Star.
London, England, 1819-11-13 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR
.014 THE STAR. -

Ste--The present State of iikkrand has called fottb the fal-
lowing remarks, which, if attended to, would give einplennitat
to the whole of the unemployed throughout the Kingdom, ari
would produce an annual revenue of half a million sterling ;
and about two millions the fiat year, the like sum of two mil-
lions at the expiration of 20 years, and a much larger bum at the
expiration of 40 yeare. It would decrease pauperism, reduce thy
burden of taxation, by inn easing the number of ;Krone' capeb!e
of paying taxes; a large quantity ~f food Would be produced,
which would under the Nation independent of foreign rwpplit
(a desirable object at this time, when foreign nations are too. -
smelly passing prohibitory lava against the ititroduction of Britilh
, goods) ; it would increase our metallic circulating medium, by
preventing the continued remittances of bullion for the payment
of grain, and it would improve our exchttege ; it would incresee
our internal trade, by increasing the number of the middle order
of society, and by improving the means of the lower 'ardor;
end the higher order cf society would receive the ndditirr'al
security of a large body of persons being placed beyotei -the
reach of want, who would have an interest in the State, by hav-
htg lose by any internal revolt. The Clergy would
-receive au addition to their present revenue, and the_kingdom
become more compact by the large tracks of waste land beteg
cultivated. Our industrious natives would not feel the necessity
of emigration; our highways wooll be improved by the more
frequent intercourse, and camils werild increase their tonnage. •
Prwersed—That the whole of the Royal Forests, Crown, and
Waste Lands in England, be surveyed, and one-seventh to be
set apart for the Clergy; the remaining six-sevenths to be divided
into lots front ten to two hundred acres, and .tia estimate to be
made of the value of each lot (not being subject to tythe in Con-
sequence of the above seventh 'having beets set spirt for tie
Clergy) of its present annual value; theft to be sold by public
auction, subject to an annual rental of three-fourths their earl-
mated annual value, to be sold at a prtmitun to the highest bid-
der, for a period of twenty yeati, at the expiration of. which
term to be resbld., subject to its first annual rental, as in the filet
instance, for another twenty years.; and whatever extra premium
it should be then sold for, more than the first purchaser gave fur
it, to be given to the leaseholder who has had powession, as a
compensation for his labour and inr2rmiement ; and to continue
to It mold every-twentieth year in like manner, always giv:zg
the leaseholder who quits the extra putchaseernortey it produces
above the amount he• give for it at the commencement of Ms
lease, as in the first instance where it is resold. And to prevent
frecptent removals, it would be advisable to jive an advantage
of five per cent. deduction, on the amount of The purchase-mc:cy
received by Government, to every leaseholder who becomes
purchaser of the property be then bolds.
I expect two millions of sores of Waste Land; corld be found{
worth upon an average; in its present state, Eta. per acre, per
su-
num, (if tythe-free) ; which after deducting a seventh for :Le
Clergy, would leave 1,714.285 acres to be disposed of, which Le
an average of ,7,4ths, would produce £514,235. I.os. sterling per
annum. Twelve years' purchase, bsirg neatly at, equivalent fir
20 years' possession, at 3-4ths its estimated value, world prod le,
£2,051,142 sterling the first year, in addition to the rectal f
1514,285. lOs. If every 100 acres cultivated vt_old employ fet-r
men, it would take 40,000 men, to cultivate the 1,0000;00 acres
and taking the average of each man so provided for to average
wife and two children, would amount to 320,010 persons, where
wants, comforts, buildings, and agricultt:r..l implements, would
give employment to 80,000 manufacturers and mechanics, who
having the same number in family as stated above, would acme ce
to 640,0003-.vben added to the number of cult4ators ; this our.
bet being aboe a one-twentieth part of the population of Engine d,
of *verse the number of persons capable of paying taxes would'-e
increased in that proportion, to the benefit of the other 19-2011 w;
and the burthen of parochial rates would be reduced, from a
two-fold cause—first, by the number of contributior.s being i -
creased, and the cumber of paupers decreased.
That every purchaser of such laid from Governnient, holding
the same in his own right, at a contested election for Cennly
Members to serve in the Commons House, be entitled to vete
for the same, and enjoy an equal privilege with freeholders of the
county where such land is 'situate.
To preve:a tie want of ship-timber, from the application t f
the Royal Forests to agriculture, it could be stipulated for ce:-
taia land so disposed of, to produce such timber as may be
likely to be wanted by Governmefit, to be taken by Govern-
ment of the growers, at stated periods, subject to a stipulated
scale of price to be arranged for the purchase of it.
If Government should Consider the Lord of the Manor and
other persons have a claim nn some waste land, they should be
compensated by giving them a portion, or even the wh;le, et
both premiem and rent, according to their respective claims,
which would reduce the advantage of revenue, but would not
interfere with the other manifold advantages to be. produced
from the above plan.—l remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
Blacking Manufactory, noBERT WARREN,
30, Strand, London, 4th Nov. 1810.

Leiters from Newcastle contain the satisfactory
intelligence, that the fresh disturbances which had
broken out among the keelmen had been amicably
adjUsted. An arrangement was ellected on Sunday
evening last, when the men agreed to return to their
work the next morning. In addition to the advance
stipulated on this occasion, the labourers insisted
that the whole of the arrears should be paid up at
the rate of the new arrangement. After •some dis-
cussion, this. was finally consented to.

