Star.
London, England, 1829-01-02 00:00:00

Ditto Natitinal
Muted Altztean

One of the subjects upon which the Papers affecting
to be in the interest of the Government descant and
differ, is tl.e question of %%hither DOD filloun is or is
not to be recogn zed as King of Po►tugal ? The pre s
is evidently ditri.'ed into two factions ; die one can find
no terms of reproach too seve.e for their application to
the present ruler at Lisbon—the other as loudly pro-
claims his right to the Throne, and praises his mild and
exemplary Government. The one insists that Don
Mom i. an usurper. and that the English Court wilt
never receive his Ambassador—the other is prepay-
lug us for his immediate recognition ; and both

sustain their opinions with a violence as inclement at
it is sidiculous. The one patty is calling on the Go-
vernment to choke the Portuguese with a Constitution
which they cannot, or will not swallow; the other is in-
sisting upon an instant adoption I f a change which
makes Don MIGUEL the Monarch. The que►tion, se
far as it affects our interests, is scarcely worth a thought,
but in its consequences upon other countries, we have
to contend with many difficulties. According to ex-
isting Treaties, Don Alwyn . has usurped the Crown•
but it is an usurpation in which the Nobles have joined.
and although we are not bound to invade the country
with troops to enforce the Constitution once given to
the people and expel the new King, w e are equally
bound not hastily to acknowledge the justice of every
change which may take plsce in a country where
liberty is not valued. Those who affect to know the
intentions of Government are wiser thin the Mini•tcrs,
for the fact is, negociations, upon which depend the line
of our future policy in regard toPortugal, are still going
on, and it is impossible in their prese lit stage to cal-
culate with any certainty upon the result.

The present year upon which we have entered pro-
mises ti be an eventful era in the history of England.
The Prime Minister is not, at least, inimical to the ad-
justment of the Roman Catholic question! This an-
nunciation will animate thefactiru. views of one party,
but, we trust, will net enervate the zeal of the other.

The Duke of MILLINGTON cannot be fully aware of
the expectations of she Popish party in Ireland, or he
would know that there is but one way to settle the
question to please them—that is, to giant unrestricted
emancipation. If limits be fixed to their ptesent de-
mands, the field is still left open fin further agitation ;
and while one feather can be won, the heavy artillery
of seditious cannonading will be continued, as it the
assailants were contending fir a citadel, within which
food and fuel, and raiment, were alone to be pro-
cured. But emancipation on such grounds is the surren•
der of the Constitution, of the Church, and of the Throne.
So unlimited a donation of power cannot be bestowed.
If it be, the majority of the Empire—the Pi crestant
subjects—are delivered, in (lick interests end in toeir
religion, to the craving ambition of a sect. Yer, if it
be not, what is the advantage secured by a partial gift?
Agitation, which is the pa rid font from which a thou.
sand poisoned springs dilate their vicious course, will
not cease. The blood—the young blood of Ireland, as
Mr. O'Costim.t. says, will continue to boil. Masked
treason will still walk its angry round. And the addi-
tional power which any half measure will necessarily
confer, will be leagued with the means which have
been employed to secure that power. Thus the enemy
grows stronger—we, the assailed foe, are weakened by
our own generosity. Our mercy has not extracted the
hatred of our opponents. We must aw ait the sallies of
their wrath; and when we engage with them, either in
Parliament or in public discussion, the fit st weapon
that strikes us is the boon that we bestowed.

Thus it is evident, that if any concession be made to
the Roman Catholics—and if it be made finally to con-
ciliate them—it must be a surrender of the Constitu-
tion. This, therefore, cannot be contemplated. Yet,
on the other hand, a partial gift obtains no peace.—
Therefore, if in each supposition difficulties crowd upon
the thoughts of those who deeply reflect on this sub-
ject—difficulties which no wisdom c-n remove, nor
foresight contravene—what is the course which shoal
be put sued? We certainly answer, and boldly too—
-1 give nothing to Roman Catholics, as nothing can be
with safety given.
The advocates for what are called peace and concilia-
tion, exi.laim, this is a cruel doctrine. Such legislation
conducts to rebellion, and the agency of parliamentary
wisdom, which ought to effectuate universal blessings
for the people, becomes, by such rigorous exclusion, the
operative means of producing civil war. But there
are two short answers to this delusive benevolence. To
prevent civil war, will you rob Protestants of their
privileges, by bartering them for the elusive allegiance
4.f Papists? or, will you prevent civil war, by a modi.
fied_ Emancipation Bill? For, if civil war is the conse-
quence of refusal now, will it not be the mournful con-
II sequence of that just fiat whenever it is r.corded, " we
will grant no more r

