Star.
London, England, 1817-05-10 00:00:00

os surreptitiously obtained. and that 411 e person who
sired it did not understand English (Hear.) The
b,o's therefore. had no weigstt. or sanction of autho.
such as the author of it pretended he had ob.
The Honourable Gentleman opposite, (Mr.
tiaor) had said, we so misgoverned Ireland as
torodoze nothing out discontent, and therefore we
to let it continue as it is, or in other words to
t,,,u in our system of misgovernment still longer
IThese were differences and dissensions in
oleo!, but thesolie conceived Lobe owing to us, and
twoere let us adjust them. Respecting securities,
to void repeat, .the rioeal, of the exclusion laws
,441,1 carry the best security along *ith it—(Hear.)
60 as there were many persons whose judgment
(zoo to be respected, who had not suffitient confi-
d.t„in this, he would tequire something nacre to
pen their concurrence and carry the measure. This
1,, tid done before. and he should do so egoist.—
;„,tr Gentlemen who were for doing any thing at
ol,,sould vote for going into a Committee 1t was.
014 those wh.. though: things might remain es they
ar, low would object to oo so far. He had never
ploeJ the question on the hais of abstract right 1—
ix would go caroller and say nor Church, which was
trootant. and our State wen idtutical ; still the
cote:ammo that had been made on the penal laws
&ciao, the Catholics, s.odsl among the brightest
wooreineets of the present Reign. No danger had
wan, and no danger would arise from them. The
ezieer he apprehended arose from internal feuds and
retool dissentious, from a sense of unmerited Oriva-
no. opgia;ing opon an irritated population. Ewan.
Coat'on would protriee .aa-grand moral effete on the
great dais of his M ROMAIScathOIIC subjeirs,
it would put *wend to disorders and irregularities,
sad compose the jarring •elements of society in the
iteghbouring kingdom.' He concluded with expect..
wag a hope that the House would agree to go into
the Committee. •
Mr. B. BA'I'HURST opposed the motion. He
(Doddered it calculated, if agreed to, rather to en-
suaW the unhappy circumstances in the state of Ire-
land than to removv them, whilst at the same time it
licit to attack the Constitution of the empire. He
hid heard a great deal about securities, but no sub•
rocurity had been offered far the Protestant
Church. It even the securities talked of were given,
they would be insufficient. But even iosufficient as
toy were, it would be impossible to obtain them. He
wield impress the necessity of considering the danger
el s radical change. of giving a new complexion to
cur Constitution and Government, and departing
from those principles which *ere acted upon at the
period to which we• owe oar liberties. •
Lord CAS rLEREAG I-1 said, that in rising to
adoess -the House upon the question before it, he
telt considerable embarrassment. It was a question
the Consideration of which lie approached with pain,
differing as he did from some of his friends around•
tim—differing conscientiously, as he was convinced
they maintained opinions opposite to his, but still ac-
taate4 by an imperious 'sense of his public duty. It
was not his detention to attempt any new arguments
in support df the great principle upon Which this
question moved; indeed, he hardly 'Saw how any new
grounds could be offered in support of it: he should
theiefore Online his. observations Within a *very nor•
row compass, restricting himself almost exthuiively
t 3 the consideration of the arguments Opt had been
Amigo& ageimitolaso amiss. The Hawks wasappialed 1
to by an Honoutable Member—it was invoked to put
an end at once to the painful repetition of thiS ques.
Mai year' after year, uselessly exciting both parties.
It did were the fact—if the only effect was irtita-
tion—if the State were *intoned in its constitation,
its religious establishment,nnd its laws, then certainly
it wuuTd be a blessing to pin an end to the agitation
of the subject, and that Fedi/004e shotild take
itt
station in the place which it occupiiidietbat moment.
Bet if, on the contrary, the dangers wereimaginary.,
and the advantages real; if this questionlung about
the empire; embarrassing - iintl • deforming it, 'then
'certainly it was the duty of the Muse to consider the
'Timbre. with every alifficultY that attended it. He
had beard many appeals to the authority of the piab- I
lice Even to that inane he did not hesitate to commo-
de side which be sustained. Let the House cast
its
rye back to the .statesmen livings-aind to many ttiat
are now no more, who marshalled in support of this
question their influence, their talents, and their oh.-
- tees. Way nor this a strong Team for going ,u* a
Committee I He would recall to their minds she
temper of the Houseen this subject, when the Bill
was 'broeght in, an a former Session—the tone re-
v:dig it that seems to pervade the House of Lords
o•the temper of the community. at large, and thelair
dictates of enlightened reason—then to weigh the
dangers that bad been supposed to exist, and if they
appeared inconsiderable or imaginary, to enter upon
;the subject unrestrained by the difficulties which hung
eseel it, sod which tie had no doubt could be easiry
removed. It was dangerous to keep up the agitation
of any 'great question, but most peculiarly so when,
as in this instance, religion was mixed up with it so
as to infese into it a strong portion of bitterness and
istoonsation--(lhar).—Thus far he agreed with his
' Bowen* Friends; but how was the question to
he set at test r He never could agree with his Ho.
