Star.
London, England, 1820-05-27 00:00:00

ABSENTEE.

Lord BULKELEY rose to ask the Noble Earl opposite (Li.
verpool) whether it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers
to submit to Parliament any proposition with a •iew to diminish
the number of those persons of property, who were draining so
much wealth out of this country to spend among foreigners?—
lie hoped it was in the contemplation of Government to Liam-
duce a proposition for layffig a tax upon such persons.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL stated, that Government had no
intention to submit such a proposition. For his own part, he did
not think any measure of the kind practicable. In every way
that he •iewed it, he saw that it would produce inconveniencles
more than sufficient to counteract any good to be derived from
it ; at the same time, he was perfectly willing to listen to any
proposal of the kind, and give it a due exatr.ination.

SUNDAY NEWSPAPI:RS.
Lord KENYON presented a Petition, signed by
several News-venders of the City of London, praying
for the suppression of Sunday Newspapers. The
Noble Lord observed, that the subject was one which
demanded the attention of the Legislature. It was
well known that the description of Newspapers to
which the Petition applied, did, in almost every in-
stance, inculcate principles dangerous to the State,
and subversive of morals and religion ; but a still
stronger reason for their suppression was, that they
existed by a constant violation of the Sabbath, as
they must necessarily employ a number of hands to
work upon them on the Sunday, and also have shops
open where they may be exposed to sale. This was
a nuisance that ought to be abated. His Lordship
concluded, by throwing out an intimation, that he
would, at a future day, bring in a 13111 on the subject.
Lord HOLLAND said, that the argument against
Sunday Pipers, founded on the nature of the prin-
ciples which they taught, was by no means a valid
one—they were as amenable to the laws as all other
Papers, and if they published matter of libel against
Church or State, they could be punished like other
publications, by the ordinary mode of prosecution.—
He did not think that the Petition made out any case
against the Sunday Papers, which did not equally
apply to other branches of the Press—if punishment
was deserved, let the law inflict it; but when a
sweeping extinction was once begui., there was no
knowing where it might end. He should therefoie
take that opportunity of declaring, that if the Noble
Lord did bring in the Bill of which he had spoken;
he (Lord Holland) should feel it his duty to oppo.e
it in every stage.
Eat! GROSVENOR supported the Petition, and
observed, that the Sunday Newspapers engaged, bt

• EXTINSION OP POREIGN TRAM
The Marquis of LA NSDOWN moved the Order
of the Day for an inquiry into the practicability of
extending the relations of commercial intercourse
with foreign countries. The Noble Lord made some
prefatory observations as to the imperative sense of
duty under which he acted in coming fcrward with
the present Motion, when so many others, much bet-
ter qualified to do it justice, might be mcniioned.—
But as they had not offered themselves, he felt it his
duty to undertake the task ; and he trusted, that how-
ever Government might abstain from bringing the
subject under the consideration of the House, their
Lordships would not be indifferent to the public
voi,:e. He then proceeded to say, that the clouds.
which some time ago had darkened the horizon, and
which were then said to be temporary, had latterly
increased, and assumed a wore awful and ominous
aspect. Such a state of things justified him in pres-
sing inquiry, and he was certain it would be more sa-
tisfactory to their Lordships and the country that
the real state of the national interests should be as-
certained, and the cause of their present embarrass-
ment. Ile had already stated that it was incumbent
on him to enter into one branch of the inquiry, li-
miting it to one particular ; _but he n ished it to be
understood that he would not interfere with the pro-
ceedings of any Noble Lord who might think any
other branch more deserving of examination, far less
was it his intention to divert the mind of Parliament
from taking up objects connected with the institutions
and establishments of the country, and from the pro-
motion of economy in every department. But that
was a daily duty. What he proposed was an inquiry
into the state of foreign trade, and the means of ex-
tending it. He had confined his Motion to this one
practical point, for he was afraid that if the question
wire to be grounded on the utmost latitude of whiCh
it was capable, nothing but perplexity and confusion
would follow. In such a wide field, every chivalrous
supporter of a theory would be anxious to break a
lance with a Knight of some other system, and the
functions delegated to a Committee would be wasted •
in a vain attempt to produce order out of the chaos of
contending interests, and to deduce any practical re-
sult from opinions and theories so opposed and irre-
concileable. In limiting this question to the subject
of foreign trade, he felt it necessary to state, that he
did not do so in reference to the partial interest of any
body of men. He looked upon it as intimately and
demonstrably . connected with the interests of the
whole country. So closely, indeed, were the real in-
terests of all classes interwoven, that even if their
Lordships could be induced to enter into so impolitic
a design as to serve the interests of one body of nien
at the expense of another, he was confident that the
plan could not, in its own nature, be carried into
execution. The natural, close, and reciprocal con-
nexions which were founded on the wants and in-
terests of different classes, was stronger in itself than
all the force of the Statute Book ; it arose from per-
manent controuling causes, and might be disturbed,
but not subdued by human ingenuity. Whenever,
therefore, the banner of a partial interest was raised
in the Legislature, that interest must either give way
to the paramount consideration of the general good,
or if it should t:btain a temporary elevation beyond,
its proper level, it would only prepare for itself, even-
tually, accumulated and increased distress. We had
received a lesson from experience, which he hoped
would not be thrown away. Who that reflected on
past events, did not feel sensible that the interests of
all classes had a common centre to which they must
all converge or perish? Who, that looked to the.
state of the country in the year 1815, did not ac-
knowledge that the effect of the depression of one
class visited all the other branches of the community?:
The effect of the depresiion of manufactures visited
the agriculturist as the grower of the produce, and
the distress of the one was the downfal of the other.
After what had happened, it would be the height of
folly or madness to separate those interests, and to
misapply legislatorial care so far, as to prop up one
upon the ruin of another. The Noble Lord here
commented on the Corn Laws by way of illustration,
without entering into the question which they origi-
nally involved. What was now preyed for by the
least reasonable of those who signed Petitions on the
subject of Agriculture, went, he said, far beyond the
principle of giving a proper security to the land-
holder ; and therefore their prayer, if granted, must
be ultimately mischievous ; for what would be the
consequence of depriving this country indefinitely of
the importation of foreign corn ? Why, the prices
of corn would be raised until a year of abundance
came ; and then the effect of the previous high priies,
as we could have no place to export our super-
abundant produce to, would be to occasion a dread-
ful depression, which the farmer would feel severely,
as he could not dispose of his corn unless at' prices
far•below what would compensate him, and the evil
would re-act on the manufacturer. He was aware
that this was an extreme case, but it was one that
ought to be coutemplitted, mit showed the tendeicy

