Star.
London, England, 1827-05-12 00:00:00

Till TUT ♦N! CORPORATION •CTS.

A Manisa en the Opposition side asked the Noble Lord oppo-
site (Lord J. Russell) what course he meant to pursue with re-
spect to the notice of a motion he had given for the repeal of the
Test and Corporation Acts?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that a question of the
same description had been addressed to him by a. party
of those persons who were interested in the repeal of
the Acts in question. He had informed the applicants
of whom he spoke, in answer, that the Lice of affairs in
Parliament had considerably changed ; and that it was
for them to determine whether they thought it fit that
their measure should be brought forward subject to that
change? adding, at the same time, that he was perfectly
ready to bring it forward, and to do it every justice in
his power. To that communication made by him, he
had as yet received no regular answer: bur, as far as he
could ascertain the opinion of the Dissenters, the greater
part of them were desirous that their claims should be
fairly stated, and the opinion of the House and of the
country taken upon them ; but with respect to the
time for bringing forward the question, they were
willing to consult the views of all whom they con-
sidered friends to their cause, and to take that op-
portunity for discussing it which should seem best
calculated to serve the cause of general religious
liberty. That disposition, he (Lord J. Russell) thought,
and the House would probably think, was highly credi-
table to the feelings of the Dissenters, and one which
entitled them to the peculiar consideration of the State.
For his own part, however, he was ready to declare,
that in his opinion it was expedient, for the sake of the
cause of the Dissenters, as well as for that of religiou►
liberty generally, that a repeal of the disqualifications
which affected them should be moved on the day foi

fixed.whic
he
wAenudi
du ntlaelss:lizei.
pionhdeietidheaddlyoritec:
ntahl el con,7 b et
rna ry e re.
ceived from the body concerned an expression
hims• If the responsibility of appeiring to
the measure ; and should, on the 7th of June roost e move for
a repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts.
SUPPLY—QUESTIONS TO TOR ADMINISTRATION.
Mr. HERRIES having moved that the 11 ouse should
resolve itself into a Committee of Supply,
Sir THOMAS LETHBRIDGE rose to opp 3.
- 16
Speaker's leaving the chair—he said he only
meant to
detain the House but for a short time. His object
to ask a question of the Right Hon. First Loirtf.rive,
Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, which
the
knew it was in the discretion of the Right Hon, c:„,
answer or not. The question he wisf.ed to Fur 7:
been in some degree anticipa ed by the questl-n i
put by an Honourable Member to the (.1 -
nourable the Secretary for the Home Derartmor
to whether the terms upon which he held I i office .?ri
of a permiaent or temporary nature? That the r ;
the Right Hon. Gentleman had not been such as
the
Hon. Nlember expected or was satisfied with, appeared
certain from his having followed it up by a antice
cf
motion for a future city. That part of his :
question
bad been anticipated by the Hon. Member ; Ina he
should now ask the Right Hon. Genthaman
whether the
office of Secretary of State for the F neign Department
was filled by the Noble Lord who 110 A/
occupied it,
upon the understanding that his holding it was tem.
porary only, or whether it was to be permanent as long
as the Administration of the Right lion. Gentleman
should last? He thought these questions some highly
important to the country, because it was an unmet-
dented thing for those high offices to be filled prori.
sionally, and one which
.entirely altered the situation of
responsibility in which •a Government cught to staid
to that House. That was the reason why he had been
presumptuous enough to come forward and sleet
what he contended was a constitutional, regular, and
legitimate course, namely, to deny the means which
could not be had without their approval; The It ght Hon.
Gentleman had said, that this would be the legitimate
time when any Hon. Member might shew his loyalty to
the King by denying the Supplies.He trusted that he had
ever felt that sentiment in a becoming manner, and be
.hould be sorry if he thought he should ever abate one jot
of his loyalty to the King of this country, his legitimate
Sovereign. He had given no proof whatever of a want
of loyalty; but he thought occasions might arise whet
any Gentleman, without being chargeable with a wart
of loyalty, might take the course which he had recom.
mended. He did not want precedents for such a step,
It was not long since a Right Honourable Gentleman
(the Member for Knaresborough) refused to vote for
the Supplies, because noA d ministration had been formed,
and he went further, and divided the House against the
vote. He knew there was nothing unprecedeitted, thee.
fore, in such a course, and he would be bold to say there
was nothing disloyal in If he thought the Home
would support him, he would now oppose the grantiq
of the Supply. He would do it in the discharge of hit
duty to those who sent him there, upon the ground the
he had no confidence in the Administration now formed
or forming. That Administration was of a most as.
precedented and unnatural—he had almost said, cf
a most unconstitutional—naturi. He would say, that
it had been f rmed by the total abandonment of
that public principle which public men had formerly
held sacred. He knew that he was exposing himself
to severe animadvei siens anti expressions of dislike fr as
the other side of the House; but he would not sit silent
and witness that paring down of principles which had to
long been maintained to the advantage of the counuy.