maitable-Friend (Mr. Leslie roster), that the ques-
tion could be laid asleep on the principle of exclusion.
.Re would not urge the example of other countries as
*precedent for ours, governed as it was by its une-,
ulled constitution; but he would mention the ptac•
tire of other countries, to strew how they now felt
with respect to the-Papal power. Whoever cast his
eye over the actual state of Europe, would see that
Rome had no longer the power to convuto which she
formerly abused. We are now living is very different
days. In the treaty of • Westphalia, religion formed
keading.feature. In the late treaty for the estab-
lishment of the peace of Europe, religion never was
the subject of discussion for a moment —( firer, hear.)
Notwithstanding die balanced state of the Germanic
Body between Prutestantond Catholic votes—still the
equal liberty of religion was .adopted as the basis—
though the same conflicts of interest respecting Sees
and Church Patronage ingeneral existed there as
so
Ireland. He did not quote this as an example, bat
4)14 in prove that now little fear was entertalweil of
the Papal power. What but the folly of die Catholics
themselves had prevented the wisdom of Porliomeut,
and theliberality ot the Protestants, froro moor ing Mein
!lime this day tb the full blessings of the constitotioa.
floe complimented his Honsoirobk Friend (Mr. It..
tester) upon the clearness ol his viows, but considered

his ideas of ultramontane policy as wholly chimerical.
Thit was no hanger the policy of be Court of Rome.
The animosity arisina from religion, *Which poiSoned
even society in Ireland, was in hip view an argument
for, not against, the motion. The measure to view
would give mild temper and idteroal repose;—gene..
ral security, tranquillity, and 'Strength of empire.
'This was his motive for suppottiag it. He teas eon.;
fident, the narrow system of Law by which Ireland
was governed could never be the basis of a perma-
nent mode of government. He would let in the Ca •
tholic Peers and Catholic Gentlemen, and assoCiate
the state as far as it could properly be done v:ith them
and with their church, for the double purpose of giv.
ing them power of 'telling truths with effect to the
great betty of the Catholic people He believed there
was not a strong repugnance in Ireland to the measure
with securities. • But• even if it were so, he would
pass the Bill, trusting to the 'fruitS it must ultimately
produce. He was confident that at Rome there
would. be no• obstacle to the securities required.—
They had been given to other countries, and directly
sanctioned rx Cathedra byMonseignor thiarantotti in
a document of • the higliest authority, though inde-
cently criticised in Ireland. Of this there was what
might be deemed a confornation by the Pope himself,
in a document signed by Cardinal Litta. It was un-
fortunate that persons so respectable; and tolis know-
ledge, of tried loyalty, 414111c1 bend before popular
folly, and disguise what they must know to be their
faith—what they had declared to be such in 1799.
If Parliament enacted and Rome sanctioned their-.
rangement of securities, then he thought there would
be no longer any difficulty. The measure would go
up as freely in its operation as a Turnpike Bill. He
.wished, however, that the Catholics should confide .in
the State as in other countries; and until that confi-
dence appeared, he must observe, that he saw symp•
coins of its not being yefthe time to grant their claims.
He must deprecatedontesticatonaination, which would
end in contest and cabal with all the abuses of demo-
cratic electioneering in clerical matters. It was most
unfortunate that the word Pao got into use. A name
does much in any Country. It could produce the
most prodigious effects; cover ever with Tidicule.
or reprobation what was in itself most proper,
(Hear, hear.) He would, however, allow an inter-
val of time. Parliament should express its tone une-
quivocally, and then the Pope should be applied ta.—
lie should support the..motibn upon the same prin-
ciple whichinduced hint to support the Union, viz.
to take Ireland out of the operation of garrison prin.
ciplea, and govern her. by the British Constitution.—
He saw no danger of .a Popish Parliament now.l
There WAS' much more probability that false Pro
testants • should smith the prejudices of the Ca.i
tholic electors, than that theraiatcif Lord Kenmore
' should tkf, no. Pie woitilkt.plACO;Aitt Protest-art •and
the Catholic side' figllti'•as is war, .the
battle of the Constitution;-and death to know each
other by their corntrion loyalty h o d zeal, (Hear, hear.)