In this view cf. the subject one answer remains
with the emancipationists, which we shall endea-
vour to combat ; we think we can successfully overturn
it. It is said that granting full. unqualified Emanci-
'pation, takes no privilege from the Protestant ; it be-
►tows power on one class of subjects, tut takes it not
from another; it strengthens the Church of England,
by extracting the venom of its opponents, and it leaves
in increased security all the institutions of the State, by
giving to it an additional supply of new friends, s►ho,
from an equalization of rights, will feel and testify an
equal zeal pith the Protestant for its preservation. We
think we have stated the argument with all its force.
Now fur the answer.

We ground our reply upon the oath which a Roman
Catholic Bishop takes at his ordination, and upon one
passage in this oath. 4• I will help them (the Pora and
his successors) to defend and keep the Roman Papacy
AND THE ROYALTIES ON ST. PETER: That this pas-
sage refers to the kingly authority of the POPE in these
countries, none can doubt that will examine its ►istory,
and the other parts of the oath where the words occur.
It cannot be interpreted to mean any ecclesiastical or
priestly jurisdiction, for the oath is most full in every
point w here it was necessary to protect the Pones au-
thority in such matters. It was sent to Ireland precisely
at Me period when HaNitY supremacy was ac-
k.iowledged. Those who took this oath within forty
days, and confessed they were guilty of grievous sirs in
acknowledging tl,e supremacy of the King, were par-
doned. Now, except the passage referring to the rega-
lilies of St. Pete:, any person, that is. nay Roman Ca-
tholic, might have taken the oath of supremacy, and
this oath also, without acknowledging two Smvereigns•
But as HENRY VIII bad usurped the kingly office of

the Poi e in Itcland, by an espress Act, this passage in
the oath was added, to secure what had been always
claimed by the Pontiff. It cannot be 'aid that this

passage might not be emitted and the oath alteted, be-
cause objectionable; because the oath has been amend.
ed. a d a mock oath of allegiance added to it. Yet
why dries it remain, when it means noel 41 of cede.
siastical or priestly jurisdiction, which is not fully con-
veyed in other word, in the same oath? But the mo't
pc)« erful argument against it ir one. which we are as.
tonished not to find in the Digett of the Evidence. on
the state of Ireland in 1821 and 1825, by Dr. Phelan
and Mr. U'S',Livan.

This very passage was brought forward by the eel..
brated Bishop lianzu., as a et rect proof that the Pon
exercised and chimed a kingly authority in Leland,
uresious to the rebellion of 1641. In urging the proof
of this assertion, "the Pops bath another kingdom"
beside his ►piritual one, he adds these emphatic words,
44 fhe POPR bath hrre a Clergy, the heads a hereof are
by corporal oath bound ono him, to maintain him and
his regali ie. CONTRA 01111NEM HOMINZNI, and to execute
his im ',Waits to the uttermost of their forces:'—Burnet.
Life of Bis4op Bedell—p. 54.

Now, u hen we consider that the passage " I will help
them (the Poec and his successors) to defend and keep
the Roman Papacy anJ the Royalties f Sr. Perak"
was introduced into Ireland, when the supremacy of an
intrusive K;ng had usurped the tight which the Pontiff
claimed—when we consider that it has ever been inter.
preted as applicable only to a Royal jurisdiction in that
count' y—when we consider, that one of the most un-
impeached witnesses that ever bore testimony clings to
this pass4ge, as evidence convincing that the POPS
still claimed through regal supremacy by the fact of
his Ii ish 11. shops taking this oath—when we consider that
by the in:trumentality of these Bishops who took this

oatf —by the exertions of the Prii sts whom Dish ip Bs•
DELL says" moulded the people to the Port's obeJiencer
—by the exertions of the inferior Clergy who, he says,
were guilty of an "infamous/4Mo as•uming the tomes.
c-ature of the Estahlished Priesthood, and' by the le-
ies of three, four, five, or six pcunds" sshieh the Priests
made at tile chapels, that by all these means the rebel-
lion of 164.1 was brought about—wl.o that considers
this weight of evidence, coupleJ with the fact that the
oath stiil remains, and still is taken by the Popish
Bishops in Ireland, but will acknowledge that its import
is dangerous, that it contains masked treason, and is in
itself a fountain from which may flow rebellion and
anarchy, whenever He, to whom are committed the
Keys of &ma as well as Heaven, may please to open
the sluices of desolation ?

