Star.
London, England, 1817-02-27 00:00:00

PETITION !Reif WORCOTER.

Lord DEERHURST,' nu rising to present a Pe-
tition from Worcester, apologized for thii being the
first time of his having the honour of addreasing the
House. It was now, he said, his duty to present
a Petition, numerously and respectably s.gned, from
the Freemen and Inhabitants of the City of Wor-
cester. It contained, three thousand names, and
prayed for a Reform in the Representation, the Abo-
lition of Sinecure Places and Pensions, and Eco-
nomy in the Public Expenditure. On these subjects,
he would avail himself of the present occasion to
state how far he gave thou his sanction. He should
feel it his duty to support any plan, the object of
which was to obtain a salutary Reform in Parliament,
and to discover and, correct abuses; but he would
lend himself to no delusive scheme, which, under the

pretence of Reform, sought to infringe upon or-touch
one iota of our glorious Constitution, the pride of I
England. and the glory and admiration of the-world. '
On tl:e contrary, he 'would do his utmost to protect
this great birthright of Englishmen tiom all innova.
lion. The House defied open Revolution, and he,
as a Member of it, would never sanction any thing
that had this object in view. He was born and edu-
cated in loyalty, and abhorred whatever .had a Re-
volutionary tendency; and he would advise those
who advocated sentiments which had such a tendency,
to reflect, that their own greatness was not likely to
be benefited by the change. Let them torn to the
hotrible acts of the French Revolution, and they
would tind that nearly all the actors who had figured
in those sanguinary scenes, had fallen victims to the
outrages they bad sanctioned. Such an example, he
hoped would nit be lost at a crisis like the .present.
With respect to one part of the Petition, which went
to the abolition of Sinecures, he agreed with the Pe-
titioners, that all ought to be Abolished, except those
granted to persons who deserved them. Those who
had long -held large Sinecures had now, in his opi,
nion, a proper opportunity of shelling that they had
deserved them, by voluntarily givisig them up. Re-
specting Retrenchment in the Public Expenditure, he
felt convinced that the distresses of the People had
reached the ears of Ministers, and that they would
do every thing in their power to alleviate their suf-
fer ings—(Hear, Ittar).—The Petition was then pre-
sented, read, and ordered to lie on the Table..
PeTiUoNa )most Nurrittutfotii.
Mr. JOHN SMI CH, en offering a Petition from
the Corporation of-Nottingham, descanted 'on the,
arduous duty which the petitioners had bad to per-
form for theilast ten years in preserving the public
peace. .They stated, that the wont of .Parliamentary
Reform had, in their opinion, been productive of
most of the evils that now menaced the country.
The petitioners had supported their distress with
much fortitude; but he could state, from the best
attthority, that without the liberal relief that had
been received from individuals, many of the inhabi-
tants would lately have perished.
The Petition was read and laid on the Table.
The same Honourable Gentleman then said, he.
had a very different Petition to offcr from the people
of the same places it was Spina the S Jammu:in of.
the Habeas Corpus Act. 'I he petitioners said that
they were grossly calumniated in a Report they had
seen in the public papers, as coming from a Seceet
Committee of that House, and which represented
them as. seditious, disaffected, and treasonably dis-
posed. He did think it might have bees possible to
give /tome of the evidence before that -Committee
without the names, in order that it might be seen
what proofs were offered of such charges being ap-
plicable to the people of that or any other part of the
country. The petitioners, however, distinctly de-
nied,the charge against them.
Lord RANCLIFFE wisbcd to say only a few
worths-before this petition was rcseoosd. He fully

----:

Mr. MADOCKS
only practical ben fit
the Habeas Corpus
tisfied with"thet Repot,
tuents felt themselves
being deprived of
Petition agaidst the
thotigff them loyalty
time within our remembrance, when there had been
any necessity for such a measure, was theirar 1785,
and Ministers could produce. no parallel' to it at. pre-
sent. At this period, therefore, time ought to be
allowed for the people to express their sentiments;
and, with this view, even if the Islll should be read
a first time this evening, he hoped the second read-
ing would be postponed -at least a week. He should
even wish that time might be allowed for the whole
kingdom to petition against the measure, as, whether
it were necessary or not, there did not appear to him
to be that pressing call for it that it should be thus
hurried into operation. He should, therefore, when
the petition was disposed of„move that the House be
called over this.day week, that the Firople may hare
an opportunity of expressing, in firm and respec f cal
language, their anxiety not to be deprived of the laws
for the secticity of their persons and the trial bYJurr.
Mr. BROUGHAM agreed with his Honour...bit
Friend, that nothing was more shameful and flagi-
tious than this attempt to hurry the measure through
the House on the grounds of such a vague Report.
Ministers bad. no right to complain of undue advan-
tage being taken of them by the delay now demanded,
when only last week they thou,tht proper to sacrifice
two whole days, which were lost to Parliament and
the country, one from party motives, and the other
for their own accommodation. It was therefore in
vain for them to say that time was pressing ; and he
would recommend his Honourable Friend to make
the motion he had intimated.
Mr. JOHN SMITH only wished to say, that he
was sure, if it had been supposed that there WAS
time, the Petition he held in his hand would, instead
of bearing 30 or 40 signatures, have contained as
many huudreds.—The. Petition was then read and
ordered to lie on the-Table.
CITY OF LONDON -PETITION.
Mr. Sheriff Ilavrical appeared at the Bit, with
the Petition of the Lard Mayor, Aldermen, and
Common Council, against the Suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act. It was received, read, and
ordered to lie on the table.
Sir W. CURTIS did not rise to oppose the Peti-
tion lying upon the tabk, but only to say in his place
what he had declared a new hours ago, when it was
agitated, that he totally dissented from all the ex•
pressions and sentiments contained in it.
Sir JAM.E.S SHAW was of opinion, that she
three measures already introduced were called t,r by
the situation or the country. He was likewis.t of
opinion, that such meetings as had lately been held
were improper. He should listen to the arguments
on both sides with the utmost. attention ; but with re-
spect to that grave measure, the Surpensien of the
Habeas Corpus Act, he must own, that :tier giving
111 the attention in his power to ilie opening speech
in which it was intimated, he solemnly and conscien-
tiously did not believe there was any ground laid for
it. There was nothing similar in our present situa-
tion and that cf 179.5. At that time we were at war
with disorganized France, and with public opinion ;
the people were in active correspoude ice with those
of diat country, who were labourihg to overturn all
established Governments, and were receiving,maney
from them. Could it be said that there ea:4s any
comparison between that time and this ?• Hehelteved
that this country would remain perfectly tranquil and
safe, without such a measure being adopted at all
(Near, Hear,)—and he should therefore oppose ir.
Mr..W. SMITH said, he•was the other night in-
advertently under a misapprehension. He shougeit
lthat. the Bill for the Suspension of the HabeisteC,,i-
pus Act was amongst the others, •and meanoto give
his support to. it, not supposing it was to 1* intro.
duce.' as a separate measure. . But he believed, with
the Worthy Baronet, that there was no ground for
it in its present shape, and he thought it his duty If)
express his disapprobation of it. IVith respeceto the
other three Bills, he did not think that any cle.ir
ground WAS' made out for one of them—he meant the
Seeition Bill ; the other two he thought extremely
proper. That for punishing the. seduction lot tl e
Military he should have no objection to at any pet
He wished the Bills proposed to be nseasure,l by
their own merits ; but he was qu;te surprised. to hear
the Worthy Alderman declare that, with every ex.
oression and sentiment in' hat petition from London,
he totally disagreed.: He hoped he had mistioder.
sto al the Honourable Baronet; and that he would
set him right if he had. .
Sir W: CUR rlSTeplied the HonourableCenee-
men was perfectly right.
Mr. W. SMITH added, he.was wiry his• inter-
pretation was correct. •
Mr. CUR WEN found it impossible, after having
4at inahat House for thirty years, to remain silent can
such an important occasion as the present.. had
heard measures similar to •those dactissed ia that
House by the greatest men Who had ever figured iu •