He would not sit by and see public men shamefully
compromise their principles, and sacrifice every this;
for the sake of office, without lifting up his voice
against it. There had been men at all times ready to
make sacrifices for their King and the gpblic, but not
the sacrifice of principle. If it should hereafter turn
out that Hon. Gentlemen opposite had sacrificed their
principle to office, Ire denounced it as a national evil.
The Right Hon. Gentleman, and those who supported
him had at first created a general belief that there had
not be pleasing to the Right Hon. Gentleman to hear,
and not pleasing for him to utter. Throughout the
whole of this treating for place, it was impossible not to
been a cabal and conspiracy against him, and fcr a
time the public had been led away upon that point. 13'1I
now the public mind had become disabused and the cr.
planations of those formerly charged with such conduct
were admitted to be perfectly satisfactory. He could
not feel himself equally satisfied, that the conduct of
the Right Hon. Gentleman himself stood cleared by
the statement he made to the House, able as it was,
and able as any statement coming from him mutt
be. But from all the facts he could not avoid cos-
lag to this conclusion, that in forming his Admini•
stration he had taken a course, which if he described
it according to the impressions on his mind, would
see there was a continued chain of facts leading to one
main end. The House must shut its eyes if it did not
come to the conclusion that there had been a treaty for
place on the part of the Honourable Gentlemen who
sat behind the First Lord of the Treasury, a long time
going on ; that it had been a long, preconcertedond
concocted plan; and that every step they had taken h"
been a preparation for that time to come when they
might accept office under the Right Hon. Gentleman.
The question be wished to put to the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, if the answer was a full and open one, would,
he thought, place the whole of these recent transactions
in a new light. He meant to ask whether or no therewas
a treaty existing, during the existence of the late Ad-
ministration, between the Right Hon. First Lord of the
Treasury and certain Leaden of the Whig Party, for
their coming into office upon the condition of giyingthe
support of their weight and strength to the Right Hon-
Gentleman? The House had a right to know whether aol
such proceedings had been going on; and above all the
Right Hon. Gentleman, in justice to his own character,
was bound to answer the question without disguise.—
These questions must be answered to the country sooner
or later. That House would not rest satisfied without
information, whatever might be the tone in which 't
was refused; it was not to be dictated to by the most
splendidtalents when it had aright to expect iriformati n,
and it was due to all parties that this mystery should
be cleared up. Would it not be extremely desirable--
if the Right Hon. Gentleman could do it—to disabuse
the country fiom its apprehensions that at the time
when the Right Hon. Gentleman first went to his Sove'
reign to advise him upon the formation of an Admits'
stration, he was in possession of an offer from the Whip
to coalesce with him, and that he kept it in his own bo•
sun a secret from his then friends and colleagues, and
even from the Sovereign himself ? He hoped the Rt. Hon.
Gentleman would be able to clear this up, and if he
outd he must give him thanks for afford rg him the

eppirtunity of doing so. lie confessed his mind was,
misgivings when he lo 'lced at these reports '
not without milg
oi conjunction with that delicate part of the Right Hon.
which related to the interview
Gentlemen's statement,
with his Sovereign, so hen he was called to form an Ad-
ministration. He had told the Home that he went to
the Royal Chamber with the full purpose of executing
the task, and that he found there the obstacles which
prevented him from fulfilling his purpose. These obsta-
cles were the le ter s containing the resignations of his
former collesgues in office. At first the Right Hon.
Gentleman had said there were six of these, then five,
and then four; but the fact afterwards appeared that
the night Honourable Gestle.nan carried four with
him from his own office, and only received two
there. What was the next step described by the
Right Honourable Gentleman ? That having dis-
closed to the Sovereign the impossibility of his doing
that for which he had been summoned to the Royal
Closet, the illustrious Monarch who governed these
realms gave him his hand to kiss as Prime Minister.
