Star.
London, England, 1829-06-03 00:00:00

THE HUE TRADE.

Mr. WARD rose to present a Petition from Mr.
Moore, of Milk-street, in the City of London,
silk manufacturer. The petitioner complained that
the laws as they at present stood affirded no sof-
accent protection for property ; in fact, that no in-
vestments of capital could be considered safe nil 61
he submitted to regulations to which no mats who
called' himself an Englishman would submit. On If e
part of the silk weavers it was demanded that it e
masers should conform themselves to th;-regoilatint•s
of 18n. The Honourable Neither read some of th- se,
and contended they were such as no master could be
expected under present citcuinstancet to comply. with.
A very short time had elapsed since the subject of the
silk trade had been under the Consideration of the
House, and thean.wer which Parliament genet all) ga e
to the manufacturers had been this—if you rivet pro-
duce you roust take the consequences. Now, the Earties
whom he represented had done their best to rooftops
themselves to the law:, by limiting production in con-
sumption. The workmen then claimed that then ,hey
should be paid for their past work hom a certain retiod
according to rates formerly fixed, .and give out new
work at the rates they dictated, otherwise that the pro.
perry of masters refusing would be forthwith destroyed.
His Right Honourable Friend at the head of the Nutria
Department might say tint the law was sufficient for
the protection of the property of the manufacturers,
and that they ought to Piave recourse to it. To that he
would reply that the petitioner and persons si nilarly
circumstanced were not bound to vindicate the law ;
that was the business of Govetnment ; be was not called
oe to risk his property for the benefit of others. The
House, he trusted, would see that Vie prayer a' the pe-
tition was perfectly reasonable, and one with which* it
ought to comply. It might possibly be inquired whi-
ther the police bad done their duty. He believed they
had, to the best of their ability ; but, arcunistanced as
they were, it was not to be expected that they could
suppress the evil with which they had to contend. It
was not fot him to dictate the course that should be
taken, but he hoped that Government would find itself
in a condition to deal with the difficulty its the manner
which it demanded, and give that protection to pro 7
perry which its owners bad a right to expect.
Mr. Secretary PEEL-said, the petiti-n prayed the
interference of Parliament for the puToveni affording
the laws such assistance in their execution, or adopt
such additional enactments as might. put an end to the
practices of the Spitalfields weavers. In order to judge
of the propriety of acceding to the prayer of.tbe peti-
tion the House should stop foe a moment to luquire.
whether the law had been eiroreed. It appeared pool
the statement' of the petitionet.' and he believed. that
'statement was founded' in Tact, that the.workmeooot
only demanded increased wages for the Work tbst had
'been dont. but for an increase on the quantisy of work
given obit, andlhat upon Compliance with therede..
Mandl that' they would unseal the loomi.
.Now with.
such demattds before them, and in.iugt.a. UAW 4.t.ficit 4
affairs, why not appeal to*thilaws7-I.hy (skis
.11?
.:
the Magistrates at the pollee offitei, who 'had at a

times shown themselves ready to carry into effect legal
provisions, that were abundantly sufficient to put an end
to the evils complained of ?—[The Right Honoirabit
Secretary then read some extracts from the Acts of
Parliament applicable to the present irregularities in
Spitalfields. from which it appeared that persons eon•
victed of the offences set forth in the petition were liable_
to be imprisoned for three month:.] He then pro-
:ended to observe, that, if parties were not themselves
sufficiently interested to come forward and take *dean-
tage of the laws for the protection of their own pro•
petty, what could they expect the Government to do ?
If the policy of this country had been to make the Exe-
cutive Government the public prosecutors then the an-
swer would be obvious. A reference to the measures
that had been taken would show that he had done all
in Ms power to put matters upon a better footing than
they bad been in the quarter in question. Even in
temporary arrangements the department with which he
was connected bad not been wanting. Out of the
small police force placed at the disposal of the Govern-
ment seventy-nine bad been sent to the district of
Spitalfields, for the purpose of preserving order at the
punishment of whipping to have been inflicted upon one
of the offenders. He had further to state, that he had
written a letter to the officer commanding at the Tower,
that he should be prepared to give military aid in case
the civil power was not found to be sufficient, for, in any
event, he was determined that the law should be es-
forced. He must be allowed to say, that the workmen
bad behaved in a most shameful manner of late—that