'ibis was his opinion—his earnest appeal, to destroy
the spirit of turbulence and.bigerry, and provide alike
for our.national honour and repose, by iocurporating
the Catholics with the Constitution.
Mr. PEEL, even at the risk.'of being deemed pre.
sumptuous, must oppose the arguments of his-Noble
Friend; Wuat was to.. be done in this Committee ?
'What had• .been done in•the Committee 'of 1813 ?
The result then was, a ferment among the Cathodes;
and be saw area reason. far supposing that the same
consequence would not follow. He would appeal to
the opinion .u 1 the trelotes,theMselvea, who declared
they coeld not agree with those securities without in-
curring the grievous sin of schism. But would the
.fope content? ' There was every reason to think not.
Cardinal Litta declared tO:Dr. Poynter that the Ae.
Emegualfir cotil4. not be
.granted. The same
person told a Mr. Hayes, who went on a mission to
the Pope, that domestic nomination was -a thing hi
'did niot understand. He CMG. Peel) would with to
know whether 'there was any person in the House' to
'state, on the part of the l'ope,. that he agreed to.
.those securities—(Hear, hear, frost General Mathevv.,..
a bad hoesh).—He must observe that his Noble Friend
would humiliate Parliament and the Catholics by
making the proceedings of the former depend upon
the' Pope, and perhaps dash the cop of hope from
~the lips of the 'tatter at the discretion of a foreign
power. Much had been said about Hungary and
Canada, and a Right Honourable Friend of his (Mr.
Canning) talked last Session of the equality between
Catholic and -Protestant in the Smith of France.-*
The cases, it must be:acknowledged, were very diffe-,
rent. The Catholics were the majority, and the fa-
voured sect in' the department of the Gironde. It
i was different in Ireland. He deprecated a new sys.
tern. The granting,the elective franchise proved nos
'thing, as it differed trout 'office, in the opinion of Mr.
Burke, in the ode belonging to the 'subject, and the
other to man, as a member of the State. The fran-
chise, too, was taken away by a simple penal law,
whilst the other disabilities were imposed at the Re-
voltition. In Ireland' there were two rival establish-
menit—n Protestant Hierarchy and Roman Catholic
Hierarchy.' Thelatter was co-extensive with the for-
mer, and exerciied vast share of influence. It was
not surely necessary to say, in order to exclude them,
that they were disloyal. He was far from insinuating
any disbelief-of their allegiance to the King and the
Constitution; but. he must say, that not only the
Clergy, but the whole moss of the'People, if they were
L.aincere Romai-Citholics, mustle naturally desirous
to overturn the Established Religion—(Heer, hear.)
It was an irresistible ambition kmong the majority to
wish their Own. religion triumphant, and io.perion
who recollected with what difficulty the Reformation
advanced in Ireland, would say that this did not
form an additional reason among the Catholics there
to oppose iii further:progresi, and if.poisible drive '.it
hark completely frnm the Island. It was said indeed
that the packing measure would nut admit many Ca-
tholics into actual power, but thatle thought aho-
gather a- clumsy: security. If they were deetnett
qualified, let them Sitio Parlianient ; but if not, let
thew be totally excluded. it the question arise
whether a certain portion of the community ought to
be admitted to a share Of power with the Protestants,
the. first enquiry' to be niade..vrai, whether the inter
tests of.the former. were in uoison with those of the
latter 1 and, in the psesent instance, it could not be
said that the intelits of-the Catlabliclend the Pro.
cestanta Wati tfik mk.. *Mit their religion; Wertio.
diametrically u ppoiad...:the bill.whieh Was hrOtrgfda
into Pailiametit in 181S,•-asiqaired of the Catholics
an oath disclaiming certain opinions. Dot it it was

suppeked that they had previously entertained those
opinions at all, it was a sutF.e.ent reason fur their
h.admistiblEty to the privileges of the Constitution.'
He did not impute to the 'tom io Catholics those'
joett ines which the oath called upon th-ni to disavow.;
He did not wish to introduce any roses which
'might produce irritation ; but he ti,oitght it ev
tremely inconsistent that they ad:ni!reti
to political power, who were, in the first inst,net-,
presumed to entertain opinions so much at variance
with the interests of the realm—(ihar, bear).—
The measure of 1813 was Aviv timer of an anoma-
lous description. It set out. with 411eArtaukstasinev
of a disposition to remove from the trkinds of the C 2.
tholic people every grievance ol..a,.migtitying nature.