it ; and it was with deep regret be heard such most
important measures now treated with any degree of,
ridicule or levity ; because this was not a moment
when the feelings of the people should be lightlyl
treated. The Noble Lord who had brought forward
the Bills had thought proper to declare, that the per-
formance of this part'nf his duty had cost him much
pain ; but Oat any mar. should sport with the feel-
ings of the people at this peculiar time was a mat-
ter to him of deep regret And sorrow. He would not
say that he wottll ultimately oppose those measures,
because if it was proved to be necessary to strengtheo]
the hands of the Government. he should consent*.
. them ; but he hoped the subject would be maturely
considered, particairly a:. it was found that the No-
-. ble Lord was mistaken as to the law in existence. To
consent to take assay the liberty of the subject, and
place it ir. any is ends whatever, was what he would
never consent to without proofs of the most urgent
necessity ; llthough if ti.is necessity did exist there
• was no man ~11 wliotn he would mare readily bestow
such a privilege than the Nol.le Lord who had insti-
tuted the tneasuie (Lord Sidmouth), because he had
restored liberty to the people, and put an end to the
system of terror which his predecessors had followed.
The only-times in the last century when, in his opi-
nion, a necessity existed for so severe a nseasuse as the
Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, %vete the years
1715 and 1745. Then there was undoubtedly good
ground for the measure; but •unleirs it could be
proved that these times had returned, he would say
that nothing could be so destructive to the country;
for if administration were determined to disappoint
all the people's hopes that they would go into a real
system of economy will retrenchment, he would ad.
. Snit that it may be necessary to adopt such measures,
• and even stronger ones.
Sir .W. CURTIS thought the Honourable Gentle-
roan had reffrcted upon him in a stronger manner
than he ought to have done. He had said nothing
more than that I.e differe3 in tote from the sentiments
of the petition, and he did not see how this was to bee
construed as laughing at the feelings of the people.
Ile had given his reasons why he differed from those
sentiments to the Court itself; and, if the lion.
Member pleased, he might read them to.morrow. '
Sir JOHN NEWPORT wished to know prompt-
ly fr ins the Noble Lord on the apposite side, why
• slier he really meant to forward one of these Bills?
—He had stated the necessity for the Bill to pre.
vent Seditious Meetings,. because the Bill of 1796
had been done away by that of 1793. But his
Honourable Friend, who must be demed a most ie-
. spectable law authority, had the other night contra
dieted this, by referring to the Statute-book, and
. producing conclusive eeidence to bear him nut in his
reasoning. The refutation of this seasoning froth
- the other side had not satisfied his mind. He was.
, sure the House, before they passed the Bill, ought to
see hew the law now stood, and he should call for that
information before he gave his opinion. If Ministers
endeavoured to force the measure without it; he
should consider them-as highly wanting in respect to
. the House, and if they did not give all the informa-
tion required, they would fail in the respectable sup-
port they might otherwise have for the B1;1 in ques-
tion. He would therefore rreotninend a Committee
to inquire what powers were already in existence.
. Lord CASTLEREAGH thought the House
. might complain of this mode of anticipating the de.
baste. For himself he was not prepared at thia time,
when the subject before cite !Luise was a petition, to
to at large by anticipation into the question of the
: bills. He would only say a word 011 a strong mis-
.. eoneeption of the Right lion. Baronet. He ap-
peared us rest his whole argument on the Act of
1798, with shish he was not acquainted. [The
Noble Lord then repeated the statements he had
. • made on a former- evening, to spew bow the
. . 4tt of 1798 invalidated that of 1795-1796.] He
• was sure the House must feel that nothing could be
so-little desirable as that a question of such magni-
tude as the suspension of the Hibeas Corpus Act
should be entangled in any promiscuous and acci.
duelist debate. ' ,
-tdr: PHILLIPS thought it torcessarrto say a fel
. words, as the district in which he raided (lan-
cashiee) fold been particularly referred to in the Re-
it, es being engaged in treasonable conspiracies.
• He could speak t r this, point, having resided in the
aeighhisurbood of Manchester item the end of last
• Session of Parliament to the commencement of the
resent. He was desirous of becomiag unwanted
with the state of the neighboothood, and he had
found such distreu to prevail,' as could scares y be
credited or imagined by any Gentleman who had Mt
liver/ in manufacturn districts:. He found, to use
the words of the Report, that a few, if enyAsof the
. • people were fully employed; that few, if any of those
• who were fully employed could • maintain therria•
Mem, end if they gained a mere subsistence, they
mild act procure clothes; that the Peon' Rates
were perfectly Madequate to their 'inpport, when
doubled, sod it was not possible to go on increasing
• thaw, bagasse Mese who paid them were becoming
pauperwtherasidoes. Committees of subscribers were
fumed, so go over die district, and there was not a
s le poor family that was not visited: Private•cba-1
had toiled been unwisely active; end it was
flit.
teumuch to say, that half the time of the opu-
lent faasilies was employed in the distribtition of
food and clothes. Surely such a time as this was a
most improper one to deliver the liberties of the pen.
ple into the hands of Ministers—(liar, hue, hair.).
He did all he could to investigate the truth of the
. rumours be bad heard, as to the riotous and sedi-
tious disposition of the people ; because he knew that
tumours, were easily given credit to; and if pea
. • • OD would lend a ready ear to charges of sedition
• • • ard treason. such charges would exist for ever...,
... Jil•yrie well-disposed Gentlemen whom he knew, wens
. ..so much alarmed at the mere reports of outrages,
. that they told him they could not sleep in their bed
- • But this-- was all the effect of credulity. He sae;
rotting like it—it was reported t'at the mob had
-. Istuain man's house down for saying that be would.
mike a stand against Reformers; but it was not the
ad of.sray mob; and there Was a strong suspicion
that the. tenant had burnt it down himself. The
kieigarieshi• Gentleman repeated similar converse-
Solshi. bads bad with different persons, who were
tevriled.throigh their own credulity ; but he said he
• ' hatailtheemable to-draw any fact against the pe
. • ple..mit of all flay had told him. Even wben.thc
Towsi-officers of Manclubtr refused w cal A In4Xl,ilg