they were beginning to prove themselves unworthy of
the disposition which had been recently shown towardsl
them—unworthy of the relief which had been so libe-1
rally afforded—and if they persevered in their present
courses he hesitated not to say that they would all be
involved in one common ruin. Under the most favoer-

able circumstaneesots much as the people of Spitalfields
could do was to compete with the manufacturers in
Manchester, and if they supposed that by persevering
in their present courses any good could accrue to their
own interest they would find themselves grievously mis-
taken. One effect of their perseverance would be, that
the master manufacturers would resort to other places,
whither they would transfer their capital. The ruin
that must then ensue was too obvious to be insisted
on. It had been proved that the workmen at pre-
sent so much discontented could, if they thought
proper, earn from .255. to 355. per week ; and he con•
fessed it did appear to him most unaccountable that
eight thousand or nine thousand persons, who were
receiving much smaller sums, should contribute out
of their limited pittance to support persons in idleness
who had the power of obtaining so fair a remuneration
for their labour. He greatly lamented that the working
classes should be so blind to their real interests. In
Lancashire and Yorkshire the manufacturers were
scat cely able to obtain sufficient wages to maintain
themselves and their families, yet they were so infatu-
ated as to appropriate a portion of the small earnings
to enable the silk weavers in Spitalfields, who, if they
would, could earn more than they, to live without wont.
(The Right Honourable Gentleman then read a letter
from a manufacturer, stating that those who were en-
gaged in sealing looms could easily procure from 255.
to 355. a week, while those who from the North of
England sent up contributions to enable the Spitalfields
weavers to eat the bread of idleness, could not ear n more
thau Bs. or 9s. a week.) He greatly lamented that the
masters should have yielded in the first instance to the
demands of the workmen. It would have been infi-
nitely better for them to have resisted to the uttermost
than to have acceded to unjust demands. If they once I
brought their minds to be convinced that they could not
pay the wages demanded, they ought to say so once and
for all. Any thing was better than temporary conces-
sion. He had received a memorial on the subject of the
discontents prevailing in Spitalfields, and his answer
was this, that he had sent all the police force that could
possibly be spared, and if the civil power proved insuf-
ficient, military force would not be wanting. All that
could be done had been done; and all the while the
parties were calling for the co•operation of Govern.,
ment, why did they not apply to the Magistrates, wise
were so laudably applying so large a portion of their
time to remedying the existing evils, and correcting the'
bad spirit that was in activity ? In conclusion, he begged
to express an earnest hope that the masters woul4 not
yield to intimidation.
Mr. P. THOMSON said, that the present Peti-
tioner was the first to come forward to suppress the
mutinous spirit that prevailed. He regretted that the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite should have overlooked
the difficulty of applying the law in this particular case.
In order to carry on a successful prosecution it was ne-
cessary it should be borne out by evidence, and in such
a state of society as that which prevailed in Spitalfields,
it became impossible to procure that evidence. It was,
moreover, not to beartpected that master manufacturers
would risk their own property for the -public good ;
and. even were proverty out of the question. the per-
sonal danger was such as few men had sufficient nerve
to encounter. Mr. Moore had shown great resolution
and firmness, but they were not to expect that in every
quarter.
. Sir G. PHILLIPS confessed himself an advocate for
high wages, as high as time and circumstances would
admit. He had no doubt that all acquainted with the
manufacturing districts would concur in the opinion
that the disposition to combine for the advance of wages
bore no proportion to the low rate of wages in many parts.
Mr. HUME was a foe to combination, and was anxi-
ous to state that the individual from whom the petition
emanated deserved the highest credit for the manner in
which he had acted. He (Mr. Hume) for one, would
state his conviction that since the Act against comb'.
nation had passed, for one combination that now ex•
isted, twenty-existed previously. He concurred in the
statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that every
means ought to be adopted to bring offenders to justice.
Mr. G. DAVENPORT said, that since he had pre
anted a petition on this subject to the House he had
received numerous letters from Stockport, stating that
there had been no deterioration of prices there. He

