Star.
London, England, 1829-03-31 00:00:00

4r:*
)140Ret

smzi

anent which, sso tbasi twelve months since, had
...declared itself a
.ly hostile to it. He was anxious
therefore, before the Bill finally passed through that
House, to stet* whet his opinions were respecting it.
He observed that, under those circumstances, he could
never lend his support to the Bill. He thought than
what had fallen free the Right Hon. Secretary for the
• Hr nsellepartmenc left room for the argument that the
mealaure ought to have been brought forward before or
not at all. Ireland wasted worse now than it had been
for some time, and if expediency were the only ground
• upon which Emancipation were to be granted, why,
the tame expediency had existed for some time, and'
ought to have been•met before. Hie-objection was not
founded upon- any captious political ground—it was'
•• founded upon the unchaord and ischangeablit
• mature of the Roman Catholic religion. 'He thought,
indeed, that the concession of power to the Roman Ca-
tholics was pregnant with danger, and yet else very ob-
ject of this Bill was to vest them with that power. The
conduct of Government, indeed, appeared to him the
most estraordinary that could possibly be imagined.
They were told that their enemies were in power, that
they surrounded them on every side, and that they were
masking every attempt to defeat them ; and how then,
did the Government defend itself? Did it make walls
and dig entrenchments? Did it fortify itself against
the attacks? No; it opened the gates to an enemy,
. who, it was evident, was in want of provisions and
stores, and kindly invited that enemy to partake of the
advantages which it enjoyed itself, irtorder to render
- him capable of entering into the contestinore strongly,
vigorously, and dangerously, at a future' time. The
kind Government said to its enemies, there ought to be
an equality of rights, and when you have obtained
sU the advantages which have been hitherto withheld
from you, you will not turn them upon us, but you
*ill vct with us and for us. He (Sir Robert Ingli►)
would ask, in the words of a Right lino. Friend of his,
were ever such words made use rif out of Bedlam? But
to be told, suite was, that the Roman Catholics had no
right to what they asked, and that Emancipation was

•to be granted them, nut because they were le.a dan-

}mous. bust because they were more clamorous, was to
introduce a system, in his opinion, destructive of all
or Jer.. The Honr•urable Baronet then went on to combat

the different points of the arguments which had been
raised by the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home De-
pat tmerrt. He observed that the Right Hon. Gentleman,
when asked why Ministers had not brought forward the
• question before, had replied that they bad never before
been supported. Upon this he (Sir R. Inglis) might.
• &baps be allowed to put another question. Whom
• had they brought forward to support them ? What
young men wete there in the House who could be said
to be bri ught for.. and by the present Ministry ? Pitt
and Canning, nn coming into office, had surrounded
themselves with a body of youthful talent, they had
enlisted in their cause men cf ability and sound under-
standing, who were capable of lending them a power-
•Wl support when it was required. He thought be was
entitled to ask, swims ahlinister complained of not being
supported, who he had invited to give him suppott, or
•who he had gathered around him to assist him in the
hour r f need? The state of Ireland, bad as it was, he
insisted w.s not worse now thau it was at different pe-
• nods on the record of hi tort'. He felt himself aut;ro•
sized to say, from what he could collect from the opi.
ilium of per.i.us w ho had written in former times upon
t e state tf Ir land, that the removal of the difficulties
under which the Catholics labour would not have the
effect of tranquillizing the country. He could only
say, indeed, that concession, under the present ciicum-