for petitioning, he, with a vies to ascertain the cha- 1
=ter of the .people, bad passed throng,' them, and
be never saw mote order or quietness in his life. He
bed made these observations, because tisk part of
the country had been reported as most disaffected.—
He therefore thought it necessary to-have some evi-
dence of the character of those petunia who had
given such information to Government, or the House
must doubt the existence of any conspiracy. He
hoped the Committee had made such enquiry ; for,
even if they did not suspend the Habeas Corpus Act,
but only pass the other Bills, the most serious power
would be pot into the hands of the civil officers of the
country towns; and he knew enough of those sort of
persons to be aware how they would use it. If a
meeting were called to petition for a redress of pub-
lic grievances, it would be termed sedition, and the
same term might be applied to a meeting for peti-
tinning for the removal of Ministers. He thoughte
there ought to be much mere detailed information
given, before the pasting of such Acts. He did not
deny tt at some outrages had taken place, in attempts
to get wages raised, and throuelt other trifling causes
that had always existed; but if on such grounds the
Habeas Corpus Act was to be suspended, it might
never be restored.
Mr. MAURICE FITZGERALD considered the
Report of the Secret Committee as not only in itself
contradictory, but one which required various infor-
mation to elucidate it. If any one thing more than
another was 'calculated to excite alarm, and which
had been endeavoured to be explained away, it was
the insinuation that possibly some of the higher or-
ders of society might be implicated in tile conspi-
racy. He would put.it to the sense of the I-I,,use,
whether the right of proceeding to legislate on
the suspension of the rights and liberties of the
subject should be countenanced, without calling on
Government explicitly to explain the fact, whether
du re were any of the higher orders concerned in the
conspi:acy or not ? If it was merely a common place
assertion that had ,been introduced, or was only a
part of that same slovenly language that ChatiCte-
need the rest of the 'Report, and if Ministers now
meant to state that there was not any one of the
higher orders implicated, he would be satisfied if they
would say so. But he called on them to state the
fact explicitly it it wete so ; r it not, explicitly to
retract the expression, that the House might not pro-
ceed in the dark— (Hear iscor, hear) ale also wished
to understand whether any of the middle classes were
known to be engaged in any conspiracy, for when he
considered that all precise information was withheld,
when all the charges were vague, and when measures
as extensive and severe as ever were adopted were
about to be put in force, he would say that some-
thing more was required than the mere Report, be-
fore the House should consent to them. There could
be but one general spirit of indignation and detesta-
tion in the country on the atrocious outrage against
; the person of the Prince Regent exercising the soy.-
' reign authority; but he conceived that the ordinary
laws of this country, and the union amongst all per-
, sons possessed of property, together with our enor-
mous military establishment, were sufficient to pro-
. tea us againitany attempts of the seditious and tur-
. bulcut portion of the people.
Mr. WROTTESLEY was sorry the.grand ques.
Lion had been thus anticipated, as it could lead to no
good. But the Honourable Member opposite (Mr.
p!iillips) had given a description of Manchester, and
he felt extremely sore that that part of the country
should have been mentioned in the Committee. NJI
man was unaware or unconcerned at the general dis-. 4
. tress, which was not peculiar to Manchester, but a'f- i
, fected every part of the country. The county 01
Stafford, with which he was connected, was in the,
same distress as Manchester, and the gentry had done
as much for the relief of the people as those of any
other part. But he would tell the Honourable Gen.
tleman, that the people of that quarter had not been
r led into the same excesses as tbose of Manchester.l
, When those Gentlemen were so kind as to send from
their seat of eloquence. their perambulating orators,
. at so much a-day, into other counties, where the'peo-
ple had no idea of disloyalty, it was not to be. won-
dered if they bad made some alteration-in the opi-
. nionrOf Asir *editors. One, of these gentry was di-
' tutted from Manchester to Newcastle-under-Lyre,
and was to have 245. 6d. for his patriotic labours I
These orators, the friends of the Honourable Gentle-
man opposite—(Lesolcrier of Hear, hear,)—had done, 'I
however, little or nothing in Staffordshire, where the I
people had no other feeling than that of being grate.
ful to their benefactors; and the one who came to
Newcastle hod been literally hooted out of the town.
He hoped the Honourable Gentleman would con-
Kis* to keep these persons quiet in his own county.
and not send them into ethers.