in all eartiallegiAation to become its own correc-
tive. fhe lesson which tile country had already re-
ceived ought•to make it omit all separate and nar-
row considerations, and look steadily at the corm;
hilted principles dl national prosperity, in order to
collect from general vita's, general and just results:
Some specula:ive persons had indulged in very es--
tiaordinary theories, oil f late, upon the subject of ma-
nufactures, and a few had gone so fat as to say, that
the country would be more prosperous if it had no
manufactures. Without entering into the discussion
as to what pursuits tended most to the happiness of
individuals, he could only say, that on that subject
the country had now no choice. It is commerce and
manufactures, the Noble Marquis, that have
made you what you are, and by those you must re.l
main what you ought to be. It was a deinonstrable
proposition, or rather an axiom in political etonomy;
that a nation should grow what it could grow
cheaper than import, and import what it could re-
ceive more cheaply than grow; from this principle
resulted the obvious policy of a free intercourse. •No
man could think of the extinction of manufactures in
England, who had the common sentiments of his na‘
cure, without feeling deeply for the population that
must thereby be delivered up to irretrievable 'cala-
mity and ruin. Opt of the twelve millions of the
population of the country, if thete were two mil-
lions who depended for their existence upon manu-
factures, they could not be destroyed even by slow
degrees, without the process of annihilation inficol
big misery upon the other. ten mililohs. The fate of
every class was connected with that of each other,
and he would protest agajnst all measures but such
as were calculated to protect all the interests and re-
sources which had made England an agricultural, A
commercial, and a manufacturing country. . The
great principle which applied to all countries, was
more especially applicable to this conntry—that it
would be always a gainer by a free interchatige of .
its productions. What was sublimely true of man
as an individual, was true also with respect to the
intercourse between nations ; the beatuiful illustra-
tion of the Poet might be applied to it:
" The generous tine by mutual kindness lives; •
• The strength it gains is from th' embrace it gives.'
The Noble Ilarquis then proceeded to observe, that
in making any change, however necessary' and salu-
tary, in long-established systemi, it should be brought
about with due caution, and even W ith some tefer•.
ease to existing prejudices. Ile said he remembered
that when Dr. Adam Smith wished Mr. Burke to
take steps for removing at once from the common •
law, the penalties for forestalling, the impelicy 'of
which Mr. Burke had himself acknowledged, the
latter replied—" You, Dr. Smith, speak from your •
chair as a professor of the pure mathematics ; but
statesmen, even when satisfied in the soundness of
principles, must look to the confliction of interesii,
and the confliction of prejudices." In the present
case there was much of both in a narrow sense to be
encountered, and even on a scale of great magnia
tude, there would appear to be something of the
'kind interwoven into the subject, which resulted
from the long-continued artificial state of its relax
tions. Owing to the events of the last thirty years,
there had been an unusual excitement in almost all
the nations of the world, by which means almost all
those nations were compelled or induced to live on
their capitals instead of their revenues. This excite•
ment had called into existence a numerous unpto4
ductive population. The result of a return 2:4
change from that state, was an impossibility to con.
tinue the rate or expenditure. i!lany nations were,
like ourselves, encumbered st ith an unproductive
population, whose means of support was removed by
the cessation of the expended capital.. There were
more labourers than there was provision of labour, •
and more artizans thari demand for manufactures..._
It so happened that this country, by its geographical
situation, by its habits and government, had put
such a capital in circulation, that it found no diffi-
culty in feeding the unproductive classes while the
excitement continued; but, when it was removed,
there remained the fruits in augmented taxes, mort-
gaged revenues, and an encumbered class of artizus.
England felt the force of the visitation which the ex.
traordinary change produced much more than poorer •
countries, which could not support those enterprizes
that produced an artificial prosperity. Here he ad-
verted to the Petition of the Manufacturers of Bir-.
.mingharn, who asked why, in the midst of. so. mtrch
plenty as the country possessed, there should be such
misery and distress? and said, that what lie had just
stated was an answer to that question. He next pro.
ceeded to say, that to remedy such evils their Lira.
ships' object should be to create a demand, and that
demand was only to be treated by otening, without
distinction,. all the resourees.of."foreign trade. At
present, however, all measures which had that object
in view were to be, in some respects; controuled by
imperative circumstances But still, whateyer •con-
straint was to be adopted, k should be made the ere:'
ception, andiiberty the general rule, and not. eon-
strairit the general rule, and liberty-the exception.—.
Upon the subject of protecting duties he should ob-
serve, that he had no objection to them whets they'
were such. as to admit the possibility of a fair ;coin--
petition. The oext.point which be should submit to'..
their Lordships' consideration'' was of a more prat--
tical nature, as it regarded the principle of: hiltich"
Navigation. One in . which the. whole mercantile"
body were scrdeeply interested. It was quite attain: •
that many commercial men,' whose interests might •
be supposed to be affected 'by it, were desinie: of -
seeing the principle of further extension adoptedx......
It did not create any apprehension in the.mitidi of,
ship-owners, that vessels shopld be a110wed:16.4,41
from the ports of Europe with any other ptodnee.
than that of the particular. country Which they •
left (being, however, British vessels); a• liberty whfih3
by the existing. regulations, was at present denied.,..:,;.
A ship now sailing from the. coast of France could
not touch at any Flemish port for the puipose of
tithing on board. the produce of the cowry, and the

same principle held good with respect to the ports of
all other nations. He only desired that this princi-
ple should be limited in its operation. It would, at
the same time, be right to except colonial produce,
for if there was no restriction, other countries Might
take the trade to the colonies cut of the handX of
ship-onners,• with whom they could bi ens-
bi,Nl to enter into prejudicial eumpetition. The third
point to be considered was, the entire freedom of the
transit trade, with w hich the bonding system was
connected. It was of the greatest importance that
every temptation should be held out to induce fo-
reign merchants to bring into this country the pro-
duce of their own. Ile wished to see England the
grand mart or depot of the produce of the world,
o:-.e to which the vessels of the different nations
might resort with their cargoes, and find a ready
and advantageous ,i:arket. Ile was aware that in
suggesting the expedience of acting upon this prin-
ciple, he was. trenching on considerations of great
and peculiar interest, and among those branches of
commerce which required particular protection, there
was one which ought to be guarded with jealous at-
tention. The linen trade of Ireland was that branch ;
yet lie thought that some modification ought to take,
place in the transit duty with regard to it, which
during the war was so high as 15 per tent. A re-
laxation of this duty would be productive of very
great advantage ; and it was a fact, that the linen
tiacle.of Ireland had been in a more prosperous state
before it was imposed. Though it was, necessary in
time of war, when British merchants were prevented
from going on the Continent to make up their assort-
ments, it could have no beneficial effect now that the
nations of Europe were at peace, and when the Bri-
tish manufacturer might proceed to Germany or Hol-
land, and make up his assortments without any in- ,
tcrruption. Indeed it appeared to him, that so far
from iti producing any good effect,• it musti tend, on,
the contrary, to drive our own manufacturers out of.
the country. This was a subject to which he begged
earnestly to call their Lordships attention, with the
view of investigating all the circumstances connected
with it. He now came to a subject upon which the
greatest difference and difficulty existed ; the duties
on imports from the northern countries of Europe.
When adverting to the high duty on timber, it was
impossible for him not to remind their Lordships
that it had not been adopted as pal t cf a permanent
system of colonial or shipping policy. No pledge.
of that nature had been given, either to the colonies
or the ship-owners. It had been adopted only from
temporary considerations of increasing the Revenue,
and was subject to have been revised in March last.
—Vire Earl of HAnnowny here said, " March
Stett.".3—The- Marquis of LANSDOWN proceeded. The
difference was immaterial; it did not in the slightest
agree affect the general question. It was to be ad-
mitted, that-the owners of the ships conveying tim-
ber from Canada were interested in the continuance
of tile present duties, and it was very natural that
thoy should regard with jealousy any proposition for
Modifying or abolishing them. They were, he be-
lieved, a very respectable body of men, and it•was
tight that-their interests should be attended to, se
ftr as was compatible with the general welfare of
the 'Nation ; nor should he, in any measure of for-
th* extension, desire to see those instances lost sight
af,.tti which there ought to be a departure from the
Valid principle in favour of navigation in British
vtsstls. It was one thing to purchase a valuable
Consideration, and another to consent to the mode of
perchasing it—(Hear, Hear.) The very worst of
all duties was that which was imposed on the raw
7 ittterial, and therefore he decidedly objected to the
impost on timber. The grounds upon which ship-
&liners sought the continuance of this duty were the
'host absurd imaginable. They demanded a mono-
poly, because the timber they imported was at a
greater distance, and of a much inferior quality to
that imported from the North of Europe; and they
did this in defiance of all established rules of com-
rtieree, which favoured importation from that coun-
try where the article was best and cheapest, rather
than from that country which was remote, and where
the article was dear and bad. And upon what arti-
cle was this tax imposed ? Not upon an article of
luxury, which, perhaps, might be subjected to it with
less prejudice to the commenity ; but upon the raw
material of our houses,-our bridges, and other struc-
tures, while even the very ship-owners who called
for the continuance of it must be affected by its ope-
ration. If the grounds upon which this monopoly
was claimed were admitted, why ought not a tax to
tae imposed on the importation of cotton from the
East Indies, the voyage being three times as long as
that to America ? The ship-owners said, that if they
had been .put in possession of the whole of the tim-
ter trade to the Baltic, it would amount to only half
of what was now imported from Canada. This, how-
ever, was to lose sight of every p'rinciple of economy,
for the purpose of maintaining a particular interest.
The Baltic timber trade had, he understood, been'
originally cerried on in Russia and Prussia in British
vessels, particularly in the latter country. If the;
article was not immediately paid for in British pro-
duce, it was afterwards in articles of British mans-,
facture which were sold at the fair of Leipsic, and'
other fairs, where the purchasers of British goods
were chiefly from the North of Europe. But he did
not insist on the paint, as to whether the article was;
.paid for oT not in the produce of the country, as iii
did not affect the merits of the case. They had ea-1
-dray overlooked the consideration, thatthe certainty
of procuring .2 cheaper and better material must ne-;
cessarily excite increased temptation for the employ
meet of British vessels. There ought certainly to
be a greater degree of freedom than at present exist-
ed, In order to induce British merchants to acquiescel
in the measure, leaving, at the soma time to -Canada
In supply that species of timber which is peculiar to
"the country, and cannot be had with equal advan-,
-tagefrom any other; and to the Northern Countries
to furnish that species which is acknowledged to be
of a superior qoality. The duty -on timber imported
'from Canada in the course of the last year amounted
tY) 2..406,000, and the port of *London alone paid
1:100,000 for the monopoly--4 Hear, hear!)—There
wits another point which he wished to bring under
-Conskleration : it was with regard to the duty paid
Oil French wines, which, in 1511, amounted to £143,
while the duty on Spanish 'andfortugnese wines was
Only 1:95. The produce of 'this duty fell off in the
course of the last year £220,000, and he thought
that the French Goyerucaent were not so indifferent

