Star.
London, England, 1818-06-03 00:00:00

.1,,
as Chairman to the Sub-Committee, and gave hi
possible, This year, from Ara Pia sittction to the Report which it produced, from which
fang early, and froilikthe time-of receiving Private it resulted, dint 2.50 Members were returned to that
Bills having been. riadetsa :usual, the evil had House for rotten boroughs. Mr. Fox signed the re-
eonsideralily increased.
_lf the House took the same solutions come to thereupon, as Chairman of the
view of it‘lahtitc_ Whey- would feel it necessary to Committee. These were in favour 'of Annual Par-
ch&•ll6ls iii'lblini glatewiriOluty by calling their at- liaments, and he could not think Mr. Fox would have
tention to the subject, and he hoped in another Ses- signed such resolutions had he thought them of a
sion the Orders of the House would be more atten- nuachievous and pernicious tendency. The letter of
ded to, as this wai certainly desirable for the better the Duke of Richmond in favour of Parliamentary
security of property. Reform, to this day remained unanswered. Those
PARIAMENTARY RZFORM. who Were opposed to Reformers would do well to
• Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, the motion he employ their talents in tefuting that able publication,
had to make was consistent with the ancient Consti- instead of casting those. imputations on those front
tution of the Country, and those principles had been whom they differed, in which, he was sorry to say,
repeatedly pro/ksed on the Throne, ehich it was they generally dealt. On a Motion for a Reform in
his object to prevail on the House to adopt. He had Parliament in the year 1797, Mr. Fox hack said, the
always been of opinion that the interests of the King , principle of the British Constitution was such, that
and the People were the same; and he had not that the great bulk Of the people ought to be included,
jealousy of the Prerogative of
and could not be content if they were excluded from
the Crown which some
entertained, and for which he thought there would .beinga constituent part of the Government—(hear).
He held that to be the best system which should pro-
be no occasion, if it wet nprrowed by that controul
duce the greatest number of independent voters. His
which a real Represedtation of the People would
objection to Universal Suffrage arose not from an
supply, as in that case it 'wetild only be exercised for
the good of the country, when this subject was first apprehension that it would tend to confusion and
brought forward many years ago,n great outcry was anarchy, but because if conceded many persons would
bounder
raised against the new-fanglelsloctrine, as it was
not give an independent vote. If be could shew that
called, which was then broached; iiiiit,he principles
this might be effectually guarded against, then he
of which were said to be subversive of the Coristitu-
thought those who were of the same way of thinking
tion. The principles, however, which had thus been
as hir. Fox, must be in favour of the extension of the
censured, were acted upon in this Country for a lo:r
„ suffrage. At present the Members of that House
time. Annual Parliaments, and that extent of s
were not returned by independent electors. A m ijo•
frage which, though limited, was commonly called
rat y was sent there by those who were by Lw pra!d-
Universal Suffrage, had been common iitEnglancl.
hited from interfering
der the consideration of the House, he had proposed with electors at all, and tor so.
Some time ago, when he brought this question un-
;ewterfering that House had lately sent a poor man to,
to limit the exercise of the right of voting to those - gate. If any persons ought to be excluded from
voting, it was those very individuals who returned a
who paid direct taxes to King, Church, and Poor.
majority of the Members of the House of Commons.
ration of all classes in the country. Had he not be
This he thought would have secured a fair represen-
If voters were as numerous as he had calculated they
en
would be under an improved system—if four Or five
of opinion it would prove sufficient for such a pur-
thonsand electors voted for every Member returned,
pose, he would neves have suggested it. From the
he should like to know who would bribe such a body
earliest periods of our history, he contended, there
of mer.. From the shortness of the time, if Parlia-
had been a spirit of freedom in the English Consti-
tution, which always considered Election—a free nests were made annual, that they could be in the
House, Candidates would have no motive to corrupt
Election, of the first importance to the interests of
voters, nor would they have the means of doing it.