stances, was n thing mote or less than a premium for
agitation ; and in future, when the people wished to
obtain aty advantage to themeeves, the only question
would be as to the degree of agitation which would be
necesasty and sufficient to obtain it. It bad been the
great principle in Ireland to consider nothing gained
until every thing had been obtained. Such was the
y tinciple eon which the Catholic Association had
always acted—their motto was—
. a On Mosconea walls the Gothic standards By,
And all be mine beneath the polar sky."
He contended that civil war was not the alternative if
emancipstion was not granted. The next consideration
was, would this measure satisfy the Roman Catholics?
The sentiments expressed by the most leading persons
amongst the Roman Catholics negatived the presump-
tion. Mr. O'Connell had declared that if Catholic,
emancipation was granted he would not be satisfied ;1
and the next step which he proposed, upon being admit-
ted a Member of that House, was, to move for the re-
peal of what he called that most abominable measure—
the Union. Dr.Kv Ily, the It•sman Catholic Bishop of Dro
snore, another most influential person, had signed a peti-
tion from Newry, which was presented to the House only
slew evenings ago, and was directly in reference to the
Bill:ln that petition it was stated that the Bill unjustly in-
terfered with the rights and pr ivileges of the Roman
Catholic Bishops, and the petitioners stated, in so
many %voids, that they should rather the Bill would not
pass than that it should pass under such circumstances,
and with those clauses which the petitioners conceived
were insulting and degrading to the dignitaries of the
Roman Catholic Church. When the most influential
men anion .t the Roman Catholics declared, then,
that this v
would not satisfy them, he thought it was
quite cleurihat the measure would not satisfy Ireland;
and, if it did not satisfy Ireland, surely it could not
be contended that it was satisfactory to de people of
England. A 'great numerical majority of the people
of England, be ventured to assert that so large a pro.
portion as nine-tenths of those who approached the
House to give an opinion en this measure, were de-
cidedly opposed to it. He was sure that many of those
who supported this Bill were not aware of the danger-
ous consequences which, in his opinion, it would pro
duce; they reckoned the measure with hymns and
songs; but
"Sandie Walls muftis's mutos;"
and he feared that many of those who now favoured it
would yet deplore the consequences. He would not
tre•pa4 much longer on the attention of the House,
though these were many' observations which suggested
themselves to his mind in relation to the peculiar cha-
racter and doctrines of the Chinch of Rome. He con-
ceived that the civil tendencies of that Church were
sufficient to justify his opposition to the admission of
Romen.Catholics to power. That Church had eves
retained a grasping character, and by giving it much
be feared they would only endue it with the power
of clotting more. When the repeal of the Test
and Corporation Acts was discuesed, it bad been said
that these was 'lei-positive evidence of the religious
opinion, of the Members of that House; that there
was only negative evidence:- but even this negative
evidence would now be done away with. By the
repeal of. the Corporation and Test Acts it was said
that the Legislature had in some degree severed the
Church and State; and by the eresent Bill it 'might be
. sad *eh more truth; that trey severed Protestantism
from the State; That exclusively Protestant character,
which was the be security of the &ate, would beam
plate:; lost by the* measure upon which the House was

