Star.
London, England, 1819-12-01 00:00:00

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I.Vitutegust, bad forirme to carry that proposition
au) effect, upon a warning from the Magistrates that
he intended Meeting was illegal ; and had afterwards
Galled a fresh Meeting, which it was now to stamp
with illegality—without any pains taken to caution
People against attending it—without any intimation
of its imputed unlawfulness, sent in the troops to dis •
perse them by force, the Riot Act having been read
in the mean time. ProceediQgs .so unusual and vio-
lent had naturally alarmed the People in every part
of the country, who became anxious that they should
be fully inquired into; but, instead of a step so cal..
culated to soothe their alarm, they had been astounded
by a letter floni the Noble Secretary of State, con-
veying to the Magistracy and Yeomanry the Thanks
of Government. The Noble Lord contended that the
Laws bad been utterly disregarded and violated in'
the instance of the Meeting at Mar.Thester. With
respect to the checking of seditious and blasphemous
Libels, he contended thai the existing Laws, when
vigorously executed and enforced by repeated and
swell-directed prosecutions, had always been and would
ever be found fully efficient. He alluded to the case
of Mr. Wilkes, who he stated to have been persecuted
into notoriety, which, however, had left him like a
burnt-out volcano; and such would have been the
case in other instances, if petty publications were left
to themselves tp dwindle into contempt.
Lord GRENVILLE said, he had for many years
watched with apprehension the geowth and progress
of those mischievous doctrines and opinions which
now agitated the country. He had been called an
alarniist, and his apprehensions were treated as
groundless or exaggerated; and he had, perhaps,
carried them, on some occasions, from his too great
solicitude for those Institutions which be had been
taught to venerate and hold dear, somewhat farther
than a momentary view of passing occurrences might
strictly warrant. Yet who, viewing at this day the
pitch to which those doctrines had been carried—the
extent to which they had increased—and the rapidity
with which they had gained ground ;—who, that re-
flected for a moment on the vast and disastrous con•
sequences which 'they threatened, would venture to
say that his fears had been visionary ?—(Hear, hear).
—The very alarming progress of discontent, the
terrific increase of disaffection, the heated and in-
flamed temper of the public mind, called loudly and
imperatively upon their Lordships, not for specula-
tive inquiries into abstract theories of improvement,

but boldly and resolutely to meet the dangers that
menaced existing establishments, with powerful and
effective remedies—(Hear, hear, hear, fits the Mi-
nisterial Beaches). He would appeal with confidence
to every man of sound discretion to say, if the pro.
gress of opinions dangerous to, nay, subversive of,
our dearest institutions,' had not far outstripped his
greatest fears ? No man was more deeply impressed
than himself with the distress and misery which
pressed upon the people, particularly in the manu-
facturing districts. No one was more inclined to make
every due allowance to the irritation which that dis-
tress was in some degree calculated to excite in the
minds of the sufferers; but he believed that the sedi-
tious symptoms whicE had now manifested themselves
were to be traced to another cause. He believed the
root of the evil to lie far deeper. He could not be-
lieve, that the minds of the whole population of so
vast a district could have been worked up to the pitch
of ferment which they had now reached, unless other
circumstances had ca-operated in producing that
effect, with the circumstance of their pressing dis-
tresses. Although he thought that the discontent
had outstripped the distressesof the People—although
he did trot think that these distresses could at all jus•
Weir popular excess, yet he conceived it to be the duty
of Parliament to regard those distresses with sym-
pathy, with commiseration, and with an anxious de-
sire and earnest endeavour to effect their relief. If
he• thought the weight of misery which pressed on
the People could be so easily and readily lightened
and removed, he should view the state of the Country
with less gloom and apprehension than • he now did.
But, unfortunately, the distresses of the People were
of a nature not susceptible of immediate relief, and
not within the power of this Government to remove;
and this very inability had been urged as an argu-
ment against the Government, and used as a means of
increasing the irritation of the minds of the People.
It was impossible to strike out, at once, any plan
for effectually removing the pressure of distress. 2—
Temporary measures would not have the effect of al-
laying it—its cure mast be a work of time; and if he
• could for a moment suppose that it would not engage
the constant attention of Parliament, he, for one, would
not be backward in forcing that attention by the pro-
posal of some specific measure for that purpose. In
the proposed inquiry, so many subjects for considera-
tion presented themselves, all of primary import,
that it was not possible to embrace the whole in one
view, or to consolidate them in we efficient measure.