the People. At the time of the Invasion, vulgarly
Nor could so large a body be easily influenced. At
called the Conquest, William received the CrOwn by
agreement, on his engaging to observe the laws of all events this might be effectually guarded against
by means of a ballot. He was not convinced that
Edward the Confessor, under which Parliament met,
at the three great festivals of Easter, Michaelmas, this would be necessary, but the adoption of the
and Christmas, in every year—(clear, hear, hear.;
plan he had suggested would prevent all rioting and
disturbance, which, .though thought necessary by
That these laws had afterwards been scandalously
some to keep up what was called the " spirit of
infringed and trampled upon, was no argument
against their principle, since it would be seen the ne-
liberty," he was most anxious to put down. He
glect of them had always brought the country into was convinced that many a man had been brought
to the gallows by the dreadful effects of having his
mischief .and confusion, and things had never been
set right again till those great principles for which he conscience tampered with at Elections. All the great-
now contended had again been acknowledged and eat Authorities were in favour of Reform. Mr. Pitt
adopted. He then traced the history of the Consti-
and Mr. Burke had drawn the strongest pictures of
tution from the time at which the Great Charter was
the corruptions of the House, and the necessity of a
Reform. Sir. William Jones, whom Doctor Johnson.
attained, and insisted there was nothing in these prin-
had called " the most enlightened of men," had in a
ciples which he now advocated that could be preyed
after having been
to be in any way subversive of the Constitution. Per-
speech delivered by him in public,
haps there was no better way of ascertaining the cha-
carefully conned over in his coset, produced the
most unanswerable arguments in favour of a radical
racter of the old Constitution of England, titan by re
calling those short ancient maxims of law which Reform' The promulgation of laws was formerly
were not liable be changed by tke interpretations conducted in a very different manner from that
which now prevails : they were sent to the Sheriffs,
that might be given to them at different periods.—'
and published to the People in the County Courts,
From these he could shew, that so long ago as in the
so that every man could become acquainted with[
time of old Chancellor Fortescue, it was a common
them. It seemed extraordinary, when we consideredsaying—" That no man could be taxed without his
this subject in another arid in a mote important view,,
own consent." This princ:ple was acted upon through
that a country which took men by force from theiel
the reigns of the three first Edwards, with the excep-
families, to serve in the Militia, or on board of ship,'
Con of the reign of Edward 11. That Monarch had
however sanctioned it, and had enacted laws by which
to shed their blood for the community, should have
no share in the making of laws. All that was asked
Annual Parliaments were to be secured to the peo-
for was, that a man should have an opportunity of
pie • and it was through a breach of these fundamen-
saying who was the persor. with whom he would in-
tal laws that he lost his lire. He then took a rapid
trust his property, l.is life, and his liberty. In e%en
historical view of the efforts made in the cause of li-
Government, in every part of the world, in propor-
berty between that period and the Revolution in
tion as the people have had a share in the govern-
-1688. At that period many beneficent arrangements
were intended to form part of the Bill of Rights,
ment, in that proportion has the country been pro-
which unfortunately were never enacted. In the
sperous ; but wherever aristocracy, and more espe-
words of Mr. Fawkes—" A fine bill of fare had been daily oligarchy, have prevailed, in an equal degree
has the country degenerated, the people have become
ever, provided against excessive bail being demanded,
set before us, but we got no dinner." That Bill, how-
corrupt, and despotism has been established. llaving
thus, he hoped, satisfactorily proved that Annual
punishment without trial, a standing army, and a
Parliaments were the Old Constitution of the Conn-
packed Parliament, but the effect of these enactments
try, and that they had been practised for many ages
was done away by the addition of four little words to
w
each of them, "except by consent of Parliament."—
ithout any inconvenience, and that every man was
entitled to vote in the election of the person who was
This, like the touch of a talismanic wand, caused the
whole to vanish in air, to assist in making those laws which may affect his
property,. his freedom, and his life, he trusted that
" And, like the has:Acts fabricfabricof a vision,
the I louse would not reject the Resolutions with
Left not a wreck behind."
