Star.
London, England, 1820-06-02 00:00:00

ALIEN BILL.

Lord CASTLEREAGH, in pursuance of notice,
rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill to continue
the Act for the regulation of Aliens, and to abolish
naturali-snion arising from purchase of stock in the
sank of Scotland. He voorikl pot have Aligught it
neces4a, y to explain the grounds and objects of the
Abell Bill, if he had not heard that it Wit the inten-
ton of an Honourable and gallant General to op-
pose it. It wa:; a treasure 1940 at by the other side
of the Howe with great constitutional jealousy, but
wss persuaded that whatever were the grounds of
ohjevion which might be urged, none of could
be rested on any extent of abuse supposed to have'
taken plant. ludeed th.: return of -the number of
.A leas sent out of the country within the last two
years, instead of raising the argument of abuse,
u0u14.1 rather go to chew, from' the small uulPbCr
upon whom it actually operated, that the Alien Law]
was unnecessary. But that paucity should not be:
taken a, the measure of the utility of die dill ; for it'
slid not follow, because only a small number of
Aliens were sent forth from the country, that there-I

fore great clanger irOnici not haste existed if the tze- of the iicsiers given thetreentive under the Alien
cutive Government had not the power of sending %Act. lie had only to mention the-case of General
foreigners out a the kingdom.'Many foreigners whose Gourgaud, as a refutation of that assertion:. He had
presence here might have been very mischievous, were, only to state the violence with winch that General's
perhaps, deterred fron, coming by the knowledge that 'person and papers had been seized, and the answer
such a power was in the hands of the Government. given to his remoestrance, when it was urged that he
From the number of foreigners at present in this had desired to be brought before a Magistrate, and
country (about 25,000), the House would see the , not before the l'riv.y ,Council; such an answer he
necessity of arming the Government with such a considered a weak excuse, and a perversion of every
power as would enable it to prevent that number, or principle of law—(Hear, hear). There was also a
any part of it, from interfering with the public case of still greater hardship within his own know-
safety. It was clear, that since the Bill of 1818, the ledge, which he would mention to the House. A
number of Aliens had increased in this country, and Lady of high rank, who had resided in St.
but a small proportion of them were here for corn- had been recommended by her physicians to try the
mercial purposes. No man respected more than effects of the Cheltenham waters in repairing her
himself the old constitutional doctrine, that this health, which was much impaired by the climate.—
country should be open to all nations. But the ques- She accordingly sailed from St. Helena, and arrived
tion now was, whether, uirder the present circurn- off Margate on the sth of September. No sooner
„stances of this country, and of Europe, such a Bill was she come there than Captain Walsh, the Captain
was necessary ? Was it improbable, in these times, of the ship, informed her, that by an order from
that many foreigners might be disposed to come to , the Alien Office, she was prohibited from landing
this country, for the sole purpose of disturbing our there, hot must go to Gravesend. The Lady was
internal peace?—(" Yes, Yes,"front the Oppsiiion).— the Countess Montholon. Through the humanity of
He contended, it was not improbable ; and that many, Captain Walsh, 'she was suffered to remain on board
who had no view of that kind with respect to Eng- his ship until they reached Gravesend, but there she
land, might be eager to take up their residence here, was put on board an old gun-brig laying off ; and,
.for the purpose of carrying on transactions whose ob- after remaining two days in this situation, Mr. Cap-
ject would be to disturb the States of the Continent. per, so well known in the Police Report (and whom,
In the appeaiancts of the world, there was quite after his treatment of General Gourgaud, it was
esiorigh to justify him in taking measures for the pro- shameful to employ on this occasion), came on board,
tection of the country both from external as well as and informed her that she must not land, but pro-
internal danger. Such a law should, in truth, be teed to Ostend. Being thus ordered off to sea again,
looked upon as a measure of prevention. hpre.. in the infirm state in which this Lady's health was,
vented foreigners from coming here to commit acts I and deprived of any assistance from shore, she ne-
which might compromise the public peace. Iu time cessarily suffered extremely; hut this was not all,
of war, when a toreOter might come here with hos- for her child died in consequence. Her reception at
tile views, it was necessary that every alien wlm , Ostend was all that she could wish, as she herself