noire called upon to pass a final judgment; and beforel
pronouncing that judgment he begged the House to
consider that when the Constitution was essentially end
fundamentally Protestant this country bad grown to •
degree of unesainpled prosperity, and a mass of
gence had collected in tt which was not to be found in
any other country in the world. At such an hour, and
upon a question so often discussed, he could not hope
to effect any change in the disposition of the House,
nor even much longer to obtain its attention ; but as this
was pethaps the final struggle of Protestantism against
Popery in England, he thought it his duty to state his
own sentiments, even at the hazard of fatiguing the
Hoo,e,lest for an instant it could be supposed, that under
circumstances so appalling, he had shrunk from doing
all in his power, as an individual Member of that House,
fop the maintenance of the national religion agaiart
Popery—(Hear, and cries of r, Question ").
Mr. SADLER rose amidst loud cries of 4, Question°
' and 14 Go on, go on." He was sorry at so late an bow
to trespass on the attention of the House; he thought
that even in this stage the general principle ought to
be discussed rather than the provisions of the measure.
He still adhered to the opinion that it touched the moral
title of the House of Brunswick to the Throne—that it
was subversive of the religion and of the Constitutioo of
England that its tendency was to introduce confusion,.
to bring on an indifference for the Established Church,
and ultimately for the Christian religion itself. Words had
been imputed to him when he before addressed the House
which he did not use. He then ventured to say that the
troubles in Ireland were similar to those which pre.
vailed in the manufacturing districts. In one case 1?ar•
liamentary Reform was the source of difference, in the
other Emancipation. He. stated that blood had been
shed to put down one, but he did not recommend the
shedding of blood in the other. He was not Sect etary of
State at the time, nor had he any wish to share in the
honour orahe odium of the transaction. His argument
principally turned upon the principle of introducing into
Ireland, as a remedy for her evils, the fair arts of peace,
and his propositions were simple, efficacious. and benevo-
lent. He wished to see industry encouraged, cultivation
extended, and the principle of sacred charity introduced,
by a regulated system of Poor Laws. He wished to see
her natural protectors return and reside on the soil. These
were ameliorations, simple enough and sufficiently
dignified for any Administration to pursue. The civil
war he recommended was not a war against the Pro
testant Ascendancy, nor for the reduction of popula-
tion, nor against religion and charity, but against
poverty, oppression, and the domination now about to
beestablished. He wished for a practical system that
would improve and render more happy that oppressed
and afflicted people, a moderate system of poor laws,
the influence of Which would descend upon them like
angel mercy. The Emancipation he sought was not •
sentimental one. That this measure was inconsistent
with the Constitution he was still prepared to contend.
The Constitution be maintained was that of William
lIL of glorious memo! y.and which was continued to be
acted upon through the reign of George 111. of glori-
ous memory. The Church of Rouse acknowledged
and acted upon principles inimcal to civil society, and
for this he hid the very best authority—the authority
of history. Their' whole history was made up of the
troubles and confusions occasioned by that Church.
The Hon. and Leas ned Gentleman (the Solicitor-Gets.)
argued with great force 'hat the Protestant being the
better and more pore religion, must ultimately prevail,
that there was theref ore no ground for apprehension. It
appeared to him, however, that the most effectual way
f keeping down the Citholic religion was not to invest
it with the power and splendour, nor the most effectual
way of supporting the Protestant to divest it of its pri•
vileges. 11 this Bill passed thousands and tens of thou-
sands in Ireland would be ruined—they would not re-
main to get in The crops, for in the North of Ireland be
bad good authority for saying, that numbers were pre-
paring to emigrate and leave the homes of their fathers.
Whatwas the apologyfor this measure? an apology which
ought to vitiate it—the Alpha and Omega of the
modern school—expediency. Politics esght to be iden-
tified with thoscience of morals. No other policy could
be durable, buLexpediency would justify the most op-
pressive tyranny, or the most base subserviency. History
proved that expediency was a most dangerous principle.
What did expediency do for France in the late Revo-
lution? She received from a benevolent Monarch
a free Constitution, but he was surrounded by a knot
of expediency-mongers who did not give up their ma-
chinations till they deprived the King of life, and the
country of every thing, even Christianity itself. It was
expediency which sent the great Lord Strafford to the
scaffold—expediency found a bill of impeachment
against him in that House--ezpediency sent him to trial
in thecither, and the Monarch found ii expedient to sign
his death warrant. The question, he must contend,
was truly a religious one, and, as the great Tillotson
observed, the most bumble man in society knew his re•
ligious interests, as well as the mast exalted. He must
protest, therefore, now against having the Protestant
Establishment made the victim, expediency acting as
'the Palest— (Hear). It appeared now that Protestant
Ascendancy was to be sacrificed, but be called upon
them after all to defend their Constitution, and then
they would ensure their own approbatinn and that
of their common country. If this measure was nut
carried with indecent haste, he would not at this late
hour further trespass on the consideration of the House.
This question ought to be placed upon right and not
expediency. Neither this Parliament nor any other
had a right to rob the people of their Protestant
Constitution. They were not called here by their
King—they were net sent here by their Constituents
for any such purpose ; and so said the great inserter of
civil rights, Mr. Locke. There was, however, a still
greater author ity than that of Mr. Locke in favour of his
opinions—he meant the great Lord Chatham. That
Noble Lord contended that the Act of Ist Elizabeth
had no more business to be repealed than the Great
Charter or the Bill of Rights, unless by the collective
-ense of the great body of the people—(Hear. hear)
—AR the oaths of dice were framed with a view to exclude Ca-
tholics from ones, and he saw no reason why they should be now
repealed. Happy would It be for this country if her Chatham bad
always been listened te—(Question, question, Hear, hear) After
having received so much of the indulgence of the House. alter
having evidently curtailed his argument, he hoped be wouldniet
me:t with any further internsptitlear, hear. hear.) He had
now left one argument which mew be negleete4m.be
meant the vote" of the people. Mn Cade@ asimitled the bet,
that there was an inert mass of the people against Orneeselms, and
be wished the present Ministers had acted upon the seine feeling.
That mass was se longer Inert. mid he maned the Government
ritlegislating contrary to their decided and deliberate opinion.
Petitioas of the people were rejected—the most improper
feelings were attributed to the Petitioners—and those whose
loyalty and learning deserved the utmost respect—be meant the
Protestant Clergy. had been sneered at and reviled. The people
of England required no excitement on this subject; their opinion
was decided ; bat that aphasia was mooted and despised—( Hear,
hear, hear). if the sounds of triumph were echoed in their ears
now, be sod ether Members had the proud consolation Of having
advocated the Protestant cause in this House. and by'ato doing
secured fur themselves a glorious immortality. The Bill might be
carried up to the other Hesse' bet it would not be carried up by
the people. He had new dons, and bad performed his duty ; .and
if the forfeit of his We were called for as the sacrifice of his truth
and principle, be would briMnglyiender it au this *cession.