Mr. PONSONBY--“ I have heard with astonish-
ment
the charges which the Honourable Gentleman
opposite has made against any Honourable Friend.
I have beard them with peculiar astonishment, be-
cause, for many years, the Hon. Gentleman adopted
the political sentiments of the individual whom he
has now attacked—(Near, hear.) At thaj- time he
saw nothing improper in my Hon. Friend's political
tenets—lie saw no inclination in my Hon. Friend to
recommend disloyalty to others, as was now insin.ua-
ted—(lieor. hear, fries the Ministerial Beadier.) It
surely mast be recollected that the Hon. Member
called those persons, who, he said, were creating dis-
content in the country, the friends of the Honourable,
Gentleman to whom he particularly addressed him;
self—(Rear. hear.) I recollect when he had a more
favoutatele opinion of my Honourable Friend's prin-
ciples; and I am sorry it was not, till he got on the
other side of the House, till he pinned himself close
behind the backs of his -Majestp's Ministers, that he
discovered my Honourable Friqnd'a sentiments to be
impropera--(Hear, hear.) I will say • that .he is as
loyal as the Hon. Gentleman, or as any of his proudest
or meanest connections•rilieor, hear.) Nn man in
this country, let him arrive at what dignity he may,
willvarry to that dignity an honester heart or a More
independent spirit—(Near, hear.) I am sure the
Hon. Gentleman, when be considers what he has said,
will be sorry for it."
Mr. WROTTESLEY" If, in the heat of ob.
serration, I said any thing that attributed to the
Honourable Gentleman that he was connected with
the persons to whom I alluded, I'd° assure him, um
my honour. I did not intend it. He was the very last
person I coald conceive cooperated with such indi-
viduals." . .
-Mr. PHILLIPS—is The Honourable Seitlenien