The motion of the Noble Lord was so extensive—in-
deed, so immeasurable in its scope, that no practica-
ble result, no positive good, could be derived from
its adoption. •
[The space below the bar was so extremely crowded, and the
beat so oppressive, that a Gentleman fell down fa a fit, in this
part of the. Noble Lord's slpeech, which caused sense confesien;
the sufferer being taken out, his Lordship proceeded}...
Look at the connected march of the system, and
mark well its progress. How was it, in a neighbour.
ing nation, that the way had- been prepared for the
overthrow of its Government, and for the mischiefs
which had followed ? It was by deluging the land
with seditious, atheistical, and blasphemous publica-
tions, which sapped and undermined every moral
and religious principle, and every tie of social obli-
gation. His opinion of the cousequences of the dis-
semination of such doctrines, had been formed from
long and connected observation of their progress, and
rested not on the events of the present day; and the
conclusion at which lie had arrived. was, that if some
means were not devised to check them,. and, to arrest
their career, they- would infallibly overwhelm the
Constitution, and involve tlse country in ruin. Union
Societies had been established fur the purpose of dis-
seminating more easily, and with greater effect, per-
nicious and destructive principles. Numerous Meet-
ings of the People had been repeatedly called, for the
purpose of teaching them to estimate their physical
strength, and gradually preparing them for acts of
open violence. The propositions of the Noble Lord
tended to weaken if not to Neat the only means of
arresting the approaching danger °ranch proceedings.
Meetings had been held, tumultuous, menacing, And
hostile to the present Establishments—Meetings which

he could not but think highly dangerous, and this.l
not only at Manchester, but td other places, to which
Meetings indeed he could not bust attach the character
of Manchester
law learnedancheste
in hist youth. There
was s,as directly contrary
ofto lelvleegryal. Thatprinciple of
was another circumstance besides open violence,
which constituted the illegality of such a Meeting,
which was its operating in terrorem populi, which he
contended was the case at Manchester. He begged
that Noble Lords would consider the situation of
Manchester, and the nature and character of its inha-
bitants, and then say if the convening of so vast an
assemblage could fail of producing terror in the minds
of sober people. If the conduct of an individual were
such as to produce fear in another, a Magistrate would
afford protection to the individual who laboured un-
der such apprehensions ; and if a large assembly pre-
sented such an appearance as to produce alarm to a
body of peaceful people, would any man say that the
Magistrates were not even bound to interfere and use
their endeavours to dissipate their fears by removing
the cause? If culpability attached at all to the Ma-
' gictrates at Manchester, it was for having so long
delayed their interposition ; but it would be a strange
position to assert, that because too much latitude had
already been given to such proceedings, no attempt
was ever to be made to check and put them down,—
If the Magistrates had been loth to. interfere too
much Kith Popular Meetings—if they had been
anxious to avoid unnecessary encroachment upon the
Right of the People, and in their solicitpde had even
suffered some Abuses of those rights to pass un-
checked, no ground could thence be deduced for
blaming their subsequent endeavours to put a stop
to such excesses ? Nay, he must say, that, in his
opinion, the Magistiates had merited the unqualified
approbation of their Lordships, and it was, to say the
least, very injudicious of persons at County Meet-
ings, held far from the scene of action, to express opi-
nions in censure of that conduct-so strong as had
been done in some instances—(Rear, hear). With
respect to the Ministerial Letter of Thanks which
had been so much the. subject of animadversion, be
could not but think that it would have been a high
dereliction of official duty to have withheld that
communication, which the Magistrates .had a right
to expect, of the light in which Government viewed
the case as represented in their statement. Even if
the military had pushed their violence to the utmost
extreme, still the Magistrates had a right to be in-
formed of the opinion formed by Government on
their conduct, founded on the representations which
they had made—(Loud cries of hear, hear, hear).—
The district over which the jurisdiction of those Ma-
gistrati.ss extended, comprising the counties of Lance-
'dike and Cheshire, bad been so widely overspread
by.the fermentation excited by seditious and bias-
`phemous publications, that it had become imperative
on them to be continually on the alert. They had
tarried their forbearance to the utmost pitch, and if
they had extended it to that Meeting, the conse-
quences might have been irretrievable; had they
neglected their duty on that occasion, it were impos-
sible to say if the opportunity could ever again have
occurred to do it with effect. The excesses commit-
ted in that part of the country had given occasion to
the calling of Parliament together to concert mea-
tures for restraining them ; he would ask, therefore,
what opinion could be formed of the attempts-that
were made at its first Meeting to turn their attention
from measures for curbing the culpable, to inquiries
Into the conduct of those who had done nothing but
their duty ? Those upright and conscientious Ma-
gistrates ought not to be cited to the Bar of the
House as it criminal. It had been seen, that the
Courts of Law were open to complaints against them,
though they bad done their duty, and thank GOD, they
were also open to charges against those who had been
criminal. Their Lordships well knew the industry
with which it had been endeavoured to fasten upon
the 'Yeomanry every thing that was deemed objec-
tionable in the proceedings of that day. This was a
'part of the system. In France, the enemies of Go-.