trusted that the manufacturers there would show that
they were no parties to oppressive conduct. At the
present moment, however, it was difficult to tell wi,r.
eher the statements of the masters or the.workmen sere

most correct.
Mr. EYLER was desirous of expressing his deep and
sincere regret that Government Aad not instituted an
inquiry into the state of the silk trade of this country,
because, under existing circumstances, there were so
many expiate statements as to render it utterly impos-
sible to arrive at any certain or accurate conclusion on
the subject. It was under the conviction that such
must be the case that he was induced to propose the
appointment of a Committee, by which inquiries might
be made. In the district which he had the honour to
represent there would be to-morrow a public meeting,
in order to enter into a subscription to provide the
means of relieving the thousand,: who were now almost
perishing from want of the common necessaries of life.
La was willing to bear testimony to the kind and can-

did conduct of the masters generally, and to state that
in the place he represented, three only of the masters
had sought to reduce the ptiees. This example, how.
.ever, °fliers bad been obliged to follow. Some means
were undoubtedly necessary to be adopted to put an
end to the differences between the masters and the
workers, be very deeply regretted that the sub-
ject had not undergone the fullest investigation when
a Committee of Inquiry relative to the silk trade was
proposed.
Mr. V. FITZGERALD felt assured that the Hon.
Member would regret that his language should have
the effect of conveying to persons out of the House an
impression that, because the • Honourable Member's
motion was not granted, the breaches of peace that had
been committed might be justified—(Cries of 41 No,
no").--He did not mean to impute to the Honourable
Gentleman that such a conclusion Might be drawn from
what the Honourable Member had said, but he would

contend that his language might convey out of doors
an impression that there were individuals in the House
of Commons who were inclined to regret the course
that Parliament bad adopted, inasmuch as this course
might have tended to produce the disturbances, the
existence of which all persons must lament.• Surely the
Honourable Gentleman must be con►cious that the re•
cent attempts at Spitaiflelds to put down the masters
there had as little connection wish the Honourable
Member's motion as the statement that they had pro-
ceeded from the principle of our manufactures. Could
the Honourable Member say that any thing which
had fallen from the Honourable Member for London
had justified him in asserting that that Honourable
Member had represented the silk trade as in a flourish-
ing state? No; the recent debate upon this subject
was sufficient proof that this pripciple was generally
admitted, however individuals might differ as to the
cause of the evil and the mode of affording a remedy.
The petitioner bad stated that the recent combinations
bad forced him to dismiss from his employment some
persons who earned 25 shillings a week, and that
not one of his workmen earned less than fifteen shil-
lings weekly. As the House was on the eve of sepa-
rating for a time, it would be a subject of regret if any
erroneous impression were suffered to exist. Whatever
difference of opinion might exist as to the value or im-
portance of protecting our manufactures by prohibition,
there was one sentiment in which all were bound to
concur, vit. a determination to enforce the law as re-
gards combination, which produced such fatal come.
quences to all parties; and he thought that, with re-
spect to that particular district of London in which
much distress existed, the people of that district ought
to know that if they listened to the 4anguage of men
who sought to inflame them at public meetings there
could be but one result, that distress and misery to the
men must follow the ruin of the masters, and that,
while combination existed, these must a transfer of
capital from that place, which unquestionably was not
best suited to this branch of industry. No men would
embark their capital in this manufacture if they were
to be exposed to such scenes and circumstances as those
described in the petition now before the House. He
bad felt it his duty to say so much on this subject, be-
cause be had considered that he ought not to leave the
observations of the Honourable Member for Coventry
unanswered.