Another circumstance described as a part of this scene,
bad left a great impression on his mind. The Right
Hon. Gentleman stated that he told his Sovereign that
there was a very little time indeed before it would be
too late for any step to be taken ;—that the Parliament
was about to separate, and that then it would be too
late to carry his views into effect. From all these cir-
cumstances, he (Sir T. Lethbridge) came to the conclu-
sion that his Majesty was driven tor time, that he was
driven to an alternative which he ought not to have
been driven to. What did the Right Hon. Gentleman
then do? Did he proceed to construct an Administration
upon the principles of Lord Liverpool's, as the King had
originally commanded him ? No such thing. He went
and filled op the vacant offices with persons of directly
opposite opinions to those who held them under Lord
Liverpool's Administration. He would sty, then, that
there was at least a curious coincidence in all these
things; he hoped that hereafter it might not prove
an unfortunate coincidence. The Right Honourable
Gentleman had gone to the Monarch, according to
his own staiement, and driven him to the extremity
of forming an Administration, not upon the principles
upon which he had intended that it should be formed,
but leaving it to him to form an Administration of his
own. And did the Right Honourable Gentleman then
form it even upon his own principles? • If it was so
formed, how came it to be supported by the Honour-
able Gentlemen who now sat behind him? For about
twenty years during which, with little interruption, he
had been in Parliament, he had always admired the
Right Honourable Gentleman's talents, and placed
entire confidence in his principles; but what was be to
do when he saw the Right Honourable Gentleman en-
tering into office with those who, during that time, had
always been opposed to his principles? The Catholic
Question was the only one upon which they agreed,
and upon that they were agreed to do nothing. He
thought, however, that the Catholics would not
consent to be gulled by their pretended friends. He
had always opposed them, and always should. He had
been consistent ; but those who had pretended to befriend
them were now putting their question by, because they
dare not look'it in the face. He was glad'to hear the
decided tone in which the Right Hon. Gentleman had
declared that he would oppose the questions of the Test
Act and Reform. He was glad to hear it ; but how
could those Gentlemen feel who now supported the
Right Hon. Gentleman, and had always advocated those
Trestions upon the principles wnith they profeosed as a
party? Why, then, if he was asked to give his confi-
dince to an Administration made up of these hetet°.
g eneoui materials, he could not in conscience do it.—
A Id it he could not, who was then to stand up there
and prevent him, as a reps esentative of the people of
England, from opposing it in the honesty of his heart,
and in the straight forward discharge of his duty? He
had admitted the great talents of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman at its bead; he believed that his talent and tact
lad done that which the ingenuity of no other man in the
Empire could have accomplished. It had been truly said
that hetad untoried Tories, and unwhigged Whigs ; for
he had untoried himself, and completely unwhigged the
Gentlemen who supported him. But he had done more,
he had turned things topsy-turvy in other quarters.—
The Hon. Baronet, the Member for Westminster, would
persuade them that the division of patties into Whigs
and Toties, was an old, worn-out, forgotten notion.—
But what was become of the Friends of the People P"
Surely they were toot forgotten too. The Hon. Baronet
Was formerly looked up to as their head. But where
was he now? He was sitting upon the Treasury
Bench behind the First Lord of the Treasury—
(Cheers a id a laugh). The Hon. Baronet had a perfect
right to sit there if he sat upon principle; but if
the Friends of the People" had any principles at all,
be thought that neither they nor the principles of
Wbiggism would be much re•pected in the Right
Honourable Gentleman's Administration. He had not
intended to say so much when he rose, and must
throw himself upon the indulgence of the House, for'
trespassing so long upon their attention. His object was
In ask whether the office of Secretary of State for the
Foreign Department so as occupied by the Noble Vis-
count who now held it, permanently, or whether he
had been appointed as a locum tenens with a view to
the future appointment of another Noble Lord to whom
report had assigned the office? Another question that
le wished to ask was, whether any communication had
liken place between the Honourable and Learned Mem-
ber for Winchelsea and the Right Honourable Gentle-
man, with a view to his or his friends accession to of-
ice, on or before, or near the period when he received
41s Majesty's commands to form an Administration?
lie hoped to have an answer to these questions without
hunt And without asperity. He trusted that they
mould carry on their debates as became the representa-
!ion of the English people, and as Gentlemen. In any
opposition he might think it his duty to Offer, he should
tot be guilty of rudeness either in language or manner;
le should only take that tone of determination in which
tlety man ought to enforce his conscientious opinion.
h WAS not his intention to divide the House against the
,t; ;Iy, although he. maintained that it would be a per-
t. tiy Constitutional and Parliamentary proceeding.
