Star.
London, England, 1821-03-28 00:00:00

SPARRING.

Tim Net, a miller of the Old School, who lately beat the
once-formidable Mendota, whose fame will always stand high on
the records of boxing, had a /knit yesterday at the Five's Court.
..The first set set-to of any note was between Ton Mester and
Harry Harmer. and they seemed to forget their relationship, in
a well-contested display of the (*.Rua oieomplistasexe,whtchwis'
loudly applauded by the admiring amateurs.
&ssepsonand 1/arry //oh tirned-to in the bell dog fashion, and
gave a good specimen of fair milling.
Jiksorier and Filter.—This was hit for hit with equal adyan.
tentage, until Fisher kqocked down his adversary by a tremen-
dous blow' op tbe left jaw. He was picked up, his head fell upon ,
"boulder, and. lee remained in Chasoxvy for some time : he at ,
larrtzi cio yere& so as to In od
enabled to walk
And Asfesm.—As these prefessersare the Ant
fibs:mm/16pm of the Ow; their pet formane• could be n
else but efttuteite: It was rather tedious to those Who preft:
takediavikg "Item; but the sines and karma displayed by these
musers altheispisl
jrt:wsrejtrand. Randall had the best of the two
list math. • laving Yes:clued-a bard hit In the wind-odiee.
Owen and Jost. amiss closed the sports with a bushel* eft-
between the old and the new school.--Owenremrned thanks.
Betting is ail to two on Ilickmale, against Carer, for the grew
Clic on the 1I th April. Cooper hes been prevented waft Us
exercise for two or three days, from a buil u hie lei.

...,.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

• •
NOM 01? WILDS, MARCH 27.
ilse• Earl of ABElMPRlTHAii....plesooted. three Petitions
from %c piers et Land in the Comity o Biwa.:, /keying relief
from Apieskural Distress.
- - - •

The PURI Of DEVONSHlREpresented-a similar Petition
from Ott:Tiers of Lend in Derbyshire.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY also presented a Petition to
the same effect, front certain Land Occupiers in Sussex.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN presented a similar Petition
from Nairn and Cromarty.
The Bishop of CHESTER presented a Petition from the
Clergy and Inhabitants of Bolton-le-Moors, praying that no al-
teration might be made in the laws affecting the Roman Catho-
lics. His Lordship said, he felt it necessary to declare, that his
own opinion fully coincided with that of the Petitioners; for
while t►e Catholics in their councils, maintained pprinciples and
opinions that were dangerous tothe Ecclesiastical
of this country, he could never consent to grant them greater
privileges than those which they already possessed; for so loog
arthese principles were held by them, the Government could
never have a suMelent security for the Established Church. At
a proper time he should explain his sentiments more fully
this subject.—His Lordship presented another Petition to the
same effect, frbm several Clergymen of the Diocese of (-Nester,'
whose object was the preservation of the Protestant Establish-
ment ; if that was not upheld, nothing, intik opinion, was worth
preserving in the country.
AUSTRIA AND NAiPLIts.
On the Order of the Day being read, for the Lords
to be summoned, •

Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, he rose pursuant
to the notice he had given, for the purpose of moving
that an humble Address be ptesented to his Majesty,
requesting that his Majesty septild be graciously
pleased to interfere as a mediator, for the purpose of
'settling the present disputes between Austria and Na-
ples. At the time when a Noble Marquis (Lans-
down) called the attention of the House to this sub,
jest, he gave his opinion as to the course that ought
then to bcpurstied ; and he thought the moment was
sow arrived, when Austria might be induced to
adopt a line of policy different horn what she had•
hitherto pursued: and if his advice were followed,
thii country would possess a commanding power as
a mediator, and possess the means of preventing a
war which was likely to extend much farther than
any man could at present contemplate ; he therefore
called upon their Lordships at this moment to give
their advice to his Majesty, because this was the mo-
ment when sucll advice was likely to be attended
with success. Whatever his own feelings might be
as to the nature of the contest in which these Powers
weye engaged, he would endeavo.ir, in delivering]
his sentiments, to .preserve the utmost moderation
of language ; for it would be unwise to use towards
a foreign -Power any insulting or harsh expressions,
and particularly towards Austria ; because, however
he lamented the present policy and conduct of the
Sovereign of that country, it was impossible for him'
not to remember the services he had rendered to us
during the late war ; first in the year 1605, and aff•
terwards, by his magnanimous exertions to preserve
the hopes of Europe, in the year 1809. He was also
bound to acknowledge the good faith he had pre-
served towards us in the year 1813, and the gal-
lant manner in which he had supported the Al-
lies against the Emperor of France, so that by his
powerful assistance the Allied troops were enabled
to enter and take possession of the City of Paris.
However much he lamented the system pursued by
the Austrian Cabinet at the present time, as well as
at the Congress of Vienna, he could not forget such
eminent services as these ; but he thought that every
possible means should be used to induce the Emperor
to desist from the present war. Such a step would
be highly favourable to him, because it would afford
him an opportunity of withdrawing with honour
from a contest, in which he was likely to meet with
difficulties that had not at first been foreseen. From
the information already received, it was evident that
the intended march of the Austrians to Naples was
not an easy one, and they round that they must pro-
ceed with great caution in their operations; for it
was evident they were not contending agaimt.an un•
disciplined rabble, over which it might have been
supposed they would have gained a speedy and de-
cisiee victory. When their Lordships considered
these things, and when they considered the state of
the country into Which the Austrian army hid en-
tered, the multitudes in that country who were bound
rto each other by the most solemn ties and obligations
which the Carbonari had established ; when they con-
'aidered these things, and the difficulties the Austrians
had to contend with in their march to Naples, as well
as the determined resistance they were likely to meet
with ; and when they recollected what extraordinary
exertions the Spanish armies had made, when their
country was invaded in a similar manner, until they
were completely successful, it was impossible not to
see that the Neapolitan contest would eventually ter-
minate in similar success. Then it was necessary to
observe, that the Austrians would have to contend not
against a rabble, but against one of the best appointed
armies in Europe, which was strongly entrenched in
their own country. The Austrians entered into this
war with an idea that they would be able imme-
diately to crush those whom they attacked ; instead
of that, an effect The very contrary had been pro-
duced, and it was to be feared, that the first Italian
blood that was shed on the occasion, would be a
signal for a general rising all over Italy—(irar).—
A very able writer had said, when a country attacked
by another Power was likely to make an obstinate
resistance, it was much wiser to temporise with the
danger than to persevere in the attack. But even
should the Austrians gain a victory over the Neapoli-
tan Army, that alone would not answer their purpo
se,
for beforathey could reduce the country to subjec-
tion, they must put down the Carbonari, a set of men
Who could not be put down, because be believed that
the whole population of the country belonged to that
beet. Indeed, he believed that Austria would now be
lad to escape from this contest ; for it was impos-
sible that Austria could now escape from the views
Of Russia. She never could forget the conduct of
that Power in 1807 and 1809, when the Emperor of
Russia joined with the enemy of Europe, and. shared
in the plunder which was then at his disposal. Nor'
could Austria forget the conduct of Russia at the
Congress of Vienna, when the former Power, aft&
having seised on Finland, took i)ossessiosa of all the
aeighbouring.territory of Poland, and a great part
fronikrof Turkey. Therefore the Emperor
elf Austria must perceive that the Soveieign of Russia,
ia pretending friendship, and encouraging Ifim
• 'ke at the liberty of the Italian; was only seeking
for the means of aggnuidir,ing himself. But ifAttstrit

'still Continued to believe in the good faith of -tb
ambitious neighbour, could she contemplate the views'
of France with the sane confidence?- The latter,
country now enjoyed a Constitution, under which, in
the course of the last six years, she had attained a
degree of prosperity shouever possessed before, and
from which she derived most essential benefits. On
the other side, the inhabitants of the Netherlands I
were hostile to the Government under which they
were placed, and wished to be united with France.—
Then he wished their Lordships, to consider what was
the situation of the Duchy of the Rhine, where-the
Prussians had acted in a manner most hostile to the
interests of the inhabitant% They should also bear
in mind the present situation of the Italians, who
would most anxiously look to the Frets& for assist-
ance. His apprehensions were, that the entrance of a
Russian Army into Italy, would lead to the entrance
of a French Arms% into that country, and ultimately
to the annexation of Piedmont to France—(Hear).
Was there nothing to be feared in the north of Eu-'
rope from the invasion of the Austrians ? The peo-
ple of Prussia expected to have a Constitution given
them ; but their hopes were frustrated. And was it
not well known that the influence of the Carbonari
extended over the Prussian dominions as well as other
parts of Germany? through which the people would
be ready to rise, in case this war should be continued
and carried to any extent. Under all these circum-
stances, it was natural to suppose that the Austrians
would be thankful to Great Britain for her media-
tion, by which she would be enabled to withdraw
from the difficulties in which she was now involved.
The Italians, who must dread the idea of their coun-
try being made the theatre of war, would also be
thankful for our intErference. The Army of Pied-
mont was on the point of attacking the Austrians;
and the best policy of the latter would be, to with-
draw from the contest as soon as possible. He wished
to ask, whether it was fit that this country should
witness a war carried on between despotism on the
one side, and freedom on the other, and not to en.
deavour, as it had aver been the practise as well as
the duty of- Englishmen, to maintain those princi-
ples on which all free nations ought to act ? Ile was,
indeed, greatly mistaken in his countrymen, if they
would not be ready to spring forward with enthusiasm
in defence of the liberties of Italy ; and in this view
of the subject, he must disapprove of the conduct of
our Government in the late order which they issued
to prevent British Officers from taking a part in the
present war. If British subjects were restrained
from joining the Neapolitans, the French would join
them, in the same manner as they took part with the
Americans, at the time they revolted from the mother
country. It was well known that the Italians were
warmly attached to this country; that they were
alienated from the French, and, therefore, English-
men. ought not to be prevented from taking part
with them.' There was not an English Gentleman,
who had ever crossed the Alps, who did not feel as
the Italians did respecting the present struggle in
Naples. He should now leave everything in the
hands of his Majesty's Ministers ; and all he pro-
posed was, that the King should be requested• to
give such advice to the Belligerent Powers as would,
if acted upon, be most conducive to the public in-
terest. When he looked at the conduct and situa
tion of Austria, it was possible that some security
might be required from us in case of any interfer-
ence. Ile should not propose a perpetual guaranty;
but, in order to prevent the calamities with which
Europe was threatened, he should recommend that
this country shotild gurantee the arrangements that
might be entered into for a limited period ; say fire
or six years. A proceeding of this kind would save
the honour of Austria, and calm the fears of the
Italians. Now, suppose that Austria should succeed
in her attack, if the Carbonari were such a set of men
as they had been represented to be, he was at a loss
to know what Austria was likely to gain by thepos-
session of Naples; and, if the principles of the Car-
bonari extended amongst the great body of the peo-
ple, he did not see how Austria would ever be able
to establish any authority against the mass of the
people. Whether the mediation of this country suc-
ceeded or not, we should.-place ourselves in a most'
favourable situation. The object should be to pre-
serve the honour of Austria and the independence of
Italy. The Noble Lord concluded with moving the
Address, the.object of which he had already stated.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said, they had not yet
heard of any hostilities between Austria and Naples.,
All the Proclamations of the former requested the
Neapolitans to receive their army as friends, and not
as enemies. If, by our interference, we should pro-
duce an effect contrary to that intended to be pro-
duced by the repeated Proclamations of the King of
Naples himself, we should be guilty of that very in-
terference with the internal policy of other nations,
which we condemned in Austria. The Noble Lord
had not clearly explained what the nature of his
mediation was to be ; and, besides, we ought not to
mediate, unless we knew that both parties anxiously
desired our mediation. The Noble Lord had thrown
out a threat, that our Officers and soldiers should be
allowed to enter the Neapolitan service ; but could
he think that a few dozen Officers would alter the
policy of a State, who had entered on her present
measures with a view to her own preservation. He
wished to see Austria retain all her present posses-
sions, without any aggrandizement, and he wished
this with a view to our own preservation, for Austria
was the Power of all others in Europe with which
we could have no conflicting interest. The attach-
ment of the people of Austria to this country was
exceedingly great; and be regretted much to havee,
beard in that House, expressions tending to alter that
feeling of Austrian affection towards this country.—
In his opinion this country should adhere to the prin..'
ciples of strict neutrality, laid down in our Circular
in answer to that of the Allied Sovereigns. This was,.
in his mind, the wisest and most politic Paper ever
issued by any Government.