It would admit them to every office in the Suite,
save that of King, Lord Chancellor, or Lord Lieu•

tenant in Ireland • thus, while it professed to take
away the weole i:f the chain which 'degraded and
wounded their feelings. leaving behind three links to
perpetuate their ignominy, aod.to increas_ their mor-
titicati‘ns. It may, perhaps, be argued, that as so
much good resulted from establishing in Scotland the
religion of the majority there, many benefits might
also be expected from the measure now Formed for
Inland.° But that argument went too tar, for it went
to eanWish the Roman Catholic religion its Ireland,
and that he believed the Legislature was not pi eperrd
to do. '(hitae, hear, hear.) lie begged, therefore,
of the House to pause before they would eunseni to
any change in the Constitution, which it. was clear
must be a radical one. If any doubt existed in any
Hon. Member's mind. as to the cootie he ought to
pursue, he (Mr. Peel) thought that the presumption
was in favour of the Laws and th Constitution, as
they now stood. He trusted that ev y Member, still
undecided as to his opinions; would w.eioh the prac-
tical advantages already proved. against the visionary
and theotetical plans which were proposed toe their
adoption. (near.) . .
General hIATIftV said, that after the pledges
Which he had so often given, as to his opinion upon
the necessity'of Catholic Etnancipatisin, it weitlel be
unnecessary for him to trouble the Iloiese with any
observations. The speech of the Noble Lord oppo-
site, so. highly honourable to himself, had ensbiaLed
every argument in favour of the goestion. In reply,
'however. to an allusion of the Right Honeurable
, Gentleman who spoke last. he felt himself called upon
to say, that he was not individually cuithurird by the
Pope (a laugh) to state the arraitgemeots which:fps.
i Holiness was disposed to make as to the nomination
lof prelates. He could state, howe'ver, that there*Fas
ia documentle this country which declared, that the
ePope was ready to acquiesce in the measure of do-
mestic nomination--(Near, hear). . !
Mr. CANNING said, he could not glee a silent
vote on, this occasion, consistetirly w:th that,police
which he had felt it his duty to adopt in teAard to
shis.measure. He telt it the more necessary ro say
something, after the speech of consummate ability
which they had just lietud from his Right Elonoui able
'Friend. The result, however, of Lip statement,.
amounted to no more than this, that by the question
the House was placed in a' state of infinite diifictilfy.
—(Heardasar).—lt was true that they catiVt take no
step, either forwarder backward, that would be per-
fectly satisfactory. He allowed that, even. if the
measure was introduced and adopted, there would
still remain several anomalies in the law. Jut the
stion was, whether, .by going so ler, they could
remove any of the existing intone:flier:Cc; e/ithout
danger to the establishment ? It he thotiebt that the
slightest hazard of that nature could result, he would
agree that they ought to pause where they now were,'
rather than risk such a danger ; but being in his
constietece convinced, that they might go with safety
to the extent of the measure now proposed, he did
not hesitate' to say, that they ought to go further.
They should weigh the disadvantage of 'the ano-
malies they might create with the state of things
which they would get rid of.— (Hear, hear).--
He would take the measure of 181:t—he would take
the gtoied of their admission lop rarliament. 'lf
such a measure was agreed to, he was satisfied that at
no distant period they irould see many professors of
that religion in the Houses There wore two classes
of people who might obtain seats ::hose who by their
rank were entitled to the distinction, and those who
by taking advantage of Catholic disabilities, to in-
flame the passions of the people, could not shew so
good a claim. He would say, that to open the doors.
of the House of Commons to such men as these,
would be to nullify the mischiefs they had created—
(Hear, hear.)—By bringing them there, they would
have an opportunity to cope with the mischief. If
his Right Hon. Friend 'could state that the country
was satisfied with the system as it stood, be would
say, let it stand as it is. But if there was any uneasi-
ness of discussion, both in Ireland and here, he
would not be deterred, because he could not do
all that ought to be done, from doing all that couldf
be done. It had been stated that they ought to
be sure that good effects would follow, but how
could they be sure ?—(Near, hear, .hear.)—lt was
sot by canvass out pt doors, but by enactments
within, that they were to be decided in their conduct.