to the interests of the people at that country, as net
to consent to some rneasdie for alliewirtg French '
vibes to 'be exported upon the same tin* as -those
of other countries. But even if no such atrangement
took place, still while *e imported set from France
we must necessarily increase Mu- exports.- Could
there be any reduction of our exports by importing
bullion ?—Certainly not, for the evil, if such it was
considered, would correct itself. There wits no dif-
ference whatever whether we exported our-manufac-
tures in the first instance, and imported bullion, and
then exported that in payment for the wines we re-
ceived; in either case, our exports could not be affected.
He thought, however, that in seeking to reduce the
duty on French wines, the consent of Portugal would
be necessary. If a. reduction was effected, the conse-
quence would be an increase of Revenue and of
French wines. In the treaty which had been renewed
with Portugal in 1810, the former duty was conti-
nued for the present on wines and woollens, being
the principal articles of trade between the two coun-
tries. It was necessary, in order to meet the compe-
tition of other tiations, that some change should be
made in the existing system. What he bad said of
wines would equally apply to silks imported from
France, and he should suggest a large Parliamentary
grant as a remuneration for any loss that a poor but
meritoriouk class of persons might sustain by a mea-
sure of great national advantage. He had now gone
through the whole of the leading circumstances con-
nected with our European policy, and while he con-
sidered the shipping in all its relations, it was impos-
sible for him not to observe, that we were excluded
from one of the largest portions of the globe by im-
politic regulations. The British merchant was almost
totally shut out from Asia and the numerous islands
connected with it. He found himself excluded from
the very moment after he doubled Cape Horn—not
from the rude or forbidding aspect of nature, for
there were bays, ports, and harbours in abundance,
and most of them commodious—not from any indis-
position to trade on the part of the inhabitants, for
they were all favourable to it—not from any fault of
the seasons, for there were monsoons and other winds
which nature seemed to have destined "to promote
the success of commerce. No, he was excluded only
by restrictive statutes. • which were most prejudicial
in their effects; and he found that he could not pro.
ceed without being provided with a license. From
the Tea trade he was entivelfprohibited, and he
found himself confined within the circle of the East
India Company's Chatter. He meant not the slight-
est disrespect to that respectable Corporation, for it
was very natural that monopolists should be actuated
by principles of prejudice and jealousy, with regard
to those who might wish to participate in the same
Avantages. Yet he did not think it correct in the
East India Company to prevent others from doing
that which the/ did not .do themselves. The first
consideration with them was, the size of the ships ;
and all smaller vessels were entirely excluded, as they
might be better employed upon adventures to remote
and unfrequented regions than larger ones, which
would subject the owners to too great a risk of capi-
tal, without a sufficient prospect of profit. The po-
pulation in the various Eastern Islands, amounted to
seventy millions of inhabitants, yet, in consequence
bf the system of exclusion, there was • scarcely any
commerce whatever with these people. [The
Noble Marquis here read an extract from a pus-
lication respecting the Islands in the Indian Archi-
pelago, which described them as highly favourable
to trade, from their abundant resources, though they
were less known by the inhabitants of the neighbour-
ing Continent, than if they had been in a different
climate.}—He next adverted to the Opinions advan-
ced upon the same subject by Sir Stamford Raffles,
in his account of Sumatra, and contended, that an in-
tercourse with those distant regions ought to be pro-
moted. In reference to the principle of encouraging
the spirit of free trade, he instanced a story by Dr.
Franklin, whose wife having sent a cap to the daugh-
ter of a ship-owner, from their residence at May
Town, in America, caused a• general demand for
such caps among all the young girls in that part of
the United States, who sent their mittens for sale to
Philadelphia, in order to purchase them.—The Noble
Marquis said, a All 1 desire is, give but fair scope to
the genius ,)f. this maritime country—let vs proceed
to the inquiry with the best spirit, arid bring to the
question the best possible information our resources
will supply, 'and there is little doubt the House will
de its duty to the Public, by the following up a prin-
ciple to which i, for one, anticipate scarcely a pos-
sibility of any opposition."—(Hear, item.)—The
Noble Marquis concluded by moving, " That a Select
Committee be appointed to consider the state of out
Foreign Trade, and report' what means were in our
power for improviog and extending it;"
The Earl of LIVERPOOL new Lose. He said hi
had peculiar satisfaction in rising after the able and
candid speech, with which the Noble Marquis who
had just sat down had introduced his Motion. He felt
thorough gratification in being able to agree in the
general principle upon which that motion was
founded, though he did not attach the same import-
ance to some Of the circumstances urged in support