'The Earl of DARNLEY could not agree that our
Circular did lay down principles on which the polity
of this country ought to be guided.

The Earl of ABERDEENsaiffthe Paper spoke for
itself; nor did he:at all declare that the proceedings
or Austria were proper.- '
The Earl of DARNLEY was satisfied if the Noble
Earl opposite did not intend to say so; but he thought
that words to that effect had reached his ears.

The motion was thennetatived without a division.
«—Adjnurnad.

1G


TTOtI OF MUMMA
.„The Report of the Select Committee on the Newington teitci
vow, Bill masted their opinion, that the Standing order, cit
the House had been complied with, and the Bill was ordered is
be recommitted.

Petitions-were presented from various pans of Kan, *gam
the Cal Meters' Bin, by Mr. Cm.caarr $ Irem the Tea tee, dthe Middlesex and Hosea Turnpikes, sexiest the muse,sislie
Turn ike Bill, by Sir E. II , imm Inhahltasb
boedesrog on the Mantes, In teamed threologibget
NU, by Sir K liCnarcastau.
On the Order of the Day for reading the Coal Heave
the second time,
Mr. CA LCRA FT opposed the Bill as unnecessary. items
measure proposed and pressed by an individual, in •
of being himself appointed to the situation of Meter, w '
to be created by it. He had this day presented several Pwis
Lions, most respectably signed, against the meastue; -Ham
the parties interested were satisfied with the existing Eva.
tions, and he contended the Tub& ought not to be taxed to op
port an unnecessary office, only Intended to benefit an faults
viduaL He eonclu by moving, as an Amendment, that' in.
ste stead of Dew, the Bin should he read a second time this dal
enewth‘
Sir R. KNATCHBULL defended the 801, and dared k
should go to a Committee for inquiry; when, it appeared al
unnecessary measure he would abandon it.
Mr. CA LCRAFT could not, consistent with his duty so die
Petitioners, whom Petitions he had presented, consent to UM
pr Lion.
The qaestion was then put, and the Amendment adapted with.
am a divishan.--The Bill was consequently lost.
notawßuLtsaber of Petitions were presented against the meirvaig
Mr. C. GRANT presented a Petition from the Meitner; in
Inverness, against the additional Duties on Malt.
The Report of the Beer and Ale Duties Bill was teceiveg,
and the Bill mitred to be read a third time to-morrow.
The Innkeepers' Allowance All was read second tine, ad
committed fur to-morrow.

A person from the Allot presented an Account of the &qrow
of Prosecutions respecting the Coin of the Realm.
The Report of the Ckaritabk Establishments 1111 was becutlg
ap, the Bill was recommitted, some additional clauses wire
proposed, the Report was received, and the fl ordered to be
read a third time to.merrow.

