Star.
London, England, 1821-06-21 00:00:00

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attaci the Monarchs themselves, bnt their Cabinets.
He had stated formerly, and he still believed it, that
the system of the Noble Lord and the Allies had been
directed against the liberties of Europe. The object
of the war, as stated by the Noble Lord and his col-
leagues, from 1792 down to the close of the war, had
been to put down tyranny ;• but the peace of 1814
and 1815 had been one of spoliation, as appeared in
the case of the Venetians and Genoese, and also in the
sacrifices exacted from Saxony. The acts of the Empe-
rors of Austria and Russia, and the Declaration ac-
companying them, shewed the principles by which
they were actuated. Because the Neapolitans wished
for a free Constitution, the Sovereigns of Austria and
Russia had interfered to preserve the ancient despot-
ism. For the last hundred years, Russia had made
no peace without adding to her dominions. In one
part, her territories extended 9,000 miles, and 4,000
in another. There was not in Europe a more ambi-
tious Power than Russia, whatever might be alleged
by the Noble Lord. Though Great Britain might be
no party to the Holy Alliance, yet the whole of the
policy of Government at home was in unison with the
conduct of the Allies abroad ; that had been shewn
by refusing all inquiry into the affair of Manchester,
and the recent attack on the Freedom of the Press,
by means of what was called " The Constitutional
Association." The Alien Bill had had no English
object in view, and had been passed twice in time of
profound peace, to enable the Noble Lord to be the
Head Police Officer to the Allied Monarchs. That
Bill had passed in order to prevent the victims of fu-
reign tyranny from approaching the coast of &g-
-land. The first instance had been that of General
Gourgaud, and the last was that of an Italian Priest,
from St. Helena, who had been prevented from land-
ing, and had been sent nobody knows where. The
Member for Aberdeen and those who supported him
were treated as the Noble Lotd had, on a former
night, treated the Carbonari ; but that had been der),
where the fate of Reformers. No man loved liberty
more than be; and he had hoped that, at the peace of
1815, the People would have been remunerated for
the sacrifices they had made. There was another act
of the Noble Lord's still more disgraceful than the
Alien Act—he aneant the imprisonment of the late
Emperor of France. He believed that Russia had
been well disposed to attack Spain, could she have
obtained the concurrence of France. The conduct of
the Allies towards Naples was even worse than that
of Napoleon towards Spain. What object could we
have to act the part of jailors for the Monarchs of
Russia and Austria? Nothing could be more objec- ,
tionable than the Declaration from Troppau, and
another still more recent. It was impossible to see
how liberty could be protected by the imprisonment
of Napoleon, when the Allied Powers were acting in
a more tyrannical manner than he had ever done. In
all their Declarations, the Allied Powers relied on the
co-operation of this country, and stated that they
would recognize no alterkion in the form of any Go-
vernment, that did not proceed from the Government
itself. At the present moment, Russia was hanging
over Greece with a large force, and might endeavour
to attain the darling object of her ambition—the pos-
session of the Turkish States in Europe. The jails of
Sicily were filled with individuals, whose only crime
was, that they had obeyed the orders of the estab-
lished Government. The present state of Spain wai
to be ascribed to the unhallod`ed interference of des-
pots. The Honourable Member then moved,
4, That this House, the Representatives of a free and en-
lightened People, has witnessed with the greatest concern and
alarm the events which have lately taken place on the Continent
of Europe, and also the open and insulting avowal of pretensions
as novel as they arc dangerous, and which are in direct opposi-
tion to the principles of our own Revolution, and to the inde-
pendence of other Nations: That an humble Address be there-
fore piesznted to his Majesty, requesting hint to use his influence
and authority to secure to the minor States of Europe their un-
doubted, and, till now, never disputed, right to choose their own
form of Government. and also to remonstrate with his Allies on
the assumption of powers never before claimed, which introduce
new principles into the laws of nations, in direct opposition to
all (turner practice and precedent, and which, if petseverecl in
and acted upon, would not only prevent the e,tablishment of all
rational liberty, but tend to render perpetual devotisms of the
worst kind."