of it, as the Noble Marquis. He was—not, however,
disposed by any means to oppose it, limited as it
'very properly was to the sole consideration of our
Foreign Trade. He thought the Noble Marquis had
acted most judiciously in having so limited it, for
bad he done otherwise, and extended it to general
relations of commerce, it would, from its compre-
hensive character, include too wide a range of con-
•llicting interests, and the advantage of the country
would either be neglected altogether for the present,
`or postponed to a distant and doubtful period. Yet
at the sante time while he gave the Noble Marquis
every credit for the manner in which he brought this
'subject before their Lordships, he could not still
think it possible that it could be fairly discussed
without some reference to our internal and domestic
'relations. Por, however important the interest of our
foreign trade certainly 'was, he would still say that
he should be 'only deceiving the House were he to
admit that it was in any respect the most important
interest to the country. When he looked at the nu-
merous Petitions Which were pouting in from all
quarters, and from an-classes of those who were con-
nected 'with the Agriculture and Manufactures of the
Country, he could not but feel it to be his duty to
state the reasons, why, in the present instance he was
not in favour of a more extended inqtiry. He en-
tirely aßreed with the Noble Marquis that there was
no opinion so unfortunate as that there existed in the

fttervitsatioss *Jo
bei setntere
interests, and taLthiethe
at each ot2~er.
variance Thia was a Most erroneous as *ell as dangerous 001.
aiw
nion, and he agreed *kit the Noble, Marquis that the
Aar'cultural, the Manufacturing, and the Commer-
cial Interests were cOmpletely blended, the strength
of the one wan the strength of the other, and the
weakness of the one was the weakness of the other.
They ought, therefore, never to be represented as
distinct. Agriculture, which he considered the basis,
of our national strength, would not be what it was,
nor would those who made fortunes by it have'
amassed immense wealth; bad it not been for com-1
merce and manufactures, which fostered and sup-
ported it. Therefore he should say. that. neither could
be served by the exclusion of the other. The first
point to be considered was, what the actual state of
our foreign and internal trade was, from authentic
documents? Next, to examine minutely the causes
of our distress, and see if any or what remedy can
be applied to that distress. But there was one par-
ticular in which he also agreed with the Noble Mar-
quis, namely, that it was more material to decide
what they would not do than what they would do.
The country would not settle down till the public
mind was set at rest upon this subject. With regard
to this particular consideratioh, the first point to be
decided was with regard to the state of our internal
trade, in order to ascertain whether the distress which
prevailed -resulted from any diminution in the con-
sumption of the country, or from a falling off in our
foreign trade ? It appeared quite certain that the dis-
tress now existing was not the consequence of dimi-
nished consumption in the principal articles of our
domestic trade. As an instance of the fact, he should
mention wine, an article noticed by the Noble Mar-
quis, and should consider it rather in relation to
quantity than to value, the standard of comparison
which he should make also with regard to other
articles, and from which it would be seen that
no decrease whatever had taken place. He had
now to submit a specification of different articles,
with the average price for the last four years,- corn-
paring the average price ie the three- years 1816,
1817, and 1818, -with the average price in 1819.--,
The average consumption in each year, for thethree
years mentioned, was £21,650,870; and the con-
sumption, from the sth of April, 181-9, to the sth
of April, 1820, was £22,332,117. The average
consumption of Coffee for the three years named was
£7,523,583, and in the last year £7,858,856, leav-
ing a small diminution. The average consumption
of Tobacco for three years, was £11,967,711 • in the
last year £11,175,917, leaving a considerable dimi-
nution. In Malt, the average consumption for three
years amounted to £22,130,278 ; last year the gross
amount was £23.971,387, shewing an increase of
£1,700,000. In Spirits the average consumption
for three.years, was 1;5,173,755 ; last year it was'
£4,801,937, shewing a decrease of £300,000, which,
however, was made up by there having been a greater
consumption of foreign spirits last year. The next
calculation was with respect to the produce of arti-
cles of internal-trade. The produce of our Exports
in 1318, was £48,908,703 ; in 1819, 07,939406 r
shewing a falling off of £11,000,000. In the year
1818, however, extraordinary efforts had been made,
and many speculations -undertaken. The average
amount of produce for three years, was 48,161,7561.
in the last year there had been a falling off of
£11,200,000. He should now consider what was
the state of our trade before the last war, and during
that period of it when our commerce was in the most
flourishing condition. In the year 1792, when we
had the largest exports of any year before the war,
the value of them was L 24,905,200; and in 1806
the value was £25,000,000 ; in 1807, £27,000,000 ;
in 1808, E 26,000,000; in 1810, E 35,000,000; and
in 1811, £34,930,000 ; so that last year, though
there was a diminution of £11,200,000, yet there
was an increase as compared with the official value
in the year when our exports were the greatest during
a time of peace. In the year 1818, the amount of
Cotton exported was 1M,4112,000 ; inahe last year, it
was little more than £1,000,000. He should now state
the other articles in which there had been a falling off.
In the European trade in Refined Sugars, there had
been, as compared with the three preceding years,
a falling off of 41,200,000, but the great diminu-
tion was in the trade with the United States of Ame-
rica. In Cutlery and Hardware, the average amount
of exports, for the last three years, was L 1334,000;
in the last year, £436,000. The average amount of
exports in Woollens to that country, for three years,
was £3,100,000; in the last year, £1,703,000, shew-
ing a falling off in the total average of the different
articles of £3,000,000. The Noble Earl then pro-
ceeded to shew that distress was not confined to
England only, but also prevailed to as great a degree
in America, which was the natural consequence of
the extraordinary efforts she had made during the
late European war—efforts that had raised her to an
unnatural state of prosperity, which ended in her
present difficulties. He deprecated the idea of im-
puting the embarrassments of the country to tithes,
taxation, or the poor laws, instead of ascribing them to
the long and portentous war we had engaged in, and
which had so detrimental an effect on our finances.—
With respect to the Corn Bill, he observed, that he
had supported it in 1815, when it was introduced,
and he did so under the conviction that the Agri-
cultural Interest required some legislative protection.
It was necessary at the time that Parliament should
come to an express determination with regard to it ;
and if; contrary to his opinion, they had refused to
accede to the measure till after the experience of two
or three years, as had been proposed, he should have
said that they ought to decide upon not granting it
at all. Ile thought the principles of the laws were
not to be departed from, to accoramodate every
change of circumstances. It was a means of aggra-.
eating the distresses of the country thus continually
to be agitating the questions affecting the Agricul-
tural Interests. Let the tenant and landlord, let the
buyer and seller adjust their relations in the best way
they couhi, but the country should be taught to
look upon the principle of the law as undeviating.—
Because he looked upon the Corn Bill as calculated
to recognize these principles in a more fixed way, he
gave it his support, and its rejection by Parliament
had not made him change his mind as to the extent
of its influence in working that -effect. He always
looked epon that Bill as equitable in principle, though
an objection was taken to it as too refined. Its ob-
ject, if he understood it rightly, was ro protect the
Agricultural Interest against the low prices of gr K