vernment had laboured the progressive annihilation
of every body of men from whom that Government
derived any support. He hoped such attempts would
not succeed in this instance, for he was confident that
to the Yeomanry the Country was much indebted
for its safety; and at this moment they were particu-
larly useful; they were armed in defence of all our
cherished Institutions, and of every dear and venera-
ble right we possessed. The Noble Lord pursued
his panegyric on the Yeomanry, ass most useful and
efficient institution. He attributed much of the dis-
tress endured by the People to those agitators who
had inflamed their minds, and changed their habits
of industry into those of riot and turbulence, and
taught them to regard with hostility those to whom
they should naturally look up for protection and re-
lief. (The Noble Lord, during his speech, was fre-
quently interrupted by cheers).
Earl GREY stated his embarrassment at finding
himself now opposed to some Noble Friends with
whom he had long been in habits of co-operation.
He rose to support the motion of his Noble Friend.
The dangers with which the country was thmatened
were indeed gteat ; inquiry was therefore particularly
necessary. Much difference of opinion existed as to
the cause of the present disquiet. 'the Noble Lord
who had just sat down did not think distress was the
primary cause. The causes of the existing distress
were doubtless many and complicated, but that was
certainly the'main cause of the discontent. In July,
the Magistrates had intimated their apprehension€
for the consequences of the distress under wbich the
people laboured, yet nothing had been attempted by.
Government' towards its relief. Look at.the disturbed
districts, and ray whether distress was not the prin.
'cipal cause? That it was so was evident from the cir-
cumstance that discontent prevailed in proportion to
the extent of the distress existing. Much gratuitous
mischief of intention had been imputed to the people,
overthrow
fie believed the number of those who wished the
overthrow of the Constitution was very trifling.
'The Noble Lord proceeded to animadvert upon the
opinions formerly delivered in that House by the'
`Noble Lord (Grenville).on the expediency of re-
ducing the military power of the country. He also
'slightly sketched the consequences of the war, which,'
be said, had been undertaken with France, to pnt
idOwn_ popular opinion ; and continued a strain of ani-
Mated remark on the progress of the system adopted
by Ministers, who, bn evert SUCCetSPIO appearance
Of upluitt symptoms, had propqded measures pf re-
abiction exceeding irrsevesity those which had. pre-
ceded: That such measures had always been fol-

AAtitabtr reo.reanalarancLincgk awpptarinv
openly
rseilif !its
oneckithee4
dearest rights remaining to Englishinen. The &dile
Lord (Grenville) had stated, that the arkient Govern-
ment of France had been unable to withstand the
atogrieriennAtt
it
ft
bpyusebldicitioopuisnn w
pioubiieahc
tiionh
shad been
publications;
andn e
yet
hescted
sup-
portedineasures for putting dnwr. such opinion in thiscountry,
cnuntry, though the Government of France had posses.
sed a power of restraint far beyond that now proposed,
which therefore could not be hoped to be efficient.—
The present system, therefore, must end in a power
t of Government far exceeding any which had existed
in France previous to the Revolution, and the career
of Ministers seemed to tend to no other milk- And
what was, the nature of those opinions which required
such extraordinary exertions of power to repress?-.:
what were the dangers with which they were so rife?