country to them so designated. The Hon. Gentleman'
came too soon with his motion. He should have
waited until he would have the necessary documents
before him : and it would be necessary for him to
collect much more information, and to labour much
harder, before he could reasonably expect that hecould
influence the House to entertain his proposition. It
was natural to expect the Hon. Gentleman would
specify the particular acts of the Governments on
which his motion was founded. He (the Marquis of
Londonderry) was not prepared to follow the Hon.
Gentleman in the general and vague course which he
pursued. The particular questions to which the Hon.
Gentleman alluded were already most amply and ela-
borately discussed. The question of the Treaty of
Vienna, for instance, received the amplest discussion.
—The question of Naples had been most elaborately
discussed : and so also was the question regarding
Bonaparte's confinement in the Island of St. Helena.
If the Hon. Gentleman wished to discuss those over
again, or had taken any other specific or particular
question, he (the Marquis of Londonderry) was pre-
pared to meet him ; but it was utterly impossible for
him to form any opinion on the Hon. Gentleman's
proposition—(Hear).
Sir ROBERT WILSON supported the motion,
complained of the manner in which it had been met
by the Noble Lord, and criticised with severity the
conduct of the Allies. It was true, as' his Honour-
able Friend had stated, that the jails of Naples were
now filled with unfortunate persons, who were pu-
nished for acts in which they had been associated
with their present King—acts which he (the King)
had left them for the purpose of defending before
the Allies. He examined the Act of Amnesty, and
shewed that notwithstanding that Act, severe punish-
ments were to be inflicted. In his opinion it was the
duty of Parliament to interfere in behalf of neutral
States, when their rights were violated by our Allies,
and to declare that this country would never enter
into any confederacy against their liberties. His
Hon. Friend had mentioned the case of a Priest, who
had not been permitted to land in this country
through the operation of the Alien Act. He could
refer to a similar case which had occurred antece-
dent to that. A man, with his wife and child, ar-
riving at the Cape of Good Hope from St. Helena,
was detained for five weeks, and at last not permit-
ted to land, but sent off to llolland. lie condemned
the principle of that Bill, and gave the present mo-
tion his cordial support.
Mr. C. HUTCHINSON replied. The Honour-
able Member complained that. the Noble Marquis
had insulted him by the taunting reply to which the
House had listened. lle felt, however, that he should
be this night distinguished from the Noble Lord by
every free man in the empire and in Europe. The
Allied Powers were pursuing a system of spoliation
and aggrandisement, and he called upon the Noble
Lord to stand up iu his place to prove the contrary
if it was in his power. The 'peace of 1814 was
founded upon a system of spoliation and aggrandise.
ment, and that system was still in action with the
view of substituting tyranny for liberty all over the
world. The Noble. Lord had said, that he did not
understand his (Mr. Hutchinson's) system. The fact
was, that he had no system at all—(Gieers and laugh-
ter). He repeated that he had recommended no
system—he only complained of the system of the
Noble Lord. If he was taking measures in the Cabi-
net to prevent the designs of foreign tyrants, he was
ready to give him his thanks. But what he ought
to do was to give an assurance to the Public that he
was pursuing that line of conduct. If this was not
done, he would never cease to bring the subject be li
-
fore the House upon every occasion which presented
itself. The Noble Lord stated that he was not a
party to the Holy Alliance. If he did not take an
active part in its operations, he was nevertheless a
sleeping partner in the concern. The Hon. Member
concluded by expressing his intention to take the sense
of the I louse upon his motion.—The House divided—
Fur the motion - eg
lizainst - 117
Majority against the motion - —B9

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that he • POOR RELIEF BILL.
felt it quite impossible to pronounce any rational opi. Mr. SCARLETT moved the Order of the Day for
nion on any part of the Hon. Gentleman's Resolution. the House taking the Report of this Bill into further
He had very great respect for the Hon. Gentleman, consideration.