A Goou BEGiNNING.—Wgss sold the jilt Cefital
in the p.resent Lottery, viz. No. 3,370, drawn on 1 ues-
day last a Prize of 420,000, (Consols and Money),
in one Half, and eight Sixteenth Shares, at his fortu-
nate Offices, 9, Coin* and 17, Ludgate-street.—
Six more 1.:20,000 Prizes remain to be drawn, Two
of them will be decided in the first five minutes, on
the 9th December, and• the other Four may also be
drawn on that day.—WEBB'S Offices are supplied
with Tickets and Shares in good variety.
RICHARDSON, Gown tick, and Co.

acquaint the Public, that the next Day of
will be the 9th of Dece inner, when Two mu:

Money and Consol Prizes will be drawl
chance of Four more on that day. 1(1
Goon Loot, and Co. Sold, last Lottery,
Prize of s.36,oooTOnsols, and Ne. 70%
L'4500, in Whole rickets; and, in the preset
No. 4396, a Fria*. of £4OO Consols, in
Ticket; And No. 9,393, a Prize of

Shares. Tickets and Shares are on Sale
Offices, Bank-buildings, Corehill, mad Cl

- ..~

~~

;1.. r
it 1
t i 144
1

T
. 1

• 'f

PI
D. respectfully
y of Drawing
more L:20,000 • : I
avid the
RICH A apsobr,
Ty, N.. 710, a
09, a Pi ize of
oresea Lottery,
, in a t. hole
WO COnlo.s, in
Sale at their
Charineeross

t'
~~'.
},
,'

13
•

f,

been so put to the sword because they were Parliamentary Re-
formers, it should seem to this Meeting, that the horrid crime
was a flagitious elperiment, of persons in the same interest as
the usu Ting Monqpislists of Representation ; and in the hope
pf• themby patting down for ever, the just and sacred cause of
Parliamentary Reform, by the terror of a military execution of
its advocates, should they dare any more publicly to assemble,
for obtaining justice, and recovering their rights.
" 10. That the bloodstained sword, which, on the 16th. of
August, was so inhumanly active in the cause of the Monopolies
of Representation, having, instead of putting down the Parlia-
mentary Reformers, called up the indignant Nation, it should
stsem to this Meeting, that the Monopolists are now reduced to
this alternative—either to acquiesce in a Constitutional Reform,
or to exterminate a large and daily increasing priaportion of the
People.
" IL Thit the foregoing Resolutions, verbatim, be made
public, as the Loyal Declaration of the ireeholders of Middle.
sex, publicly assembled for the purpose expressed in the Re-
quisition.
" 10. That it be the request of this Meeting to the Dukes of
Norfolk, Somerset, Redford, Devon, -Roxburgh, and Leinster—
to the Marquis of Lansdown—to the Earls of Thanet, Albe-
mqrle, Fitawillinin, Grosvenor, Carnarvon, •Grey, Lauderdale,
Dirnky, and Donoughmore—to the Bishop of Norwich—to the
Barons Arundel, Deere, Byron, King, and Holland—that they,
or any number of them, not fewer than three, and prior, if pos-
sible to the meeting of Parliament, will not only present to the
Prince Regent, the Declaration of this Meeting, but, before it
be delivered, one of them do read it to him ; and that, on the
same occasion, the said Peers, being hereditary Counsellors of
the Crown, do also declare to his Royal Highness their own sen-
timents on the conduct of the Manchester Magistrates and Yeo-
manry Cavalry on the bloody 16th day of August last."
The Rev. Mr. DRAPER, in seconding the Resolu-
tions, observed, that there was nothing of more im-
portance than the liberties of Englishmen, upon
those liberties depended their virtue, and upon their
virtue depended their utility.--(Applause.)—Each
titan had a right to feel for the liberty and indepen-
dence of the whole community, and if he did not do
so, his feelings of patriotism were an incumbrance to
him. The late transactions at Manchester were,
though confined to one district, of a nature to arouse
the feelings of Englishmen; but when the alarm was
communicated—when a fear was entertained that si-
milar acts were to be perpetrated throughout the
realm—then it operated like an electric shock, and
there was not one individual who wished well to the
country who had a difference of opinion on the sub-
ject—(Applause.)—But there were persons who en-
tertained different opinions, or at least who pretended
to entertain different opinions. There were elective
and non-elective bodies. There were bodies upon
which no impression could be made. Unfortunately
those bodies were too frequently to be found ; and if
they inquired the 'cause, it would be found to Arise
from the too great influence, and Ministerial patron-
age. There was a time when the Gentry of the coup.
try had a common interest with the commonalty—
when they scrupulortily watched the movements of
Government, and were desirous of being ruled well
and cheaply, for the sake of those out of whose hard'
earnings the tares were paid—(Cheers.)—At that
time too there was Government patronage, but it
was only sufficient to support the splendour of the
Throne, to oil the wheels of Government, and allow
the state machine to move with ease and activity.—
At that time the people had a voice in the Legisla-
mre, and under this system of Legislature it was
that a Dudley and an Empson bad been put to
death for mal-practices against the liberties of Eng-
lishrnen.--(App/ause.)--,.Englishmen, when assembled
together, were incapable of atrocious or sanguinary
acts, however such acts might be committed in holes
and corners; and thus it was, as the wise man ob-
serves—" In the multitude of Council there is safE-
ty !" But now that: system was altered. • Govern-
ment had so much patronage in the Law—in the
Church—in the Army—that that law which was ori-
ginally instituted for the protection of the people, be-
came their dread and their oppression:--(Cheers.)—
In a word, the remedy was worse than the disease.—
This patronage had disseminated among the people
a set of persons who were inirhical to their interests;
and Government having been long nibbling at the li-
berties of the people, thought they were now strong
enough to crush them st a blow.---(Cries Qf g They
can't, they cant!')-Let them look at the proceedings
at Manchester—at the hasty approval of those pro-
ceedings by Ministers. In those proceedings blood
had been spilt, and where blood bad been spilt, no
rman ever gave an hasty approval—(Mers);—
tdwhy was the approval so readily given? Because
this blood had been shed in the cause of the people.
—(Cheess.)—lt was sophistry to talk of prejudging
' the question. Who was it that prejudged it% It was
his Majesty's Ministers. The removal of Earl Fitz.
william spoke volumes.---(So it does.)—Ministers
seemed determined not to retain any men of honour,
of family, of rank, or of talent. They wanted servility
—the most abject servility—they wished to have
their commands carried into execution at a nod—
they wished to exact implicit obedience from all per-
sons in office. But there was a time when these Mi-
nisters would not have dared to put such an insult
upon a noble family ; now, however, they did it, and
their excuse was, gg Sir, you have mixed yourself up
with the cause of the people"—(Cheers.)—Afte; some
observations on the Coroner's Inquest at Oldham, the
Rev. Gentleman observed, that he could not support a
Government which endeavoured to oppress the People.
He would support the King's Prerogative.,--but he
Must also support the People's Rights, in despite of
any Minister—( Cheering). These Ministers and
their supporters quoted Scripture, but they 'cut the
book in halves, and took that part which suited their
purpose. They had no doubt read the 17th verse Of
the second chapter of the first Epistle of Peter, and
in this verse were four things contained : of these
four things Ministers adopted two—" Love Goo and
honour the King." There were two other parts, bug
these were passed over—(Lasghing). The worthy
Magistrates %Vent a little further, and took three.
fourths of the •