• • • . . •
Mr. VF.SEY FITZGERALD said, he would may notice a
few points of the Hon. Member's speech. for argument it had little
or nemeHeer. hear). The Hon. Member favoured the Mouse
with his specific for the cure of Ireland, bet he never con met the
principle or the detail of the Bill now soder the consideratios of
the House. If expediency required the ream admission of the
Catholics to power, what excluded them but a similar mediesey
He dolled that he amid others who acted with him bid bees sc•
tested by any mbar helm in supporting this qoestion than the
suppose of the lbolosloot. Establishment in Church and State.
The Hon. Member wished at have as appeal to the people; but
he (Mt. Fitzgerald) would observe, that the Septennial Act was
paned without any such appeal, and also the Act of Union with
Scotland, and the Act of Mies with Ireland, which also gave the
Honourable Member a right of sitting in this House as one of the
Representatives d the people of Inland. lo fact, while this great
questioo remained unsettled, no improvement could. by poseibility.
take plate in Ireland. He declared. in the presence of his GOD
and of Isis country, that a greater immortality would await his
Right Hoo. Friend and his Noble Colleague the Duke of Wei.
Ungtoo, than ever yet awaited on any Minister in this great
country—(Hear, hear). Concession was now inevitable. and be,
hoped that the accomplishment of this great measure would reach
all claws, and add to the strength and glory of the Empire.
Mr. TRA NT contended that this was a religious question,
whatever might be said to the contrary.
Sir JOSEPH YORKE said he would conclude this debate by
a Parliamentary toast—" May the Sister Kingdoms be united, and
ever alter live together as two brotbers."—(Laughter).
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, when a division took
place. Fur the Amendment . . . . 142
For the Third Reading
Majority for the Third Reading . —l7B
On our return into the gallery, we found that Colonel Two,
bad osed a clause; but it was negatived without a division.
Col SI BTHORPE proposed a CialiTC to exclude Roman Cs-
' &sales from having any itilluence in disposing of the patronage or
' influence of the Protestant funds of Lay Corporations.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said that the Protestant Bi•hop of the
Diocese had contrail over funds of Corporations for Protestants
under the terms of the trust as it might be; and the Court of
Chancery would fellow op that power so exercised by the Or-
dinary of the Diocese.
Colonel SIBTHORPE said his object was to prevent the mi.
appropriation of Protestant funds by Catisoli:s being Members of
Corporations.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, when a division took
place—
For the Clause 17 I Aga** k 255 I Majority 216.
Several verbal amendments were then agreed to. The Bill was
then passed—(Amid loud cheers).
The Disfranchisement Bill was read a third time and passed.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of. and she
House adjourned at a QIIMILTIL TO Foos O'CLOCK.