*l4e. M.ruis of TAVISTOCK and Mr. Cabanas' rose together, and
wThrs forq each of tbem were about equaL The Marquis gave way.
)4s• CANNING then spoke to the following effect:
`" not my intention, Sir, on this occasion to detain
the I"l",use many minutes ; but as the Honourable Gen-
tleman rose professedly to put two questions to me, rela-
tive to the state and formation of the Administration.—
though his ardour carried him in so doing into a wider
range of topics than I dare say he originally contem-
Plted—and as the Honourable Gentleman had the usual
coe•telY t r acquaint me beforehand that he had these
nu scions to ask, I shall certainly answer them in a dif-
tent ton: from that which I d
a opted in replying to

those which were put to me la hostile Manner, and
without any previous notice. r wish to make this
distinction dear, because I am anxious to have that
conduct of mine, to which the Honourable Gentle-
man refers on a former night, thoroughly understood.
Before, however, 1 proceed to answer his questions, let
me give him one caution. The Hon. Gentleman's
speech, so far from being confined to asking a question
or two, was rather like a speech intended to lay the basis
and f iunclation of a wide debate. It it is a part of his
tactics to dram me into a speech in reply to his ques-
tions, in order that I may be precluded from again
taking part in the debate, and vindicating myself from
any animadversions that may be made upon me, I tell
him, that in what I am now about to say. I shall not
consider that I have exhausted the privilege of the
House—(Hear, hear).—The amount of the two grains
of questions hidden in the Hon. Gentleman's bushels of.
declamation—( A laugh) —seems to be this; in the first,
he asks substantially what is the condition of the Go-
vernment, particularly with a view to the filling of
certain situations? My answer to this question shall be
plain, ana, I hope, courte us, but, I am afraid, not satis-
factory to the Hon. Gentleman. The same question has.
been put this eveniog to the Rt. Hon. Gent. who holds
one of those situations ; and his answer having bees
unsatisfactory to the querist by whom it was propound•
ed, and notice having been given by that Honourable
Gentleman (Mr. Beaumont) of a formal discussion upon
this very point—neither n tw, nor on any future
day, till that motion be brought •forward, will I utter
one word upon the suhject—(Cheers.) That Hon.l
Gentleman, the Member for Stafford, has, in a plain
and manly way, declared, and I thank him fir it, hi•
determination to put an end to the disgusting mode-1
use the word advisedly—the disgusting mode, I re-
peat in which great questions are, night atter night,
brought before this House. I thank the Honourable
Gentleman for the opportunity he will afford Govern-
ment to explain itself, arid for that debate I will reserve
all I have to say—(Cheers). Neither courtesy nor taunts
shall extort from me one single syllable till that pro-
raised motion comes forth—(Cheers). The second ques-
tion, which is much the more important on.-, is to this
effect: Did any negotiation exist between those by
whose support I an honoured and myself for their
coming into office, at, during, or about the time of the
dissollition of the structure of the old G ivernment ?
Though the Hon. Baronet has so.strong an aversion to
monosyllables, I hope, though "Yes" offended him the
other day, lie will take" No" nose—(Cheers and laugh-
ter). I should not do justice to others, if I omitted to
say that I did know that in the event of my being placed
at the head of the Government, I should have an acces-
sion of strength, not by the general admission of a great
party to office, but by the disinterested support of some
individuals of that party. On their part, it was directly
contrary to a bargain for office. I received, unsought,
a communication which assured me that there were
some individuals, few in number, but very important
by their weight and character, who were disposed to
render me cordial, but espressly disinterested support—
(Cheers). I should do them an act of unpardonable
injustice, if I concealed the fact, that when 1 wat driven
to straits in the formation of a Government, and when
the question arose as to their introduction to office, it
originated with me, and not with them,(Cheers). I
have answered this question plainly, and I hope satis-
factorily. There was one observation made by the Hon.
Baronet, on which I cannot refrain from making a
passing commen,. The Hon. Baronet seems to think
it most extraw dinary that any person should support a
Government, of which I am at the head, who agrees with
me only as to the Catholic Qoestion, and differs from me
as to Parliamentary Reform. In another part of his
speech be had the goodness to say, that for twenty years,
during which he had observed my public conduct, he
had looked upon me with respect, and he said also with
confidence. Now, I differ from the Hon. Baronet on
both these subjects—(a laugh); and if he will look back
to a particular night, in the year 1822, which I well re-
member, when I brought forward my motion for the
Relief of the Catholic Peers, the Hon. Baronet will find
his present principle contradicted by his former practice
—(a laugh). On that occasion, he cautioned the House
not to be led away; by my powers of persuasion, to
any agreement with me, for that he himself had un-
warily been led away to vote against Parliamentary
Reform, of which he was the advocate, by a speech of
mine a few evenings previously—(laughter and cheers).