landed on our shores should be placed immediately I wrote from thence, and he blushed for his countrymen
under the inspection of the Police. He was obliged lat the contrast which their coisduct afforded to it
to reside in a certain district, from which he could There was still another case of an Officer of high
not .move without the permission of Government, rank under the Old Government of France (the Duke
and, in sb,rt, he was every way treated as a sus- of Rovigo), who was obliged to quit this country
petted person; but When irace returned, the nature with the greatest precipitation. The aforesaid Mr.
of the Alien Law was changed. Foreigners were Capper was also after him, and even went so far as
then allowed to come here, and to reside wherever to use great liberties in Mr. Vs ilkins' (a most respect-
Amy plea:e.i. the only condition required of them able merchant) house, where he lodged. Ile asked,
being, he believed, to deliver in their names and de- was it decent to be again employing this Mr. Capper,
scriptions, and to subscribe their names in the pre- or was there nothing like an abuse of the law in the
sence of the Officer. All the hospitalities of the cases which he had mentioned? Indeed, there was
country were siren to them, hut power should be left a case within his knowledge, of a foreigner having
fo the Goternment to remove foreigners, if they been removed, without being guilty of anv offence
should find it necessary. The Noble Lord pro- but writing a libel upon a foreign Prince! Did such
ceeded to state, that there was a species of internal' conduct look well in the Government of England,
war, which it was more difficult for a Govern- which piqued itself on its hospitality? Ha stranger
meet to dests with, than a proclaimed, open warfare. was so treated in Prussia, mayhap he would set. it
The reason for the Bill, derived from our internal down to the account of the Military Government; if
circumstances, was rather stronger than it was two' in Austria, because that Government was 150 years
years ago. Treason was proved to have existed in behind all others; and in Russia there would be still
flee country, and was it not possible that efforts might less excuse; but would not England be the last place
be combined here with similar efforts on the Conti- in the world where he would expect it ? —(Hear)._
nent. if a facility were given ? Though n e had re- The gallant General then read the instructions put
ceded from the period of the French Revolution, yet into the hands of all foreigners (even women and
men were to be found now., who by no means dege- children) coming into this country, to shew still far
aerated from the charactms which were conspicu- ther its hardship and incivility. The stranger was
tors in that season of disorder. There was a fanatic obliged to apply at the Alien Office in Westminster,
spirit abroad in the world which taught some men and enter his name within a week, or he was told in
to believe that morder itself was justifiable—(Hear, case of non-compliance he was to be imprisoned for
hear).—He admitted that the nature of the measure a usonth—(Hear, hear). The Government of the
was modern, but he thought without such a law no Netherlands did not now permit any one to land
State could non exist. It was true that, in the opi- there who had not a passport from the Secretary of
nion of Blackstone, a power of sending forth aliens State's Office, for which he was obliged to pay £2.65.
was inherent in the Crown, and that opinion was He knew a Gentleman, who having got a passport
confirmed by the-authorities of Land Ellenborough of this nature, was complaining to the Dutch Consul
and the ereseht Lord Chnticellor. But that power that he thought it a great hardship, but he was itn-
requile.l the aid of the law, arid was found to be in- mediately answered by the Dutchman, who said,
effectual for the accemplishirent of its own purposes. " We look upon your Alien Laws 'as vexatious to
He repeated, that the public safety was the only thing foreigners, and we must meet them by other laws in
Goverinient had-in view in proposing the renewal of our own defence."—(llear, hear). Now, if all the
the Alien Act. It was not done from any disposition Governments of Europe acted upon the lei talionis
to lessen the hospitality which this cousary used, to which the Dutchman argued upon, there must be an
aff rd to strangers: The general principle, that every end to intercourse altogether. This bonus to the Se-
Gcaernment had aright to send out of the country cretary of State acted as a bar to egress from the coun-
those who would in ike k a theatre of faction, was in try, contrary to the regulations of the great Charter.
his favour ; but he rather chose to make use of the The presence of 25,000 foreigners in the kingdom
peculiar situation of this country as an exception, was used as an argument for the measure. Was this
even if the general principle was contested. The a way to induce the House to put this number of