Mr. FYLER explained. He never meant to say that,
the outrages that had been committed had arisen in
consequence of the rejection of his motion. He bad
merely said that if the House bad gone into an inquiry
it would have been enabled to ascertain the weight that
was to be attached to es parte statements.
bk. V. FITZGERALD explained.
Mr. WAITHMAN regreped that there had not been
an inquiry relative to the silk trade, inasmuch as the
House would then have been able to ascertain the ex-
tent of the evils. No one regretted more than he did
the excesses that bad taken place, both in reference to
the workmen and to the masters. He knew that ave.
ral masters had materially suffered; and he did not
believe that labour had been so badly paid for as it had
beet represented. He had many letters which incon-
testably proveci that 40,000 hand•looms were in use,
three of whicb•might be managed by a child of thirteen
years of age, who might thus earn 9s. a week. It was,
be thought, impossible for the silk trade to prosper
unless the manufacturers were afforded adequate pro-
tection.

Mr. Secretary FEEL said be should be sorry to say
a word that might appear to cast a reproach upon the
individual from whom this petition emanated, for he
had manifested a desire to make any personal sacrifice
in order to procure the attainment of the object he had
in view. But he (Mr. Secretary Peel) had desired to
express his determination to repress all acts of violence;
and it was because he felt for the distresses that existed
that he aas anxious to prevent their accumulation. He
had received information that in one of the manufac-
turing towns of the north of England, where a daring
outrage was committed upon an industrious man, who
was willing to work for less than the usual wages, the
master who gave evidence against two men charged
with the crime stated that one of these two men was at
the very time receiving thirty-three shillings a week,
and the other forty shillings weekly. It was his belief
that the greatest subordination to the law existed where
the greatest degree of suffering was endured.
Mr. WARD, in explanation, stated that he never,
meant to say that the silk trade was not in a depressed
state; the petitioner had stated that the usual state of
wages was 15s. a week, which was by no means a large
sum. The Hon. Member for Coventry had complained
of ex park statements. He (Mr. Ward) had been most
cautious not to receive ex parte statements from the
masters, although he had, in tact, obtained es parte
statements from the men.
The Petition was then read and laid upon the table.
YISHERISS.

Mr. FERGUSSON rose to present a Petition from
fishermen in the county of Wigton, praying for a conti-
nuance of the bounties on the fisheries. The Honourable
Member said that Petitions of a similar character had,
without number, been presented to the Board of Trade,
and. he regretted to say, without effect. He was aware
that there were objections to all bounties, but those who
made them had not sufficiently considered the distinc-
tions between them. Bounties on exportation ought
not, in his opinion, to be granted, or at least in very few
cases, because they tended to increase the price of the
article in the home market, and to cheapen it to the
foreigner. But bounties on production had an effect
directly contrary, and particularly the bounty on the
herring fishery. The petitioners were backed by the sen-
timents of the Gentlemen of the county of Wigton, who
thought that calamity irretrievable would follow the,
withdrawal of the bounties which were intended to form'
a permanent part of the system of this country. The
importance of these bounties would appear from the
number of persons engaged in the fisheries, who were
ready, in times of difficulty, to be called in to the as-
sistance of the national marine. Some time ago there
were 46,800 seamen employed in the coast fisheries ; of
labourers and all 81,000; to which, if 50,000 em-
ployed in the deep sea fishing were added, there would