A Return of the quantity of Foreign Spirits imported
swan the get of January, 1785, and the lit of January, 1844
was ordered to be laid before the House.

'Mr. LRE ECiE obtained le; ;;t;iting in a Rill to render
valid certain Indentures of Apprentices, and Certificates of Se.,
dement, signed by Churchwardens.
Sir W. DE CHEM.)! vN Y presented a Petition from certain
Merchants and Ship Owners of the Port of London, comp/dee.
lag of the existing distress. Ile read from the Petition the dif-
ferent points•touched upon by the Petitioners, adverting to the
monopolizing system pursued by the East India Company, to
the exclusion of many merchants, who might derive cootkitr.
able advantages from the trade. The Corn Bill, it wasultenird,
instead of inspiring confidence, had created considerable...db.
tress, and had the effect of urging the farmers to sell thekeom
at any price, however low, under the eipectaticm
•woolg
be still worse. The Petitioners then-altudcd to the expert tif
the Military Establiahment, and referred the Home to onus
pamphlets written by Mr. Ricardo and by Mr. Pym, andkidp
published:—(Alasesh)—on political economy. Ikamdmiak
they prayed ;bat the House would take all these matters into id
deep-consideration. " The Hon. Member h that the Ham
would not suffer this Petition to lie on the table slab
day of judgment !
Mr. S. WORTLEY objected to the Petition, inasmuch mk
prayed fur nothing, but only referred the House to certain
viduals and to pamphlets:
Te Petition was, however, ordered to fie 40 the table.
T I DUTIES.
Mr. WALLACE, in reply to a qlestion putty
Mr. Stuart Wortley, fixed. Thursday for distassiag
the Report of the Committee on the Timber:Danb
and foreign Trade..
Mr. RICARDO presented a Petition from certain
merchants trading to Norway, praying an equalisa•
tion of the Timber Duties. •

Sir ISAAC COFFIN was in lima of the amain.
ticn of the Duties. It was a delusion to say that
such a course would affect the interests of the Cola
nies.—After a few words from Mr • PHILLIPS) the Pc
tition was received.

Mr. J. P. GRANT presented a similar Petits.
from J. Borthwick, a timber-merchant at Leith.

Ordered to be printed, and to lie on the table.
MASTERS IN CHANCERY IN IRELAND.

Dr. LUSHINGTON rose to move for leave to
bring in a Bill to exclude certain persons holding le-
gal offices in Ireland from sluing in Parliament. The
persons he should propose to exclude were the Lord
Chancellor, the Master. of die Rolls, the Twelve
Judges, and the. Four Masters in Chancery. The
ground upon which he should urge the necessity of
this Bill was,•that it was inconsistent with the ?it
execution of the duties attached to these offices, tag
the persons holding them should be abseat from Dub-
lin to attend Parliamentary duties. He would not
now detain the House longer:than .to. ask km too
bring in_the.Bill.-r—Leave was given.
Dr. LUSHINGTON then obtained leave to bring
in a Bill. tOrttte Opre.conienient examMaticauf
neises abritad,

' • .. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, on account of the
important business now before the House, he should
not bring forward his proposed motion relative to cot.
rupt Boroughs this evening, nor indeed till after the
holidays ; and, as he had been much goading as
this subject, he would state what the objects of his
Bill would be.. He should first propose that Is
House should have the power of inquiring intoor•
rupt practices in Boroughs, even though thereisali.
be no Election Petition before the House he !hS
also propose, that compensation should be.foille*
such close Boroughs as should apply for it,ia
press a readiness to give up their franchise; OA !
form a fund from which such compensation dal4
bet given, he would propose to set apart £1,000,0 '
He should also propose, that in the event of PI class
Borough giving up its franchise, the right of dad*
should be given to some populous town, or district,
not at present fairly represented, so that the numbs
of Members of the House of Commons should always
be kept up as at present. He should also reposers.
vest the power of giving the right of election ands
Crown, with the restriction attached to that
that the privilege should be given to populous a'
tricts; and further, thatthfresent number of NW.
ben should not be increased more than twenty bs•
yond their present amount. He bad not yet &Ow
mined whether he would embody these objects in a
Bill or in Resolutionr; but at present he should teisir.
draw his motion till after the holidays.

8111ZAHPIPS OP lAALAND.
Sir HENRY PARNELL gave nodal, tha,".4
would, on Friday, move for leave to bring in Pon
to regulate the office of Sheriff in Ireland.

DOTI'S ON 'NAM
Mr. WILMOT presented a Petition from
Hat-manufacturers, praying a repeal of the Unie•__,
/Duties on Hats. He was convinced that the Mow
of these Duties would meet the wishes of some et the
most respectable individuals in England and lola &
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER la

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be would not oppose the Petition being receiv ede
but be could assure the Honourable Gentleman, the
was not quite so simple as he appeared to
ink it; nor would the repeal give such
atisfaction as he represented. The Chamber
tammerce, in. Dublin, had declared its doubts as to
the advantages that were likely to result lions the
tereal of these Duties.
re HENRY PARNELL was in favour of the
raver of the Petition.
The Petition was then received, and was from the
Manufacturers of Hats at Newcastle-under-Line. It
"Dread, and ordered to be printed.

