Star.
London, England, 1818-07-18 00:00:00

wiled:et I bad Cv. I thttered myself) spclret tlx
of the second commercial community in Eileg.. 1
ser.ted the .car es uncompoiseted evil and volottry ' netsbbours; the anomaly oeght forthwith to be e*
self-inZi‘tion : peaeet. as unquelified prosperity, and vetted; Mid, therefore,alse Mese of Commons must
' and when, if, unfortunately and c .
asimMediately withtu our grasp. My business—the be tefornt4d. - Geatlemen, it cannot but have struck i r.d,
businessof truthmewas to shew, that the war-mthough you as somewhat extraordinary, that, whereas, in lief I had separated myself en.,,,,, 1.. i.!o my ie,
derfien, my hbject in political life has alw„ ''
all warts full of evilm-had yet mitigations, and be- speaking of Foreign Sovereigns, our Reformers are show learn the groands of that ,epmation.....i. 1
sides, would not cease at our bidding m-that peace never very sparing of uncourtly epithets ; whereas,
would not clime at our call, and, besides, that when in discussing the general principles of Government, rather to reconcile the nation m the lot ,X h 1141,..
; kt among na'ions) than to aggravate incuiebiaim-
it came, it would bring with it its privations. The they seldom omit an opportunity of discrediting and fallen to them (surely. a most blest nety 2..iwc •"7,..
i perfections—and to point out unaenary me
stimulus of the war withdrawn,. manufacturing in- deriding the privileged orders of society ; yet. when
dustry would necessarily languish: the channels of they come to discuss the British Constitution, no-attaiaable excellencA- for their adTemeti • If'
I have done so—because, though I .11:111 A''. :,
commerce forced open by the war having closed, thing can be more respectful than their language
more splendidly popular systems of iimp-rms,'
commercial enterprise must necessarily be checked, towards the Crown ; nothing more forbearing than 011.4....
might be devised than that which tt is oar lapn' --4
6 ..,,M til.4
till new channels were explored ; and the mere cessa- their alone the Aristocracy. With the Mese
to devise one in which all the good qualiaet or
tion of the . trade of war' itself, in all its various of Commons they take the freedom of fami-
to enjoy, it is, I believe in my enteseieem • • • s:
-
branches, must both discontinue the occupation of a liarity; upon it they pour out all the vials of their
man nature should be brought more bneeeimly.4
--.., litx,,iide
population which it had created, and throw midi- wrath, and exhaust their denunciations of amend-.action—in which there should be as much ork
ttonal crowds on occupations already overstocked. ment. Gentlemen, this though extraordinary, is not
as much liberty—in which property (thecenserel:4
Here were causes sufficient for the inevitable privm unintelligible. The Reformers are wise in their go-
tions and derangements of a. first year of mace, after neration. They know well enough—and have read
just but not an overwhelming weight, in ik.tich in!
any war,—but much more after a war of such extra- plainly enough in our own history--that the Piero- principle of society) should operate so mith..lo-th--.
ordinary magnitude and extension. It required no gatives of the Crown, and the Privileges of the
ductry should be so sure of its reward, i
due ascendancy, and virtue of the g .11 n:
great sagacity to foresee these things: but, in those Peerage would be hut as dust in the balance against
The theories of preternatural purity are founded
tai 4 dm:,
who did foresee them, it would have been, at least, a preponderating demo:racv. They mean demo- due
notion of doing away with all these uteri:mea
l dising,enuous to assert, or to suffer the assertions to cracy and nothing else. And, give them but a I louse
go uncontroveited, that the war was our single and of Commons constructed on their own principles—
held together. Property is to have no init e%-
voluntary suffering ; and instant ace was not only at- the Peerege and the Throne may exist for a dam relations, of breaking all the ties by which semi, „•
lents no respect, virtue no honour among thsir mR"a.
tainable, but would be an and perfect cure. but may be swept to earth by the first angry vote of
bourhood : naked, abstract political rights areer:m
set up against the authorities of nature and of tease.
.Such, Gentlemen, is the true account of that tempo- sueh a House of Commons. It is, therefore, utterly
'rary stagnation of commercial industry and enter- unnecessary for the Reformers to declare hostility to
and the result of suffrages thus freed from el ti;
prise which have been insidiously imputed to um the Crown—it is. therefore, utterly superfluous for
ordinary influences which have operated upon anm,
tinnal exhaustion; of the difficulty of providing em- them to make war against the Peerage. They know
kind from the beginning of the world, is to lie de
ploy ne it Int an exu'erant population (the harvest of that, let but their principles have full play, the
erection of some untried system of politics, of vlitil
a long war) upon the sudden return of peace, and Crown and the Peerage would be to the Constitu-
it may be sufficient to say, that it could not Lie a
before the world had yet righted itself after all ,its tion which they assail, but as the baggage to the
day, that, if it rose with the mists of the mortirp
convulsions. Either our antagonists foresaw these army—and the destruction of them but as the glean-
immediate and
orenecssary consequences of the discon- inc elthe battle—(Much cheering.) They know thet
it would dissolve in the noontide sun. GentiaiM"
tinuance of war, they did not. If they did foresee the battle is with the House of Commons, as at pre-
them, would it not have been fair to have shaded a sent constituted—and that that once overthrown, one ill consequeree cf these brilliant schemes, --"eTem
little more carefully the bright prospects which they another popular Assembly constructed on their Prin. where they are the visions of unsound itevin.,tici
painted of the peace to come ? If not, would it not ciples--as the creature and depository of the people's rather than the suggestions of crafty mieiti f is,
be fair in them to acknowledge, that they.had been power, and the unreasoning instrument of the peo-
that they tend to dissatisfy the minds of the tick.
too sanguine in their anticipation ? But, what Ple's will—there would not only be no choice, but formed with the actual Constitution of their money
surely is not f sir nor seasonable is, that no sooner d will go further for them in avowal, though not in To maintain that Constitution has been the uhvary.
WAS the peace, which they had so long clamoured intention, than they go further themselves) there would ins;object of my political life : and the maintenance
for, obtained, than they
.proceeded, with as much not be a pretence for the existence of any ether of it, in theie latter days, has. I have int. emma
pathos as they had bestowed upon the evils of war, branch of the Constitution. Gentlemen, the whole me to ol,locuy and to hatred ;to the hr rad of s.
to deplore the sufferings of that moment which they fallacy lies in this—the Reformers reason from false who ixlieve either their own reputation for
so
%,(.01,..
had predicted as one of unqualified happiness ! Then premises, and therefore are driven on their unhappy or their own means of success, to be comece:t ‘,i:,a
their lamentations over languishing industry, adherents to false and dangerous conclusions. The a change in the present institutinas of tne camas.