—Yet this was the Hon. Gentlenaan, who, in the cast
of.parts ter this night, was selected to express his surprise
that I could act with any persons, or they with me,
when they cliff:red from me as to those questions—
(Cheers). I take not the smallest offence, however, at any
thing said by that Hon. Gentleman. I meet his courtesy
with an equal degree of courtesy on my part. I am bound
to give answers to those questions only which relate im-
mediately to the conduct of the Government to which I
belong ; but I shall always be ready, when they may
think fit to attack us, to meet either the Hon. Baronet or
his Friend. (Mr. Beaumont, to whom this term was ap-
plied, signified his disapprobation of it.) I beg pardon,
really, if 1 have given offence, but I meant none ; I called
them fr.ends, because they are aiming at a similar pur-,
pose. I repeat, as my attention is again called to the
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Beaumont), that I thank him for
the opportunity he has promised me of explaining fully
and completely the high subjects of political interest to
which he has referred, instead of wasting their importance
in daily driblets of discussion, which can have no useful
result or satisfactory termination--(Loud cheers.)
Mr. BEAUMONT rose to•disowa any assimilation of political
feeling between himself and the Hon. Baronet—(A laugh).
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said, that what he had done in that
House was upon his own judgment and discretion. He was not
aware of any concert existing between the parties now acting in
Opposition. He trusted the Right lion. Gentleman would
allow him to proceed as he thought proper. He declared shat be
knew nothing of the Intention of the Hun. Gentleman (Mr. Beau-
mont) to give notice of any motion that evening. Their views were
totally different ; and he (Sir T. Lethbridge) should continue, as he
had hitherto done, to act upon the suggestions of his own mind.

Mr. CANNING assured the Hon. Gentlemen that he did not
mean to offend either of them ; but he would take more care for the
future to separate, and not unite them.

The Marquis of TAVISTOCK said, that the real
question which they had to decide was, should they give
a fair hearing and patient trial to the Administration
formed by the Right Hon. Gentleman in obedience with
the commands of the King? For his own part, he had
no inclination for power, nor talents for office. In the
performance of his duty to his constituents, he had
found it necessary to keep as much as possible aloof
from political connexions. It had been his auxions wish
in the late changes to avoid all negociat.ons till the ar-
rangements were perfected, res rving to himself, under
any circumstances, lull power to adhere to those prin-
ciples *bids it had been the business of his whole life
to defend—.(Cheers.) Long as he had been opposed
to the late Government, and much as he had differed,

from the Welt Honourable Gentleman, he trusted
that he never should •be led 'to oppose biro or his
Government, right or wrong, without reference to the
nature of their measures—(Cheers.) He di I not wish
to unite himself to either of the great parties: but where
Ire saw Gentlemen so premature in their opposition, so
suddenly pledging themselves to plans of hostility an I
embarrassment to exclusively personal, he had almost
said so rancorous to the Right Honourable Gentleman
—(Cheers)—not having t!.e patience to wait for mea-
sures, nor the decency to abstain from throwing dirt on
one who was for so long a time their leader—(Very
loud and animated cheers)---n 'one under whom they
had so lately served—(Cheers). When he saw, as the
Hon. Member for Stafford had well said, Toryism in i:s
most hideous shape, raising its frightful form among
them—(Cheers),—with all his inclination to watch vigi-
lantly the conduct cf every man in Administration, and
much as he was moved by the spirit of opposition, of
which he could not even now entirely divest him.elf—
(Laughter)—he should be wantina in public duty it Ire
did nos say, that though he could not give a certain
promise of support to the new Administration,
yet he felt decidedly inclined to oppose the measures
which had been taken against it by the Honourable
Baronet, and the two Right Han. Gentlemen who hero
thought fit to wi.hdraw from Iris Majesty's Govern•
ment—(Cheers). In the course of his political life he
never remembered to have witnessed conduct so hard
to say the least of it, as that which had been pursued
towards the Right lion. Gentleman and the llon. Gen-
tlemen who had thought propr to act with him. He
strongly objected to the anxiety which had been shewn
to perplex him at the outset of his government—to over-
throw him by an overwhelming attempt, before he had
got properly seated, and before he could choose his
course; and it strongly inclined over to that side which
seemed not tohave fair play. He was certain that this must
he the feeling of all who weresmarting from official disap•
point ment, and the pangs of mortified ambirion—(Loud
cheers). As to the Right Hon. Member for. Oxford, he
did not by any means intend to class him with the other
crooonents of Administration. This expression of his
sentiments, the opportunity of doing which he owed to
their kmdness and patient attention, he thought due to
his constituents ; and he had taken this course with the
view ol making it known to them. C,nceiving that the
Administration was formed on principles which bid
fairer fur the advantage of the country than that which
preceded it, and reserving to himsel the right of op-
posing it only when the measure, of Government should
lead him to think- otherwise, he would so far give his
support to the Right Hon. Gentleman—(Cheers).