appear 100,030 'Mein seamen. By the withdrawal
of the bounties the lives of these persons, would bb put
in jeopardy; at all events the means of their exist-
ence. The Americans and the punch bad no object
more in view than to keep up their force of seamen by
bounties on fisheries. He thought that the attention of
Government should be directed to the consideration of
the propriety of ahering the condition of a body of in•
dustrtous people. now when the production of manufac-
ture exceeded the demand. He denied that any loss
was sustained by the grant of a bounty on the fisheries,
as the money thus given was returned to the State in
the reduced price of an article of food. He did not ask
Government to pledge.itself to the continuance of the
bounties, but not to withdraw them precipitately, and
without a fair trial.
On the motion that the petition be brought up,
Colonel WILSON rose to caress his concurrence in what had
fallen from the Honourable Member. He looked upon the fisheries
as the nursery of our seamen, and he considered the withdrawal',
the bounties an act of great cruelty.
Sir S. hiORLAND said that if the cessation of the bounties
happened at say time, it could not happen at a worse than the pre-
sent—(Hear).
Mr. BRRNAL referred to what had fallen trolls him on a pre-
vious night regarding the price of Scotch herrings, and the correct-
ness of which be maintained in opposition to the sentiments of the
Right Honourable Member for Liverpool. He was afraid that,
although the bounty should be continued, the trade would be di-
sisinisked by the greater cheapness of Norwegian herrings.
Mr. HUSKISSON said that, in fact, the bounty had been for
the making of the barrels, and not the catching of the fish.
Mr. PKNDARVES bad presented three petitions from Corn-
wall on the same subject, but he did not believe that the small
bounty gives could be of much use to the petitioners.
Mr. V. FITZGERALD did not asctibe to the insti-
tutions of bounties the advanta4es ascribed by the
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Fergusson); but even ad-
mitting that he did. he thought at least there must be
some period for their termination. If they were insti-1
tuted for encouraging and instructing the Sc mist'
fishermen, it appeared to him that their work was dose.
In the Acts relative to them the termination of what he
must call that inconvenient system had been contem-
plated. He was only carrying into effect the intention
of these who preceded bun in office, and who. when
they adopted their measures, were in communication
with the boards for encouraging the fisheries. As the
Act did not expire until next April there was sufficient
time to bring the subject before Parliament; but while
he Would readily consider it in every shape in which it
was presented, be could not assent to a continuance or
augmentation of the bounties.
Mr.W. SMITH was opposed to the whole system of bounties.
The Petition was then brought up and laid upon the table.
On the motion of Dr. PHILLIMORE various returns were
ordered connected with the Building of Churches and Chapels.
On the motion of Mr. BRRNAL returns were ordered connected
with the claims of British subjects under the Convention entered
into with France.
PA RLIAMXIITA RT REFORM.

The Marquis of BLANDFORD rose and said—ln
pursuance, Sir, of the notice which I have given, to
move this day certain resolutions upon the subject
of reform in the system of our representation, I rise
now to state and explain the specific grounds upon
which I am prepared to argue its propriety ; and in
so doing I feel it necessary to request the indulgence
of Honourable Members, assuring them that if, in
the cootie of my observations, I advert to a subject
, the discussion on which I am sensible is unpalatable to
a greater part of this House, I shall do so as tenderly
ail may be able, and I shall urge it merely as a season
to induce those who, like myself, may apprehend mis-
chief from the introduction of a new party in this House