has attributed to me a degree ci serenest relativ.. to I
die rumours pmpagated about Manchester. I feel
ne more soreness about that place than I do about
Birmingham or any other town. I spoke of my own 1
neighbourhood,.and I did so, because Iwas acquain- I
ted with persons who were employed on Committees '
to alleviate the wants of the distressed, and from whom
I had the most accurate report of that distress."
Mr. BROUGHAM—. 6 The very well-merited
observation which was inflicted en the speech of the
Hon. Gentleman by my Right Hon. Friend, has pre-
vented us from the necessity of discussing one part I
of it—that part in which the Hon. Gentleman called f
the emissaries of sedition the friends of the Hon.
Member who sits near me. That is put an end to by
the observations which the expression has called
forth, and by the calm and sober reflection of the
*lan. Gentleman himself. But there is another part
of his speech which deserves notice. because it con-
tains the misrepresentation of a fact, and one of a
very material nature, as being the testimony of a
Gentleman, coming from the vicinage of a pia. e
Ipnken of as bein4 foremost in acts of insubordina-
tinn, and contradicting the secret, as well as vague
and uncertain evidence, on which that statement is
founded. That fact, when we consider the know-
ledge and undoubted veracity of the Gentleman
who relates it, will, I liepe, have that weight and
importance in the minds of all men, which is justly
due to it. The Hen. Member opposite says, 6 Man-
chester is not the only place distressed—other dis-
tricts are equally aeitcted. Staffordshire is visited
by misery--and it would he well it the people of
Manchester belt.teed as Inietly ender their misfor-
tunes as the StaTirdshire people do.' Now, what
did the Honourable Gentleraan near me say ? That
Manchester was perfectly quiet—that the greaten
regularity prevailed—that, to use a homely phrase,
6 every thing WAS so still, you might hear a rat stir."'
—(4100.) '
Sir GILBERT HEATHCOTE was satisfied
that the present laws were perfectly adequate to the
security of the country, and therefore such eztreme
measures as were now proposed were unnecessary.
If the danger was so great, why had not Parliament
assetnbled sooner ?-7Tha Petition from London
WAS then altered to lie on the table.
SUSPENSION or TUS HABEAS CORPUS ACT.

Lord CASTLEREAGH, without any prefatory
observation, moved the first reading of the Bill to
enable his Majesty to secure and detain in custody All
persoas suspected of harbouring traitorous intentions
against his Majesty's'person and Government.
The question having bees put from,the Chair,
Mr. BENNETT rose and said, he took the ear-

lieu opportunity of expressing his determination to
resist this measure, which formed a prominent part
of the system pursued and recommended by his Ma-
jesty's Ministers. He was much surprised, after what
had passed in that House during the evening—alter
what had occtscred on ' preceding evenings—that the
Noble Lord had thought fit to bring forward this
Sill, as a matter of course, without saying one sylla-
' ble on the subject to which it related. He was the
last man, if the Constitution were really in danger,
' that wzu.id refuse extensive powers to the Executive
Government—but, he. was also the last man who
wi.uld grant such powers, unless a case of the
strongest necessity were clearly made out. He asked
of the House, whether, in this instance, any ease
were made out at all ? On the object of the kept'
it was necessary to say a few words, because, on the
statements contained in it, the measure now before
the Hotise was solely' grounde.!; and, in order to
chew that there was no necessity for the measure, he
was obliged to discredit that Report. He assured
his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Ponsonby)s and those
who, nofortunately for themiclves and for the coun-
try, were led to sit in the same Chamber with the
Noble Lord, that, in doing this, he meant nothing
personally disrespectful to them. He was surprised,
Indeed, that his Right Hon. Friend, after his expe-
rience of the Noble L'ird, had become a Member of
the Committee. He had believed him to be the last

