Star.
London, England, 1810-08-29 00:00:00

rIAMER!CA►

Prost the Noised hudifterseers
Amongst the papers lately laid before the tritish
irliAment respecting American affairs, is a dispatch
fruit Mr. Erskine to Mr. Canning, dated 4th De-
comber,
1808, which principally relates to a conver-
sation between Mr. Erskine and myself. This took
place at my house, and without any previous ap.
pointment : but as Mr. Erskine had during the pre-
ceding week conversed with Mr. Madison on the same
topics, and the result had been communicated to me
the day before by Mr. Madison, I was prepared for
the subject ; and every sentiment I uttered was in
perfect unison with those of the President and the
Secretary of State. What was meant by colonial
trade has already been explained by Mr. Erskine ;
but as his own share in those conversations with seve-
ral Members of the Administration is, in his dis-
patches, altogether omitted, and the conditions ex-
pected by the United States from Great Britain are
pot distinctly explained, it is proper to state briefly
the general grounds which were considered here as
forniing a proper basis for an adjustment of differ.
ences, if a conciliatory disposition was found to exist
on the part of the British Government.
1. Reparation fur the attach on the Woe:speak —The President's ;
Proclamation merging in the proposed non-intercourse act, by
which the public ships of both Great Britain and France would
be excluded from the ports of the United States, the ostensible
obstacle to making the reparation, acknowledged to be due, was
removed.
2. Order: of Cun:il —To be repealed simply on the ground of
the Non-intercotirbe Act applying, In that event, exclusively to .
}ranee, so long as her decrees violating the neutral rights of the
tufted States continued in force.
9 im,oreftmext of Seamen.—To be entirely abandoned; Ame-
tica aFreing to txclude from her navigation seamen not citizens
of the Uni.ed States, on the principle contained in the instructions
of the 20th May, 1807, to Messrs. Munroe and Pinkney, which,
on account of the rupture of the negociations, were not, in that
respect, acted upon.
4. Colcnial Trade.—The right to the direct trade, viz. that car-
ried direcly from the Colonies to the belligerents in Europe, to
be waived by the United States ; provided that the trade between
the United State.; and the Colonies, and that in colonial articles
tetvvrn the United States and other countries, was formally re-
sward, according to the principles contained in the same in-
ltructi.mS.

5. Commerdal Rdationt.—The partial Non-importation Act of
the United States, and the convoy and other extra duties of Great
Britain, to be repealed; and generally every source of collision,
arising from that species of commercial warfare, to cease, by a
rutual repeal of all discriminating duties, in conformity with
the instructions in Messrs. Munroe and Pinkney, before men.
toned. two nations to place each other, in every ether re-
spect, on the footing of the most favoured nation.
On this last point, my observations were general
and equally applying to both countries; the system
of restrictions which thaw of Great Britain had forced
the United States to adopt, being equally injurious
to both ; and Mr. Erskine is mistaken in supposing
that I would have preferred, at first, measures of a
more decided nature to the Embargo.
Mr. Erskine appears, so far as can be inferred from
the correspondence now published, to have supposed
that, in order to induce his Government to take into
consideration those propositions, and to adopt a con.
duct consistent with just principles, and with the great
and permanent interests of Great Britain, it was ab-
solutely necessary to dissipate the prejudices they had
imbibed : and his efforts seem accordingly to have
been principally used in trying to convince them of
the sincere disposition of the members of the Ameri-
can administration to adjust the differences between'
the two countries. Knowing the earnestness of his
endeavours in promoting that object, the difficulties
he had to encounter in his attempts to induce the
British Ministry to take a comprehensive and correct
view of the subject, and the sanguine temper which
he discovered throughout the whole transaction, I feel
no disposition to cavil at the general colouring of the
language ascribed either to other members of tite ad-
ministration or to myself. But there is part of the
dispatch in which I cannot for a moment acquiesce.
From casual expressions imperfectly understood,
and incorrectly stated, and from what he calls ,4 my
manner and slight insinuations," Mr. Erskine infers,
that I thought that the President (Mr. Jefferson) had
acted with partiality towards France, and that I had
attempted to contrast Mr. Madison's sentiments in
that respect with those of the President.
That Mr. Erskine's object was to use the change
of Presidency as an argument to induce the British
ministry to alter their measures towards America,
and that the opinions thus ascribed to me were his
orn, is sufficiently obvious from the whole tenor of
his dispatch. But the inference, as it relates to me,
is totally erronerous ; and Mr. Erskine must have
mistaken my assent to the existence of surmises of
partiality in Mr. Jefferson towards France for an ac-
quiescence in the truth of them.
I might with truth have spoken of Mr. Madison,
rst as feeling any particular admiration for the Bri-
tin constitution and institutions, but as having neither
bas nor enmity towards France or England. But I
tiler could, or did, contrast his sentiments in that
aspect, or ascribe to him opinions on the subject of
tar foreign relations at variance with those of Mr.
detterson.