at whia the Wirier could not raise the commodity ;
end, on the other band, to allow the Public en open
Market when prices should rise. But, be asked,
lithat Would be the effect of a fixed protecting duty ?
If
the cony was small, it would serve as no protec-
tion at all; if large, its effects, as toss ards the Pub-
lic, would be most prejudicial in times of distress.—
The House would recollect that the pi ice, in the Corn
Bill, was fixed at 80s.—this the opponents of the Lill
contended would be the minim:ter, but be (Lord Li-
verpool), and the supporters of the Bill, argued that,
it would be the methmum price. In recurring to the
returns of the prices of wheat in the years between
the sth of January, 1515, and sth of January, 1815,
it would be found that wheat did net average more
than 78s. sd. a quarter, and that oats did not average
more than 28s. He also thought if any frauds were
committed in those departments which regulated
the importation of foreign corn, they were imputable
to the persons appointed, and not to the laws.—
The present laws, if rightly put in force, were suf-
ficient to correct these frauds, without having recourse
to new ones. He did not think the great principle
of averages should be departed from ; and it was a
fallacy to suppose that leaving out the Welsh Coun-
ties would be favourable to the Agricultural Interests
of this country, for the contrary would be the effect.
There was also another point upon which he would
touch, though not immediately connected with the
question of Agriculture, tharWas, the Currency. He
was clearly of opinion that the principles laid down
last Session should not be depaited.from. It was said
that distress resulted from it, hut he contended its in-
fluence was but partial. In viewing a great question
no change should be made from the circumstance of
its affecting ode branch of the community. Things
were not worse now than in 1515, when the price of
corn was lower thin it was now, end the price of
gold was £4.45. Perhaps the arrangement of last
Session was not-so perfect as it might be, but Pailiz-
mem had done the thing, and they couldzot retrace
their steps without danger. He had supported the
Bank Restriction through the war,- from a persuasion
,that this country could never have got through- the
war without it. But at the return of peace he said
that the country should return to its ancient system of
metallic currency. Even in war it had its evils mixed
up with,good, but in peace it would only produce
evils. It would tend to produce fictitious capi-
tals. There might be a spew of trade, and the manu-
facturers and mechanics he again at work; but the
alarin which he felt, and several well-informed mea
felt the same, was, that the country would be
subject to these revulsions every two or three years.
Enterprise and speculation would be going on in the
meantime, which, aided by the perfection of machi-
nery, would soon glut the markets, and at the same
time create this fictitious capital. As, therefore, he
deprecated any alteration in the Corn Laws, for the
same reason 'he would advise no alteration in the
Currency. .The grand principle which he wished
their Lordships not to lose sight of, was—that the
country and the whole world should feel that they
were acting upon a fixed system, and that they were
determined not to be tampering with their laws, to
suit every possible circumstance which might arise.
He would again recommend not to alter general
principles because of some local distress. Having
now endeavoured to answer the principles of the pro-
position made by the Noble Marquis, he would coma
more immediately to his facts. With regard to the
Corn Laws, he had already stated, that difficulties
lay in the way, which the advocates of this measure
were certainly not aware of. He must declare, he
felt convinced, that though some of them opposed
.the Corn Bill in 1816, yet they were, unwilling to
change the present system ; and he was convinced
they were equally enwilling to do away those • pro-
tecting duties which %vele afforded to manufactures
here in a greater extent than in any other country in
the world. It was a fallacy to suppose that a free
trade could be given. Supposing the law for the
protection of cotton was repealed, and the duties on
wool were taken off, it would not affect these ar-
ticles. As to the two others, silk and linen, the first
was purely artificial in this country, and alive trade
would put an end to it altogether—(Hear, hear).—
'This was a manufacture which belonged more pro•
perly to France, who, if she sent silk, took our cot-
tons in return ; therefore, viewing it with the num-
bers engaged in it, he could not help looking upon
a continuance of protection as a lesser evil than giving
a free trade. What would be the effect as regarding
Ireland, he asked, if the duties on foreign linens were
taken off? Looking to the state of that country, he
was inclined to regret that a protection had been
extended there, but now that the thing was done,
even if wrong, it could not be undone, for the linen
trade was so mixed up with the population 'and
peace of the country, that it would be most impo-
litic to do it away—(Hear, hea6.—ln viewing our
foreign relations, it would be wEll to see if protect-
ing duties could not be substituted for prohibitions.
One forbade the possession of the thing entirely, but
as there were people dispoied to have it at any price,
there was thus a temptation to elude the law alto-
gether. He wished to see this temptation taken
away, and a protecting duty substituted in its stead.
With regard to other propositions of the Noble Mar-
quis, some of them had been already taken up by
the Executive Government. One was already it
progress, and if it should turn cut that nothing
could be done, it would at least he satisfactory to
all parties to make the inquiry—(Hear, hear, hear).
The next point to which he would allude, was the
proposition for the extension of the warehousing .sys-
tem. • He agreed entirely-with the Noble Marquis in
the view which he took. of this subject. The plan,
suggested, formed part of the policy of Mr. Pitt,
who wislied to make this country the emporium of
the world. Since that tiuie
,it *had been
_growing
gradually, and at this day made no inconsiderable.
branch of the Revenue, collected with greater Each,
lity. As to the other proposition respecting the Than-.
sit Dutiet, be also concurred with the Noble Mar-
quis. . The objection which was raised to this in tuna
of war, he thought now entirely removed by the
peace; and he saw no ham why the ships*of this
country should not have the same advantages, in car-.
tying goods from one place to another,ns the ships
of other nations. As to the duties on timber, he ap-
prehended the Noble Marquis was a littlsonistaken
in his view of -it. The history of the &ties upon
timber was shortly this. In 18014 when this country
was slnit out from the Continent. and there was
great distress in ccaseqt,cacc, Croverament oreLcd A