man wilt:would conceive In inselfin safety, when placed I
in the same room with fris Lordship—(4 laugh).—
He must surely Lave recollected, %ltt at the end of
the wet. the Noble Lord bad indeccd hint to vote for
an Address, by stating that it did not 'ple.ige the
House to any thing, at the very moment that lie had
in his pocket.* copy of the Declaration of the Allies,l
to which this Government had agreed. iHe (Mr.
(Bennett) cogently would not have trusted his cha-
racter with the Noble Lord if he had been named on
the Committee. He should now proceed to she*
that the Reports of Committee.; had frequently turned
out to be erroneous. A Report was drawn up by a
Committee in 1791, a great year of plots, which set
forth that there WAS a detestable and traitorous eon.
spiracy against the Government. Persons suspected
were arrested—ther.were hrovglit to 'trial, and the
Jury, ih the face of Parliament, in the teeth of the
Retort. dtel.ired that these men weie not guilty of
treason. Them two a Report in 1812—but 'when
the allegations 'contaiiied ie it came to be tries i baore
twelve men on their oaths, it wa-, lcund that nine.
tenths of the statements which it comprised were un-
founded. HI recollected his lamented friend, the
late Mr. %N./nib:T*4.lW Upclietlli. divided the Coin-
mittee on that occasion, in censeqiiente of certain evi.
dente that was offered to be adduced. Ile now asked
his Right Honourable Friend (Mr.Ponsonhy) wise.
they, on this occasion, any witnesses were examined
He believed there was not one but the Lord Advo.
care of Scotland, whb did nothing mere than pro.
duce a paper. It certainly appeared, in 1812, that
the person: whom the Government employed sere
the great agents who stimulated the people to ex-
cesses. At a meeting composed of forty Ltdd;tes,
not lees than ten were Militiamen. One of them said,
la Let us burn the Poof-house."--ei What!" obser-
eed one of the misguided society, 46 would you burn
the poor people ?' Yes," answered the Govern.
meat agent, .0 we will do any thing to effect mis-
chief.' The first part of the Report to which he
should refer was that in which it was stated, 44 that
Most blasphemous pamphlets were circulated amongst
the public by certain 'persons connected with the So-
cieties *Road to." No man detested or reprobated
such works more than he did; but where were the
Attorney and Solicitor General—where were the
Ilaws I—why were they not put in force against those
who thus offentled ?—(Keee, hear.) The Attorney.
General well knew that there was no case which he,
:ould' lay before a J.uri.witli a greater certainty of
obtaining a verdict. than a case of blaspherny,p(heirvi)

And was it to be eeditred, bee2nse at Attranerfle
seral would not do his duty, or was afraid ts de it,
that the liberties of the people were to be abrope:eio.
(ilear, hear.) The next clause in this indictment
against the People of England (called a Reprrt), seat
that in which the distresses of the people were elle.
dcd to. There was no shiliculry in finding. tint that
distress, thanks to the systensWisich here the name
of Pitt —of him who introduced it—and which pro.
doirel penury and distress of the roost dread.EuLnature.
The dance which linewed, set fre.rtli; lrihat, by it
sudden rising in the night, the soldiers were to he
surprised and overpowered." Why, how was this
possible ? Barracks were found in many quarters of
the toren—and, was it to be supposed that men were
to grow up, in the moment, to attack them? Were
men to arise in the way stated in the fable of anti.
quity—(when teeth were sown, and armed men
sprang from the ground)—to overwhelm a reguLtrly
organised force ?—(Hear, hear.)-- by the crni:r.
bier, sleepy as they were, would give the alarm. Tl:e
in ilconicri:s, it appeared, were next to seize tl:e art_
lery, and blew up the bridges Who were to per.
form these exploits? Six men, in a waggon, ebb a
stocking full of ammunition 1— (Hear, krar.)—('hi
reminded him of the attack on the Castle of Qaeilbs.
lurgh (which, perhaps, would be better understood
by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, Mr Canines.,
than by the generality of Members), of witch it was
the complete counterpart. The time, the force, the
personages employed, Were perfectly suite,' to the
'attack he had alluded to. lime, day-li,tht—Entr
six men in a waggon. v..ith a stocking full cf ammo.
nition—to do what ? attack the Tow r.
.tratiisoned and supplied with arms—tis teal the
Bank, Funded as it was by soldiery—to Mew *
Initlges— to occupy the barracks— (Hear, ke,7r.)..„
Was slich stud and tralb to be atten,:c4l to uitti
tience ? It notli;ng else appa:cLl in tfte ili,port to
tliscrodit it, this passage was quite sulleietr. Nen
he came to the part in which pikes were said to 11;i7e
been discovered. He recollected the pikes is 1;4.
At that period, a:1 the Magistra!es, with their utmost
vigilance, found out eight tailors and sr.e puke, in
Tooley-street, in the Borough.— (Lauj&ter.).—Never
could Mr. Justice Graham's conduct, on that occa-
sion, be forgotten. No fond and tender mover ewer
looked on her first-born child with more delight, than
he looked on that pike. The same false pretences
were now had recourse to, in order to alarm the