which he intended to finish his arguments. We were
What, he would ask, did it matter to us if barracks told, that in the worst times of the Roman Empire,
wer: built all over the counts y—standing armies ss en a general corruption and degenteaey prevailed,
kept up—punishment inflicted without trial, and other theh People, eho by their rote had disposed of king-
acts of arbitrary power committed—what would it doins and provinces, cause to desire nothing but to
Matter to us whether this were done by the pi croga-live and see puppet-shes—
tive of the Crown, or through d w
le means of Nlissisters,
" Clal dab....t olins
acting on the venality ..f a packed House of Com mom? " •
Imperitim, fasces, legiones, amnia, mine se
For his part, he would ratter that that of which he " Conduct, :ague dues tar.t..n rei anus optat,
complained should proceed immediately from the " Panctn, et Circenses."
Crown, than that it should b. felt as it had been ; as lie hoped that the people et England were not yet so'
ha could not think it possible that such unconstitu- degenerate. He believed that they were still an ho-
tional practices would have beer. endured by the peo- nest, a laborious, and a virtuous people; and that
pie, without the intervention of a Parliament. lie they asked only for that check and control over the
would rather have no House of Commons at all than State, which should secure to them and to therrchil'
ore that was merely a sham—ar. appearance, but no dress the fruits of their awn industry. He concluded
check at all on the Crown, and one that could be by moving twenty-six separate propositions in the
made to put the liberties of the people into the hands shape of resolutions, followed by six declaratory re.
of Ministers, whenever such was their pleasure. Lie solutions. The twenty-six declaratory propositions
next set forth the expediency of returning to that ex- consisted almost entirely of extracts from the various
ter.sion of suffrage which formerly prevailed, and speeches delivered to Parliament from the Throne,
which, he contended, was the unalienable right of beginning with King James I. down to the present
the people. To establish this right, he referred to dav, to prove that Royal Authority was in favour of
the old Coronation Oath, and vanous Statutes. The Annual Parliaments—and extracts from writs and
Act of Henry VI. passed to disfranchise electors who other documents as authorities in favour of Univer-
were not possessed of freeholds worth forty shillings sal Suffrage. They also included a statement of va.
. per annum, which was titer a considerable sum, he de- rious resolutions of the House, and quotations from
scribed to have been passed upon fa4e pretences.— authorities as to the necessity of Reform, and a di-
That statute was framed to guard against disorders, minution ofthe influence of the Crown. The substance
that might arise, but it did not appear that any had of the six concluding declaratory resolutions, was
arisen to justify such a measure, and all sorts of tu-
lit. For Universal Suffrage, excepting only females, Infants,
mutt, perjury, and every species of rascality that the and I insane.
and
the territory of Great Britain and Ireland should
rnir.d of man could imagine, had since been common
divided
i nshouldtn 6 "
return Election Districts, equal in population, of
at elections. Front the manner in which the West- which each
onesept the
Electionssentative,
should
and no
minster elections viere conducted, he thought it must 3d. That to prevent disorders,
be seen there was no danger to be apprehended from rid completed in one day, which day ought to be the same forn
the people being left to manage such matters by ::thh:rtmricuataf Districts.
theo„ doe Districts should be subdivided into
themselves. In tha year 1780 an inquiry into the
state of the represtintation of the people in the Com. sth. That'ther moden "ofevotinvgensbleonultd"bceetti Ballot.
mons mons House of Pailiament had been set on foot by a et. nu Partiamenu should be Annual, saving to. the Crown
Committee in Westininster. Mr. Sheridan had acted thalprerogative of dissolving them at any time, and summoning
i a fresh Parliament after the necessary interval.

Lord COCHRANE rose to second the motion, feel-
ing it to be his duty, as one of the' Representatives
of People of Westminster, to state his sentiments
on this subject. He did not expect-, after all he had
sees, that any good would result from such motions
as the present. It would be unparliatuentary in him
Ai impute to the Members of the House improper '
motives, or to say that they were influenced in their 1
atipport of Ministers and their measures, so fatal to I
the country, by the hope of reward—that they sa-
crificed the interests of the people for the advance-
soent of their own—or that they sold their votes for I
money, or bartered them for patronage. He would I
therefore pass over the consideration of the motives
which influenced those Honourable Members who
voted constantly with his Majesty's Ministers. This
would probably be the last time he would ever ad-
dress the House. Eleven years had elapsed since he
had first obtained a seat in that House, and during that
time he had scarcely ever vote/ with the majority.