' Mr. PEEL rose. The Noble Lord (said he), whose
speech I heard with surprise, I then thought must either
have en:irely misundei stood some part of my conduct,
or I must have entirely misunderstood him. Certainly
I do think I heard him direct a charge personally
against me. He alluded to two Right Hon. Gentlemen
who have lately retired from office, and he charged
them—l considered myself one of them—with heading
.an Opposition, with offensive personality anal rancour
towards-one whom I still call my Right Hon. Friend.
I utterly protest, once for all, against being judged by
any thing but my own conduct and my own declara-
tions—(hear)—and not by the conduct or declarations
of other.. The course I mean to purose I have chalked
out for myself. I act in concert with n• one—(Hear).—
After the disclaimer of the Noble Lord, I acquit him of
all intention to include me in the serious charges lie was
preferring. It would have been singular, indeed, if 1
had been accused of rancorous hostility and factious
opposition so soon, after coming down to this House for
the sole purpose of giving my Right Hon. Friend, (Mr.
Huskisson) the President of the Boar d of Trade, the same
support as if I had still been Iris colleague in office. I
certainly did declare my want of confidence in the Go.
vernmeat, when I saw all those who had uniformly op-
posed it up to that per iod,abandoning their former places,
seated behind the Administration—(Hear)—and some
of them accepting office—(Cheers). I did say, undoubt-
edly, under these circumstances, that I should suspend
my confidence its the Administration till I knew of
whom it was to be composed, and what were the prin-
ciples on which the coalition, if there was any, had
taken place. But when I heard from my Right Hon.
Friend (Mr. Canning) the principles on which he intend-
ed to conduct the Government, I found that he had
achieved a signal triumph fir my principles,- which are
the same as his, by the obtaining of the whole Whig
Party to their support—(Cheers). I heard that Parlia-
mentary Reform was still to be opposed on the same
principles on which we had both always resisted
it. I was alarmed wizen I knew that some of those
who were about to accept office were prepared to re-
peal the Test arid Corporation Acts; but I found
that my principles had gained a signal triumph by
the accession of the Gentlemen who lately consti-
tuted the Opposition when I heard my Right
Honourable Friend declare his resolution still to op-
pose that innnovation also—(Cheers). The Catholic
Question also remains in the same situation as when I
formed part of the Government ; for I understand it is
not to be thought forward as a Cabinet question. What
rancour or per sonality then can I entertain towards my
Right Hon. Friend, when I saw those principles, which
I maintained in common w th him, triumphing by the
dexterity with which he has brought over to their sup-
port those who have always hitherto been opposed to
them ? (Cheers) As the Noble Lordiris provoked this
explanation, I will say, that I know nothing of any con-
cert in opposition to the Government. The Hon. • art.
(Sir T. Lethbridge) had given me no inrima i ,n of his
intentions. I had no conception that any question a mild
have been asked. When I hear Honourable Gentlemen
vindicate themselves for their accession to office, on the
principle that they have gained a signal victory in ex-
cluding me, I ask them what beyond that have they
gained? The Catholic Question is the only subject of
difference I have with my Right Honourable Friend
(Mr. Canning). On every other question of foreign and
domestic policy, during the last fur years, we have
agreed. It is really most surprising that tl eyshoull justify
their acceptance of I (Tice by my retirement from it, when
my Right Honourable Friend declares, in perfect since-
rity, that, with tiseexception of that unfortun ite question,
his opinions are the same as mine, and, therefore, that
my principles and opinions have gained a tiiumph by
the accession of the Right Hon. Gentleman to their
support—(Cheers). I will take this opportunity of
' saying, that I shall adhere to those principles with the
same zeal and devotion with which I supported them
while in office. I shall continue to give my assistance
to every inquiry into the ancient i.;stitutions of the
country, which appears t r me undertaken in a friendly
spirit, with exactly the sante readiness as ever. I shall
not adopt any course with a view to regain office. I
shall not pursue it to obtain the confidence of those
who oppose Government,. If our principles disagree, I

•

!will not acComtitodate mine to acquire their support.