Noble Lord concluded by moving—" That leave be persons under the most arbitrary Government? He
given to bring in a Bill, to continue certain Acts of should deeply regret if any indifference was shewn to
the .6th of the late King, for the regulation of Aliens the liberties of foreigners, for that would be the first
coming into, or resident in this kingdom, in cer- step to neglect our own—( //ear ! ).—But it was
taro cases." said, the presence of such a number, if not under,
Sir ROBERT WILSON, in rising to oppose the a tight rein, was dangerous. Where were the Alien
motion of the Noble Lord, said, he felt it was a little Laws, when, by the revocation of the Edict of
unti-ual to do so at this stage. The proposition, how- Nantes, this country was filled with foreigners? Up
ever, at this time was in itself so extraordinary, and to the time of the last war, 'and the operation of
so far from what lie expected, that he did not scruple what was now called the Peace Alien Act, there was
to dispute its adoption by the House, even in its in- no law of this nature, and no danger was therefore
fancy. When in the course of last Session an Ho- apprehended. All the other nations of Europe looked
nourable Friend of his expressed his intention of upon it as in direct hostility to them, and he would
moving for the abolition of the Alien Bill, he (Sir put it to the House to say, whether or not they
Robert) dissuaded him from it, under a conviction were in a condition to bear counter-arrangements
that its renewal now, the fourth time, in profound which might be made by these other nations?—
peace, was not contemplated by his Majesty's Go- The Continent had been taught to look upon .this
vernment—(Hear, hear). The Noble Lord might country as a place where there was no longer a re-
argue that it was meant only as a measure of security, fuge for them. But a place still-remained. Spain
but he was persuaded, out of every hundred persons, had taken the place which England once held ! It
not only iu England but in Europe, ninety believed was become the asylum and the citadel of the perse-
it was a consequence of some pledge given by him cuted of the Continent!—(Hear, hear). Although he
at the Congress of Vienna, or some other Congress, had no hopes of being *le to prevent the motion
from which the Noble Lord could not recede— being carried, yet he would take the sense of the
(Hear, hear). All foreigners looked upon the Aliesi House, with however small numbers, and leave no
Bill as a part of that general system of Police in all stone unturned to put an extinguisher on this anti-so-
the Governments of Europe, by means of which per- cial and anti-European law!—(Hear, hear).
sons who became obnoxious to any one of what was Mr. C. BARING WALL said, that it had been
called the Holy Alliance, but what he would call the stated that there had been no abuse of the powers
Unholy Alliance, could never escape its vengeance! conferred by this measure, and it had been replied
The Noble Lord had talked of it as a preventive mea- from. the other side, that there had been abuses corn-
sure. He had no objection to laws which were merely mitted. But, conscientiously acting, he must vote
preventive, if they were not unconstitutional. What on the merits of any question, not upon the charac-
a miserable contrast the Alien Bill would make to ter and conduct of an Administration—(Hear, hear,
the character of-this country, which had been always from the Opposition side).—He would not 'enter into
*so remarkable for its hospitality to strangers, and for any argument on the law of the question, nor would
its being the asylum for the unfortunate, and the he discuss at length the general policy of it; but be,
refuge of the distressed. The authorities of Lord would ask. the House to consider what was the ge.l
Elleabocough and Blackstone, had been cited in neral opinion of foreigners respecting the Alien Act,
h=of the principle of the Bill. These were —He did not allude to opinions received from the
thol 'ties, but he had higher the other way, diplomatic corps, or from attendants on foreign
He bad the authority of Magna .Charta, which de-, dourta, but he'appealed to all Gentlemen travelling
dared that foreigners should have free ingress and through foreign countries, whether foreigners ever
egress, nisi corenantiaprohibiti firerint / Sir Edward mentioned the British Government, and the British
Coke, in his Comments on tire Great Charter, de- Constitution, without expressing their astonishment
Glared that the power of sendingfweigners out of the that such a measure as this could be proposed by. a
nation was not in the King, but the cheat Council.— British Ministry, and sanctioned by a British Par-
The .I:Ziug of France pever adopted 4144 s power with liament--(1414 cheers
afrosa the qpposition
tegurd to strangers. The Noble Lord undertook to The Noble Lord had stated that there were 25,000
say, that no abuses were committed in the execution foreigners in this country. He begged the House to