I knew those surmises respecting Mr. Jefferson to
,e altogether destitute of foundation. To have, in
he most indirect manner, suggested or countenanced
ibelief in them, would have been direct falsehood..
3 insinuations
from having, even by my silence, acquiesced
in of that nature, when Mr. Erskine once,
and once only, dropt a hint to that effect, intimating
a supposed hostility to England, and that the Presi-
dent had not placed her conduct in a fair light before
the public, I imtnediately repelled the charge, and
amongst other observations, reminded him that the
only time when the British Government had, by the
Imposed equalization of duties, made an approach of
I liberal and conciliatory nature towards America, it
vas immediately met by the President, who had ex-
Iressly recommended the subject to Congress in his
111,Nag,e ; and that the plan had been defeated by the
tumour of that party in America which was consi-
'led the best disposed tords Great Britain. That
•T! that occasion a change took place in my manner,
very probable ; but Mr. Erskine has ascribed it to
source very different from that which occasioned
't• I had very lately been zealously employed in
repelling the charge—a charge which I never could
.hear without indignation. Eight years of the most
!innate intercourse, during which .not an act, nor
hardly a thought respecting the foreign relations of
America was concealed, enable me confidently to say
that Mr. Jefferson never had, in that respect, any
other object in view but the protection of the rights
of the United States against every foreign aggression
Gr wiurys from whatever nation it proceeded ; and

hits, mrtety ;nth**, °Wised teividlis all the befit,
gerents the most strict justice add the Most scrupulous
mpartiality. His character stands hot in need of
his
i declaration : k is due to myself.
The groundless accusations of foreign bias disci in-
fiuence have been generated solely by the violence of
party spirit and they were adopted abroad as an
apology or pretence for unprovoked aggressions. A
just sense of the injuries received, and tht most ttm-
perate efforts to obtain redress, constitute what has
been called partiality. And it seems to have been
forgotten that, from the time when Mr. Jefferson be-
, came President till the month of August, 1807, no
' actual aggression on the neutral rights of America
had been committed by France; whilst, during the
same period, the nominal blockades of enemies' ports
by England, and the annual actual blockades, as they
may be called, of our own—the renewal, contrary to
express and mutual explanations, of the depredations
on the indirect colonial trade—the continued impress-
! meets of our seamen, and the attack on the Chesapeak
—had actually taken place. During that period the
laws, the executive acts, the negociations of the
American Government, could have been directed to
that Government alone from whom injuries had been
received. But from the time when the rights of the
United States were invaded by both the Belligerents,
every public measure has equally embraced them
both ; the like efforts, founded on the same basis, have
uniformly, though without success been made to ob-
tain redress from both ; and the correspondence now
published furnishes at least irrefragable proofs of the
earnest desire of Mr. Jefferson's administration to
adjust the differences with Great Britain, and of their
disposition to remove, for that purpose, whatever
might serve as the shadow of a pretence for a denial
of justice on her part. (Signed)

Washington, 21st April, 1810. ALBERT GALLATIN.

GLOUCESTER COUNTY MEETING.