3 the Catholics would not accept , the boon, still let
Parliameut complete the Act,- ant( they would find
that those whom Parliameut governed would soon
obey. They were not td consider the Catholics alone,
but, the benefit at the whole community. As to n hat
the Pope might .be prepared to do, it could not be-
come a matter of previous negociation. It the ten-
'clency of the measure was to conciliate, he cared not.
at which side the work began, whether from the yo.
luntary beaevolence of the Legislature, or thesuPpli.
cation of the Catholic, whiila called tlaat'benevelence
into action, -The tormer'measure had produced die-
, content in Ireland, and satiSfdition at Rome ; the rea-
son of which was, that in Rome they thought it was
carried.. while* initeladd' they knew it' ailed. .. This
afforded realm for thinking.that if it had passed, ate
'satire effects woad. Hare followed in both countries.
He was not deterred by the contemplation of any un-
certainty itt the'result trim 'voting for the Commit-
, tee—,(ifear,' hear! with irks of Quertioo, parti.:o 1)
• Mr., GRATTAN then tow.to reply-4. sir, withith
respect to the difficulty that t 4 itrh7-
oSid to arise from
going unprepared into Uri Committee, I shall oily
observe, that. you tan command your own securities
--you can cemmand the security of domestictionr.i-
,natiott. „I maturely deny that the sense ut the Cl.
.liiltlica, is. such ins to prevent them from submitting.
What is for the good of the Catholic is for•the good
il of the whol* It is your duty to dare Om country,

- .
and net to aceomtoodate any particolar set of rim.
Au Honottiable Gentleman, who, I r. gret, was not
mere attcode'cl to, oboove.l in the c',utsei)i hii speech,
that this was a Protestant Constiooi. To he snip
baptise the Constitution if lie will. but origitoiliy it
was Catholic—that is, it was founded by C.oholica.
All the great laws to salich tt e P'eople owe their
liberty were. the %took of Calhollcs. At, the time of
tile Kevolotton one ancestors contented the:twelve,'
with in-king a Declaration of Right, because, the),
coold not go faither than the Catholics bad gone.
The Billet Rights was a Declaratory Law I it was
doclaratory of the privileges 'pained by our Catholic
ancestors. These 'rho cl.my that the Coholics have
a right to demand emanckpation, (timid their argue
',mot on inference. Dot rig cannot take away pre-
rogative Sy inference—yon cannot take away 04..
lege,by inlererre. But their is this great error iss
their argument—they found their inference on a mis-
statement of facts. First, they say, that rite Catho-
lics are subject to pains and penalties, which do not
!exist—and from this they draw their inference. Al
Honourable- Member, tin the second bench, was
pleased to say, that, at the time of the Revolution,
the exclusion of the Catholics WAS a fundomental
principle of the Constitution. L' it that time a danger
threatened the religion of the country—but nil you
will observe, that the disabilities which the Cathal:cs
complained of, and which were now increased; did
not take place till after the Revolution. S ono of
them were enacted in the latter part of .Witham's
reign, and others took place in the reign of Anne.
Now, what sort of an experiment was this ? It was
an experiment to uphold one religion by irihictlni
pains and penalties on the prolessensot another. G Lt,
if you look alittle indict, you will find that the
oath. afterwards administered, was not a penal oath
against the religion of. the Catholics—bat an oath
'imposed .upcal such persons as were then supposed Its
obey the temporal power of the Po; e. If we lot lc
to the Catholic religion, as connected with the Polo-,
it will at once be conceded, that that • cite:tray:at ce
would not justify the obedience of a soh;.:;:t to a to-
reian puce;—anti thecLfhre, the Veto was dtvi,td N)
meet that evil, and to prevent it. ih:lere, eon, (liar
danger cease.. Again; we proffer yo.t domestic :milli-
natibn. Both the tiro And domesoc rhoolo ition are at
your feet-so t! at the argument hettetei oo the ne-
cessity of cnecktogforeign inflaence is rit ~I.Ftht to.