forth were also strong. The dismissal of Earl Fitz.:
william was a strong measure ; in tact, every mean
sure adopted.by Ministers was strong. Then should
their Resolutions be suited to those measures. The
Reverend Gentleman concluded by seconding the
Resolutions.
Major CARTWRIGHT proceededto put the
Resolti-
dons, which, up to the eleventh, were carried una-
nimously.
When the eleventh Resolution was proposed,
GcoaGE BENG, Esq. M. P. for the County, came
forward, and said, that he had taken thai opportunity
of attending this Meeting of his Constituents, how
ever much he might differ froth the Resolutions
which had been proposed : though the present As-
sembly had not been called together by the author ity
of the Sheriff, still he thought it his duty to attend
the Meeting of his Constituents on all public occa-
sions ; and, though he might differ from them in his
opinion, he should be sorry to think that any one
would view that difference of opinion as a mark of
disrespect to the public body. On the contrary, he
would beg leave to say, that he was by no means in-
sensible of the many atrocities which it was alleged
were committed at Manchester. On the contrary, he
might appeal to his whole political life, that there
never was any event in which the liberties of the
People were concerned, and particularly in so mo-
mentous and very interesting a question as the pre-
sent, that he did not exert himself to the utmost.—
Yet he must say, and say it he would, with an honest
and unbiassed mind, that he certainly was no& pre-
pared to give an unqualified censure on the Man-
chester Magistrates and Yeomanry—(Several voices
cried out "why so? why so?")--I object, (said Mr.
Byng) to passing an unqualified censure on the Ma-
gistrates and Yeomanry of Manchester, for the same
reason that I disapprove of the unqualified approbi-
don bestowed on them by Ministers.—The object
for which he was most anxious, was to obtain inquiry,
and he could not but lament that there had not. been
an earlier Meeting of the County of Middlesex. An
early Requisition had been signed by a number of
his Noble and other Friends, for the purpose Of peti-
tioning his Royal Highness for the calling of Parlia-
ment together at a period sooner than usual, but as
the Royal Proclamation soon afterwards stated the
day on which Parliament was to be assembled, some
had thought, perhaps, it was not necessary to meet.
While he could not but deeply, lament that the same;
energy was not shewn here, as was in Yorkshire, at
the very important Meeting which.waS held the*,
he could assure them, thatin his plaie in The WOO;e
of Commons, fie 4-ould faithlblie Iftinkt
himself to the: utmost in promoting:Lomst koloian,
strict, and impartiblinvestigation ar .411 The kircilbt-
stances attending tbe-Manchistei'Meethig..tie '
16th of August. If -nti ilia -inquiry- wits: grans -
he must be allowed to say, that nothiii),g% since" the
accession Cif the present Family to the Erime,.cpuld
tend so nitikb to alienate the affections of the People
from that Throne, as the late melancholy affair.-+—z.
If, however, on a proper inquiry.heiaginstitutedohe
country should be properly informed, and on privet
evidence, that the Meeting was one of a tumultuous
nature, which he did not believe, and that 'nothing
could have quelled it but the interposition of. the mi-
litary, then, indeed, it would have been time to-he
satisfied. -te regretted that he was now addressing
so small 3 body of his Constituents, as he expected. to
have seen a much larger body present: With respect
to the doctrines of Parliamentary Reform, such ai
were held at the Manchester Meeting, he must be
allowed in candour to say, that he had uniformly dis-
approved of them, though at the same time no man
could possibly feel a deeper interest in the extension
of the Elective Franchise than he did. While there-
fore he opposed the doctrines of Universal Suffrage
and Annual. Parliaments, he at the same time disap-
proved of the Rotten Boroughs, and thought that the
Elective Franchise should be extended to all house-
holders who paid direct taxes. The doctrine of Uni-
versal Saffrage-wfs in itself quite absurd, as it never
had been the usage of this country—and even in
France and America, where it Was said to exist, there
were exceptions. At the same time, while he thus
candidly stated his own opinions, he never would
consent to vilify those who went further in the cause
of Reform than he did ; and he sincerely regretted
that such a bone of contention had been thrown down
to divide the friends of the cause. He the more
, deeply laniented this, because he was confident that
it would tend in no inconsiderable degree to put
:energy and confidence into the minds of the friends
'of public abuses, and lead Ministers to stronger ma-
jorities in the ensuing Session of Parliament, than in
the last. Whatever might be the result, the warmest,
unceasing, and constant effort of his future labours
should be for the good, not merely of his Constituents,
but of the Public at large.—(MareA cheering.)
Mr. CLARKE begged leave to explain, and in a few
words condemned the idea of the question, as to the
Massacre at Manchester being prejudged, for it was
universally known, that, to the last moment, the
Meeting at Manchester was peaceable, orderly, and
eves Cheerful, when the People were attacked by the
Yeomanry.
Major CARTWRIGHT said, that none of the Resolu-
tions were indicative of either one plan of Reform or
another. The eleventh and twelfth Resolutions
were then unanimously agreed to.
Major CARTWRIGHT congratulated the Meeting"on
the harmony which had prevailed through the day.
He agreed with their worthy Representative, that it
was to be regretted that -so few had been present to:
day ; but still, whether the Meeting was composed of
200 - 200,000, the'