.. •
recolleCt the situation in which all those pelions were
Placed by this Bill; he heed them to recollect with
what feelings they must look around them upon a
nation, free, and jealous of freedom, yet 'subjecting
them to such a law. In the land of liberty and law,
they found that the people with whom they lived
could not impart to them what they themselves en-
joyed—( Hear, hear).—Minister, in proposing this
Bill, iiitroducz.i a principle unknown to the British
Consifintian. It was absurd to establish such a
powr in a fres?. country : hi a despotic Government
it -might be intelligible and useful:, but in a free
c °entry. no sooner w:,.s any project started than it
was discussed, and therefore such secret and sum-
mary steps were never necessary—(dear, Fear).
The SuLICITOR-GENEIf AL said he rose chiefly
in consequence of the statements made by the gallant
General, as he was willing to allow, that if true, they
were cases of abuse which must furnish strong tea-
sons against the renewal of the Bill. The first case,
which was that of General Gourgaud, had been al-
ready brought before the House by a PetitiOn from
that Gentleman, the allegations of which were theta
answered and distinctly contradicted (Cries of No)!
—lf the charge was made out, why was it not pur-
sued? why was not a future day appointed for en-
tering into the allegations? The gallant General,
he was aware, bad taken pains to acqo.:int himself
with the whole of the facts—he had wl hum a list of
questions to a person at -I'larwich, to each of which
he had got distinct and tatisftctory answers. lie
was informed that the General was allowed an in-
terview with the Magistrates, that many pers .ns were
admitted to him, that he bad only ihtid his own
expenses, and that he had never complained of the
conduct of the officers while at /larwich. Bit though
the gallant Gen...tat on the other side of. the House
had gained thi; intormation, he had not the candour
to state to the House the proceeding he Lad achnted.
Ile would take urn himself to say, having investi-
gated the case, that all the allegations v.-hie false. He
(the Solicitor General) would un wake to shew, that
Mr. Capper, of the Alien Office, had been grossly li-
belled. When that person was in the room, the
General had, made an attempt to get, at the chimney.
piece, where there were two pistols, so that some
force was necessary to prevent him. Ile was per-
' 'bitted to collect his writings, but had refused to go
until force was employed. With regard to the case
cf Countess Montholon, the Government had exer-
cised the greatest forbearance ; but, if the gallant
General thought proper, he might make it the subject
of a distinct charge. As to the general question, he
would maintain that the power of sending strangers
out of the country vas the undoubted pi erogative of
the Crown. The Bill, therefore, was not a new law,
but a regulation. It was acted on in the reigns of
Elizabeth and William, and maintained by the au.
thority of Blackstone. The gailaht General had stated
that he had Magna Charta On his side, but the clause
to which he alluded, referred to the restrictions which
had previously existed against foreign merchants;
and Blackstone, in the very page in which he quoted
Magna elm) la, asserted the existence of the prero-
gative.
All writers on the laws of nations said the
same. Puffendorff and Vattel laid it down, that the
right of removing foreigners existed in the Sovereign
power, which was here vested in the Executive for con-
venience. .It was the Executive that granted letters of
licence and safe conduct ; the Executive therefore could
best exercise the right now under their consider ation.
When it was said that the Alien Law was a t.rror to
foreigners—that it wo,lid scare them from our shores,
was it recollected that two-thirds of the foreigners
now in England had come in under t i; law?--
(Hoar, hear) —How many Aliens, too, had been sent
out of the country under this law during the last two
year ? Why, nine ! (Hear, hear).—But then it
might be said that it was unnechhsaiy, because it
was so seldom exercised. On the contrary, it was
highly necessary that these nine persons should be
sent out of the country. He was not then able to
state, nor was it his duty to state. the cases of these
nine individuals; but he had no doubt that if the
particulars were stated, the Ministers would be found
fully justified—( Hear, hear, am; laug,hterfroin the Op-
position side).-1C theme was a period in the history of
the country in which it had shewn the highest libera-
lity and the most et,:a..-bed benevolence to foreigners,
it was since this Act was passed—(Hear, hear).—He
should not now trespass further on the House, but
he had no doubt that he should, on 2 future day, be
able to bring precedents to justify the opinions he had
stated—(Heer, hear).
' • Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH said, that at so late
an hour of the night he should have been unwilling
to say anything on a subject on which, at former
times, and at great length, he had felt it necessary to
trespass on their indulgence, had not his opinion been
specially called for; but as that had been done, he
should,now, on the first stage, say a few words, on
a measure, to every stage of which he should offer
his most decided opposition, reserving for a future
occasion a more detailed statement of his reasons. In
making these observations, it was not his intention to
enter into a controversy as to particular facts. In
the first place, because he was not acquainted with
the circumstances, and therefore could better leave it
to those who were; and in the next place, because
the discussion of particular instances of abuse might
tend in some manner to weaken the argument against
the measure. In his opinion, the mischief and ma-
lignity of this measure was, that it necessarily was
the instrument of injustice, in the hands even of those
who least intenc!ed to abuse it—(Hear, Hear).—
The most conscientious ministers of such a power
must necessarily, at times, be made the tools of
.pri-
vate malice. He had not, as was stated by the Noble
Lord, viewed the measure, since the peace, with jea-
lousy—he had viewed it with abhorrence—(Hear).
—He had viewed it as one of the most untie tunate
deviations from the ancient system of our laws that
formed n' part of our modern legislation. It was (as
it was well expressed by a Gentleman who had voices
that night for the first time with such credit to a.
self—who had shewn the force of principle,Aettigt
the better of political partiality, while:lien:tamed:hi
general attachment to the persons with-whom he had
been accustomed to act) a measure for reducing to
slavery 4'..5f000 of the inhabitants of this island--a
Wleasure for de riving -25,000 persons of all the bene-
pr
fits of our free.Constitatior.—(Hear, hear).—This,
with the Noble Lord, was an argument 'Wits favour.
Hesitated the minsber of the persons to be outlawed
as an argument in favour of the outlawry—he stated
the number of the victims as an argument for the