to embrace my views, and to acquiesce in the resolu-
tions I intend to move. But Honourable Memben,l am
persuaded, will also feel my peculiar situation, and will
admit that, having originally rested the expediency of
this measure upon special grounds, I cannot, wub con-
sistency, now cast them wholly aside, and prokded at
once to the consideration of it upon grounds new and
general ; and no sincere friend of reform will, I trust,
be disposed to quarrel with me, or to refuse his support
to my resolutions, if, now avowing, and ready to act
upon, an enlarged and more liberal view of the whole
question, I still am consistent with myself, and press the
consideration of a danger not clearly impossible. I do,
however, assure the Huse that upon either view of the
question I will circumscribe my remarks to the utmost
of my power, and will not trespass lung upon the atten-
tion they may indulge me with ; and first, Sir, I would
observe, that in courtesy to former advocates of the
measure, I would willingly have left it in their hanJs,
for it seems right and reasonable that those who hive
argued so powerfully against decayed boroughs, and
proprietary influence, should go on with their own
work; but, as they seem to have declined the patriotic
undertaking, the conviction I feel of its pressing neces-
sity is too powerful for me to heed the charge of teme-
rity in thus presuming to succeed to their office. We
shall now see who are the declaimers and who the doers
in the work of parliamentary regeneration—we shall
now see who are true and steady to their purposes, and
who would wish to give those purposes a long adjourn-
ment—it will now be seen who are strenuous in their
wishes to purify Parliament, and protect the great in-
terests of the country. The question has been now for
some time laid upon the shelf—the Bills and draughts
of Bills which have been pseeared are now, from long
neglect, covered with dust, and buried in oblivion. Hon.
Gentlemen, the former friends and advocates of the
measure, may if they please bestow upon Ministers the
compliment of their silence, but I do not feel disposed
to imitate their courtesy. Every day's experience proves
the necessity of some measure of this sort. The country
expects, I may say demands, some statutory provision
for the safety of its interests—the interests of its
agriculture, its trade, its manufactures, its finance,
and especially the interests of the Protestant commu-
nity, against the influx and increase of the Roman
Catholic party. The whole internal constitution of
this House has been revolutionized; this new state
of things requires new enactments; an imperious
necessity has been superadded to the already exist-
ing propriety of putting down the boroughlooager
and his trade; our rights and oar libertses are in
jeopardy as long as majorities in this House are to
be obtained by buying seats and Selling services;
and, though I may fail on this occasion in esta-
blishing upon the minds of the majority of this House
a conviction of this truth, I shall persevere in my efo
forts to upon the corruption and proclaim the danger
of these practices. Sir, it may perhaps be thought that
the magnitude of this question, and the splendid
(pence of its former advocates, should have d -
me from rashly embarking upon 'the consideration
it; but, though I may despair ordoing it justice, I feel
Its importance, or rather its necessity, too strongly
leave the thing unattenspied through a conscious
of inability; and, in asserting and advocating my
own peculiar views of it, I am fully Prepared for the
imputation that those views are erroneous, that my
fears are groundless, and that • the measures and
means of reform which I would propose are neither'
called for by the exigencies of the times,, nor by
the existence of any real danger from the projects
of the Roman Catholic body. speak o 1 the
body, Sir, as a large. political party to dm -Statet, I
spank not of individuals. 'Of itidiv datida bf that'body