George Byng, Esq.) for his gene-al atteition
cause of the People, and his attendance that
d;
Mr. BYNG observed, that to him ;t w
a peculiar satisfaction to meat the thanks of hi
stituents. lie was siire that no man cellist •
hold public confidence in higher value than
and he was so decidedly of thisoninion, that'
assure them, whenever the moment
could not agree with the wishes of those rho
elected him, he would that moment cheertr'
the sacred trust reposed in him. Pe rejoice:
the very peaceable and amicable manner in
the business of this day had been transacted.
ever much he might lament the paticity of in
still nothing had been done which coukt srr
a possible misrepresentation of their cm
thus acting, they had given him the sine
sure, and he could assure them, he was full
that they had done themselves the higheq
honour. With these sentiments, he would
present bid theta farewell—(Loud applusea.)
The Meeting was then dissolved, and Nlajo
WRIGHT and the other Gentlemen who took
the business of the day, were loudly chr
withdrew.

OXFORD COUNTY MEETING.

A County Meeting took place in the Tt,7a
at Oxford, yesterday, called by a most
body of Freeholders, Lo express to his Roy:
Bess the PRINCE REGENT their loyalty and
ment to the Constitution.

At twelve o'clock the HIGH Smr.Rlrr
Hall, accompanied by the Duke of MAntew
the Earl of MACCLESFIELD, the E3.;1 of HA!
Lords GUILDFORD, ABINGDON, and CHURC!,
Mr. ASHURST, M.P. Mr. BANKES, M.P. MI%
WRIGHT, M.P. Mr. LOCKHAR T, St vCTaI
Colleges, and a large body of the mutt ic,
Freeholders.

The HIGH SHER:FF having taken the Chi
ceeded to open 'the business of the day by di,
that it had given hint much pleasure to attent
.Requisition for calling the present Nleetint.;,
-pleasure was much enhanced by seeing so -
and.resp.eetabkin attendance. To him it .
of nO. -strialriMportauce, that such a body
shciufa assemble, -.at .trisis like the pre,eut,
sedition and disaffection .stalked abroad, to
theirTo:Yalty to their .Serfseign, and their
.mega to JO...glorious and sacred Constitution cf
Ountry. heped any:ertors into which 1
bill in the course,of thelehtir, would be excl:l
ccount "ifs :ine*tertence, . this being
tithe he :Kid presiaekotiz. stichi
would take the liberty to suggest tc
.who might be disposed to favour the .
Idersiesith their preseneen_lhat ft thigh.
to =Ark liternselyes ..,t-0.-fß;fnTrit set iortli-in
'Requisitibl, and to abstain •frteas iatroducit
vant matter, which might lead tOendless
and a difference; of opinion which was alit._
be deprecated, on an occasion like the present.
The Requisition was read. •
The Earl iat .MAccLusteturii said, the cause of
present Meeting being called, must be perfect)
understood by all present. It might be thoul
loon untiectissary for that County to reiterate
declarations et loyalty which it had so often
pressed before, but the circumstances of the
Called for such a Meeting in a peculiar
When large bodies of men were seen meetn
over thircountry, for purposes, which (how,
Bible the pretences for assembling) it was c.
hostile to the well-being of the State, it bee,
sirable that-those friendly tO his Alaje,ty's
ment, and all well•disposed persons, shoul,t
to know where they might confidently la: o.r
port in the event of the peace of the country' !
unfortunately disturbed by the clisaife(ted.
Meetings like those to which he had alluded,
been held in various parts of the country, was
rious--Nfeethigs not held in a proper way :0
political questions with a view of coming at
but Meetings composed of persons who cal
opinions previously made up on the questions
agitated, marching in military order—carryinl,
and banners before them, inscribed with mottos
claratory of revolutionary principles, and seer.
threaten with violence all who might presume 0
fey from them. These assemblies had been the .
of throwing great impediments in the way of
commerce of the countryf and much disorder
ensued. Those who took the lead at k7-.e
that the influence of religion was likely to opp
most effectual resistance to their efforts to se,
people from their loyalty, had endeavoured to gL
rid of this obstacle, by circulating far and wide, pur
lications, the object of which was to subvert an,-
tianity, and destroy the religion of the State. In :he
county of Oxford, all as yet was safe : every thil,
had been quiet ; but no man could say how far the
contagion (if he might so call it) would esterl, tie
how soon it might affect those who till now escaped
it, and it was therefore desirable a that the loyal. the
sober-minded, and the good," should unite without
delay to oppose a declaration of their sentiments to
the evil designs of their enemies, and the enemies et
the country—(Applause.)—With-this impression co
his mind, he would propose an Address to his Roy:i
Highness the Prince Regent, expressing their attach-
ment to the present Government, the Family on the
Throne, and the Illustrious Individual now at the:
head of the grate, and declaring their abhorrence of
the practices of the enemies of religion, and their de'
terminatitin to oppose them to the utmost, as the best

atte Alen to
•
:nee that (lac dm
.t wa; at
hanks of his '
an c("Ad pos
aloe than he
non, that he c
oto
f those who ,sp
t chee7ll.lll
T • It
.e Tejo,ced to
manner in r,
At
ransacted.
..tcity of nun ae
'Dolt: suFgost
irir conduct. th
11
the sincerest ;
was full
•y sat.;
highest pc
IR
he would for
app/fnises.)
and Niajor C
who took all. 1
ly cheered as
al
EETING.
n the To ea •
a most nu
o his Royal
lyalty and a •
r.elrr entered.
!`•I A RLEORM.
1 of HARCUP,
and CH URC:!I'
:ES, M.P. NI:.
st: veral
Lc mutt Icspv• '
ten the Chair, .
o day by dec •• •
ore to attendto
st Meeting, w::
;eeing so numr-
ro him it appea
:h a body of ..
the present, sr'
abroad, to de=
and their .1.•
bnstitutioncf
nto which he mi
uhl be excl:c%!.'.
. this bef)g the i.
:in ..occlsiun.
to those tea:1::
the assembled..•
might be-desi
it set iortrin
introducing irte
iendless sliciaissl
was altogethe:
e the present:
id,
the came of
st be perfectly it
ight be thought
to reiterate dn.
had so often
antes of the u •
secuiiar manner
seen meeting
rich (however ph:
;) it was clear. w .
tate, it became d.
tiovc.•
ns, should be
ently look for SZt
the country ben
-disaffer ted. 'f
had alluded, 1.,
:ountry, WAS no,
sper way to di •
oming at the t:t: •
ms who came*
the questions to •
ler—carrying ••
rd with mottos
les, and seeming!
ght presume tout
tad been the nie
in the way of
much disorder h
1 at ilsem, knowin
likely to oppose:l.fforts to seduce i.e
t
!