Gentlemen argued) that it was contrary to the p:* 1-
eiples of the Constitution to let Rontatt Catholics
possess hoy,civil or military office. :raw, I will read
an cztract from the Act passed in l7fat, whizh rebuts
this assertion. The Statute salty,' I3e it enacted. that
it shall and may be lawful for Papis•s, or perstots pro-
,iessing the
,Pviili,h, or Roman C4111l)liC itcligiuo, to
11,1 _I, exercise. and enjoy, all civil and military
oilices, Lir places of trust arid . profit toider•his MA..
jesty"— (gear, hear.) Gentleman co..ter d, th et Ca-
tholics canna be admitted to political. power, besause
it is against the principle of the .Constitution-!-atad
here is a law.ezptemiy admitting,them to thepartio'io
pation of chat power.' Now I want t.ojtoow, how iois
cootrary to tits ptiosirieJ of the Coro:halloo to athwit.
rirs:.l3 WO At powavon to enjay.civil t-inititisto: eth,te,st
What, :then, bectones.of iI.jVC arguments, woich 1 tyo
thetho suffer them to particiliate.„ll political ifewitto:
is,cutorary to the funatamentel princualecof theyni-
stitutionritheteeismailleit tire lawoor the prooopless
of the 1.4 w.? Let us cu;o6der tio subject tally, othil -
we aleall,mt anitthwhatm ethealtioaeous air therscaikos
amen have endeasrpuftei .to argue tour millibar A
their fellow-sutiktcts into.perpetu.:l bondage. I new
shall notice the conduct of the Cathotics. vilticteft.t
been so.roughly.ceitsured. Here,. Lihink, the ear,
liament acquits diem at once. • The law that gave
the CflillallCS arms, acquitted there of imentious•hos.
tile to the State-a-and tuelatv'th-it gave them a vote
at rleetions, and made them a part of the Conectoosef
rite realmo proves that the' Legislature comiderad
them to be devoted to the Constitution. 'ma ktiers
of Cardinal Litta and of Monseigneur Quarantotti
arc decided Patliautentary evidence ol• their 414-
illiCe. They both ,hew,, that tine *allegiance of the
Catholics was .not against theieeliogs ur see invents
of the Pope, but that he, on the contrary, commanded
it. What right had the Legislature then to.disfran-
chise the Catholics Z 1 altos' that Parliament hosahe
power of limiting. the political capacity. of the sub.
ject o but, I say, they have not a right to do it, with-
out a powerful reason ; and I will maintain, that the
religion of the Catholics is riot a proper reason. :Usti
charges rashly made against them, charges-. tallith
have not any solid basis, do not constitute a reaton to
disqualify them. And, therefore, I cotuendothac the
present acts ot disqualification are acts'ot power; acts
of injustice, and ought to be repealed. Itlear, heaiv)
I forgot to notice how the Catholics had made use of
the power which they had front time to time as.
paired. I refer to your Generals and•Adnairals.—
(llear, hear.) I will not speak *of 'Lir tattle 'or tut
that battle-1 will not particularise this victory .or
that achievement—but 1 will ask, how. can Get.tee.
men impeach their loyalty, who have seetethem•slied
their blood in defence of that which it ihisaid. they
mean to undermine. (Load/hies or Hear,lacrAevr )
An Honourable Gentleman opposite says, that, if
there were any commotion its the country; the Catho-
lics would follow their Priests. What right have o e
to assert that they would do so ? What right !lava
we to say, that those who tilled ymit- f'..cts and ..r-
-mies, wheat engaged in w..rs abtoad, would act un-
worthily when confidence wiis el Iced in them at
home f Would it not be hard to s•ty, ". Wateaps t!:e
Pope -has reaewed the Society ct slesuifs—sod bas
suffered the revival of the lequisition—therefore be it
enacted that Lord F:r.al be attainted ?" You would
say, " No—this is an act of monstrous injustice:,
Which' we can never chill of." But when the loyilty
.of the whole Catholic commuitity is impeached, with
atilt& reason, it is hatted as a just and regolar pro-
ceeding —(flear, heir). You etect a hathaal tlitsanal,
amide); the offence ot an individual, yin do n swell
the character of your law into the Onanitsotence.4
the Deal, and utters dengnciation against a asholo
conmsuutty—(Hear,.• hear). It is . toe folly •of Tr:?:
Code of .Laws, thathlte,Body are punjaheli ihr Jig
ctime (keiil or SPRPOiIt:I) ...Or
.an it:division!. . The
History at Ireland has beimappaalesa to, AS furtusa-
lug strongoirgoinente-itri.ierottr or the enponciag of
chip quattoh. Whatit,that; hiit"!'air„
ray., it ii .the tahi o(Lita,tualsaitga kleavi
vented, algid a allay ..suisutastagel--.(1/i
rbs • biatAtida is,- in' the • tine an. Worse
siteitlikdoecidiaili lift aionotsi:! Re`
ay L'irwcr, eild h: tia'.t.ted it—', :Veer,

• -he
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lidi -A ttfvkity 1
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