in,nanunication with some foreign merchants, giving 1
;km as assurance of -protecting duties. ' By this
n:eans the trade was opened ; but the duty was not'
imposed as a revenue, but as a bonus to them to em•
bark in the trade. A subsequent duty, however, was
laid on in 1815, for the purpose of revenue; but it
was never contemplated that this duty should con-
tinue ; and the merchants were given to under-
stand, that the matter was open to Parliament to
make what dispositions they might think
lie did not affect to recommend' any particular
-course; and whether the duty on timber impopted
from the Baltic should be lowered, or whether a
countervailing duty should be laid upon that im-
ported from North America, would be entirely mat-
ter for a new arrangement. .The next question, as
the equalization of the duties on wines, was im-
-Irirtant. Much might be said on both sides, as well
Tor as against the present system. It was productive
of good and evil. Though it was the work of the
greatest monument of human wisdom, and the
greatest Statesman that ever lived, yet it appeared
to him to be derogatory to all the plinciples of pru-
dent economy; but situated as it nylis, it was hardly
within the power of Parliament. If this country
'would insist upon the second article of . the Treaty
with Portugal, she might in her turn shut out our
woollens altogether. Whether it would be worth
while to run tins risk, was another question. Even if
Portugal did not finally exclude them, the attempt on
the part of this country to equalize the duties on Por-
tuguese and French wines would provoke retaliation,
and the exclusion of the woollens of this country by
Portu gal, even for a ti me, would be productive of great
distress. But he wished the House to consider the ad-
vantages derived to this country from the Treaty of
1785. He was not then in Parliament, but if he had, he
would have given the duty his support. Portugal was
snore important, from the extent of its connections
s%ith this country, than at first sight it might seem to
be. Taking for five years, from 1787 to 1792, the
whole exports of this kingdom, they appeared to
be to France only 1:718,000, whilst they were to Por-
tugal M 51,652, and for the same time to Spain
L 6•23,340. This was a great trade with Portugal,
independent of the trade with the Brazils, which
amounted new to upwards of four millions, and was
yearly increasing. It would not, therefore, be deal-
ing fairly with Portugal to put the duties on her
Ines on the same footing with those of France. It
uotild be well to remove the duties, if any reciprocal
advantages were had in lieu ; but, he asked, was
this the time for making experiments ? Already
the greatest jealousy was felt towards English ma-
nufactures, and it would be a work of great difficulty
to obtain advantages equivalent to those given
up. The question, then, was to be looked at in two
ices—one, as to the carrying on of trade; the
ether, as to the extension of manufactures. As to
the latter, he had very great doubts; for hitherto,
no efforts bad been spared by British merchants
to find a market for their goods, without success.—
With respect to our India trade (said the Noble Earl)
the question should be looked at in two different
views. The first, as to the advantages to our carry-
ing trade and shipping interests ; and the second, as
to our manufactures. On the latter head, I think it
is doubtful, if any alteration from the present system
would prove useful. Many Merchants have made
the experiment—few have succeeded, and many have'
wholly tailed. And, as I am on this subject, I cannot
help noticing the value of the machinery and capital
employed in this country, when I find British renslim
sell on the Continent of India for one half the price
of those manufactured in India itself—even adding
the expense of freight and other charges incidental
on their transmission there. This has led to a great
and amazing effort of trade—to ton great an effort,
and one that well accounts for the falling off in the
last year, as compared to that of former years. The
market was overstocked—the consumption did not
keep paie with the supply. The consequence was a
deCciency in the returns, and a corresponding dis-
tu ess on the part of the manufacturers in this country.
With regard to • the China trade, . all.attempts to in-
troduce it into that country have proved abortive.
Your Lordships must he aware that this trade is shut
tip by the conditidns of the Charter lately entered into
with the East India Company, but a great trade is
still carried on by private ships, between China and
India, to which they are allowed to bring tea, being
previously warranted to do so, by virtue of a license,
which is rester refused on proper security being given.,
When, however, that Charter was passed into a Law,
the Parliament retained a certain power in their
hands, by which a direct trade with India could be
laid caea to the world, although the article of tea
was particularly excinded. It was intended, when
that Charter was agreed to, to make this country
the ernperium of our India trade, as it was to make
litita that of the Levant and Adriatic. But under'
tha present circumstances of the world, I see no
reason why any and every article may not be :car-
riad, without any intervention, directly to anyplace
by British vessels. With regard to some other arti-
cles, which are not of so great importance, arrange-
ments may be made which will produce the desired
effects. In the tea trade to Europe, regulations also
call be adopted, which will also be productive of
bei.etit. Haring gone through the points thin had
Leer, urged by the Noble Marquis, and having taken
a more enlarged view of thesubject, not indeed fioin
any feeling of the want of the reasoning followed
Ly the Noble Marquis on any particular topicof his
speech, I will express my entire concurrence in the
motion. I have felt that my, duty not only to the
country, but to my sitgation as a Member of his
'Majesty's Cc:increment, have bound use thus fully
explain, net only the internal state, but also the
..oreign relations of the kingdom !-.4-( Heardwar)o—
have not concealed, nor do I conceal any matter
:hich the importance of the subject requires to be
.sated; and 1 will declare, not only to your-Lord-
slips, but to the different persons intaestedin the
Commer.ial and Agricultural success of the conntey,
and to the People at large, that from time and pa-
vence the principal remedy for the temponary distress
Nt.hicli affects the nation at present is to be horpedlor!
Jn the other remedies, which are various, and.pro-
pored on different sick's, no great dependence could
he placed ; but in the investigation of the subject
there will riot be any impropriety •, and however as the
Advantage which Ain be gained from it may not be
great, an investigation, which the necessity of the
case seems to ask for, can he carried into Beet.
hope, iIOI7CYCI", that your I,.ordshies are convinced

1, of the insufficiency of a continually changing system
!.of Laws towards affording any advantage to either
the Commercialists or the Agriculturists, and I trust..
that this conviction will lead your Lordships to ad-.
runt the necessity'of refusing to alter the laws as the'
clawour of one party or of the other may desire.—
From an established and uniform syStem of laws, the
country would know what it ought to depend on,
and from that knowledge, and from the-certainty of
the consequent practice,- it can use its exertions to-
wards alleviating the present distress. lint a change
of the laws every day cannot produce much good:
uncertainty on one side, disaffection and discontent CM
the other, will thence continually arise. With these
views, and under these impressions, I have again to
express my full consent to the motion"--(Hear, /sear).
The Earl of LAUDERDALE agreed with the
Noble Lbrd opposite, with respect to the Corn Laws,
The Noble Lord, seemed, however, to under-rate the
question cf the Currency, though he acknowledged
that Geverrinient could not have been able to carry
on the late war without a currency of paper. The
Noble Lord went into the subject of the Currency,
and argned, that the substitution of paper for gold,
of itself, increased the taxation to an enormous
amount. He did not expect any immediate relief to
the trade of the country from the new regulations;
he looked for that relief only to that energy which so
peculiarly' distinguished the. merchants of this coun-
try. He thought that the for motion of a Commercial
Treaty between this country and France would give
no advantages to England over that country. He
alluded to the Petition for a Free Trade, from Glas-
gow, and agreed with the doctrine it contained—that
no alteration ought to be made in the existing laws,
without investigating the interests of each particular
branch of trade. Upon the India trade, he was pre-
pared to acknowledge, that he had formerly laboured
under erroneous notions, and to agree. that it ought
to be inquired into. The general position, however,
of the country was such, as to induce him to hope
that it would be ameliorated, in every respect, much
sooner than was generally expected. In order to see
whether the country was really impoverished, the
House should look at the produce of the whole coun-
try, and calculate its comparative amount. Now,
no man could say, if he referred to a period of twenty
years ago, that there was any diminution in that ge•.
neral produce at present, as compared with that
time; on the contrary, was it not very much aug-
mented? He was very happy that his Noble Friend
had brought forward the present motion; for, at least,
it was productive of the developement of much
knowledge, which, he had no doubt, would be turned
to advantage by the comninnity. '
Lord ELLENBOROUGH regretted to have heard
from the Noble Earl the expression of his determi-
nation to support the Corn Laws. Ile wished that
some Noble Lord had touched upon the Poor Laws, as
bethought that a subject surrounded with difficulties.
Of this he was convinced, that if the country did not
destroy the present system of those laws, that system
would destroy the country. He agreed that this coun-
try was now much richer than it was at the corn-
inencement of the late war. The same might be said
of Germany, France, and other parts of the Conti-
nent. Ile imputed the growing wealth of the Conti-
nent chiefly to the greater freedom of communica-
tion
'which is now established between the several
districts of each country. Where that communica-
tion did not exist, as in Austria and Sardinia, great
distress prevailed. The restrictions, however, which
yet remained in commercial affairs, between the dif-
ferent countries of Europe, still perpetuated that
spirit of hostility which was originally enkindled
from political motives. It was said that this court.
try could not expect many advantages from Com-
mercial Treaties, because we had no equivalent to
offer for them. But he thought that there was
scarcely any country to which a fair equivalent might
not he given. To France we might send many of
our manufactures, in exchange for articles of luxury,
which they produced in much greater perfection,
and could afford us upon more moderate terms.than
we could get elsewhere.
Lord CALTHORPE said, that the luminous state-
ment which their Lordships had heard would tend to
impress on the people of this country the willingness
with which their grievances were attended to, and to
prove to them that they lived Under a paternal Go-
vernment, which would treat them with kindness.
Ile was happy to find that some principle had been
laid down as a standard for our future system, and
he thought his Majesty's Ministers had made a li-
beral concession.

The question was then put and agreed to without,
any dissent.
The Noble Marquis then nominated his Commit.
tee. Among the names read, were those of the Earl'
of LIVERPOOL, the Earl of HARROWBY, the Duke of
WELLINGTON, Marquis of LANSDOWN, Earl of Ross.]
LYN, Earls GROSVENOR, LAUDERDALE, DONOVGIPH
MORE, and DARNLEY.