L." f,!:r.

;,„?.of his Majesty = subjects every relictious
/it tt they may be the More easily led to the
:rane, and prepared for revolution and anarchy,
copscquences, rapine, devastation, and

d:sf -lir , ur (liar. therefore, at this time to declare ow de-
'.,; rr.:.ti,ci, and that we will use our utmost en.
: to .„.. , r;', them, and to assure your Royal Highness
~ 1e:....;,... for the Christian Religion, and our 'resolution
-f:
~,,I r: -unt.:in that Constitution which we hays re-
.1.,'1,„ our al.c:irnrs, by which, under Pacsanscsims, this
.. ; ,ca gory, opulenci., internal peace and hap*
~,1:: maions.
. • ,Icitision there was a hiss from one or two
,
11!••‘ '
-:1 a,,• .1. ; , 0, o.e Hall, but it was almost instantly
• i in ittid and cundnued apple:mac from the rest

•
11e nt.
,e Puke of MARLBOROUGH said, he felt great
re in seconding the Address.—This was also
,ced by a solitary expression of disapprobation
nme person in the crowd, but it produced the
tik.ct as the former.
tr,, x,ll num r, M.P. expressed his determination
•
--arse the machinations of the disaffected. He
plated, with horror, the attempts made to de-
the conscientious bulwark which had been
4,1 in the unseduced mind of man, to guard him
jhese who would tempt him to a violation of
Let that bulwark be once destroyed, and
•.„,au l be left to man? He was amongst the
f:lends of Civil and Religious Liberty, and,
.t..er,•,!:e would raise his voice to defend that Con-
which secured the true and proper enjoy-
Liberty. To speak of the British Con-
..l,ll.—the work of human hands, as being aim-
rclect, would be presumption. h must, Me-
ranake of the infirmities of our common
but it contained within itself the means of
nir.7 wnv vrious public evils that might arise,
;;cued the Tedress of private injuries. This
he hoped, would be handed down un-
ri.;ing posterity, and with this feeling he
concurred in the address which had

Y 7. ULF:HART said, it had been truly observed
cu le of the County of Oxford had ever
by their loyalty to their Sovereign
'n.iclnut..t to the Constitution. The illustrious'
it the head of the State had not.now-to learn •
slecgth of their loyalty and the strength of their
..-rtot. Knowing this, he would not now stand
ed to address them if it. were not the practice
•:tri? pc: sons who were opposed to the Constitu-
,f.tiwly to boast that their opinions were making

.
[. mug the People. What they called pro-.
he would call corruption.,(Here a hiu was
• heard, but it was iniesedietely drowned in ap,
.te.) When the disaffected boastfully exhibited
:. numbers—numbers of men deluded or brought
er by blind delegation, and when even, in that
lii 2,:embly, something of disapprobation had
intidested ; while they were about to express
-r loyalty to their Sovereign, and their attach-
.t, tlx Constitution of their country, it became

.a.,',.7 tz,r every man to speak out, and afford the
•-...n..i..:1 influence of his example to those valued
.-41 c:..., which the evil disposed had dared to
p:l—•.-ipp/ause). It was notoriously the fact,. that
Tir.;,:,:n.i.i. long been making to substitute the will
inr.:: Lis judgment, and under the pretence of.
orinug our Constitution, to effect the total over-
Tx' of our liberty. Those who entertained such
>i1,5,..1„t:1 also laboured to put down religion.

e Waal creatures had endeavoured to set up.
They had thus endeavoured to give a ne-
, to ixiety, and to leave. man nothing to repose
hr cithdrawing from him his hope in the awful
.ideate of the DEITY. Happily these incendiaries
IJ-enable to make but
.few converts to their per!.
s doctrines. They in fact defeated themselves..
• had more cautiously, but not less rancorously,.
the Religion of the State, approaChing it as
These, though they admitted the existence
the DEITY, denied that he had ever made any com-
,. catix. of his Divine will to the frail Creatures
is+tailed into being. What was the object of
Persons? It was obviously to destroy our in-1
' monitor—to take from man his conscience,
h might protect him from sin: for what would
!DEITY be to man, if no communication had ever
made of his will to his creature? Man, if these
ceded, would, in our state of society, become
civilized savage, and a fit instrument to over-
te the Government, in the hands of the remorse-
'kings whose desperate, bloody, and treasonable
• ..:in:is it was the duty of every good man W.01)7
,-(.elppfitust:).--The disaffected, in acting the
,11ich he Mid described, had not acted without
7.l,zer. nor without a precedent. They had closely
.eti IL? horrible examples furnished in the course
!ter:intim. Nothing had escaped their
:::ey had copied even the fooleries and
French Revolution, their flags
liberty ; and they had seen their
t I.il'ertv also, in the persons of shame.
derr.lCa to the cause—(Appiesse).--He
vier l•ne would see the infamous object of
;Ind :''preries and blasphemies whichhad
sent al;rt,ad, and he hoped every one would
erns irmeos.iLle for human reason to corn-
-1)111,i and his ways without revelatioo.
it was impossible for small to compre- '
tn'• finite beings could not lift up
1,1-;;.,:„ if some portion of sacred light
:••••,..1 from on high, to enable them to un•
vaiii:me and awful truths of our Religion.
:e!cakt ! by those who called for a Parlia-
! 1:e; Jrni that they had a right to Universal4raB7, 'this, with Annual Parliaments, they
t) gave been formerly the law of the land.
.e.einent w.is historically false, and no single
• • Oita a sulitary tradition could be adduced
' t;:e 3sSerti.)ll. But if it were true that
the Constitution of England, what was
4` ice that followed ? Why, it would fol..
• Government under which this system
,o weak and vicious in its organiza-
.ll't,e t :•ab:e of duration, that it had speedily
wvaiot.t leaving even the fragment of a re.
li:::tory to attest that it had existed—(Ap
such a system, it must be the con-
L‘el y man of sober judgMent, it would be
that liberty could be preserved. Many
ult.! the experiment (though England
`l' 1.1 popular and anarchical -Revolution,
:v was found to be, that the Government
t,4.41,1ied could scarcely outlive a month. In
inid,4 such a system, he believed the popu-

.