began
and stinted c inunerce, and unemployed population,
as if these evils were 11,1 the natural and necessary
consequence' of unavoidably operating atuses ; as tf
they were the creation of some malignant influence,
which, whether in war or in peace, blighted the des-
tinies of the country. Is is intended to maintain this
proposition. that, in order m produce the blessings
with which peace ought to be accomp ini- the WV'
ought to have been co elided with defeat, and the
peace to have been a peace of humiliation? If so, I
can understand the arguments and acknowledge the
consistency of those w o prete id to have been disap-
pointed at the tardy re-appearance of the blessings
which they promised ,is ; for undoubtedly the war
was concluded with tiiumphs which must have de-
'ranged all the anticipations which were founded on
the basis of unconditional surrender and submission.
But, Gentlemen, labouring as I do under the imputa-
tion of being a great lover of war, I am almost afried
to say, thartheie are some things in the war which
I regret. and some things in the peace which I like as
little as even those privations of which we have been
speaking, but which are happily in a course of daily
diminution. The war divided the political parties of',
the country on one great question, which involved
and absorbed all minor considerations. With war,
party has not ceased: but our differences are of a sort
more ignoble and more alarming. The line of demar-
cation during the war was resistance or nonresistance
to a foreign enemy : the line of demarcation Row—is
maintenance or subversion of our internal institutions.
—Gentlemen, it does seem somewhat singular, and
I conceive that the historian of future times will be
at a loss to imagine how it should happen, that at
this particular period, at the close of a war of such
unexampled brilliancy, in which this count'', had
acted a part so much beyond its • physical strength
and its apparent resources, there should arise a sect
of philosophers in this country, who'begin to suspect
something rotten in the British Constitution. The
history of Europe for the last twenty-five years is
something like this. A gigantic power went forth,
animated with the spirit of evil, to overwhelm every
community of the civilized world. Before this
dreadful assstilment, Empires and Monarchs, and
Republics bowed : some were crumbled into dust,
and some bought their safety by compromise. In
the midst of this widespread ruin, among tottering
columns and falling edifices, one fabric alone stood
erect and braved the storm ; and not only provided
for its own internal security, but was enabled to
send forth at every portal armed aids to whoever
wanted support. On this edifice floated that Ensign
(pointing to the English Ensign), a signal of rally-1
ing to the combatant, and of shelter to the fallen.—
To an impartial observer—l will not say to an inha-
bitant of this little fortress—to an impartial observer
in whatever part of the world, one should think some-
thins of this sort would have occurred. Here is a
fabric constructed upon some principles not cemnann
to others around it; principles which enabled it to
stand erect while every thing. is prostrate or tottering
around it. Jn the construction of this fabric there
must be some curious felicity which the eye of the
phisosopher would be well employed in investigating,
and which its neighbours may profit by adopting._
This, I say, Gentlemen, would have been an obvious
inference. Bat what shall we think of their under.'
standings who draw an inference directly the reverse?'
and who say to us—, lion have stood, when others,
have fallen; when others have crouched, you have
borne yourselves aloft ; you alone have resisted the
power aO‘ich has shaken, and swallowed up half the
civilized world. We like not this suspicious pecu-
liarity. There must be something wrong in your in-
ternal conformation!' With this unhappy curiosity,
and in the spirit of this pet verse analysts, they pro-
ceed to dissect our Constitution. They lied, that,
like our States, we have a Monarch ; that a Nobility,
though not organised like ours, is common to all
the great Empires of Europe.; but that our distinc-
tion lies in a popular assembly, which gives life and
vigour, and strength to the whole frame of the Ge-
• vernment. Here, therefore, They find the seat of our
! disease. Our peccant part is, undoubtedly, the
I House of Commons. Hence our presumptuoisswe.,
empties from what was the common lot of Altai&