Who will say that the people of IrelAnd, the abject
slaves of the Piimthood, could be equally lo) at as she
Protestants of the Empire, when the Popish Bishops

continue to take an oath which hiswry says ib the oath
of A REBEL ?

Having said so much, we cannot now advert, as we
purposed, to the conduct of the Committee of the
House of Lords and Commons, it: 1824-1825. We

shall only add at present, that a more miserable farce
was never exhibited. The wh, le plan appeared to be

to soften down the asperities of P ,pert'—to make the
churches of Reformers demi•Npistical, to turn the
accusations of hi tory against the Roman Cabolie

Church into the dreams of madmen—to win the nation

to Emancipation by sophistic.l trigon and delusive
words—Ll make pretty sentences, the tees of doctrines

and exhibi ions r I Jesuistry, the mos; cnnvincing etsi.
dencts that Popery had teased to be loathsome and

corrupt.

The accounts from the late theatre of war, which •
appears in the following extracts from the German
Papers received this morning. are of too v4gue and
contradictory a natore to require commer t The re-
ported loss of the Russian man-of-war in the Black
Sea, containing the trophies captured from the Turks
at Varna, appeared in 0 is Piper a week since :
JASSY. Dec.

A report is just spread here, that on the 30th Nov. there were
saute we're actiuns in the environs pf Varna, where the Turks are
said to have made an attempt to drive the Russians front their
positions. Wits, respect to the issue of these actions, the most con.
Riedel; reports are in circulation; some giving the victory to this
Russians, and some to the Turks. Another report which has been
circulated Isere, on the authority of letters from Odessa, la, that
the Russian ship which had on board the It cannon taken inVarna
(and which were intended for the monument of King Wladielaus at
Warsaw), together with many other trophies front Varna, bad been
driven, in a violent storm, towards the Gulf of Bourgas, when it ran
foul of another Russian ship that had been likewise driven thither,
and that the shock was so violent that both ships went to the
Nitta's, and every soul on board perished. We hope that this,
news, if net wholly unfounded, will prove at least to be greatly
uaggerated.

NUREbIBURG, Da. 24.

The Municipality of Sonneberg brought an action for a libel
against the proprietors of the Dorf &items of Hildburgbausen, on
account of some remarks on the proceedings of the Municipality in
their management of the public business. The Municipality having
lost their cause before the tribunal of Mildburghausen, appealed to
the Superior Court at Wurtzburg, which has rejected the appeal
by a decision, the terms of which are extremely remarkable :
" The Editor of the Dee Seining." says the Court, "like the
Editors of ether public Journals, has taken upon himself, and not
without the approbatimeof the readers both at home and abroad.
to point out defects and desiderata on public matters, and thus to
censtibute to effect an improvement ; and though this use of the
liberty of the press has not taken such deep root in Germany as In
other countrin of Europe, yet the principle of the press is in general
adopted in the modern public law. If the several Governments have
not yet determined on the means of preventing the abuses that may
occur in the exercise of its rights—if, therefore, the press is front time
to time to give an amount of public matters—if the consequence's(
defective laws are to be pointed out, information of the injurious pre.
mans of organs of the Government to be communicated—if per.
suns bolding public characters, such as the municipality of Sonneberg,
are at least subjected to a moral responsibility, it can by no means
be taken for granted that the observation or blame is purposely dos
signed t• give offence. On the contrary, this is to be considered as
the exercise of a kind of public office, often, indeed, difficult and
ungrateful, but in the conscientious exercise of which the Govern-
ments and the governed are interested, and which may be vet y ad.
vantageous to the welfare of the State, and to enlighten puhlis
opinion. Besides, it is free to every body to use the same organ of
the Press to correct erroneous statements and opinions.
is Now, U the Courts would ages to Mil COnVial°l4444B