'• v

•~. ~...

lace had been in the habit of setting np a tyrant,
whom, m a period' as short as that which he had
named, they commonly found it necessary to hang
or shoot. Some person had mentioned America, as
an example of Revolutionary Government. In Ame-
rica, Universal Suffrage was not sanctioned. There,
women and children were not .allowed to vote. No-
body
there enjoyed that right but those who paid
taxes, and direct taxes too. But even if it were true
that Universal Suffrage had been successfully tried
in America, was the period during which this could
have been the case, sufficiently extended to justify
other Nations in departing from their established
systems, to adopt the system of the United States?
If, on the experience of '2O years, such a course were
to be pursued, no Government would have time to
gain strength from the changes which would be per-
petually taking place in its policy and formation. One
proof of the goodness of the British Constitution was
found in the singlefact,that it had endured for7oo years.
It never could have existed so long had it been destruc-
tive of the liberties of mankind. If found to promote
social misery, instead of lasting nearly 1000 Yeats, it
could net have been sustained ter a single century.—
He then descanted on the blessings flowing from the
British Constitution, which, from small beginnings,
had increased the happiness and renown of the
People, and raised the Nation to the highest pinnacle
of glory. He again condemned the proceedings of
the disaffected; and, reverting to the French Revo-
lution, he spewed that it was not alone Royalty, but
the Nobility and the great who suffered at that pe-
riod. The poor peasantry also had been brought to the
market-places of France, like cattle to the slaughter,
and decapitated. Women had been butchered in the
same way ; and it had not been uncommon to tie the
wretched virgin to the back of her lover, and then
send both to sea and knock the keel out of the vessel,
or to throw them into the river Lois!. This had
been familiarly spoken of by the infamous ruffians
who perpetratectsuch enot mines (and who, of course,
had lost all feeling) as nothing more than a " Repub-
lican marriage"—(Applamse.) He hoped the People
of this Country would never be guilty of such crimes;
but once seduced from their duty, it was impossible
to say what horrors they might not be led on to ap-
prove and abet. He enlarged on the calamities in-
separable from Revolution, again eulogized. the
English Constitution, and spoke with much satisfac-
tion of the failure of the schemes of the Reformers
in various parts of England. On reviewing the
events which had transpired since the. Prince Regent
had been called to exercise the functions of the So-
vereign, he begged to say, notwithstanding the libels
by which his Royal Highness had been assailed, that
impartial history would hereafter record that no
British Sovereign had ever stood on a firmer basis of
glory. He strongly supported the Address, though,
for themselves, it was hardly necessary that they
should come forward with that display of their loy-
alty, and of their determination to resist to the utmost
the machinations of the enemies of social order and
the happiness of mankind—(Loud applause.)
Mr. PEERE3 said he should trespass but a few mo-
ments on the time of the Meeting ; he should not,
perhaps, have risen upon the present occasion to ex-
press his sentiments, were it not for the observation
that had fallen from his Learned Friend (Mr. Lock-
hart). He justly observed, that it was, under exist-
ing circumstances, the duty of every loyal and well-
disposed person to come forward and boldly avow his
attachment to the Constitution, and his determina-
tion to support it against the attempts of those who
'would overturn both law and religion. This invita-
tion he was disposed to accept, and he came forward
the more willingly to avow his entire concurrence in
the Address, because he perceived some slight ten-
dency in the Hall to a difference of opinion. He flat-
tered himself that the County' of Oxford was as pure,
and as free from political contagion, as any other
'County in England. There might be a few, a very
few individuals, to whom it had reached; but the
great majority were sound and loyal—(Applause.)—
They knew the views, the machinations, and prin-,
ciples of those who would overthrow every thing
great and valuable both in Church and State; those
views and principles they were determined to resist.
Whatever difference of opinion might prevail among
those who were friendly to a temperate and well-
considered Reform, he would not enter into them at
present. Their business now was not with such a
question, and it would be unnecessary to offer his
sentiments on it. But with respect to Annual Par-
liaments, Universal Suffrage, and Election by Ballot,
that mad and sweeping system, of which they lately
heard so much, no man in his senses, no man in the
slightest degree acquainted with political subjects,
could, for a moment, suppose that society could exist
under the operation of such principles, or that they
were at all practicable in this or any other country.
Upon this subject he should not have touched, were
it not that the circumstances of the times, and the
object for which they were met, naturally invited to
it. Nothing could be more fallacious, nor more
absurd, than the arguments of those persons who
supported Vote by 13allut, and Universal Suffrage.—
The former was cried up as the infallible remedy for
venality, as if. under the present system, when votes
were publicly and openly given, under the solemn
sanction of an oath, when the name and residence of
the Elector were recorded, when he had to encoun-
ter public opinion, and was liable, in the event of do-
tectldn, to opprobrium, and to the puniAmeat of
venality, as if these and all other, guards were insuf-
ficient and nothing could secure purity of Election
but vote by ballot. What security could this give
against venality? Was it nut more likely, on the
contrary, to be practised under a system which would
take away the possibility of detection, and free tile
Elector from tke• influence of every consideration
which at present must operate so powerfully on his
conduct? With respect to Universal Suffrage, it was
ably treated• and its fallacy refuted, in the speech of
his Learned Friend (Mr. Lockhart). He justly, and
at the same time truly stated, that it was rejected by
all the Governments of the world, from republican
America to regenerated France. But Annual Par-
liaments were to be the great remedy of all evils—
the universal panacea fur every disease that could
affect the State. The persons who maintained these
principles, seemed to think legislation was the most
plain and easy thing in the world, that every man,
every woman, and even every child was adequate to.
the Sask. They reminded him of the Verbs,
Poet's thee-_
tious description of Dosiferry and Verge!, who main-
tained, that " however difficult of attainment other