and would wish to give any question originating Mr. CALCRAFT rose to protest against this most
with him its merited and due consideration ; but the important measure being introduced, at a time when
Hon. Gentleman himself must have felt that it was it could not receive its due share of consideration—
entirely out of any one's power to come to any par- (Hear, hear).—lt was,quite impossible this Bill could
ticular or decisive opinicn on the general views which pass this Session. Of all measures, this was the most
the Hon. Gentleman bad taken of the different States improper to come on when the Mouse was taken up
of Europe. The proposition which the lion. Gentl- with anything else. However, if the lion. Member
man had submitted to the House was of so unlimited was determined to press this measure, and that it was
the feeling of the House that it should come on at this
and general a nature, that it was utterly impos,rible
for the House to form any opinion on it. The lion. time, he of course would not oppose it. He put it,
i Gentleman said that he (the Marquis of Londonderry) however, to the good sense of the Honourable Mem-
was a party to the politics and proceedings of the ber, whether he ought
great Continental Powers, which to him appeared so the House at this time?to press such a measure upon
' very pernicious, but which he (the Marquis of Lon- Mr. SCARLETT declared, that lie was entirely
donderry) saw in a very different light ; and he was at the mercy of the House, and that he should regu-
bold to say that he was as great a friend to sound late his conduct by whatever rules the House were
and rational liberty as the Hon. Gentleman, or any pleased to lay down for him—(Cries of Go on! to-
other Hon. Gentleman in the House or in the coun- gether with cries of No, no!).
try—(Hear, hear).—But entertaining the strongest Mr.o ALC R AFT wished to understand what course
attachment to liberty, as lie did, he would not by any the House would wish should be adorted—(Mixed
means be persuaded to interfere with the liberty of cries of Go on ! No, no!).
other nations. They had no right to meddle or inter- The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was afraid too
pose with the affairs of other nations, which they much valuable time was lost in deciding upon what
could not comprehend. This country, burthened as course ought to be taken. If his opinion was asked,
it was—(Hear, hear)—in consequence of the glorious he would say, that though he was sure the Bill would
struggles it had made, while combating for its rode- not pass this Session, yet he did not think the time
pendence—and even for its existence, was not to be unseasonable for discussing it—(Hear, hear).
persuaded to travel about with the spirit of knight- Mr. CALCRAFT, perceiving the fixed determina-
errantry
in quest of adventures after those struggles tion of the House to persevere, regretted that the
were over, the beneficial effects of which would be House had come to that resolution. His opinions of
entirely lost to the country, if it were brought to this Bill were not at all changed : he would not pass
interfere in the questions that might arise in the dif- it at any time, and least of all other at the present.
1 ferent States of Europe—(Hear).—The Hon. Gen- Something was necessary in the shape of relief; but
; tleman thought proper to protest against the system it did not follow that the House ought hastily to adopt
of Government carried on for the last thirty years, a measure which they did not think useful to the coun-
Iboth at home and abroad ; but he (the Marquis of try. He would examine each of the propositions in
Londonderry) should be permitted to protest against the Bill, and shew that the grounds upon which it
I
the system recommended by the Hon. Gentleman, went were fallacious. To begin, then, he asserted
and would enter protest against protest—(4 laugh). that the inconveniencies of the Foots' Rates were
—He did not think it necessary to occupy the time I greatly over-rated. There were some inconveniences
of the House on the subject at any length, and should iin them, it was true ; but they were not ascriba-
be satisfied to leave the proposition to whatever vote : ble to the causes marked out by this Bill The re-
the House should come to. He was not able to cons- medy held out by the Bill was imperfect, and could
. prebend the meaning of the Hon. Gentleman's de- not be persevered in. He (Mr. Calcraft) being a
scription of the minor Powers; and he finally be- friend to the Poor Laws, was, of course, friendly
i lieved they would be insulted by such a designation, ito a compulsory levy of rates to sustain them. This
and would disdain any assistance proffered ,by this! Bill would cut up this, by not suffering it to be in-