teountry. In 1794, the exchequer ot the conspirators
boasted of the sum of e€ 9. I6s. ; at present, it we're:
ed, they. had amassed ,BlD—so that, during this long
lapse of time, they had become four shillings richer.
(I.aughkr.)—He supposed it would be said, 014
the military chest had been seized, And that this in-
crease was Liken as a drnit. It was a shame that such
a statement should be made for the purpose ot influen-
cing leirlianient to tAke away, tor a time, the libeit.: ci
the subject. The next sentence to which lie caked tee
attention et the (louse, was that in which it arcs stated,
" that few, if any el the higher orders, or of the reie.
dle classes of society, were eegirged in this conspiracy."
He knew not whose was the clumsy hand that street
up this Report ; but this he did knew, that a more
scandalous assertion never was made. He dared the
Ni ble Lord opposite to. say, that there was one e!o-
-bleman. or Gentleman, cr one individual, belonging
tathe middle order ot society, Olt was implieeted in
this conspiracy, es it. was cath d! L the Merle Lerd
said 44 Ne" he would then assert, that the Com-
mittee bad signed their names, tier the worst porrees,
to a distinct tAlseltood—( Cries cf .. Order 1 Order !")
His Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Yonsonby) said, the
other night, that there was not one pereon of this di-
scription—iind that, if there were, they would haze
boldly stated his name. It this were the case, ven
what contempt must they look on the Report e--
Were they to be put off w;te thesheffie which eel
attempted elsewhere? Was there a com.ot r:'•
placed? WAs'a break wanting ? Had a word `o"'7l
left out ? or had one word been substituted t,r lee-
-1 tiler I By which nt. these contrivances was this cz-
lumninus paragraph to be explained away l—(Hear,
hear, hear.). 1 te whole people were arraigned, bet
these who arraigned them, had not the boldness 13
Kate their accusations in direct term% Tim Report
was such stash that he would trample it under his
feet.—(Here the llennurable Member flung the lete
poi ton the ground.) It this liter were passed, le
oliget be taken and shut up at' the pleasure of ilat
Nubie Lord, who told then,, that they were accoete
wee to GOD and man for the ill consequences which
their proceedings would engender, because they
wished to check profusion, and to do temeteine al
alleviate the sufferings 'ot the people. It thnee to
loved best were to demand these powers, he wouil
not grant them, unless a most decided case wen
made out. How, then, could he, on such a Report,
grant extraordinary powers to these who were tr;a:.-
nals already—,whose haads were imbrued in the Illood
of their country l— ( Ilear, hear, Order, order.)
Lord CASTLEREAGH—" I call on the Hee.
Gentleman to name the individuals in this Oasts
whom he charges with criminality ?"
Mr. BENNETT...." The Noble Lord may tare
down my wends if he pleeses. I charge the elene
bets of his Majesty's Government—who held shuts
i Lions during a former Administration—l charge them
with having, in the exercise of power:similar to shots
%hide the present Bill will grant, abused their tics
criminally, and then demanded a bill of indemnity '0
cover their delinquencies!"-(Near, hear.)
Lord cAsTLER-EAGI-1—" I beg to üb•erve .e
the Honourable Gentlemen, that I have ra.vm- ac,tl
criminally—that 1 have not imbrued ray blnds ::-.:.e
blood et my country ; and it he asserts this, 1:e v.•
setts that which is 'Ave—(lkar, hear.)
Lord MILTON rose to order. He I,7i:bed !e. --
cal to the Neble Lord's recollection, that what tst
Hcaonrable Gentleman had said, was not that" it
had crimitay imbrued his bands in the blond ot !.
country".—but that he had acted criminally, "ii,'(;
the law, and hid obtained an Act of Inlemnit; ")
screen himielf Isom the cc:mem:elm of that crime
tiality. The t'svii propositions were perfectly disti.-r%
Lord 4 AsTLEREAGII—" Criminality, I Sr•
dental-A, ties imputed to toe, of that desert:lee',
for v::::ch I might have been brought to ashes, be,tr
for the Ilf“n•aticin of a 13:11 o' lndetneity. 11A7. '•
such crinsiestiiiy wee ire pu led to me, it is a falseheej ••
and if it be said, that, as a Member of the le •:::
Cozwittee, I acted otherwise than as circurtictr• '
watranted me, it .ts .al it) a fel sebood ---( Mr. he e ‘• I.
Mr. yo iqc E said, the Ilonourahl (enter, e:'
had btou:;1,1 a cili:ii:i:,l .c1,:..,;;e. againA 1..:s ' .-

,
.
.