CATHOLIC CLAIMS BILL.
.Sr JOHN NEWPORT then rose to movethe Or-
aer of the Day for the House going into a Commit-
ta on the above Bill.
Some conversation took place between Sir JOHN
Netteoar, the SPEAKER, Mr. BANI(118, and others, as
to die course to be adopted for consolidatingthe two
Bills now before the House.
Sr JOHN NEWPORT then proposed that the
:Thu for regulating the intercourse betweetube Catho-
Be Clergy and the See of Rome should be referred
to the Committee.
Mr. HUTCHINSON could not suffer this Motion
pass without declaring his objections to this Inter-
course Bill. The more he looked at this Bill—the
more communication he had with others on the sub.
jest-..the more he was convinced that there was a
strong feeling in the minds of the Catholic Clergy,
both of England and Ireland. against the Bill; and
at another stage of the Bill he should feel it his duty
to go into his objections in the detail.
Sr GEORGE HILL said, the Honourable Mem-
ber who had just sat down had told the Douse rather
'lmmaturely what would be the effect of this conci-
liatory measure, as it was called. He was sorry the
Honourable Member had not given the House this
information ten days ago, and before the House had
agreed to the most important clauses of the Bill. He
had formerly urged for -a few days delay to enable
the House to obtain the real opinion of the Catholics
on this important question ; for he was convinced, to
render this measure beneficial, it must be rendered
satisfactory to the feelings of the Catholics. When
he proposed a delay of ten days, on a former night,
he adverted to what had been said by Dr. Milner
and Dr. Hayes on the subject of the disaffection of
the Popish Clergy to this measure. These persons
were then discredited, but it now, appeared that what
they said was true.
Mt. HUTCHINSON observed, the Right Honour-
able Baronet seemed to insinuate that he bad had this
information some time, and kept it back ; he denied
the justness of the insinuation; he had not received
his information till Saturday. Ile stated it yester-
day, and could not have done so earlier.

Mr. CAREW entered into song further details of
the conduct of Mr. Hayes at Rome, and read docu-
ments in confirmation of his former statement.

Mr. M. FITZGERALD would, in a future stage
express his objections to the second Rill; to which,
as a Protestant, he bad as strong objections as any
Catholic could have. He should take the first regular
opportunity of stating his objections to the measure.
On the Clause being read For excluding Catholics
'km certain offices,

Mr. PEEL said, that be should now move to ex- I
tend the exclusion to seats in the Privy Council, and
t 6 judicial situations. He should confine himself
strictly to the object before the House. It had been
truly said, that the admission to seats in Parliament
eonld'Uot Make any other exclusion of inferior mo-
ment. The reasons he had he would address equally
to the friends and enemies of the Bill. By the vote
of last night the exclusively Protestant Parliament
bad been done away ; though in the third branch
of the Government the exclusion was still retained.
By all former Acts, the Crown was required to main-
tain the Protestant Religion. In these Acts was con-
tallied the contract between the King and the Peo-
ple, as the King in return for the allegiance of the
subjects, was bound to preserve the national faith.
To whi)m was be to look for the maintenance of that
contract? Not to the Monarch, for he was irrespon-
sible; bat to the advisers of the Crown he was to
look for the maintenance of that contract. With re-
spect to the Monarch, if he was only to marry a Ca-
tholic wife he would forfeit the allegiance of his Peo-
ple. It was necessary then that the advisers of the
Crown should be attached to the Protestant faith. There
was more risk in a Protestant King having Catholic
advisers, than in a Catholic King having Protestant
advisers. There was more danger from Charles 11.
surrounded by the Cabal, than from James, sur-
rounded by Protestant Councillors. It might be said,
that no security was taken against an Atheist; but
the answer was, that the Bill of Rights was not di-
rected against the Atheist, but against the Catholic.
If he could, he would exclude the Atheist also. In
die words of Mr. Burke he (Mr. Peel) would ex-
tlude the Catholic from offices that were instrumen-
tal. By the Bill the Catholic could give no advice
as to the disposal of any Church patronage. But it
would be less offensive to the Catholic to exclude
him altogether, than thus to disqualify him. The
Catholic was also prevented from advising the Crown
on the subjeCt of ecclesiastical patronage under a
high penalty; while at the same time he was bound
by his oath to advise the Crown in all cases what-
ever. If a Catholic was a Minister of State, and the
enestion wits the education of the children of the
jln could he, when called upon for his advice, from
Lis heart and conscience, advise the King's children
to be educated in the Protestant faith ?—(Hear, hear). ,
He (Mr. Peel) at least could conceive that many con-
Catholics would not recommend the din.'
ihtti of any man to be educated in the Protestant
kith. The oath of the Privy Councillor differed
from any otbel, asit called upon him not only to ab.
are any foreign authority, but to defend petuliirly
ait Protestant faith. That was the ground on which
h proposed the exclusion of Catholics from the
l'tiey Council. He should next propose to exclude
the echolic from the Beach in Englaud and Ireland,
theligh he was willin; Ingrain him a silk gown. He
Ile_lght be told, that it was an anomaly to give dee
catholic a silk gown, and to exclude him from the
Ike* Bit the whole of the Dill was full of ant).
%lilies. Whatever haJ been the result of the vote
*the House, he wits prepared to have put the En -1
Uh and lush Bishops on the same footing, and to'
11181 t gained totter Catholit Barrister the honour of
the silk gown. Al the coo* of Catholic? from