THE EVENING STAR.

LON DON.

•-...111P ••--

TUESDAY. MARCH SI, 1829
PR !CB OF srocks AT TWO O'CLOCK.
Bank Stock Sbnt India Bind. 52 4
5 'per Cent.
Red. Shut South Sea Stuck
3 per Ct. Cons. 571 1 .21000 Riche+ Bins 55 61
31 per Cent. Isle. Shut £5OO Ditto 51 61
51 per Cent. lied. Shut £lOO and £2OO Ditto SS 61
4 per Ct. New, Wee s Commercial
4 per Cent. 1526, Shot Bank for Acct.
Long Ann. Shut India for Acet.
India Stock Mut Conaoh for Acct 571 j 1
FOHRION FUNDS, TWO O'CLOCK
Brazilian DU S OA. 571 1tu5a.116.1822, 5p Ct.
U nigh 11d4. 3 pet. Dm Acct. 954
Do Acct. 65 Spanish His 5 p Ct. 91
BRITISH AND FORRION SHARKS, Two O'CLOCK*
MMIAaa. Pain.
35 20
25 5
40 391
100

Ditto National
United blezleas
Marine Alibates

S; ; I
101
bh 5

The Roman Catholic Relief Bill was finally passed
last night in the House of Commons by a majority of
178. The names of those Members who have ski.
slowly struggled against the overthrow of the Constitu-
tion ought to be emblazoned in letters of gold, and
handed down with imperishable fame to the 1 stest gene-
rations, who will have to execrate the apostacy which
has robbed them of the blessings of the peaceful enjoy-
ment of their civil and religions liberty.
If, unhappily, the assembled Peers of Great Brit .in
should bow to the force of the torrent, the day will not
be distant when the people of England will have to
fight against the encroachments of Catholicism ; and in
the tremendous conflict which will ensue, the sacred
fabric, which Britons have hitherto regarded with an
almost religious veneration, will be crumbled into its
original elements. May Gon, however, yet avert the
inevitable evils which ate attendant on the final passing
by the Legislature of this detested Bill !

We understand that Mr. STRATFORD CANNING will
retire from the office of Ambassador to the 0 toman
Porte, and that he will be succeeded by the Honourable
1101111OIT Gonnort, brother of the Earl of A lialMalt.
It is also understood that Mr. STRATFoRD CANNING
nukes at his own request, and that Mr. GORDON, who
is now in London, will proceed dile( t to Constantinople
to ct nclude, in conjunciion with the Foetid) Ambassa-
dor, the Treaty respecting Greece, to which the Sim.
ma is said to have given an implied consent.

The Paris Papers of Saturday, which have reached
us in due course, are destitute of any interesting matter.
An at ticle from Smytna contains intAligence from Con-
stantinople, but it is of old d.te.
The French Three per Cents. advanced again on
Saturday, and left off at 79f. 25c. The Five per Cents.
remained at 107 f. 90c.

The German Pipsrs received this morning possess no
pecoliar interest. The preparations on the part of the
Russians, for opening the campaign with eclat, buds in
European and Ariatic Turkey, coutinne to form their
leading feature.—We subjoin a lew extracts:
FRONTIERS OF POLAND, MARer 13.

' we bear front Warsaw that it is generally believed there that
the army of General Cotton Paskewitscli is destined to very im-
portant operations ha the ensuing campaign, and will receive with