x•

~~

oppression—(Hear, hear)—but, as to this numerical
argument, this argument in which the feelings of our
ancestors, who would have gloried in the number of
fugitives which our laws and manners had attracted,
were reversed and made reasons for oppression. Was
the Noble Lord aware what the average number of
Aliens in this country during the last thirty years
had been? Not less than 23,000 or 24,000. It was,
then, the accidental presence of two or three thou-
sand foreigners beyond the average in one half-year,
to be diminished again after the passing of this Bill,
that was to justify the measure--(Hear, hear).—
His Learned and Honourable Friend (the Solicitor-
General) had said, that the power of expelling Alien
friends must belong to the supreme power of a State.
He (Sir James Mackintosh) most fully admitted that
the power of expelling fOreigners must belong to the
supreme power of every State, savage or civilized—
Nay, he would go farther, and admit that it was im-
possible to conceive a sovereign power which had not
the power of banishing its own subjects—(Hear).—
Yet the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had not
thought it beneath his high character to bring for-
ward such an assertion as apposite. The lion. and
Learned Gentleman had quoted from Sir W. Black-
stone, the only part of the valuable work of that
• learned person, into the two or three lines of which
falsehood and absurdity were crowded. Sir W. Black-
stone in that passage began with quoting Puffendorf
as an Authority as to the prerogative of the Crown of
England, and the Solicitor-General was not ashamed
to take this so often exposed and exploded passage.
But in this passage the Hon. Gentleman had forgotten
to State, that Blackstone asserted, not only that the
King had apower to send aliens out of the kingdom,
but to send them back to their respective countries—
(flear, hear!).—Was there a general right of this
' kind ? Was there 'any authority, or pretext of an
authority, for stating that there was any right, not
only to eject them from our own country, but to pro-
long the exercise of sovereignty ever them when they
were out of this country; to send them. back to any
country, however distant, and to throw them back
into the jaws of the persecutors from whom they had
sought refuge? The Honourable and Learned Gen-
tleman had talked also of the great authorities of the
present day. These great authorities, however, were
:ill parties to the system of the Alien Laws, and they
certainly had rested on so rotten a foundation, in
part, at least, that a great part of their superstruc-
me fell to the ground. The only precedents which
could be found by these great authorities were in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and they were dug out of
the Paper-office so late as 1816. The hill had gone
through the Commons, and was urged in the House
of Lords with great eloquence ; but towards the end
of its stages, those great authorities fuund it neces•ary
to set their ngetus at wulk, and these precedents were
found. They were two Proclamations issued in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, commanding Scotsmen,
who were then aliens (A laugh), to quit the Realm.
If Scotsmen were still in the same condition, the

House might be content to accept the Bill, in consi-
deration of the persons on whom it was to be exer-
cised.; but that at least could not now be done, and
whatever measures they might take as to Aliens,
they were compelled to endure the presence of Scots-
meat—(4 laugh). Two years aftet 1818, these Pro-
clamations were quoted in that /louse, and he (Sir J.
Mackintosh) had given what he conceived a suffi-
cient answer. But there was one more decisive.