I would say there is no one in this not mote
than I am to admit their honour and integrity ; not
am speaking of a large class and denomination of
dividuals—a large and powerful political party, ef sz
or seven millions of men—a parts acknowledging a.
common head and centre ot union, a spiritual Sovereign,
and that Sovereign residing in a foreign country, to
such a state of things, and under such an intermixture of
foreign and domestic relations, I shall :laminae to wok
that it is the part of prudence to prevent the growth of
Catholic power in this Hoare. Those who may be diw,
posed to ridicule these opinions ate to be told that they are
as ignorant of human nature, and the workings of pen,
spirit, as they are of the energies of the Romish church,
As soon as Gentlemen of that persuasion enter N.
House they will be found to form a party. That party
will he considered by the Roman Catholics of Gms
Britain and Ireland as their real tepresentative,....as ;he
special defenders of their rights, the vindicators of their
wrongs, the promoters of their wishes and their h
This Roman Catholic party, like all other p 'thee, bath
in and out of this House, will be desirous of increasing
its political strength ; and, lo king. tel the energy of that
body, its union of purpose, and extensive co-operation,
I am convinced that they will enter the Borough.
market with better chances and larger means of par.
chase than any of their competitors. Seats in this
House will be bought up by the agents of oc,,
wealthy, powerful, and enterprising body; and tens
to their county strength in ',eland will be added
their burgage tenure strength in this country ; esti
their whole number of representatives will pres.Dt
a well-ordered and compact phalanx, animated by one
spirit, and impelled to the same measures by the use
motives and purposes. Let it not be thought, Sir, that
I am disposed to contend that any immediate dangei is
to be apprehended from the magnitude of their numb,'•
in this House (though, if the reports which circulate be
tine, it would Appear that the system which I am tote-
telling has already made a beginning); but I do con.
tenJ that we are not b and to wait till danger threatens,
I do contend that it is the part of prudence to &via
the means of prevention and defence, and I do insit
that those means are justifiable in the prospect of a pos.
sibility of danger. But I will not dwell longer upon
this tope. I feel 1 owe apologies to the House fur
having dilated at such length upon it, and I will
now proceed to a far more important and interesting
division of my subject; and I do so under feelings of
less embatrasament and greater confidence than those!
have experienced while endeavouring to enforce the
view already resoled. I cannot but entertain a tea.
seeable hope that a large portion of the Members of this
House will be disposed to agree with me upon general
principles, even though they should not be of opinion
that 1 have made out any case for the necessity of re.
fora by the special grounds I have tiken. If, Sir, in
the days of Locke, and still later, in the days of Black.
stone, this measure were deemed expedient (and I ap.
peal to both these writers for support upon this point),
subsequent events, and increased and increasing evils,
make the measure now a measure of necessity and sot
of expediency. It is no longer to be tolerated that the
best interests of the country, and the dearest rights
of the subject, and I will add, the most valuable
privileges of this House are to be compromised and
endangered by borough contractors and sellers of seats
in Patliament. But let Honourable Members listen to
the words of Locke himself upon this question—N It
being the interest as well as the intention of the people
to have a fair and equal representation, whoever brings
it nearest to that is an undoubted friesd to and establisher
of the Government, and cannot miss the consent and
approbation of the community." And again be sap,
af It is not a change from the present state, which per.
haps corruption or decay has introduced, that makes
ao inroad upon the Government, but the tendency of
it to injure- or oppress the people, and to set up on
part or patty, with a distinction from and an output
subjection to the rest. Whatsoever cannot but be
acknowledged to be of' advantage to the society
and people in general, upon just and lasting measure,
will always,when done, justify itself; and whenever the
people shall choose their representatives upon just and
undeniably equal measures, suitable to the original
frame of the Government, it cannot be doubted to be
the will and act of the society, whoever permitted or
,caused them se to do." But, Sir, 1 will not now enter
"upon any wide survey of this question—l will not sow
touch upon the nature of the suffrage—nor will I seek
to determine the principle by which the right of voting
should be regulated. Neither will I enter farther epos
what has beencalled the philosophyof the representation,
,nor. attempt, by statistical calculations, to settle how
many Members should be returned by the landed, how
Many by the menied, how many by the trading in.
cc:est. Plans for the speedier returns of Members opt*
new elections, and for the limitation of the duration d
Parliament, shall form DO part of my present purpose.
I will confine myself to matters much more simple is
themselves, and consequently more easy for statement.
My wish, Sir,. is to witness the extinction of close and
decayed boroughs, and to transfer their representations
(as it may be settled hereafter) to other places. To
what places, towns, or counties, and in what measure
and proportion to each, must be left to be considered is
Committee. But the extinction of these proprietary
seats, burgage tenure influence, is called for by the to-
juries and mischiefs it inflicts on the country. Ca
there be any thing more monstrous, Sir, than that seta
electors, beaded by the parish constable (I allude
Gatton), should send two Hon. Members to this Hogan
that two snore should represent the interesting ruins ail
well-peopled sheepfolds of Sarum? What reason co
we discover in the 'nature of things, or in the principle
of representation, why some Hon. Members in thi
House should have neither houses nor inhabitants o
represent—whyothers should only represent individedi
—why throe should be so many whose constituents do
iota exceed tea? Can there, Sir, be any thing in axe
open defiance of common sense and political expediesti
than that 554 votes should send 56 Members of it

liament (a ninth part of the whole Home of Commas)?
What cause caul* found either in the mineral or the agit
cultural wealth of Cornwall that it should be so prof
of Honourable Members in this House, althoogh
the population of all the Cornish boroughs is not and
greater than that of Nottingham alone. And, Pt
must remain a subject of alarm to many—of orris
to all—that according to a calculation taken in 1814
one-half of the English and Welsh Representatives is
diis.House should be returned by about eleven thoess4
persons, and the other half by about nine minim* Slrs
this is neither the time nor the place to enter into lies
verifications of facts. It is sufficient to lay Veal°
future inquiry, and I believe it will then appear lb%
I. hare udderstated the anomalies of our ',reseal!.
don. Sirohe answer given to all this is•-•"
works well." This bas been the ready reply No
the time that tht late Mr. Canning's eloquence
it currency and made. it popular. s. It weeks •
Trui; it does work very. mill for the jobbers ill l'"
balllaglsanaeket•-is does work very well for all OW
der 16 -1100trittad*Ofit, and distinction by the speet!l
and I dare say Mutters will be the last to say it woo

hi.