qualifications might be, reading and writing came
by. nature !" --(A Laugh.)--What higher degree of
madness could possibly take possession of the hu-
man mind? He sincerely trusted that the time was
not yet come when an empire, whose sway extended
from the remotest extremity of the earth to the other,
would be entrusted to the guidance of such men, of
such Parliaments as must be dismissed with the ebb

and flow of every tide of popularity. From these
Parliaments too, according to the principles of the
enlightened Reformers of the day, were to be excluded
all men in place, all those persns through whom the
Government was to become responsible for its acts,
through whom it was to decide upon the most im-
portant subjects, and to explain the grounds on which
it acted. Were they to be held up to public execra-
tion for doing every thing in their power to promote
the service, the glory, and happiness of their coun-
try ?—.(Applause.) Notwithstanding the obloquy
cast on Parliament, he was confident that more high-
minded, more honourable, better inftirmed, or more
public-spirited characters were no where to be found.
(Applause.) It was composed of the illustrious in
•birth , the wealthy, and the virtuous; of men who
raised themselves to riches by their industry, men
distinguished for every species of eminence for the
pen as well as the sword, persons of extensive know-
ledge civil and political, instructed in war, com-
merce, agriculture, of great financial research and
mechanical skill. Ile doubted much if the great
towns of Birmingham, Leeds, and Manchester could
be better represented, or their interests better at-
tended to if they returned as their Representatives,
those orators who were travelling from one end of
the country to the other for the purpose of declaim-
ing and proving to the people how greatly they were
oppressed.—(A use.)—He doubted much if the
medical skill of Dr. Watson would be-ably or success-
fully exerted to heal the wounds of the State ; or
whether the other orator, so celebrated among his
party, would do much by his eloquence to strengthen
the integrity of the House of Commons? If a sample
might be taken from what occurred at their own
Meetings, very little freedom of debate could be ex-
pected from these gentry. At such Meetings no opi-
nions were listened to but their own : no person dare
venture upon opposition. If he did, he was certain
to be immediately cried or pulled down. Every man
not of their party was a knave or a fool. There was
uothing sacred in the institutions of the country, civil
or religious, that they did not attack and revile.—
Even the justice of Trial by Jury, the impartiality of
men acting under the sacred sanction of an oath, was
called in question, because an impious parodist and
blasphemer was declared guilty—(Loud applause.)—
lle doubted much if an assembly composed of such
persons could do much towards the improvement of
the State. He lamented that the late Member for
Banbury was not now present. He would be the
first to stand forward in defence of that Constitution
handed down to by his ancestors, and of that
Religion which, by his example and his virtues, he
contributed so much to extend in his owil neighbour-
hood. He hoped he should be forgiven this tribute
of respect to the name of one who was dear to all
that had the happines of being known to him. Uni-
versal Suffrage was preached up as the panacea that
was to cure every malady, and spread universal hap-
piness through the land, to secure the country against
want, to force a market for British produce through-
out the world, to give a death-blow to corruption,
extinguish the national debt, produce by its magic
touch a total and sudden change from misery to uni-
versal happiness, and support the glory of the coun-
try upon an immovable basis, without the aid of taxa-
tion. Could any man, not besotted by the grossest
ignorance, or stultified by vulgar declamation, ex-
pect for a moment that such consequences could fol-
low from the adoption of such a principle? The
effects, on the contrary, would inevitably be to plun-
der the rich, and make it felony to drink small beer !
(A laugh).—To bring back the times alluded to by
their great Poet, when the Parish Clerk of Chatham
was ordered to the lamp-post for being found guilty
of knowledge ! The experiment of Revolution was
not a new one. They had a sample of it two centuries
back in this country. What was the consequence?
An Usurper passed through seas of blood to the pos-
session of guilty power, and at his death the nation,
after suffering all the horrors and calamities of civil
war for imaginary and unattainable good, were happy
to court the return of that Prince, whose father they
doomed to imprisonment and death. They witnessed
another experiment of the same kind in France, where
a Government of Five Hundred was soon superseded
by a Government of Five—where such scenes were
acted, such frightful atrocities committed, as made
the heart shrink back with horror. He trusted such
evils would be averted from this country, and that
they would never witness such an experiment. They
were to be averted by the co-operation of all ranks in
opposing sedition and blasphemy, by the attention of
the rich to the interests of the lower orders, by the
sober consideration of the poorer classes themselves.
They should reflect, that the wealthy could not be
despoiled of all they possessed, without injury to the
poor. They must, in consequence, be deprived of
employment, of those munificent institutions for every
species of misery so liberally supported by the rich.
They ought to consider, that even it the Spencean
Plan were carried into execution, how small the por-
tion must be that could fall to each individual. They
should reflect also, that if they suffered, they did not
suffer alone—they had no monopoly of misfortunes.
The Nations of the Continent were, in all respects,l
equally as much distressed at present as this, and
America, even with her infant liberty, so much
boasted of, and so greatly envied by some, was, at
present, suffering under much greater privations and
difficulties than this. Her trade was at a stand—her
merchants bankrupts—her commerce unproductive;
without specie, or even a paper currency of credit,--
Those who visited that country, filled with dreams
of happiness and wealth, were now glad to return
home, in all the bitterness of disappointment. This
country was new in a state that required the vigi-
lance of all Interested in its welfare. Persons were
active and zealous in their endeavours to persuade
the People to follow the meteoric light of a fallacious
philosophy in place of the Polar Star of Reason. He
hoped that by their Resolutions that day, they would
prove their attachment to the Religion, the Laws,
and the coistitntion of the Country, that they yirmild
shew those who boasted of their strength, that they,
too, were not weak, that they were detertfuned to
support that Constitution under which they enjoyed