There was a certain Statute of the 7th Henry VII.
authorising the Crown to expel Scotsmen by Pro-
clamation (Hear, hear), and imposing on those who
disobeyed the Proclamation for forty days, forfeiture
of their goods, a penalty which would not be thought
a heavy one in the case of Scotsmen (A laugh), though
it might be, after they had sojourned some time in
England ! This Statute was repealed on the accession
of James I. with all the Statutes hostile to Scotland.
In the reign of tlizabeth it was in full force and ob-
servance, so that those Proclamations, instead of
being a proof that the Crown could exercise such a
power without the authority of an &t of Pal iianient,
were a proof of directly the contrary fact—(Heer,
hear). This doctrine, then, of the power of the Crown
caer Aliens, which was now brought forward amidst
the light and liberality of the 19th century, was not
breathed under the most despotic of the Tudors, and
the subservient lawyers and statesmen of Henry VII.
had not ventured to assert what the lawyers and
statesmen of George VI. now asserted—(Heer, hear).
It was sometimes made a matter of complaint that we
did not look with sufficient reverence to our ances-
tors ; he wished modem politicians would not force
them so often to look back to their acts with regret.
In this Act, even of the time of Henry VII. was con-
tained not only a recognition that the Crown pos-
sessed no such power, but forty days were allowed
to the foreigners to leave the kingdom—( Hear, hear).
What would be said now in favour of the summary
power of the present Bill, by which a woman was
dragged from her bed, by which foreigners were for-
bidden to land, when even the Statesmen of Henry
VII. allowed so long a time ? He conceived no an-
swer could possibly be given to the citation of this
Statute. The proclamations were issued, the Scots-
men who remained in defiance of the proclamation
were punishable under that Statute, but not other-
wise, so that there has not an idea that the King at
common law had the right to issue the proclamation,
or that it was a common law offence to disobey it—
(Hear, hear). It was stated, that the reason for the
present law was, that the King's Proclamation might
not be disobeyed. What was this, then, but an ad-
mission that we were to become more jealous than
the most jealous of English Kings?—(Bear, hear).—
lie would now retort a challenge on the challengers.
If the King had the power by proclamation to expel
Aliens from the country in time of peace, the disobe-
dience of that proclamation would necessarily be, at
common law, indictable. Where, he asked, in five
'hundred years, from the fiat Volume of the Year
Books to the present time, was there an instance of
any indictment for such an offence ?—(Hear, hear).
This was the touchstone of the assumed power, and
by this criterion it would be found wanting. He
denied that the supreme power of this State was in the
King alone, but in the King, Lords, and Commons,—
In them was the general exercise of the Sovereign
power; the King. only preserved such branches of—it
as by immemorial usage had been proved to be
vested in him. This was a proposition which he was
almost ashamed of stating, for it was only as much
as saying, that we lived under a free Government.—

Under a limited Monarchy. The Solicitor-General,
however, had said, that it was left to the King to
conduct all matters with respect to foreigners. This
was wrongly stated. It was left to the King to ma-
nage all the relations of the country with foreign
States. But individual foreigners, while in this coun-
try, had a definite right. They were entitled to Trial
by Jury. The law, till this cursed system of Alien
Acts was introduced, regulated the conduct of the
country towards foreigners. Alien friends were tem-
porarily subjects of the King; they owed temporary
allegiance, and were entitled to temporary protection.
Here, then, the analogy failed the Honourable and
Learned Gentleman, between the declaration of peace
and war and the expulsion of Alien friends. There was
no analogy whatever in the case : it was a mere
play on the word " foreign," introduced into two pro-
positions, in which it bore totally different meanings.
As to those Aliens who had come into this country
during the war Alien Acts, who were thus said to
have a clear foresight of the laws to which they were
subjecting themselves, he wished to ask whether any
one in 1814 would not have considered as a libel
upon the country, a prophecy that these laws should
have been, continued in time of peace ? They had
been declared to be laws justified by extreme danger,
and intended to cease with that danger. The Learned
Gentleman had borrowed from an eloquent speech of
a Right Hon. Friend of his, in 1818, an eulogium on
the liberality and generosity of the nation towards
foreigners. He (Sir J. Mackintosh) was happy to
say that the new-fashioned principles of the Govern-
ment had not tainted the generosity of the People—
that they were liberal and hospitable in spite of the
bad example which had been set them ! It had bees
said that the people were more wise than some Outs
of our laws—they certainly now shewed themselves to
pssess more liberality than the policy of their rulers,
and more the spirit of the humanity of the age than
was found in the measures of Parliament !—(Hear).
How little value soever the Solicitor-General might
set on the character of this country among the other
nations of Europe, or how much he might deride
their distrust of our policy, repugnance to this mea-
sure was undoubtedly universal among the disin-
terested nations of Europe, and distrust of our policy
existed and was spreading to a mischievous extent.
It conclusion, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman as-
serted, that he had never in the whole course of his
life given a vote with more of the approbation of his
own conscience, than he should now give his vote
against the proposition of the Noble Lord in this the
very first stage of a Bill, which, he agreed with his
Hon. Friend, if now passed, would be continued for
ever ; for he put it to the House, whether, if they con-
sented to the Bill as now proposed, it would not be
continued from time to time, until the arrival of that
peg icd of general and profound peace which ex-
isted only in the dreams of some poet, and which had
been wed ridiculed by a German philosophea, who
placed the motto " Pax perpetua" in a church-yard,
to indicate that that was the only spot where eternal
peace could ever be realised !—( The Learned Gentle-
man then sal down amidst the loud and general cheering
of both sides of the House).
Mr. LAMUTON rose to correct a mistatement
of facts. He was not so well acquainted with the
dates of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's (the
Solicitor-General's) life as to know whether he was
in Parliament or not, in 1818; but he had tither
grossly misunderstood, or been grossly misinformed,
as to the course he had taken on General Gourgaud's
Petition. He (Mr. Lambton) had asked for a Com-
mittee to inquire into the case, and pledged himself
to prove the facts ; the Noble Lord refused the Com-
mittee, and he (Mr. Lambton), knowing how the
House was constituted, had no further step to take.
The facts, therefore, rested on the assertion of the
Petitioner, and on the contradiction of the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman ; and it remained for others to
say to which most eight was due. As to the General
seizing on pistols when he was assailed, it was per-
fectly t:ue ; and it was very natural that a person in
his situation, attacked by men unknown to him,
should have attempted to defend himself. He al-
lowed tat) that the General had been allowed to seal
up hid papers, but the Solicitor-General had omitted
to state that the seal was broken ; a fact which had
been ascertained on the authority of the Consul at
Harr:burgh. As to tile measure before the House,
iie most decidedly opposed it, as making this coun-
try responsible to foreign Governments for the acts
of foreigners amongst us, and he alluded to the case
of a Gentleman who had been sent out of the coun-
try at the request of the Government of the Nether-
lands, respecting whose case he had moved fox papers,
which had been refused.