What the consequences of those motions had been
against which he had voted, the present situation of
the country must shew. The people had been redu-
ced from prosperity and happiness to poverty and
wretchedness. For this there was only one remedy,
and that was Reform—either that the House must re-
form itself, or, as had been said by the great Chat-
ham, if they did not reform themselves, they would
be reformed with a vengeance from without. The
conduct of his Majesty's Ministers was such, that to
expect the House to reform itself was quite in vain.
The other alternative alone remained; and he pre-
dicted that it would soon happen. lie appealed to
the recollection of Members, whether, during the
time that he had sat in the House any single Petition
by the people for Reform had been taken into serious
consideration. And it was evident to him, that the
time was at hand when the Petitions of the suffering
people would be treated with still greater contempt,
and rejected altogether. When that time came, it
would only accelerate those scenes which must ensue
when Reform would be forced upon the House.—
He warned the House and the Country, that all the
measures of Ministers were hastening them to that
awful crisis which would usher in convulsions that
would shake, not only the House, but the whole
country. It grieved him to think that his native
country must become the theatre of the deeds which
he foresaw. He warned his Majesty's Ministers to
pause in their care::. It was not his intention to
trespass further upon the time of the House ; hut he
could not conclude without expressing his strongest
gratitude to the Electors of Westminster, for the
honour which they had repeatedly conferred upon
him by choosing him to represent them. It had al-
hways been his endeavour to discharge his duties to-
wards them. If he had in some instances failed, it
was from want of power, and not from want of good
will—( Hear, hear.)—He had been the victim of a
foul ccnspiracy, by means of which he hail been in-
volved almost in total ruin. All the persecutions of
which lie had been the object, he had borne with
patience and resignation. the men who had so per-
secuted him he forgave, and he hoped, before they
went to their graves, they would be able to forgive
themselves. All this was foreign to the subject be-
fore the House—but he trusted' they would forgive
him—(Hear, hear,}—He would not trespass upon
their time longer now, and never again on any sub-
ject. He hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would
take conscientiously into consideration what he had

glivvei, it struck
to answer the arguments of lose who might
those who wished for Reform neces 1 *tfit
tennovonions
argumenttres used
pect by his
ihiecmifelFtrife;: ihdearaut
owhichnthhee ild
tbehlienti°ahrileAtos to they
gelletY
14341'
ter all
that the arguments were eseeedia
°fThegrea nconcle
ferred to by the Hon. Baronet, induced him in.
say a few words as to them. In his Res°ticmi
Hon. Baronet confined himself to one son of.
sit,. He did not quote Ilagna
rity of which he was so fond—net th thaetattai,-
e
large—not the Votes of the llonse—.uot
Learned Treatises which he had so often
ref-L.
each as Mr. Prynne's and others—.:t
w
these that his Honourable Friend q iti —hup 2„arl
thority, in his opinion, of still leasw •
least of these. The quotations were frongm rada
delivered from the Throne. lite•biumni„thei, 517/chel
speech of King James I. that great cinittirb ‘.7."1
thority, down to the reign of his ore.cin\%,w7;l`,.'