He was yet to learn whether it was illegal for people
to call for Universal Suffrage and Annual Parlia.
ments? He had himself been always a friend to a
Moderate Reform in the House of Commons; but
because he differed from men who wanted what was
called a Radical Reform, he would not, on that ac 7
count, put them down and oppress them. Surely, it
Could be no crime in the People to meet together
even for such a purpose. It was well known, that in
he time of Lord George Gordon's mobs, when the'
Members going to attend their duty in Parliament
were intimidated and attacked, theDulte of Richmond
laid a Bill on the table of that House for a Reform
in Parliament on the principle of Universal Suffrage;
and now he was told that it was a crime in the Peo-
ple to call for such a measure!—(Hear, heai., hear).
The late LordShatham, the late Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox,
and the greatest men that ever were in this country,
declared themselves friends to Radical Reform; and
in the sentence that was lately passed upon Sir. M-
anasseh Lopez, the Judge said, " the first interest of
the Government was to protect the purity of the
House of Commons;" and when a Judge held such
language as that, was Parliament to turn round upon
the People, and condemn them, when in the midst
of their distresses they called for a Reform in Par-
liament, which they imagined would give them re-
lief? He was aeady to agree with the Noble Mar-
quis (Wellesley) that an assemblage collected t?ge-
ther in terrorem pepuli was illegal, Inn he maintained
that numbers did not make a Meeting illegal, al-
though numbers collected in such a manner as to
produce an appreheMion for the public safety, gave
the Magistrates a right to take means to disperse them.
But no Meeting, however numerous, or whatever son-
nets might be carried before it, could be considered
as illegal, unless it could be proved by the conduct
of such Meeting that the parties attending it medi-
tated designs against the public tranquillity. On thii
principle, =craven after looking at the documenta
which had been laid on the table, be was convinced
that the Meeting at Manchester was a legal one.—:
Was it possible to suppose that men going quietil
along with their wives and children, could have met
ditated any hostile designs against the Military ?!..
But whether the Meeting was legal or illegal, Mead,
depend on the facts of the case, and for that nand
an inquiry 'was called for as emphatically neck.
. But, admitting for argument sake that t
hi
Meeting was illegal, that could not have author
rized the Magistrates to send in a corps of Cavalry
into an unarmed mob, to cut them to the right ant(
left, and commit an indiscriminate military execution?
He was as ready as any man to uphold the charactei
of Magistrates, because no men were more useful
The country ; but he asked, were they to be upheld
on all occasions, whether they were right or wrong?
The Meeting in question had assembled for the puN
pose of discussing Parliamentary Reform. The Ma-
gistrates knew the object for which the Meeting wad
to be held ; they knew there were flags and banners;,
there was as much appearance of illegality before the
Meeting, as when the people were all assembled
and why did not the Magistrates stop the people from
coming in, and prevent the Meeting altogether ? All
this time,..Nadin, and some others equally obnoxious
to the people, were walking about very quietly, with-
out meeting with any obstruction. If the Magi-
strates then thought the people, who were coming in,
were acting illegally—Why did they wait until- the
whole mob was collected together : and then, before
any offence was committed, why did they send in a
body of armed cavalry to make a charge on this mob,
under pretence of arresting Mr. Hunt? It was said
the Riot Act was read ; but he did not believe it was;
for several persons swore no such thing was done;
that no notice whatever was given to the people,• until
the Cavalry rushed in : and it was also proved, that
no opposition whatever was made to the Cavalry.
Then, he would ask, whether this was not a case
which called most loudly for inquiry? Never was
there one, he maintained, which required it mere.
This was not giving way to popular clamour ; it was
only doing justice-rwhich the voice of the Country
loudly called for. One very material fact was proved
before the Coroner, which was, that the swords *bate
Cavalry had been sharpened. In short, there was
evidence enough to call for inquiry. The People
were said to have disturbed the public peace; but
he maintained, that the Magistrates were the dis-
turbers of the peace. But it was said, that the Courts
of Justice were open to the parties injured. How
could that be the case? Hew could any proceeding
be adopted against the Magistrates ?—there could be
none; and it was only by inquiry the real merits of
the case could-be brought to light. With regard to
the information contained in the Papers, he was con-
fident the greater part of it was given by spies and
informers. Some of these said they had purchased
pikes; hat there was no evidence of pikes being
found; no depot was discovered; nothing was found
that could excite the slightest alarm in any man's breast.