Lord CASTLEREAGH briefly replied to some
statements which had been made. He stated, that no
individual had been seat out of the kingdom at the
request of the Government of the Netherlands—that
foreign Governments had rather cause to blame our
remissness, in suffering acts to be done here by fo-
reigners, of which they had cause to complain. He
had never heard the suggestion, that the Alicia Law
had injured us with foreign States, before that night.
It was quite new to him. Sweden and the Nether-
lands had for -a time adopted some regulations re-
specting the passports of Englishmen, which did not
apply to other foreigners; but those regulations had'
not been owing to the Alien Bill, but to Cie appre-
hension those Governments entertained on account of
the internal state of England.
Mr. LAMBTON stated, that he had, in 1818,
moved for the Papers respecting an Alien sent out of
the country at the request of the Government of the
Netherlands.—Upon a division the numbers were—

Ayes i49—Noes 68--Majority 86.
On re-admission to the Gallery, Lord CAbTLZILZACH was upon
his legs, expressing his intention to move the first reading of the
Bill on Monday; but en Mr. Tiessar's suggestion, that a Mo•
tion of Lord AxesliasLo Massaro: es stood for that evening, the
Noble Lord fixed his Motion for Tuesday. The Noble Lewd
observed, that the object of this Bill was merely to continue the
Act of the 58th of:George 111. leaving the Scottish Courts, in
which the question was pending, to decide how far the rights
acquired by foreigners, through the purchase of stock in the
Bank of Scotland, conferred the privilege of naturalization. This
Bill, then, did not propose to divest any foreigner of the right
which he acquired through such purchase previous to that Act ;
but it was its object to act prospectively with regard to all ►uch
purchases.
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH said, that his objection to the
former Statute was, that it proposed to act retrospectively as to
the Bank of Scotland; but he did not oppose the proposition for
such a law prospectively, because the measure alluded to ap-
peared to liimA eery inconvenient mode of conferring the privi-
lege of naturalization upon foreigners.--Loave was given to
bring in the Bill.
The other Orders of the Day were disposed of, and the Rouse
adjourned at nail-past One o'Clock.

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

FRIDAY, JUNE 2, 1820.
THE FUNDS.
PRICE Of STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONI O'CLOCK I
Bank Stock 22334 224%
3 per Cent. Reduced 69 63Y8 69
3 per Cent. Consols 60% Yg
3i per Cent. 771/2-4 per Cent. 85Y8 861/4 86
5 per Cent. 1041% %
Long Annuities 17 13-16
India Stock 220—Bonds 12s. 14s. pre.
Exchequer Bills, 2s. 4s. 2s. pre.
Commercial, 4s. ss. pre.
Consols for opg. 7054
5 per Cent. Scrip. 1 Ph 1 pre.

Very littliptisines: has been done this morning.
Consols for the Account commenced at 70!4, at
which price they have continued dulling the morning.
Five per Cents. 1041 h %—New Scrip I'/4 1h prem.
No information was received respecting the Loan, but
it is expected before the House closes.

Nothing can be more irrational than to infer from
the unexampled rapidity with which the Loan of
Seven Millions was filled upon Wednesday, that the
resources of the country are in a state of unexam-
pled plenitude; yet such is the very position for
which we observe some of our contemporaries are,
with comfortable stupidity, contending.