•

St Bench, it balloon distinctly stated by the author
of the Bill, that the Irish Catholics were fully satis-
fied • with the administration of justice, which he
was afraid would not be the case should Catholics,
be admitted to the Bench. He believed that the
Judges had been always in communion with the,
Church of England, and if the object of the Bill wall
to put the Catholics on the same footing with the
Dissenters, that was here the case—(Hear,iiter).--
On the Assizes, the Judges commenced by attending
Divine Service; which, in the way of example, was
calculated to have a pcwerful effect upon the so-
lemnity of the proceeding, previous to deciding on
the fortunes and the life of a fellow-creature. If the
Catholic Judge should, in a populous County, ab-
stain from attending Divine Service, it would weaken
the effect of the administration of justice; and should
he join is communion with his own Church, he ap-
prehended the effe:ts would be still worse. Justice
had been done by the friends of the measure to those
who had conscientiously opposed it ; and he trusted
the same justice would be done to the feelings of the
Protestants, who had been silent, not from apathy,
but from a confidence in that calumniated House of
Commons. When so much had been gained by the
friends of the Bill, he trusted that, for the object of
the general satisfaction, that would be conceded
which Protestants might deem necessary for their
security. The. Right Honourable Gentleman con-
cluded by moving to add the words, " or to be in
the Privy Council."
Sir J. NEWPORT complimented the Right Hon.
Gentleman on the temper and moderation of his
speech. The words of the Act of Settlement.were,
that the King should be of the communion of the
Established Church of England; but, at the same
time, by the terms of the Act, the whole of the Privy
Councillors might be of the Established Church of
Scotland, and he had no doubt that at present seve-
ral of the Privy Councillors were of the Church of
Scotland. It did not then follow, that because the
King must be of the Church of England, 'his ad-
visers must be of the same persuasion. The Right
Hon. Gentleman had said, that in this case he was
not to look to the Sovereign ; but in the single case
of his religious belief the Sovereign was personally
responsible, and could not plead the advice of his
Ministers. The Right Honourable Gentleman had
said, it would be less offensive to exclude a man
' wholly from office, than to limit him in the exercise
of part of his patronage. The oath of a Privy Coun-
cillor was subject, if necessary, to the revision of
the Legislature, and thus the objections of the Right
Honourable Gentleman could be easily removed.—
At present we had a Catholic Ambassador from Pro-
teitant Denmark, and a Protestant Ambassador from
Catholic Bavaria: that :hewed the toleration and li-
berality that prevailed abroad. The cases of Hun-
gary and Ireland bore a strong resemblance. The
population of Hungary was seven millions, and three
millions of it Protestant, with a Catholic Hierarchy.
At one of the Diets a proposition was made to admit
the Protestants to all the privileges enjoyed by Ca-
tholics, and the numbers were 291 for the proposi-
tion, and only Be against it. That took place in 1791,
at Buda ; and though, while Bonaparte was atVienna,
temptations to insurrection were held out, the Hun-
garians evinced the most determined attachment to
the House of Austria • though formerly the country
had been torn by internal dissensions, which the com-
munity of privileges had wholly done away. The
concession of the silk gown would not be of much
advantage to the Irish Bar. There was no complaint
made against the administrators of justice ; but it
was a great hardship that any set of men should be
excluded from the honours of their profession ; and
every Catholic must feel aggrieved at the exclusion,
when he recollected ttat some of the greatest orna-
ments of the Bench had/risen from humble ranks.—
Without meaning anything invidious, it was only ne-
cessary to look to "the Noble Person who now held
the Seals in this country. On the subject of the ex-
clusion of Dissenters, he could state, that the late
Michael Foster was a Dissenter, and so also was the
late Earl of Rosslyn. He had always looked to this
measure as the best security for the Protestants, as it
embodied all in one common cause. As the proposed
exclusion did not appear to him to be necessary, he
must oppose it. The exclusion from Office was a
penalty for crimes, and especially of a breach of
trust ; and would not that be regarded as a stigma
upon the Catholics'? To the objection that the Ca-
tholic wits bound to substitute his own religion, he
could only state, that when the late Mr. Perceval
had, in the debate on the Catholic question, said, than
were he a Catholic, and Councillor to a Protestant
Prince, he would endeavour to introduce his own re-
ligion, Mr. Grattan had then said across the table,
4. I don't believe it." He afterwards made an apology
for the warmth into which he had been betrayed,
adding, that if the Right Hon. Gentleman was sin-
cere, he must give him credit for his probity at the,
expense of his veracity. To that objection be would
make the same reply, as it was a principle that all
Catholics had'uniformly disclaimed.
Sir J. NICHOL argued in favour of the Amend-
ment ; and contended, that as seats in Parliament
had been conceded, it was not too much to expect,
from the Committee, that, for the sake of security to
Protestants, the amendment should be agreed to.—
He admitted that foreign influence, from the down-
fall of Bonaparte, did not strike him with so much
alarm as before. The danger now was not so much
from foreign as from domestic influence. It was not
enough to look to the Catholics alone, but also to the
unhappy tendency of the lower orders to sectarian
'principles and however widely sectarians might
differ among diens/elves, they **re prone to unite
against the Established Church. He was not appre-
beefier* of a Catholic lastablisitmeat in Ireland, as,
by the Articles of the Uisionb the Protestant Religion
was **kind to be a fundamental part of the Union;
and be would do that justice to the Catholics, that,
when brought into the Hops*, they would be the last
to make such an attempt. But he was afraid that a
handle would be afforded to demagogues to disturb
the peace of the Church, by interfering in the pay-
eseat of tithes. and for the sake of affording the
lProteetant every desirable secqrity, he should vote
fer the Amendment.

Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that be was ez•
trent* anxious to concur in ;ay proposition that
was made in the tone and temper of that.of his Right
Hon. Friend. In 1818, when the particular clause
for seats in Parliament had been lost, he was anxious
:that the whole Hill should be withdrawn. Ms advice.

to the Catholics would be, that they should pay
respect to the concessions that might be made to them i
by the Legislature. But he thought this measure
had a tendency to keep alive a Catholic Question ;
and, thinking so, he would sacrifice his own prin-
ciples in acceding to such a motion. He went along
with his Hon. Friend, in thinking that by the Articles.
of the Union, the Protestant Church of Ireland was
merged in the Protestant Church of the Empire. No
individual could suppose that the modelling of the
Protestant Churn of Ireland, with a view to the Ca-
tholic population, could ever be entertained. It might
be as well to propose to model the Protestant Church
of England. But at this time there was a provision
for the Catholics in Scotland, and also a provision
for the Presbyterians in Ulster, which had been at-
tended with the happiest effect. The United Par-
liament could not make the case of the Protestant
Church of Ireland-a subject of deliberation, whatever
the divided Legislature might do. The admission to
office was a question not of principle, but of pru-
dence. The question was to be argued upon the prin-
ciple that the whole of the Constitution was funda•
mentally Protestant. There was no proportion of
Catholic population in Great Britain that could be
attended with any alarms. The population of Ire-1
laud had, for the purpose of debate, been much over-
rated. Though the Catholic.: in Ireland were in a'
proportion of about four to three,. still the property
was in the hands of the Protestants in a proportion of
49 to 50 of landed property. He could declare, that
in his opinion, if this Bill passed, there would not be
above five or six Catholic Members who could find
their way into that House. This, therefore, could
have no effect in raising anything formidable to the
Protestant Establishment in' Church and State. He
could not look forward even to a very distant day
when Catholics would become of dangerous influence,
from property, in the State; but, if he even could, he
would wish to let the Catholics into Parliament while
their influence was yet innosious ; and while they
might gradually assimilate themselves to their Pro-
testant brethren. As every Minister must have the
confidence of the Parliament as well as that of the
King, he could never conceive that the Crown cop
ever think of bringing in a Catholic Administration.
He saw no real danger in permitting Catholics to sit
In the Privy Council, as long as the Protestant King
and Parliament were at the head of the State; nei-
ther did he (Lord Castlereagh) think that the Judges,
if Catholics, would ever err against a Protestant, for
fear of the constructions which would be put upon
their conduct. Besides, the Bill provided for the
continuance of a Protestant Chancellor ; and he could
not believe that such a man would ever fill the Bench
or • the Bar with Catholics. His first duty was to
take care of the Protestantfteligion of Ireland, which
Parliament could not touch or remodel, without at
the same time remodelling-the Church of England,
with which it was inseparably connected. There
was nothing in these concessions that could reader
the Catholics dangerous to the State.
Sir J. NICHOL and Lord CASTLEREAGH mutually
explained.
Mr. LEE KBCK spoke against the measure ; but
if it was to be carried, he trusted-it would be attended
with success.