On Saturday last, a very numerous Meeting of
Freeholders was held at the Booth )call, Gloucester,
convened pursuant to a requisition far the purpose of
taking into consideration the nomination of a proper
person to represent the County in the present vacancy.
PAUL WAVIER, Esq. the High Sheriff, having opened
the business of the Meeting in the customary form,—
Colonel Kmoscorz rose, and s lid, that having, in
a partial canvas of the County, found much of the
interest pre-engaged to which he had 1 ,eked forward
in aid of his nomination as a candidate, he had been
induced to withdraw his pretensions. He begged
leave, however, to put in nomination, for the honour
of becoming their representative, the Hon. Mr. But-
ton—a gentleman whose declared attachment to the
Whig interest justly entitled him to their approbation
and support.
EDWARD SHEPPARD, Esq. seconded the Motion,
and addressed the Meeting to the following effect :-
6s It gives me, Gentlemen Freeholders, sincere satis.
faction to find the burst of approbation with which
you have received the nomination of Mr. Dutton. I
am persuaded that that approbation will be most fully
justified by the conduct of Mr. Dutton in Parlia-
ment, should he meet with the honour of your sup-
port in being elected the Member for the County.—
Gentlemen, it is with the greatest satisfaction that I
have the honotir of seconding Mr. Dutton's nomina-
tion, persuaded as I am that I am acting for the wel-
fare of the County, and at the same time in unison
with those principles, and in support of that cause,
which I have near at heart, the principles of Whig.
gism and the love of Liberty, which I deem to be
consonant with the genuine love of the British Con-
stitution. Gentlemen, it is highly necessary at all
times, but more especially in times like the present,
that some express and clear declaration should be
given to the body of Electors at the recurrence of
this period of exercising their franchise, of the poli-
tical opinions of their future Representative, and
some declaration as to what will be his mode of con-
duct in the discussion of certain great political ques-
tions which will most probably arise in Parliament.
It has been too common, on such occasions, for can-
dic:ates to compromise the expression of their princi-
ples, and of what will be their future conduct, so as
to give no offence to either party, and to include all.
Vague expressions of general attachment to the Con-
stitution, and perhaps to the Liberties of the Coun-
try, have been sufficient to carry Whig Candidates
on the very shoulders of Popularity, through an elec-
tion : but such should not satisfy you, Gentlemen—
You ought, as a duty to yourselves and to your coun-
try, to know explicitly what are the political senti-
ments of your Representative, and what will be his
decided conduct on most important Constitutional
subjects.—The manly and honourable manner in
which Mr. Dutton has come forward, and the open
and explicit declarations he has made, will be as satis-
factory to you, as they are honourable to him.
[Here Mr. Sheppard read Mr. Dutton's declara-
tion of his principles, in which he said]
" I feel no hesitation in explicitly avowing my determination :
" To support to the utmost of my power our glorious Consti-
tution—To oppose all Revolutionary Principles.
" To support a Reform in Parliament as to Rotten Boroughs.
" To oppose Corruption in all its shapes; and,
" To vote for the Abolition of all Sinecure Places and Pen-
sions, except those which are given to such as by some glorious
act have deserved well of their country."
" Gentlemen, (continued Mr. Sheppard,) I per.
ceive I need say no more. Take this Address home
with you ; read it yourselves, and shew it to your
children : it is the manual of a Whig, the creed of
an honest candidate, the declaration of a man of ho-
nour and integrity."
The Honourable Mr. DUTTON returned thanks for
the honour conferred upon him by this nomination.
He hoped to merit the approbation of his constituents
at large by a faithful discharge of his public duty,
should he ultimately prove the object of their choices
and he pledged himself to act conformably to his pub-
, lic declaration.

EDMUND PRONYNI Esq. rose, for the purpose of no-
minating Sir Berkeley William Guise, Bart. as a gen-
tleman highly worthy of being chosen their represen-
tative in Parliament. It was well known, that this
county was divided into two political parties, and for
forty years it had been uniformly represented by one
Member in each interest. He trusted for the sake of
concord and unanimity, that this routine would still
be preserved. He said that he was ow an old man,
but he had the felicity to recollect, that upon a for-
mer occasion he had been instrumental in preserving
the peace of the county. He wished it to be so at
present ; ani did not know how this desirable purpose