Hon. Friend had quoted from all the a'
from the Throne in that long peried. 'Von -
proposition which these authorities ill ,
one quite self-evident—namely, that the htetil.ol'
and prosperity of the Sovereign and the pmp
be co-existent. But then how little weight
given to these authorities, sshen it waa that the phrases quoted were those of mere courn
c°32-
delivered by the Sovereign to his common
he applied to them for mor.ev...-aheer,
But not one word was to be 'found in arc one of 7,
Speeches from the Throne in favour of ..Inre•a'
IlArneiltS or Universal Suffrage—:to- ore cf "t'
Personages had llast Lis authuritv to these d
ny e
Bat, to make them answer les p.m ose, the
llr
able Baronet had very ineenions:y peer
meaning of the passages ertitel
Speech he found a passage in whie.,
sed his happiness at rneeninr his people in 1'
and then the Honourable Baronet said—Hz
authority for frequency of Parliaments._ Tact
Honourable Baronet went on to the nest Speech,.
found another similar expression at,l sung err aatb
rity. But if the Ilononrahle Baronet observed th:
a period of seven years elapsed hetweeu the
speeches, it would be perceived that their Hi
indulged very moderately in this happirie:s or
quent Pat lizunents--(Hear, hear' heart.—lndeed
argument of the Honourable Baronet on this pan
the subject was strained to eats ss. That meaning
put upon the quotations which he thought bee suit
his purpose; he took them in the way which 1,1
cians call secintdum moduni reciptentit. He took ea
according to his own construction, without ree
to the meaning of the persons who delivered'
But he wondered very much that his Hor-n
Friend had omitted to quote that farnors s.
which Lord Chatham had put into the mouth d
present Majesty when he first addressed the
ment. But all these speeches were neither ma
less than the production of the 3finisier for tie
being, and as such they were always treated br
House. They were never reckoned as delimit*
authorities at all. But his Honourable Ft:
the subject from the ancient constitution of
ment ; but surell.ht!zat did not prove that it
pedient now. Honourable Baronet,
said it proved Universal Sufnage was no
—That it proved this much he would readily
But he could not admit that its proving this
that it was not a visionary scheme. To
universal suffrage at present might be as n,
as any other vagary. Suppose he were to p,
return to the savage state. That would be to
vation, but surely it would be visionary and
To take something less extravagant. Suppe
he proposed a return to the system °Eviller:lc
domestic slavery. Such a proposition would
novelty ; but would rot the proposal be fejt...
absurd and extravagant ? His Hon. Friend was
apt to quote from Magna aorta, and it had iv
struck him that the allusion made by his Hon&
to one passage in it, was very unfortunate.
would go no further than the first three Ira
that passage—Nulliis likr hoist°. On these words
would take his stand against the Honourable?
The phrase was not neWass home, but the epithet
was added to qualify and restrain the exp.—
The insertion of' the word liter recalled the state
the country, at that time when there were no
Boroughs ; not a Parliament once in three yea]
sometimes even thrice in one year. Why, in
golden age of the Constitution, did it happen ,
the very chapter in Magna Charts to which they
ferred as their brightest boast, shoved that a s,
proportion of the population were in a gate of
lute slavery, and that the benefits of the law
reserved to persons of rank and property suffic-
to prevent them from being themselves the i
and slaves of the higher orders ? Yet, though
posa 1 to return to such a state was no innoc
that prevent is from being absurd, visionary, anii
testable ? Proposals almost as absurd had ben.
by very enlightened men in the last age. Ego
of Saltoun, one of the firmest friends of liberty,
while he was running the full career of the gr
patriot of his country, as a remedy for the &plan
extent of mendicity in Scotland, aetgalle ForoPe"
the Parliament of that country, a return to
Greek and Roman system of domestic slarerY.
He did not mean that the Honourable Boone'
likely to make any proposition quite so extrark,^g:
but it shewed how chimerical his argument
he was at issue with his Honourable Friend,
merely as to argument, but as to the fact. .11'.
ting the fact, he had hitherto denied the infrnant
but now he denied the fact. lie Was certainly ct
winced of the fact, so far as it related to the dam.
of Parliaments. The stream of authorities set direr.
in favour of those who maintained that the prat
had been to assemble Parliaments once a yeat—f
that there were even instances of Parliaments ofd
than once a year. For his own part, be was O'
vocate for shortening the duration of Parliamrr
he was even much inclined to the opinion ed .
who were for limiting the duration of Parliamote.,
the shortest term. But suppo.ing he assented tt,t,
he should hardly think it right to put his autheo.
