Star.
London, England, 1829-09-14 00:00:00

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13razilim , Imperial
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PA In.

. _
35 20 72 711
40 ;95 13

A Courier arrived at Dover yesterday morning -from
Calais, in his Majesty's Post-office packet, bringing the
unexpected intelligence that our fleet had made itself
master of the Dardanelles, in consequence, it was sup-
posed, of some misunderstanding between the Allied

Powers. The Courier proceeded immediately to town.
If this be true, it helps nothing the cause of the fallen
St:LT A N : it only proves that we are endeavouring to be
in, at the spoliation which is already begun.

About twelve o'clock la; night, M. CONTIXI, the
lonian messenger, arrived at the Colonial Office, in
Downing-street, with dispatches in seven days from
Sir FREDERICK ADAM, at Corfu ; the Honourable
ROBERT Gottnoll, at Constantinople, and Sir PuL-
TI:NEY MALCOLM, in the Mediterranean. M. CON-
riN I left Corfu on the evening of the 6th instant,
and, important intelligence having arrived there, soon
after his departure, another Messenger, of the name of
A RCH I BOGG I,was sent off next morning, but did not over-
take CosTl xi till he arrived in Calais, when both Mes-
sengers embarked in the Post Office packet, and reached
Dover yesterday morning, and Downing-street in the
evening, with separate dispatches for the Admiralty, the
Foreign, and the Colonial Offices.—The dispatches from
Constantinople are dated the 20th August.

We have perused with great attention the prosecuted
paragraphs of the Morning Journal, and we must say
that we rise from the perusal as much astonished at the
weakness of the noble and gallant Premier, as we do
jealous of the spirit which that weakness betrays. It is,
nevertheless, exactly such conduct as we had a right to
anticipate from the noble Duke, whose arbitrary efforts
in 1819 against County Meetings afforded a more than
sufficient datum from which to deduce the value at which
he estimated the liberties of the subject. Political ex-
cess belongs, indeed, essentially to political weakness ; and
an imbecile Minister never yet failed to make up for his
want of moral power, by the large abuse of confided
authority. But we ourselves can readily trace these
vituperative effusions of our contemporary to their real
origin, and even undertake to prove that—though rhap-
sodical—they are not unnatural, but in the order of
things. It will be necessary, however, to do all this
intelligibly to our readers, to dissect a little the first
indictment, which is subdivided into eight counts: an
operation, which it is to be regretted that some member
of the GRAND JURY did not think of performing, for
the benefit of the country intellects who must have been
serving on it in fearful majority of number. The first
paragraph of alleged libellous matter recorded in that
indictment, runs as follows :

We leave so important a question to be answered by the silent
response of the reader's own heart. But we can imagine a case
and one of not mere visionary application, when the devolvement
of Royal ►onours on the next in succession would place in the
bands of the Prime Minister of such a sovereign all the power and
patronage of the Crown. If such a Minister were an honest one,
no danger might be created, no abuse of power might be indulged
in, no arbitrary measure sanctioned, no family interest erected into
a monopoly of all the gifts of the King. But if it should happen,
as it might happen, that the Minister of such a Sovereign were an
ambitious soldier—a man of vast wealth, and great family connec-
tions, proud, overbearing, grasping, dishonest, and unprincipled—,a
man having the army at his command, the navy at his nod, every
situation under the Crown at his disposal, every sinecurist. every
commissioner of taxes, every dignitary of the customs and excise
at Lis mercy, what could not such a man do to overturn the very
Throne itself, and prostrate to the earth the laws and liberties of
England ?"

Now, the first remark which suggests itself to any
sensible mind after reading the above tirade, is that the
whole of it is hypothetical: a case put—and put
strongly, if you will—but the application, left to be
made by others. We do not, however, desire to take
any thing—as the lawyers phrase it—by our hypothesis:,
we will admit it to be a tissue of unequiiocal allega-
tions levelled directly at the Noble Duke : and, that
admission made, we will ask—what then? Yes,
Gentlemen of the GRAND JURY, we re-iterate our
question what then ? Is the right of popular discus-
sion to be put down—the freedom of political disquisi-
tion to be taken from the people, who hold it prescrip-
tively, guaranteed as a sacred birthright, an inalienable
privilege—because its exercise may prove occasionally
inconvenient to an incapable, or an unconstitutional
Minister ?

Admitting, then, Gentlemen of the GRAND JURY,
that all these allegations were not only directed against
the gallant Field-Marshal who presides over the civil
Cabinet of the King, but admittting that they could be
all disproved ; we will still press our question upon
you, and demand—what then? Is the liberty of public
opinion to be coerced, and its expression penally visited,
because an error of political judgment has led to imputa-
tions which in reality there was no ground for raising
Have not experience, and the law too, shown that such
erroneous imputations are always sure to be corrected by

the unerring general judgment—while the collision of
many judgments tends to mature and rectify the popular
mind, and' to keep the Minister on his moral mettle ? No,
no ; these very mistakes—or extreme indulgences in dis-
cussion, if some prefer it—are not without their bene-
ficial effect, and originate in ipsissimd naturd rerum.
For it is established by the charters of this realm, that
the people shall enjoy a large latitude and freedom in State
animadversions ; and this latitude and this freedom—so
long as they do not trench upon the private fame and
interests of individuals—must be kept sacred from the
vengeance or caprice of power. If it were not sn—if
these were liable to be invaded, and suppressed, at the
impulse of Ministerial passion—what security would
the country possess, against the superinduction by a
vicious Government of the ancient tyrannies and feudal
forms ?
Stet Panum—net; In Wee ulus est PALLADZ SOW

If we come now to a somewhat closer examination of the
article under discussion, it will not only be not difficult
for us to account for its very natural emanation from the
Morning Journal, but we shall be able to bring forward
some considerations, which will go far to elucidate, if
not to justify and defend nrtny of its most vehement ex-
pressions. His imagined case about the devolvement of
Royal honours, is a farce which we may prmtermit
but when he asks if it should happen, " as it might
happen, that the Minister of such a Sovereign were an
ambitions soldier, a man of vast wealth, and great
family connexions,"—nerer mind the five epithets ix
italics, there is no libel in them: but when he asks,
if having " the army at his command, the navy at his
nod, every situation under the Crown at his disposal,
every sinecurist, every commissioner, every dignitary
at his mercy :"—we say, when he asks whether such a
man could not do much to overturn the institutions of the
kingdom, his question finds an echo in every bosom where
thought inhabits. Impressed with these sentiments our-
selves—powerfully affected by them—we protested at the
very outset against the Noble Duke's translation from
the Horse-Guards, to the political and civil supremacies
of the realm. We did not disguise our feelings ;we
gave them their faithful and vehement transcript—if not
in language as exasperated as that of the Morning
Journal, yet at least as unambiguous—and to those
ardent expostulations of ours', the Times bore not an un-
remembered record. At that epoch, when the then fa_
vourite journal of England was in the very crisis of his
tergiversation—moulting, one by one, the feathers of his
public faith and popular sincerity, and gazing with syco-
phant fascination on the sudden sun-burst of arbitrary
power—the letters of LAMBDA recalled him for a brief in-
terval to his sense of duty, and shed through his semi-
converted columns the spirit of constitutional remonstrance.
But that was to subside presently for a base, truckling, and
subservient attitude ; and the proud journal, who pro-
tested at our instigation—with all his characteristic elo-
quence—against the dangerous and unconstitutional
union of incompatible powers, fell prostrate before the
individual thus anomalously invested, and blew the trum-
pet of his degradation in the ears of an unsuspecting
people :