Here the Noble Earl read over several of the papers,
and commented on them as he went along.; and re-
peated his opinion, that no case ever occurred which
so loudly called for'a Parliamentary Inquiry as that
.which now occupied the attention of their Lordships.
die was aware that those persons called Radical Re-
formers•were decided enemies to the Whigs—that ha
himself was pointed out by name as their greatest, if
their principal enemy. He knew that if those
persons were to succeed in'obtaining that which they
t. for, be would be their first victim; .but, see.
standing this, when he found an attempt made,
over these people, to aim a vital• blow at the Consti-
tution bf the Country, he was determined, as far as
'in his power,. to interpose/kis shield and prevent it:—
(Hear, hear). The course which' he now pursued

leati
ldcoalu ,in the
owasa
nr
dp owwiterthc awhl chi tsitcl
sail: ea dht
ee
oteofnpromote
di those yip.v to
of th'eprperity
He was not so weak as to suppose that at
qcuei I
andlity ; but,os above
of any popular commotion,
4, Ride on the whirlwind, and direct the stern'
His only object at this time of Lie was and
anbexpioeacusefoarn-dthetrplean
He was anxious to see that blessed Co
which had been the work of our ancestors
pure and inviolate. If these objects were ancestors,
would sink to his grave with peace and satis
(flair, hear, hear).—He concluded by giving his
cordial support to the Motion of his Noble
The. Earl of t4iVEitPOOL observed, that,
the able manner in which this question had'
cussed, he had .very little to say upon it;
cbuld not refrain from 'noticing some points in
Speeches of the Noble Earl and the Noble
who opened the debate, both of whom difi-
in many particulars. The Noble Marquis
buted the dangers of the country chiefly to
tresses that.prevailed in the manufacturing ,
But distresses could not constitute a ground' for
liamentary inquiry, unless such inquiry were
to some measures'of relief. A great error
am the subject of these distresses ; for they
connected with the Government, but arose
causes over which Government had no controul;
arose out of the fluctuations of our comme: ce
foreign countries; and still greater dist—
in the United States of America, and indeed
the countrtes on the Continent of Eunpe.
America, where the people boasted of havizg
utmost degree of political freedom, they were in
greatest distress, which was the natural _
of the stoppage of that rapid commerce, of
they had for twenty years enjoyed a kind of
poly. With respect to our own country,
causes had produced similar effects ; but it w,
known, that during the last twenty years,
merce and our wealth had increased in a
degree. And in the very County which wis
the subject of discussion, there was a very szr
cumulation of wealth ; and the rapid means by
that wealth had been produced ; namely, by
nery, operated as causes for involving the
distress, and any attempt of the Parliament to
hasty measures for relieving. those distress
do more harm thin good. That remark ef
was as just in practice, as beautiful in thought—
" How small die part of ills which men endure,
That Logs sad Lords can either kill or curs!"
With respett to the legality of the Meetings, wl
had been alluded to, he would say, that if men
lawfully meet for the ti
purpose of obtaii,ing
Suffrage, they could lawfully meet to alter the
cession to the Crown, Or to effect any
able purpose. The Meeting at Manchester .
symptom of illegality about it, by its military
its bangers, and other things that evinced a
Lion to resist the Authorities of the Country.
Noble Lord had observed, that no person of:
consequence took a part in that Meeting, as
thought these could be no danger if the i
were all confined to the lower orders. Did
Noble Lord forget • the history of the
Wet Tyler and Jack Straw, in which the
den had put the Government in the great
peril, and committed the most dreadful c(
of property? The Noble Lord had stated
could be nothing dangerous in the Manche,
ing, because women and children were
'Now he would tell the Noble Lord that fir
a mob in Which there were not women an,
and having been in Paris at the taking of
and witnessed that event, he declared
were numbers of women who took the .
part in it. It was asked why the Magistrates
not prevented the people from coming to the
ing? The reason was—that the Magistrates
not stop the numerous columns that were marchil
into town in military array, without making a day
gerous diversion of the military force which was so-
Cloned there for the defence of the place ; and there.
fore they were obliged to allow all the people foie
collected together, and when they issued warrants
for the arrest of the leaders, Nadia and another
Constable declared, that they could not put tit*
warrant in force without military aid. The
manry were then ordered advance, and
marched up in a slow pace to the hustings;
when they came thee', they *ere attacked- with
pistols, *ones, and brickbats. It was then di
Yeomanry were obliged to stiike in their own de-
tence. Under these circumstances, he did as
know in what way the Magistrates' were to blot.