the greateit happiness here, and that Religion which
afforded the highest comfort in this world,'and the
best hope in the future—(Applarrec)—that
embraced and supported by the wisest and the.best
men who adorned human nature, and that Conhitu-
Lion founded in wisdom, and improved by the elxpe-
r ience of ages—(Great applause).
Mr. Mortars came forward in support of the Ad-
dress. It had been said long ago, " that he who goes
to persuade people that they are ill-governed, will
find many hearers." This maxim had proved true of
late; but there never was less reasonableness or _less
regard to truth, than in the conduct of those by whom
it was verified : for where could we find a system of
laws and institutions, framed so evidently, and ope-
rating so effectually, for securing every end of social
order and individual advantage? In what other
country could we find such munificent asylums for
the relief of distress, for the cure of sickness, or the
education of the poor? Where could we find such
laws for the protection of property and liberty, or
such a strict and just administration of them ? It
would be presumption to say that any work of man
was perfect ; but he would not hesitate to declare
his opinion, that our Constitution bad been found
on trial adequate to the promotion of every pur-
pose of social happiness. Yet, if we were to be-
lieve those who called out for Reform, we had
nothing worth preserving, • unless the senseless doc-
trine of Universal Suffrage, which, in his opinion;
would be Univmal Anarchy, were it adopted.—
Our Representation had never been founded on the
basis of population without property. It was but a
representation of property ; and if it were otherwfse,
no property would be secure. The wealth and for-
tunes of the rich might first suffer from the anarchy
of universal suffrage, but the poor could not long
escape its baneful effects. The psitance of the latter
in a Saving Bank would be. as liable to confiscation
and robbery, as the largest estates, or the most accu-
mulated capitals. When such wild doctrines were
abroad with respect to Government, when Religion
was reviled and scoffed at, and when we witnessed
such abuses of every valuable privilege, he trusted
the Freeholders of the County of Oxford would not
be backward with their assurances of support to the
Government of the Country, and their declaration of
I attachment to the Constitution. " I speak to wise
men," concluded h 7, 14 judge ye what I say !"
The Rev. Mr. Thomas said, that he should have
'been satisfied, had the business of the Meeting rested
on the speech of the Noble Lnrd who moved the Ad-
dress, or on that of the worthy Member for the City
(Mr. Atkins Wright), who discharged so well the
duties of a Magistrate, and those of a Representative;
or on the speech of the learned Gentleman who had
so eloquently described the • evils to which we were
expose.i. The propriety and necessity of a Meeting
like the present, for addressing the Prince in lan-
guage of attachment and loyalty, no man who was
sensible of the blessings enjoyed under his Govern-
ment could deny. The Prince Regent, by his firm
ness and wisdom, had carried us through a sea of
difficulties, in which our national greatness, without
his steady guidance, might have perished. He (Mr.
Thomas) therefore entirely concurred in every word
of the Address; but in order to make the proceed-
ings of the day complete, the Meeting ought not to
stop with it. Along with an Address to the Prince
Regent, declaratory of their attachment to the Throne
and the Constitution, and of their determination
to. support both, there should, in his opinion, be
adopted a Declaration of the principles and views of
the freeholders on those points of right and privilege,
the abuse of which rendered the Address necessary.
Neither, he thought, would be complete without the
other. While the one would assure his Royal High.
ness of their attachment and fidelity to his person,
the other would declare against those errors and
abuses of Constitutional rights which it was neces.
nary to oppose, in order that we might support his
Government, and preserve the rights themselves.—
Such a document issuing from meetings like the pre-
sent, and signed, as it would be, by the body of the
Freeholders, would serve to refute the assertion so
often repeated, but as calumnious as it was untrue—
that the Radicals alone spoke. the sentiments of the
People. He knew that there were many Freeholders
who wished to sign the Requisition, but had not the
opportunity. It was right that they should have
now an opportunity of giving their signatures. He
had long lived among the Yeomen of the County of
Oxford as a Minister of the Gospel, and from an in-
timate acquaintance with their habits and character,
he could declare that a more loyal, a more patriotic,
and a more respectable body of men, did not exist—a
body of men that evinced greater integrity in their
private life, or more zeal for the public welfare.—
Should not such men have an opportunity of de-
claring to the world those sentiments of loyalty by
which they were actuated ; and convincing the de-
luded, *or the deSigning disturbers of the country,
that the'y would preserve their rights, by opposing
the abuse of them ? If the propriety of such a de-
claration were admitted, •it would become a subject
of consideration, what points it ought to embrace.
These points might be divided into two classes—
abuses, or dangerous principles to be renounced, and
constitutional rights to be asserted. On the first head
he would say, that he would renounce no right, that
he would forfeit no privilege ; but there was all the
difference in the world between the use and the abuse
of a thing; and this declaratitin would renounce the
one while it asserted the other. It was admitted that
every thing might be abused, and how could we make
an exception in favour of the. Constitution? Now, what
were the constitutional rights that bad been abused ?
He had seen enough of this Meeting not to be de-
terred from asserting his opinion, although it might
not meet the views of all ; and he would say, first,
that the right of petitioning for redress of grievances
which was a constitutional right, and which certainly
belonged to the people, had been grossly and wofully
abused. Under the pretext of considering petitions,
bodies of men had been brought together from dis-
tant places—nioving in military array—carrying
standards at the head of several detachments—dis •
playing their numbers to overawe opposition, and
alarming the peaccibleityl well-disposed. Was this,
he would ask, a proper us, qfiir great constitutional
rights? (No, and great applause.} Let the free-.
holders of Oxford imagine bodies of iren like th9se
that other parki of 'the country h 34 witnessed, meoy
iris thiee tliciusand froth ope kethqrisapct from
anothei, and all directing their march on .the town,
and then conceive into what a state it would be thrown:

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