We have heard something of numbers in tl,t
election ; and there is in numbers, I cede's,
cidence which gratifies and pleases me. TF.e
ber Three Ilundred was that of the majoi4 v: icl
assured my return. It is the number, I an, info:T.-el,
of those who are assembled here to greet me tl.i• ALT.
The last time that I had heard the number Ti
Hundred, in a way at all interesting to n,ysell,
in an intimation publicly conveyed to me, that Fe-
cisely that number of heroes had bound then.sekes,
by oath to each other, to assassinate me. Geatle.
men, against my three hundred assassins I put ry
three hundred friends, and I feel neither my life no.
7 popularity in danger."—(Raphirous and stiekorr
cheering for sevcral minutes.)

Constitution of this country is a Monarchy con•
trolled by two Assemblies; the one hereditary, in-
dependent alike of the Crown and the People—the
other elected by and for the People, but elected for
the purpose of controuling and not administering
the Government. The error of the Reformers, if
'error it can be called, is, that they argue as if the
..'Onstitution of this country was a democracy, inlaid
(for ornament sakel with a Peerage, and stopped,
by sufferance, with a Crown. If they say that for
such a Constitution, that is, in effect, ler an uncoil-
lieuled democracy, the present House of Commons
is not sufficiently popular, they are 1101 ; but such
a- Cohstitution is not what we have or what we de-
sire. We are born under a Money-) y which it is
our duty, as much as it is for.our ham Mess, to pre•
serve; aei which there cannot be a eoubt, that the
reforms which are recommended to us would destroy. :
I lave the morn chy, Gentlemen, because, limited
and controuled as. it is in our happy Constitution, I
believe •it to be not only the safest depository of
power, but the surest guardian of liberty. I love
-the system of popular representation, Gentlemen—
who can have more cause to value it highly than I
feel at this moment—reflecting on the triumphs
which it has earned for me, and addressing those
who have been the means of achieving them? But
of ptipular representation, I think we have enough
for every purpose of jealous, steady, corrective effi-
cient controul, over the acts of that monarchical
power which; for the safety and the peace of the The Paris Papers of Wednesday arrived thisforemes
community-, is lodged in one sacred family, and de-
On Tuesday mei-rive:, the Dke of WELLINCV i
scendible fromsite to son. If any man tell me that
the popular principle in the House of Commons is had a parting aui!izr.ce id T.:ie. Kist:, and the priec' 2
not strong enough for effective controul, nor diffused Members of the Royal Family, previous to le.r.;;
enough to insure sympathy with the people, I appeal Paris fur Cembray, where he has probably arrhel 4
to the whole course of the transactions of the last this time.
war ;—I desire to have cited to me the instances in
A Commission has been named for orgenizir, I
which the House of Commons has failed either to
express the matured and settled opinion of the na- defensive system for France, comp used of the folks-
don, or to convey it to the Crown. But I warn those ing Officers:—Lieutenant-General :Almon. Pre-
who may undertake to make the citation, that they silent ;
Lieutenant-Generals DESSOLEi, %new
do not (as in fact they almost always do) substitute • e,
ee LAJMAS, v ALUM GOILLEMINOT! and MAVALILLtS;
their own for the national opinion, and then com-
plain of its having been imperfectly echoed in the Marechal de Camp Dons de la 13:uneeie: 2:-1
House of Commons. If, on the other hand, it be Marechal de Camp Peter, Secretary. The ic..hr..
only meant to say, that the House of Commons is duals named are, with the etcept:en of Dessi its
not the whole government of the country,--which if and Desist (-ze • .
