the Catholics the ma.
The Marquis of 'LANSDOWN said, that however cessions they sought, and afford any protection
unwilling he might be to intrude again upon the House, the established reformed Church of Ireland, in .n
yet he must set himselt right with respect to that which present temper of the Irish nation. The Roma
he had stated,and in which he had been misrepresented. Catholic Association, which might 'be considered it
He had not held out the absence of an Established displaying the spirit and •disposition of their •brethres.
Church in the United States as worthy of imitation ; had hitherto done tbeir utmost (in many instances leis
but he had instanced it to show that where no este- too succession!) to separate the tenant from Ins lad.
blished religion existed, thetg was no danger in admit- lord-oto produce discord and an lofty throogbout the
ring the Catholics to power. -And for the purpose of country—and to estrange the loyalty and allegiance af
arguing that if no danger existed in doing so under all their fellow subjects over wtom they couldeaercie
such circumstances, how much less.danger must there any influence. It .had been said that concessions re
be in admitting themao the enjoyment of power in this this body were demanded by policy and jasiice, bathe
country, where there was an *established and powerful could not perceive the applicability of either. With every
religion? disposition to grant Emancipation, if such a measure
The Earlof DARNLEY observed, that most of the could be conceded consistently with safety to the Esta.
observations which had been made in opposition to their blishment, he could never consent, under evistingcie
Lordships' adoption of the Resolution of the House of cumstances, to acknowledge claims which were mete
Commons, applied rather to the oreed of Roman Ca- tially pernicious to the Protestant religion and the old
oholics than to the proposition before their Lordships. interests of the State—(Hear).
That proposition recommended their Lordships to sym- The Earl of GUILFORD said that King William
patbise with the people of-lerelitid of the Catholic per- r had been placed upon the throne, at the glorious era et
suasion. Already to was ;lot too much to hope that the Revolution, on principles of exclusion, and on thaw
scone points of difficulty had beencgotten over, Of the principles the nation had been hitherto gcverned with
three modes which ,had beets ;Untied to, there was but success, The laws so long and loudly complained of
one which with propriety awl, could adopt ; and that did not restrain opinions, but were framed for the safety
was the principle of coorestitino-(lear). This had, and protection of the Constitution. He could net
with .great forbearance and temper, been recommended. peiceive how their repeal would tend to the tease
by the Resolutiona of, the House of Commons. On quillity of Ireland,. as that country was onslo deo
this question he was- of opinien,...as be- had been tresses of a nature different from any which the
on the occasion of the Teta. and corporation Acts, eprration of those laws might produce. What sacu-
jointly with a majority of their Lordships, that the best rities of -any kind could he afforded against the so
and most valid securities they could have were to be cret, jealousy and dislike which must in cessatily be
found in the unconditional concession of those privileges cherished toward tha Protestant religion cm the part if
which the Catholics now sought at their hands- But he obese who held a faith so hostile in spirit, and:4o4nm.
would meet the advocates of securities half way-olet cilisble in principle? Was it rational to suppose the
them only prop6und what securities they required.— &imam Catholic Bishops. Legislators, and Councillors,
This they.were bound to do. He felt much encouraged -cbuldolabouo for the support and prosperity of a system
by what hid fallen from a Learned and Right Reve- which they conscientiously conceived to be prejudicial
rend Prelate, who had confessed that he saw no• rea- —nay, destructive—to the best -interests of mankind?
son why any Christian professor should be debarred He would desire their Lordships to mark the hostile aid
of the right to participate in the privileges of other resentful feelings occasionally expressed by the Popish
members of the State. They now asked; that sts a convention established in Ireland, if not is rebellion, *
favour which they might demand as a right. • He least against the spirit and meaning of the law. Whet
should not attempt to found a case upon. the viola- they looked around upon the times in which they lived—
Don of the Treaty of Limerick, however strong he when they saw the mind Of man distracted by superstitioa
thought that case in favour of the Irish Catholics. In rand exasperated by polemics—the spread of a liberality
his mind their case rested on a much more solid basis, which was diffusing darkness both at home and abroad.