Mr. WETHERELL said, the proposers of this
Bill had admitted that no Catholic should be al-
lowed to sit in any Office 'of Judicature on matters
connected-with the maintenance of the Established
Church; but matters of this kind were sometimes
agitated in. the Temp Oral Courts; and, therefore,'
Catholics should be ineligible to sit on tlje Bench. A
Catholic Judge could never sit on Ecclesiastical mat-
ters, or advise the Council or the House of Lords
upon them. As to Catholic's: sitting in tke Privy
Council, every one knew that every Privy Council-
lor could visit the King in his closet, and exclude
any third person from being present. How,-then,
could they punish him for any criminal advice which
he might give? He was not obliged to give his ad-
vice in writing, and of consequence he could not be
punished for it. .
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH contended that the
Bill only provided for the Catholics, and the great
legal security of. the State was to be settled on_ the
part of:the Catholics on the same footing as those
respecting -.the Protestant Dissenters. When his
Honourable and Learned Friend had supplied
him with the means by which we could now as-
certain the natnre of the advice given by Protes-
tant Privy Councillors at this time, then he would
tell him how it became equally possible to learn it'
in the case of a Catholic Privy Councillor. He as-
sured the Right Honourable Member (Mr. Peel), that
some of our best Judges were formerly Nonconform-
ists ; and he saw no reason why Catholics, as well as
Nonconformists, should not be admitted to the Bench.
They had to decide the 'rights of persons of almost
all religions and churches under Heaven; but he
never telt any undue partiality towards Christians
over the Pagans or Mahometans.
Mr. BARHAM confirmed the testimony of those
,whb said that Father Hayes was ordered by the Ro-
man Government to quit Rome in three days. He
had seen the order, and the depositions on which that
order was founded.

The Gallery was then cleared for a division—
For Exclusion
Against it
Majority against Mr. Pares Clause —l9

On the re-admission of strangers to we Gallery, Mr.
GOULDURN was urging the exclusion, as related to
the Governors of Colonies, on the ground of the
power possessed by such individuals, not only in
tivil; but in Ecclesiastical affairs-also. No less than
seventone livings were at the disposal of Governors
of Colonies; and he could not but consider, that
so permit Catholics to administer the government in
the Colonies, would be to endanger the Protestant
Establishment in those possessions. The Honourable
Member then moved an Amendment to exclude Ca-
tbolicrfrom the government of the Colonies.
Upon this Ameacknent the Committee divided—
For the Amendment
Against it 163
Majority against occlusion - - —s3

Mr. PEEL proposed an Amendment in the Com-.
mittee to exclude Catholics from holdilg the situa-
tion of Lord High Chancellor of Iretamk which was
agreed to without a division.•
'The several other Clauses in this the first Bill, as
it was called, were then agreed to, and the first Clause
in the Intercourse with Rome Bill was then read.
Mr. HUTCHINSON objected to going into this
Mute at so late an hour—(Cries of Go on !)—lf it

was the opinion of the Committee that he should 44
he was ready to proceed. The Hon. Gentleman.
proceeded, and described this as a Clause of Pains and
Penalties--(Much confusion prevailed in the House).
Mr. FITZGERALD (of Kerry) suggested the pro-
prim of now adjourning, and taking the debate at
I an earlioi end cooler hour.*

Sir J. NEWPORT acceded to this proposithin, and
suggested that the Committee shOuld sit again tMs
day, take the Report the next day, and the third read-
ing, on Monday. ,
Lord C ASTLERE AG II agreed to this suggestion,
and at the same time reminded Gentlemen, that by
opposing these clauses they would endanger the safety
of the s hole measure.

The House then resumed, the CUAIRMAN repotted
progress, and obtained leave to sit again this day.

THE ARMY RSTIMATES.

Lord PA LMF.H.STON F. gave notice, that he would move
the Army Estimates on Friday.
The miler Orders were disposed of, and the House adjourned
at llalf-iast Twelve.

ITALY.

The details of the Revolution at Turin are already
known ; but the following spirited Proclamation,
which was the first cause of the change of Govern.
ment, has not hitherto been made public. It is con.
tuned in a-letter from Genoa, of the 15th insuint :

" THt ARMY TO THt CITIZENS.

" The standard of desputiun is with us for ever struck. Out
couutry, that has so long groaned under the most opprobrious
chains, breathes at last the air of fraternity and of peace.
" Citizens ! the hour of Italian independence is arrived. The
Constitution of Spain, which was proclaimed and sworn to on
the night of the oth inst. by the Brigade of Genoa, by the King's
own Dragoons, and by the federated Italians, shall henceforward
be the only law of Italy, by means of which, united by the most
sacred ties, the King and the People will form one sole family.
" Citizens! the dignities and honours of the State, now here-
ditary and the offspring of arbitrary power, shall be elective, and
be the rewards of merit only ; and in the laws alone shall dwell
the strength of the State. This new lode of social compact,
bonded upon the religion of our forefathers, shall form the bond
of internal security to our country, and shall serve as an impene-
trable barrier against any foreign phalanx that dares to attack us.
" Citizens! suffer not yourselves to be led astray by the few
insidious enemies of the public prosperity; banish from your
minds every sentiment of revenge ; and let your cry be Long
live the King !—Long live the Spanish Constitution !—Long live
our dear Italy !' (Signed)

is The President of the Provisional Junta of Government,
46 Alexandria, 10th March. ANSALDL"
GENOA, MARCH 14—(Evening.)
An estafette is arrived from Turin, confirming the
news of the Spanish Constitution having been de-
clared ; and a Proclamation will be issued here this
evening, announcing the King's acceptan'Ce (If that
Constitution, together with his subsequent resignation,
and the appointment of the Prince of Carignano as
Regent. by the Tuscan Mail, which is just arrived,
we understand there are letters stating that the troops
and people of Florence have declared for the Spanish
Constitution. We have not time to ascertain the
truth of this information, as the post is this instant
leaving Genoa.