The House then adjourned at a Quarter before
Eleven o'Clock, to Tuesday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER informed the House that the Petitioners
against the Returns for Westminster, (petitioned against by Mr.
Boyce Combe), Truro, Maidstone, Cambridge, Elgin, Coven-
try (Cobbett's), Wallingford, and Newport, had failed to enter
into Reccgnixances within the period specified by the Statute; the
consequence was, that they should be considered as withdrawn.'
Petitions were presented, by different Members, from the'
•County of Sussex, the neighbourhood of Itrightor., County of
Kildare, neighbourhood of-Lewes, Counties of Cornwall, Car-
low, and Bedford, praying for relief from Agricultural distress.
Laid on the table.

Mr. .L A MUT ON, in posentisig aohnilar Petition from Dur-
ham, observed, that he agreed with his Mon. Friend. the Mem-
ber for :corfolk, that the .Petitionen, instead of praying for pro-
Weting duties, ought rather to have petitioned against that gene-
lel *right of tax.trion which affects not only the Agrieulturists,
hut, eery 4lass of •the:eonsmunitr—(Wear, (sear!,::-... Ise red.
'tiou leas !ski on she table.

Mr. NESVi‘I A ti.presented a. Petition from Eleter, au4 Mr.
HA'RT DAVIS another .frorn Bristol, praying the repeal of
cite Warta:Ft.-Laid on' the. table.

Mr.. HU Mitap resented:Petitions .from Linen4Manufacturers
in the Town and County of Montrose and To *n of Brechin, in
Scotland, praying that the Bounties allowed on the exportatioc
of Linens should not be withdrawn, and that they should be
placed on the sarnelocttng witirrespeet to those Counties as the
manufactures of Ireland.—Laid on the table.

Woe the motian of Ur, C. W. WY NN, a new Writ was
rarderqd for the Election of one Burgess for the Borongh of
:Truro. The return sent to the Crown Office, stated the election
'of three individuzis, Sir IlusseyVlviat, Lord Fitzroy Somerset,
and J. R. Pro3set..The first was returned by twelve or thirteen
• Burzlipses, ai.d the two latter by eleven each. Resolutions were
moved aid carried, to the effect that the double return with re-
spect to the two latter should be void, and thaea new writ
should issue for the election of one Burgess besides Sir llus...ey
Vivian, the petition agaida his return having been withdraws:,

Me• C. w, WrlTNhnstartst op tie Repotatot the Connate* • such return, that time should be given for that Or-
of Privileges, to TAXA the gasitieces to the sedan isonitstestoed sou's arrival.
• against the Warden of the Fleet Piisotti, for tischarging Mr. I Mr. J. WY NN riri thought the Petition shotdd bait '
Robett Christie Burton, in purstrince ota former order of that
Houle. was referred. The Cohens/nee agreed that the institution' the attention of the House, and its prayer be granted,
of the action in the Oommee Plena was a &grant breach of the that the whole matter might go to a Committee.
Privileilf of iha kiPutt• The-resolution to that effect beings Mr. TIERNEY wished to know if a new Writ
agreed to-.-
could be issued?
Mr. V. W. WYNN moved, that Chrlsroplier Bolton, Ca:us
Thoinliton, Mules Frost, sad Atchlbald Rosser,
the pets:e.. ! The SPEAKER stated, that no new Wtit could be
concerned in prosecuting tha etion, shanld be called to the ll'ar ; issued.till the present Petition had been disposed 01.."
of the UMW on Monday se'susight.--,Agreed to. ' After some observations on the part of Mr. BA-
NEWINCTON NEW CHURCH. TIJURST, Mr. BROUGHAM, and Lord CAS?LEEIACW,
Mr. .DENNISON presented two Petitions, signed by /WIT the Order was discharged, and then fixed for the 18th
three thousand of the Parishioners of St. Mary, Itiewingtun, in of July.
which they prayed to be heard by Counsel against the Da now
in progress tor building a new Church in that Parish.—Laid on'
the table.
Mr. H. SUMNER moved the second reading of the Bill for
erecting a new Church in the Parish of St. Mary, Newington.
Mr. DENNISON opposed this motion. The principal
ground of his opposition rested on the circumstance, that the'
Petition in favour of the erection of a new Church was signed
by only 56 htdividuals, while to the Petition against it were at-
tached the signatures of nearly 3,000 of the inhabitants of the
Parish. It was admitted that some inconvenience was felt on
account of the disproportion of the Parish to the c ipacity of
the only two Churches within its precinct. ; but that inconve-
nience might soon be got rid of, by instituting a third evening
service, and the Parishioners were willing to pay a Clergyman
for reading the extra service out of their own pockets. Ile con-
cluded with moving an Amendment, that instead of " now," the
Bill be rend a second time this day six monthei
llr. 11. SUMNER contended that anew Church was neces-
sary, since the present houses of worship were not large enough
for the whole Parish. The Rector had on his book 3,000 ap-
plications for seats, which he bad no means of giving.
Sir ROBERT WILSON supported the Amendment. lie
declared that he considered this measure not only as an extraor-
dinary hardship upon the Palish, but as a violation of the late
Act of Parliament for the Building of Churches, in which it was
declared, that no new (lurch should be erected in any Parish
unless the same was resAved on by a majority of the Inhabitants,
in Vestry assembled.
Mr. PEEL said he had had occasion to hold some commu-
nication on the subject with the worthy Rector of the Parish ;
and, from the representations which that respectable Gentle-
man had made to him, be was convinced that there never was a
case which called more for the attention of .Parliatnent than this.
He certainly knew that there were a great number of Dissenters
in the Parish, and that, very laudably, they had erected places
of worship for themselves • but this was no reason why this ap-
plication should be refused. Of the 2000 who were now ac-
commodated lu the Church, there were 600 charity children,
who were brought up in the religion cf the Church of England ;
and, when they arrived at the age of maturity, what would be-
come of them when they had no mesas of attending service in
the Church ? Under these circumstances be supported the Bill.
Sir WM. DE CItESPIGNY said the Rector was particu-
larly.interested in this measure, because when two Churches
were built, he would enjoy an increased degree of patronage in
employing Clergymen to do the duty in them.
The House divided—For the second reading 206
Against it - . 2$
• Majority
SUNDAY NEWSPAPERS.
Mr. COIIRTENAY presented a Petition, signed
by a considerable number of respectable vendors of
Newspapers, who prayed the interposition of the
House, in order to put an end to the circulation of
Sunday Newspapers.. The Honourable and Learned
Member observed, that when the Petitioners request-
ed him to present this Petition, he stated to them that
the subject was involved in difficulties which, in his
opinion, could not be easily removed. That, for his
own part, he approved of the object of the Petition,
but that he did not see hew it could well be attained.
With respect to the Liberty of the Press, he was not
disposed to concur in any measure which might tend
to abridge it. He further said, that- he would not
pledge himself to recommend any proposition to the
House upon the subject, though, as a matter of course,
he deemed it his duty to present the Petition.
The Petition was brought up and read. It stated
that the Petitioners suffered mach inconvenience and
embarrassment by the great increase of Sunday
Newspapers. That they felt great reluctance in en-
gaging in that part of the trade, because it prevented
them, in a very great degree, from attending to the
duties of the Sabbath ; and this misfortune was felt
not only by themselves, but by others, as they were
obliged to employ several extra hands in the distri-
bution of these Newspapers. With respect to the ge.
neral character of these prints, they had, in the opi-
nion pf the Petitioners, a. decided tendency to injure
the public morals. They afforded a strong tempta-
tion to the lower classes of tradesmen and labourers
to give to the reading of them that time which ought
to be dedicated to religious duties ; they served to
sow the seeds of disloyalty, and to propagate im-
moral principles. The Petitioners, therefore, prayed
the House to take such measures as were calculated
to put an effectual stop to Sunday Newspapers.
Mr. LAMBTON said, he would net oppose the
motion for laying this Petition on the table, but he
could not remain in his seat without expressing his
disgust at the hypocritical rant of these Petitioners !
( Hear, hear! ).—'flicy came to the House, and
stated, indeed, that Sunday Newspapers held out to
them a temptation to stay away front their Sabbath
duties, although it was obvious that they had the
power of removing that temptation as it affected
_themselves, by refusing to sell such Papers at all—,
( Hear, hear, bear!).—The charge made in the Peti-,
tion against the principles on which the Sunday
Newspapers are couducted, was in his opinion, per-
fectly unfounded. The great majority of those Papers,
indeed he knew not that he could except even one,
afforded much political and moral instruction; not
one of them inculcated blasphemous sentiments. He
could not but observe, that if the Petitioners endea-
voured to mend their own lives at home, rather than
come forward with this attack upon the conductors
of Sunday Papers, they would have acted much
more consonantly with the dictates of Christianity
(Hear, hear!).—The Petition was laid on the table.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS.