Without knowing exactly the permanent constitution of
the Government, I am satisfied it will pursue ne irly the
same e anse that was followed by the late G ivernment
w.th my concurrence. If the:o is to be a junction be•
tween °arising p erties, it is desirab!e the principles on
winch itiests should be immediately, and intelligibly,
and distinctly und‘ustood—(Cheer.). That I should
have been charged with forming a factious Opp isition,
is, of all the charges that could be preferred a vainst me,
the most extraordinary. The wlvle enure of my public
life is an answer to it. Never wat I more a,tonl-hed than
wh n I heard it, espec:ally co ftidering the criart-r from
whence it came—(Cheers). Surely my Itigi t H to. Friend ..
(Mr. Canning) will not charge me with so gross an act
of inco•.ll,tency. When I entered public lite, I well
remember that I found him engaged in a fetCtIOUS Op-
po•itioo, though from very good motives. He knows
well by experience what a factions Ooposition is, and
what it is to be a very vehementsuppoi ter of Govern.
went. He knows the advant iges, and the inconveni-
ences of both situations; but I will not follow his ex-
ample, by instituting a factious Opp )sition, nor by
abandoning the course I have deliberately adopted.
When the Noble Lord charges me with rancour and
hostility, I utterly deny the fact, but above .11, I dis-
claim the sensations on which such an Opposition is
founded —(Cheersy. .
The Marquis of TA YISTOCK, In explanation, said. if he bad
given the Right lioneurable Gentleman.offence, he was heartily
sorry for it. All he meant to say was, that, admiring the public
character of the flight Honourable Gentleman, and regarding it as
placed high in public opinion, be thought the Right Honourable
Gentleman had committed a great toktakesin making common
cause with the Member for Somersetshire.

. ......
Mi. YATES PEEL said, that whoever imputed to him that be
was actuated by a rancorous hostility or a factious Opposition, was
guilty of an abominable falsehood.
Mr. MA BERLY explained the reasons why he hid postponed
his financial notices for this Session, because he placed the fullest
confidence in the Right Hon. Gentleman's (Mr. Canning's) promise
to appoint a Committee of Finance nest-Session, to enter sully into '
all the parts of the public expenditure, To suppose that ibe pro.
posed Committee would net be a lair one would be an insult to the
Government. In full reliance upon this promt:e, lie sh•wld not op.
pose any of this year's estimates, not even the Penitentiary iiem, to
which be strongly objected, and which he trusted would he reduced
in the next year's inquiry. He hoped, however, that the Committee
would be nominated very early in the belt Session, so as to report
before the end of it, and he begged leave to suggest :hat dining the
recess the Treasury would appoint aaditional clerks to get all the
necessary papers ready for the Committee, so as that no puss: for
information should occur in their labours.

Sir JOSEPH YORKE said, it might be necessary for Members
like himself to state on the present occasion the grounds upon which
they stood with regard to the present Government. It was now
57 years since he sat on his present side of the House (the Opposi-
tion side), and now that the lion anst the lamb had lain down to-
gether, they ought, iu the language of their Parliamentary prayer,
to give up all partial affections''—(A laugh). II: meant to have
risen after his amiab:e and excellent Friend, Sir Tlarnas Lath.
bridge—(Cries of Order). Indeed, when he had heard the lion.
Baronet, he thought for the moment that he was Under a delusion
as to his identity, and that the Clerk of the Crown had just struck
out the Hon. Baronet's name, and aubstiteted that of S.r Francis
Wronghead—(A laugh). He had the highest opinion of the flight
'Hon. Gentleman opposite ( Mr. Peel) who had manfully and con.
I sistently maintained his principles, but be (Sir J. Yorke) should
give something of his general support to the present Government,
leven to the Catholic Question, prows. ed they took the measure into
their hands, and pledged their responsibility that they could not
govern the country without it.
II Lord CL I F TON, tin thr present occasion, was anxious to state
his views. From the moment the Hon. Gentlemen. witk wham
he was in the habit of acting, had deterniiiied to give their support
to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, he had entertained doubts
as to the propriety of that course. They had, he knew, generally
supported the liberal portioq of his,Majesty's Government, in their
recent measures. Still, he must say, that he did not at this mo-
ment sue such an Administration constituted as to ca.l fur a pledge
of his support. He must, however, allow also, that he telt still legs
disposition to support the old members of the Government, who
had run over, with reckless haste, to give opposition to the new
Administration before any of is measures had been dcvslopecr,
and who likewise desired to provoke the discussion of the Catholic
Question, to which they had always been the most determined
enemies. On that question, as well on some others, he certainly
should support the Government, without, however, pledging him-
self to any other line of general support--( Hear, hear).