namely, the manifest expediency of the concession, upon —the education of philosophers, which Sued men a-
mason, sound sense, and sound policy.• And let it be ther for the fellowship of Diogenes than for the society
recollected once for all, that he woulddisdain to argue of Christians—and the edge of law blunted by the
the expediency of concession on the ground ola hostile frequency of crime—when they beheld those indica-
intimidation. Theme was a ground, however, for con. tions of the spirit which actuated their contemporarieo
cession which had been insisted upon stronsb.in.another he felt persuaded that they would deem it to be Cols
place—he meant the articles of the Irish U asap —(Hear ). duty to make a stand for the Constitution that their air
It was well known that at the conclusion of that ,cestors had bequeathed them. Under the influtnce .t
solemn international compact, so firmly had theiMinister, those opinions, he should conclude by expressing lo
of that day. who enjoyed higher eminences-Ando greater hope that the present Resolution might not be adoptel
share of Royal confidence than any one that preceded The Bishop of DURHAM, in. speaking to the Ties.
him, actually resigned his situation, because he found don before their Lordships, said that he eould coafire
he could not redeem she pledge he had given to the himself to the point of the divided allegiance which war
public at large for the fulfilment of one measure, which alleged to incapacity e Roman Catholics for those ofEzes
flowed, as he had stated, naturally from another. And to which 1114 were seeking adnsission. Tile Right Ben
this reminded him of the strange infatuation in the pre. Prelate proCeedesf to argue in Stipp, it of this objective,
sent day, on the part of some statesmen of eminence, commenting on Dr. Doyle's evidence before the Hole
to commemorate the days consecrated to the recollection of Lords, concerning his opinions as a it, man Cat hvbc•
of Mt. Pitt; whilst in point of fact they only made it a on the subject of allegiance. He then referred to the
pretext 'to advocate and disseminate on this subject distinction attempted to be drawn between motorail
principles totally. at variance with those of that, great arid spititual authority, professing himself at a loss to
statesman. In fact, to call that club the " Pitt Club," know how the latter could be acknowleged without pre'"
which was really aNo Popery or an Eldon Club—if ducing poliocal consequences, and quoted Lord Clot*
the great agent in it might be allowed to usurp its ho- don to the same-effect. Tile highest power in the State
nours—(A laugh).--was a libel and an insult on the was die legislative—the power of snaking and unmakei
memory of that, great statesman—(Cheers).—Unfortu- laws; and if those prowssing-toligions orrouns tilt-
nately, some conscientious scruples hid been infused rent from the Crown were admitted to a participatoe
into the late King's 'mind, which had compelled that in that power, he apprehended that they might Gb:4l
great man to resign his situation rather than forfeit his a majority on some question of vital interest to the Coe
pledge. With respect to the Coronation Oath, lie stitutton, and thereby force measures which wouldhaw
felt no difficulty in asserting, that the concurrent the most destructive erects upon the country. He "
testimony of all the distinguished men who had not now inclined to enter on the question of recur ices.
spoken on this point • was Quitting) in describing uo specific plan of that nature had ever, tc his kiwi'
it as perfectly compatible with the -duty of the_ So-. ledge, beets hitherto proposed, A distinction had, ho'"
vereign of these realms to extend privileges or re- ever, been suggested -.by Lord Clarendon and WWI'
move disabilities. Of this opinion was the immortal between those Komori Catholics who should renovate
Burke and the present Lord Liverpool. It was clear the jurisdiction of the Pope, and those who would En
on these authorities there was no danger to be apple. If they would consent to abjure alt connexion whates'6
.
hendedfoom this exercise of the Royal prerogative; and with the Pope, he would not be opposed to conce."Bo
it was clearer there-was no danger to be apprehended in their favour. At present, however, he could nerd
as to effects on Ireland. The concession to the Diisen• consent to granting the full enjoyment of civil pore/lege
ters which had so recently been made, placed the Ca- to the Roman Catholics -until he saw seine change
tholice on a still stronger ground than they occupied their principles—until he saw them removed ft"' '1!
before. Here was no disputed succession, no foreign connexion with the Pope. It was painful
for him (11
war, no-popular dissension, to render the concession make these observations, but he was prompted hy a re'
dangerous. And it was but justice to the character gard to the preservation of true.religion.
of the Catholic religion to refer' to the well-known Lord GODERICH said, he felt it necessary to toss'
crisis of Engtand's fate, when shwitas threatened by a ble their Lordships on the, presage occasion, too p!'at
embus biggotted Catholic •foe witloinvasion. Our illus- be should venture to state he would endeavour to CO
trials Queen. intrusted -the chief command of our press into as narrow a compass as hit coop. cuositotif

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