He declared, if he been there jimself, he kilo*
not how he could have acted better than the ii?-
gistrates did at that time. He, therefore, could
no ground for Parliamentary inquiry i tato a transact, .s
which was alone a fit subject for a judicial irgeni,-,
and respecting which judicial inquiries were now it
a state of progress. A simultaneous inquiry in tie
.Courts below, and in Parliament, would be a viola
tion of every principle-of juaiice. In. all he had its*
stated, he was borne out by the opinion cliche Grand
Jury of Lancashire,. of . the Lord Lieutenant of Lan-
cashire, and of th Magistrates of Manchester, n
well as many others, which were alluded to in the
Papers now before the House ; and all these fan!'
proved that no ground had been laid for an inqu:ry.
The Noble Earl now came to the subject of prosecu-
tions for libels, and pointed out numerous tleias
which took place in these, in consequence of the
power the parties had to put off their trials; and then
impressed on the House theindispensible necessity of
adopting some measure for bringing men speedily 01
'their trials. The measures introduced last night by
'his Noble Friends were so necessary, that the Gnven•
meat and Constitution could not exist without the
Popular commotion, and the tyranny of mobs we:e
the great evils now to be dreaded: they were the be't
friends to liberty who assisted in putting them down.
Earl GREY, in explanation, said, he should, 114. th
`all the warmth of friendship, subscribe to any pi a:se
which the Noble Earl 'could give to his Noble Friend,
but be was authorised by the Earl of Derby to
dare liss'opinion, that however he may feel that t:le.
Nryistrates of Manchester were sincerely impres°e!!
wi the necessity of acting as they had done, st
.1
i thers' justification was not satisfactory to him ;
lea
prop,
thought an inquiry necessary. ,s,
profs saitlEarl Grey, of the sincerity mycic.e

; .
p
I, •
•••
I

li"s to pia rie
earlier age al
hat at his a,,s
~
-
, 1 the eve. el
Le storm re
and riught.t ry
•e nil, he
if the count?, •ti
d Constitqt; • re
preszr,
!re attained„
nd satisfac-*
giving hit!!! Pe
noble priezd,
ed, that, if,.
s had been •
ipon it; but 11
points in '
Noble Mazy,
differed wid
rquis had a...*
ierly to the
turing • 1
:round for p
ry were to
error prevai
r they were
It atone oat
contr(Mll;
:omme: ce
:stresses (xis!.
1 indeed in
Eurape.
of haviiig
ley were in
-al concequez,
erce, rf vii';
kind of mu
ountry, sia,"
but it was .
rears, our cr,
in a most 1-,1 •
inch was
very meat:
neans.by ss
by or
ag the pooh
ameti: to alo
iistre.,ses
i ark cf the p
though;_
endure,
cure F'
leetings,
'at if men co
Ming Chic
a alter the Sat
r other trea
ester had o.
military arra
inced a
Country. .
rson of rank e
eting, as if!
f the Meetiir
ers. Did el
e rebellions d
s the lowest a.
neatest stated
ul contiscitiota
iated that th
ncliester M
roe presen
tt he tieversar
and children;
; of the Basalt,
red that thee
he most active
agistrates hal
g to the Meei•
gistrates cold
were marchiu;
making a du!
which was sa•
ce ; and there!
ie people to he
ssued warrants
a and another
not put thl
d. Tne Yes
ce, and the/
hustings;
attacked- with
was then di
their own de-
he did ant
Tee to blanks
a self, he kilo
han the Ms
ncioirwaceit,eairraceonsatirnuciolde:tseet3liii;,
nquiry in fre
Id be a viols.
11 he had nor
ci the Grand
enint.of Lair
anchester, as
led to in the
1 these fal:f
m an inquiry.
ct of prawn-
serous delays
iuence of the
As; and then
e necessity of
!is speedily to
last night by
t the GOVe7a•
rithout then!.
of mobs we:r
were the bet
; them down.
should, Irth
to any pia:4
Voble Friend,
Derby to dc•
feel that re
ly improved
ui done, stil
to him ;
isare. As a
y oc