The truth is, that the event presents one of the
most lamentable proofs we can possibly have of the
state of almost hopeless ruin, into which every source
of real wealth in the country has unhappily fallen.
In 1796, a Loan of Eighteen Millions was filled up
in fifteen hours and twenty minutes—an event re-
marked on with wonder at the time; 1820, a
Loan of seven millions (and had it been three
times as much, the case would have been just the
same) was filled up in as many seconds. Need
we be at a loss for the cause? In 1796, we were'
not quite so far down the hill as we are in 1820,
and, like all descending bodies, our velocity has be-
come increased, the nearer we approach to the set-
ding point.
Whence is it, we would beg to ask, that such an
extraordinary competition among capitalists to sup-
ply the wants of Government, can ever possibly
arise ? Is it because more profit is to be obtained
from lending money to the State, than from em-
ploying it in any thriving branch of national industry
or improvement? When was this ever the case?—
When did any thriving branch of industry or improve-
ment not produce a vast deal more than any interest
that can be obtained from a Government Loan ? The
true cause of every such avidity in Capitalists to lend
to the Government must be, that they cannot procure
even a small profit for their money anywhere else.
Trade and Manufactures, and in short every branch
of industrious pursuit, must be in so depreerd a
condition, from the burdens, restrictions, and de-
privations with which each is more oppresied than
another, as to present at the time no temptation
whatever for the investment of capital. A worse
predicament for a country to be reduced to, it is dif-
ficult to imagine ; and we grieve to think that with
England it is so much a matter of history as it is.

Various interesting topics came before the House
of Commons last night, among which the state of the
Courts of Judicature in Wales, and the Alien Act,
were the must prominent : but the question of the
payment of Artificers' Wages Was, perhaps, the most
important, from the future consequences which may
result from it. Many abuses prevail at present which
imperiously call for some remedy. A workman, in
numerous instances, after being necessitated to agree
for wages inadequate to his sustenance, is compelled
to receive a part of that wages in commodities sup-
plied by his Master! On the general question there
seemed to be a feeling in the House that the less
Parliament should interfere with this question the
better, and that it would be most advisable to re-
peal entirely all the existing laws on this subject.
We greatly doubt, however, whether, if this were
proposed, even those who urge the measure, would
feel themselves disposed to follow it to all its extent
and consequences. Perhaps they would; but till all
the points which such a measure would in equity and
justice embrace, shall have been distinctly admitted
as comprehended by them in their general proposi-
tion, we cannot know the extent of their meaning.
If all restrictions are to be removed, is it meant by
this that the laws which now prevent workmen from
meeting to regulate their wages, shall be repealed ?
,Is it meant that every impediment which hinders a
workman from carrying his talents and industry to
the best market, shall be removed ; and that he shall
have permission to go to any other country in which
he can receive a better remuneration than in this,
without any let or hindrance whatever? Masters
may meet to regulate wages : Masters and Mer-
chants may remove their persons and capitals to other
countries.—ls it meant in the general proposition,
to admit that equity demands that similar rights
should be extended to every class in the community?
If not, restrictions will still be found to operate with
partiality.
From the turn the debate took on this question, it
seems likely that ultimately a Committee. will be ap-
pointed to iinuite into the expediency of repealing

all restrictive laws respecting artificer; wheeler in
such a manner as to embrace the points to which we
have alluded, time will shew. We hare meminned
these points, in the hope that some of the Men hers
will turn their minds to them, in such a manner that
it may be made manifest, that in any proposed change
the rights of the working classes are kept as fully in
view as those of their employes.

New York Papers arrived this morning to the 29th
April, Boston to the 30th, and Baltimore to the %ch.
The following are extracts:

NEW YORK, APRIL 20.

A rumour prevliled at Washington City, that ad
Saturday last, just as the Senate were about adjourn.
ing, a Message was received from the Prci,!ent of
the United States, in which was inclosed the Treaty
with Spain, ratified by the Spanish Government.—
The Senate adjourned without making any order on
the subject. It was expected to be the first thing
acted upon in Senate cn Monday. •
WASHINGTON, APRIL ,23.
It is rumoured to-day, that the new Spanish Mi-
nister has addressed a note to the Secretary of State,
complaining of the conduct of Mr. Foriyth, to wl.ich
he has received no answer ; but he was called it ion
by our Government to say, whether he was preparel
to act on the subject of the Treaty unless assuranct's
were given that our Government would not recf‘gni.
the independence of the Patriots? The PresiLteot vela
probably communicate something in relation to cur
affairs with Spain to-morrow.