Sir J. SEBR I G lIT felt it to be his duty to his constituents and
his country to give the Administration, of which the highly gifted
Gentleman, Mr. Canning, was the head, his best and mint cordial
support—( Hear). He gave the former Government his supports
thuugtr he did not, and could not, place in' it the conoaence
which the present Ministry justly demanded. Ile felt the
greatest resp'-cc fur the Right Honourable llember for Ox-
ford (Mr. Peel), but did not regret his absence trout tie Ca.
Diner, on account of his adherence to an ill.ber.l and eiarrori-
minded system of policy—particularly in relation to the civil and
religious freedom of five millions of their fellow subjects. lie was
glad mote the Right lion. Gentleman ( Mr. Cana g) at the head
of the Government, fur his expanded views were in ke:Fing with
the advanced state of the public mind; and it he mistook 'slot
egregiously, would be supported by the country at large.
Mr. ‘VODEHOUSE wished, when so much calumny was afloat,
to explain his own conduct. On the 6th of May, he had column-
ideated with the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (.or. Ilosiasson)
upon the propriety of ascertaining what was the feeling of Parlia-
ment and the country respecting the new Government? lie had
written to him on the 6th of May, and on the 10th lie had received
this answer—

• •
" NIT IMAIL Sia--When we parted yesterday I thought we were
both agreed that a debate en the state of the nation would be the
best thing that could happeth'and the sooner the better; but that
such a motion would originate better with an avowed enemy than a
firm friend."
14r. LITTLETON'tose to order, and thought that a written •0
communication of this nature ought not to be ptacicly read—he had '
likewise reason to think that the Right Hon. Gentleman did not
think it would have been so used—( Hear).
Mr. lIUSKISSON said, that certainly he did not expect his
Honourable Friend would have read his letter, which, be believed,
was marked " private." Not that he eared by whom it was seen.
Mr. WODEHOUSE said, that Honourable Members had
asked hint what course he meant to take, and he was anxious to
protect himself front any misunderstanding, as there was no end to
the calumnies which were circulated agaiusthint.
Sir. PORTMAN entreated that his Honourable Friend would
not further allude to private communications, nor allow himself to
be ruffled by private calumnies, which could not affect the high
character of su respected an individual—(Hear, hear).
Mr. WOHEIIOUSE said, that he was not there to defend his
private honuur, fur no man had attacked it—(Hear, hear.) But•he
was most anxious to pay his tribute of applause to the Bight Hon.
Gentlemen opposite who weir at the head of the Goveriimtnt, and
he hoped they would have their country's support—(Hear.)
Mr. HUME said, that he did not wish to iithr ally opposition
to the Government; but as the Right Honourable Gentleman op-
posite had taken the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, he
thought he ought to fulfil the promise made by his predecessor,
and not call fur any Midler Supplies until he had laid his financial
statement before the Douse. He maintained, that after thir.
teen years' peace. nothing had been done, and that a Committee
of Finance should be immediately appointed. During the last
year, the debt bad been increased four millions and a halt, and it
would again increase as much this year. He therefore thought the.
Right Hon. Gentleman ought nut to proieed with the Supplies un-
til some satisfacury explanation of his views had been given.
Mr. HERMES would not deny that his Noble Friend, the
late Chancellor of the Exchequer had given sonic such pledge as
hail been alluded to by the Hon. Member for Montrose, but be
would put it to the House whether his Right lion. Fiiendi the
First Lord of the Treasury, should have shewn a greater anxiety
than be had done to lay his financial statement before the country ?
—(hear, hear). Besides, the House would remember that auk
principal part of the supplies had already been voted, and those ao
be brought under the consideration of the House were, compara-
tively speaking, of inferior amount and consequence.
Mr. CANNING said, that in reply to what had fallen from the
Hun. Member for Monirase, he had to state, that on that day forts.
night.he should bring forward his statement for the year—XL-leers,
and cries of hear). He hoped that the lion. Member mould desist
from opposing the motion for the House going into a Committees
because be mast see that under the circumstances In whieh be ( r.
Canning) was placed, it was beyond the power by human diMgencil