all power be not only for, but in the people, the s, altogether unknown to us; bat it e
perhaps to be the last objection Co a defeesive tee
House of Commons ought to be, if the people were
adequately represented—l answer, ' Thank Goo it mission of this kind, in the eyes of foreignei ~ tee.
is not so—Gon forbid that it should ever aim at be- they know little Or r.nthinir, of the members compee7,
coming so.' But they look far short of the ultimate it. The le•.! its ...11enesiershave ma le themselves ki-'ll
effect of the doctrines of the present day who do not abtmd, there is the less reason to fear env thin- ere
see that their tendency is not to make a House of a.,4
resent labours at home. Old horrid are
Commons such as, in theory, it has always been de- ""''r p
fined—a third branch of the Legislature, but to ab- terate, and men who had spent their live is e.e.
sorb the legislative and executive powers into one; tary adventure abroad—in invading, conquerim
to create an immediate delegation of the whole au- and spoiling their neighbours, (such as a DAVOUst.
thority of the people—to which, practically, nothing
a Sower Or a MoRTIER) might has.: nt...+: Suisun: i
of sin
could, and, in reasoning, nothing ought to stand in •ister deviatioas from the merely defensive att-
'
opposition. Gentlemen, it would be well if these•
doctrines were the ebullitions of the moment, and ties entrusted to them, which there is ceer;;arativee
ended with the occasions which naturally give them little reason to dread, from melt whose artf.)itioa as
their freest play ; I mean with the season of popular soldiers has net yet led them to aspire to any greeter
elections. But, unfortunately, disseminated as they
d
are among all ranks of the community, they are
oing permaent and incalculable mischie How glory than that of being the honest and faille: de-
fenders of their own country. •
lamentably isn experience lost on mankind !r for when, It was reported in some of the Jourmeh a fee .:.•-,-;
in what age, in what country of the world, have ago, that a considerable reductien was ire:ll4,l-f
doctrines of this sort been reduced to practice, with-
out leading through anarchy to military deepotism :'to take plate in the National Goers', but this is ace
contevAteted, on official authotity. •
The revolution of the seasons is not more certain
' than is this connection of events in the course of mo-
enotot
more
the Produce of' the French Customs is stated to
ral nature. Gentlemen, to theories like these you have risen during the first five months of this yae
wwaillysdoopmpoesethd the jyusestwic, mteemsinbteer
Ithhalvleh ad have 11
e-
It same sir
per'
more than it amounted to dinirg the
' of 1817—and an au ate:lntim of et
honour to represent this community than when I was millions • is nfidest.
least twelve on the whole ea to 1
uncertain how far my opinions on snch subjects
might coincide with your's. For opposing these die°. ! ami. ;pitted in this branch of the revenue.
ries, Gentlemen, I have become an object of peculiar i It is stated in two of the Journals, on tile ant cry
obloquy : but !have borne that obloquy with the of the J .
ournal de la Haute Garavne, that arise.; e. -
consciousness of having discharged my duty ;—and sentences passedby the T••ileinal of Police a- bz•
with the consolation, that the time was not far dig-
louse in die month of June last, there Ices MC rr :
• tent when I should come here among you (to whom
.clout I owe an account of my public conduct), when Pub/ican for not having removed or covered up ie
I should have an opportunity of hearing from you ; bush (sign) when the procession of the Fete DiN '• ,'

THE EVENING smtt

LONDON.

SATURDAY, JULY 18, 1618.

THE FUNDS.

PRICE OF STOC.DS THIS DAY AT TWZLYIO.CLOCL:
Reduced 7811—C0n5.771f,--for Opg. 79f ,
31 per Cents. 881-4 per Cent. 9714
Navy 106 ij—lndia Bonds 94 ;6 prem.
Omnium dis.—Exchequer Bills 19 21 F.