for it in the circumstance of there having been 't
or Norman Parliaments, which only la%te'd
months, and that the usual practice m thc,e.
was annual Parliaments. It could be no aul.,
for it appeared that attendance in Parliament in
times was no voluntary duty ; for it was recess: ,
indemnify the Members by paying than Ir3r

now said. He di.l not say it with any feelings of
hostility. Such feelings had now left him ; but he
trusted they would take his warning, and save the
country, by abandoning the present system before it
was too late.—(The Noble Lord, all through this
speech, seas most deeply agitated. His voice was low and
6ro4en, and he was frequently itttermTted 6,y his tears.)
Mr. BROIL Rif fAM—It was far from his intention
to folljw his lion. Friend (Sir F. Burdett) through
the whole details of his very learned and ingenious
.speech. But, as he did not agree in many of the po-
sitions laid down in it, as his wishes fur Reform did
not extend to the universality of suffrage for which
his Honourable Friend had argued, he was anxious
'to state the reasons for his difference of opinion—to
state the great respect which he felt for those, who,
whether within this House, where they were few in
number, or out of do ors, where they were many,
agreed with the Honourable Baronet to the full ex-
tent of his opinions. Far be it from bin, to view with
levity, or treat with ridicule, opinions, which he
knew were most cctiscientiously entertained by a great
proportion of the people. In these opinions, he
thought, they were mistaken ; and he imputed the
mistake partly to their not having duly sifted the
question—partly to their being misled by the writings
of persons, who, on their parts, had not sufficiently
informed themselves upon the subject, or sufficiently
weighed their opinions upon it. But though he differed
from their opinions, he respected them. Ile did not im-
pute to them any bad motives, and when he did this
he must claim for himself, that no bad motives should
be imputed as influencing his opinions on the subject.
This claim he made with the greater confidence to
his Honourable Friend, because it would be a great
stain on his candour and charity if he refused to ex-
tend it, particularly as his Hon. Friend's conversion to
the doctrine of uniVeral suffrage was very recent; (No,
no„ from Sir F. Burden) he certainly thought that his
Honourable Friend, who, at no very distant period,
had been a moderate reformer, had protested against
Universal Suffrage. His opinions were the same now
as those of his Honourable Friend's when he had ad-
vocated the cause of moderate Reform, and before
he entertained the opinions which he had to-night so
strongly expressed. But he could not agree with
those who were disposed to treat with contempt all
motions for Reform, or to consider that he who wishes
for Reform wishes to renovate and alter the Consti-
tution. If he had to contend with those persons, he
would only have to refer to the conduct of Parliament
itself—to remind them that they who were such ene-
mies to Reform had been themselves the greatest re-
formers—that it was they or their colleagues who in
Ireland had changed and reformed the whole system
of representation and election, who l.ad in that coun-
try effected a Parliamentary Reform of such an ex-
tent, that it might more properly be called a Parlia-
mentary Revolution, by effecting the union of the
Parliaments of the two Kingdcims. For that measure
he greatly thanked them. Of the means by which it
had been effected he could not approve, but it was
one cf the greatest changes in the Parliamentary
Constitution that ever had been made since the Con-
stitution was established. This much was enough

c
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ght ben snit, a
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rithout
7
rarno7s s; ti
mouth of e•
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either more •
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trezted he •
s doCumeies ti
Friend • -
mien of Fe
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readily
ng this prtoil
To preeicui
be as vi.iesrt 1
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uld be no 13
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Ivillerage al
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tfortunon lb t
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these words he t
,urable Buono. ii
he epithet :I:3'
e exprese-A.-
led tne net cl ;
were no toms
!wee years, 'al I
Why, in thr 3
it happen ttz
which they :•e-
-d that a tree
a state of r.b-o.
the law wee I
9011 suffictr:
es the propel
, though a irn n
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ionary, and '
had been ••
age. Ee-cher. 3
of libe tt. t
of the gram: a
ir the depleez? I
ally purled!' 1
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