Lord ALTHORP moved the second reading of
the Insolvent Debtors Bill. No doubts, he observed,
could be entertained as to the principle of the Bill
that the debtor was entitled to his libe:ty,,upon giv-
ing up his property to his creditor. Many objectiors
had been made to the former lasi\telle principle of
'Which was—that the court had not flicient powers
to examine into the state of the debtor's property, as
the examination took place in open Court. Another
objection was—that the debtor often remained in
prison till he had spent his property, anti then took
the benefit of the Act; but by the present Bill, the
petition of the debtor was to be presented within
fourteen days, after which he was to have no con-
troul over the property. As objections had been
made to the Agents of the Court, as not properly
qualified, the present Bill went to enact, that the
Court should nominate the Attornies for the debtors,
without interfering with those of the creditor. By
the present Bill, the creditor could compel the su:.-
render of all t'le property, and should any property
devolve to the debtor after his insolvency, he could
stop it in its progress. The Bill proposed the ap-
poiotment of three Commissioners, instead of one;
and that he thought preferable to the appointnietA
of Examiners, as in Commissions of Bankruptcy.
Mr. MACDONALD objected to that pin of the
Bill that went to appoint three Commissioners in place of ere,
By the appointment of two Examiners, the object could be
equally well attained, and at less expense; and he should move
an Amendment to that effect in the Committee.

A Manisa stated, that though he should not oppose the se.
cond reading, he thought one Judge sufficient.
Mr. BRIGHT conceived a distinction ought to be made be.
tween the honest and the fraudulent Debtor. It would also be
of advantage if the Court Lad the -power of summoning a Jury
in cases of difficulty. No exception should be made, as was
done by the Bill, against the Debtors of the 'Crown, &c.
After a few words from Sir F. 05;MANZY and Air. Lisirrarro‘r,
Lord AI:FIRMLY. in reply, stated, that the exception in the
case of Crown Debtors bad originated with the Attornly-Gene.
cal; and he had acceded for fear of losing the Bill. The sum-
moning of a Jury would be attended with expense, and she
Judges would be anxious to relieve themselves from resposuloi-
lity, by calling in the aid of a July.
The Bill was then read a second time, and committed for
Wednesday next.

WOOL TAX.

Lord MILTON presented Petitions from the Ma-
nufacturers of Woollens in the neighbourhood of
Wakefield, Kirkheaton Batley, Culverley, and Leeds,
in Yorkshire, praying for the repeal of the Wool Tar.
Mr. DENMAN said, he did not desire to provoke
debate prematurely on thii subject, but looking at
the great distress which was complained of by 01
these Petitioners, he could not help urging the Home
to turn their attention seriously to this question. As
the first measure of relief, he thought it was necessary
to repeal both the Wool Tax and the Corn Laws.—
The interests of all classes he conceived to be the
same, and what would be a remedy for the distresses
of the one would be equally a relief to the other..
_•4
Mr. BIRCH bore testimony to the existence ntirt.i.
tress among the Manufacturers of Yorkshire, follier
full extent that had been describe-I. He recoria-
mended these Petitions to the serious attention of t!le
House.—The Petitions were then generally rend,
and ordered to be printed.
Lord MILTON, in rising to bring under the at-
tention pf the House the motion of which he had
given notice; said, he felt a greater difficulty in in.
traducing the question on the Wool Tax than he had
felt on almost any former occasion. He felt thus,
because he considered that it was necessary in bring.
ing it before them, that he should, as far as was pos-
sible, bring the whole of the subject under their view:
But even were his sentiments not what they were on
this subject, he should have felt it his duty to prefer
the interest of a large body of those who sent him
there to his own opinion. He could, however, truly
say, whoever might have been his Constituents, in
that House he should entertain the same senti.
meats as those which he had now Wowed. His
notions were formed on those general principles of
political economy which were not to be shaken,:-..
lit had ever been a principle in this country not to
impose a 'tax on the raw material imported, to the
end that it might come into England at as cheap a
,rate as possible. He knew of no instances, excepting
in the cases of cotton and silk, in which this rule was
departed from. But the circumstances attending
these were of a nature very different from those of the
present case. During the last Session of Parliament,
this principle was, for the first time, violated in the
case of the Tax upon Wool. By some, this measure
was applauded as a source of revenue, while by
others it was regarded as a protection to the agri.
culturists. If as a source of Revenue it was calcu-
lated to increase the importation, in that case it
could not serve as a protection to-the agriculturists.
If it were adopted as a protection to the Landed In-
terest, by causing an increased sale of wool by the
farmer, it must fail as a source of Revenue. They
had on the table an account of the importation of
wool up to the sth of April last, and it would be
seen by a reference to that document, which com-
prehended four months of the new dirties, that eight
months' importation of wool, at the old duties,
amounted to 11,450,0001b5. while the last four
months amounted to but 231,0001b5.---sO that in the
last four monthi there had not been imported above
oneefiftieth-part Of what was-imported in the pre-
ceding eight months. This he thought was sufficient
evidence that the importation of wool could not sup.
port, the dtity imposed upon it. Since 1815, when
the market Bras glutted with an overstock of woo], iq
expectation of a great denraad for it on the part Of
the manufacturer, the state of the rnanufacturet of
the country had everywhere undergone a great di-
minution, to the utter disapfointment of -the specu-
lators on that occasion. The only suffiCient
docu-
ment upon which to , ascertain the real state of
the manufactures, was in the account frcnn the
West Riding of Yorkshire, which was on the table
of the House. -If this. Paper did not actually
Prove the dimiriution'in I:he-manufacture; It proved

BOROUGH OF ALDBOROUGH.
Mr. P. MOORE then moved the adjourned debate
on the Petition against the return for Aldboreugh ;
and the Petition of Mr. Bryant, the unsuccessful can.
didate, was read, preying for time to put in his qua-
lification ; which, after a few words from •Mr.nrxes;
was agreed to. .

BOROUGH OF BOSTON.
Mr. T. COURTENAY moved the resumption of
the adjourned debate on the petition of Mr, Green,
' agent to Mr.. Ellis, the Member returned for Boston;
urging that the consideration of the Petition against.
Mr. Ellis's return might be postponed, to afford time
for Mr. Ellis to arrive in this country from the cape
of Good Hope, where* he is at present.
Sir R. HERON objected to the time being en-
larged ; to grant the prayer of the Petition would
be useless ; since, if time was given as required, Mr. I
Ellis could nevertake his seat. He was disqualified'
'by the office he held. It might as well be said, if
Gattor., or Old &arum, were. to elect -the Dey of
Ali,Piers, and a Petition sheeld 'be resented against
1

. •