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the they did not think that the sanction given to a. said the Right Tlon. Gentleman opposite, " differ
1 legislative act of Regency by the Prince of Wales from the House of Lords as soon as convenient, and
i himself, would net be superior to that mode which that will be sure to produce harmony 1"--teekeja.)
! they proposed ? Again, he did not wish to say But what was the course of the Right Hon. Gentle-
any thing with unbecoming levity ; but suppose man's speech ? why, he in proceeding feigned to feel
Lord Eldon were to die, would they then seize on how weak and shallow his arguments were, and in
the Great Seal ? Or, suppose Lord Eldon should conclusion, instead of supporting manfully the Con-
refuse to use it ; my Lord Eldnn might say : stitution, refused, as he had promised on the Friday
i " It is against my conscience !" as Mr. Larpent preceding, "to make his stand."--4A/eqh.) That
ii had said concerning the use of the Privy Seal.— this was the fair interpretation of' the Right Ho.
I Though his Lordship was Keeper of the King's nourable Gentleman'sarguments could not Le denied
Conscience, he must be allowed to have also a —(Near, hear.) .. But then," said the Right Ho-
' conscience of his own, and thht was a matter of nourable Gentleman opposite, " the House was in a
Iwhich his Lordship could entertain no doubt.— different situation to what they stood fourteen days
(Hear, hear.) Would they then order some persons ago ; and therefore yon had better adopt my sug.
who they knew would obey them, to seize the Great gestion, which, however, I will net follow up my.
Seal and put it to the Act ? Accidents might easily self."—" Why, the very adoption of the suggestion
happen. It was but the other night that the Right would tend (said Mr. Perceval) to produce what the
Honourable Gentleman opposite (the Chancellor of Right Honnureble Gentleman seems anxious to avoid
the Exchequer) and the Lord Chancellor, had the --difference of opinion and delay !"—(Hear, hear!)
misfortune to be overturned together upon Hounslow- If any of the difficulties which seemed so much to
heath ! ( Laughing) an accident which might possibly , alarm the Right Honourable Gentleman were to arise,
have occasioned most serious loss to the country—; and the Prince was called upon to use the Great Seal,
almost as bad as the loss of the Great Seal ? (Much how could he get at it by Address, earlier than by
laughing.) Anotheralarmingaccident had shortlyafter. • the present mode proposed ? Perhaps the Right Ho.
wards very nearly happened to the Lord Chancellor, nourable Gentleman would inform him, as he heel the
from some heavy carriage, or something else, in the means of communication with his Royal Highness ;
public streets. What it really was he could not precisely but the real question was, whether it would be more
tell. It might have been the phantom of the grand respectful to the Prince of 'Wales, to invest his Royal
fiction of 1788, rising from the dark abyss, indignant Highness with the powers of Government, by Bill,
at being again called upon, after the 14pse of two or by Address ? For his (Mr. Percevalts) part; he
and twenty years, to do the tame tort of job he had then did apprehend the more respectful way would be by
been compelled to perform ! (Much Laughing.) The B:11, especially as the Princes of the Blood had, from
course (continued Mr. Sheridan) which the Right motives of delicacy, desired their names not to be in.
Honourable Gentleman had stated to be right, was eluded in the Commissien for opening the Parliament.
not the right, straight, constitutional road of arriving Would the Committee think it mere decorous that
at the desired point. The Chancellor of the Exche- the Act should be done by his Royal Highness alone?
quer supposed that the precedent of 1788 justified all With respect to what the Right Honourable Gentle-
that was now passing ; but he thought he would man had said about the reluctance of my Lord Thar.
hardly attempt to follow it in many parts. In 1788 low to put the Great Seal to an Act of the two
this fiction was not passed untia the whole of the plan Houses, it was not, in his opinion, necessary to in-
was before Parliament. The Honourable Member quire what that Noble and Learned Lord would have
then enumerated several circumstances, relative to done in 1788 ; but he believed that it was not likely
the proceedings on the precedent of 178 S-0. The Bill that the then Lord Chancellor would have let the
was then brought into the Lords • without the specifi. proceedings have gone so far as to make it necessary,
cation of any limitations of time, and was very nearly if he had thehloubts to refuse the Great Seal to eu
so carried. It was not yet too late for the House to act, which, under circumstances like the present, the
recover themselves, and to resort to another course two Houses of Parliament had judged expedient
of proceeding, not inconsistent with a Bill for enact- should be passed into law. The Noble and Learned
ing the Regency. But the Right Honourable Gen- Lord he could not believe would have so conducted
tleman would say, that if they now proheeded to ad- himself; it might have happened, that if the health
dress the Prince of Wales, and after his Royal High- , of his'Majesty should be so far recovered as to induce
ness had opened the Parliament, brought in a Bill, hopes of a restoration to the functions of Goiemment
he might refuse his assent to the Bill, and then dis- in a moderate time, then he might think it necessary
solve the Parliament. (Hear.) That would •be a to come to Parliament and state his opinion end his
most unworthy suspicion ; besides it was a supposed reason for demurring to put the Great Seal. But for
danger that it was quite in their power to guard the Right Honourable Gentleman to seepese that
against. But it should not be forgotten, that no at- , any Noble and Learned Lord holding that high ofE.
tempt whatever had been made, in the shape of an cial situation, would refuse, was supposing too much.
answer to the arguments drawn from the precedent Greatly as he respected the abilities of that great cha.
of the Revolution. No suspicion, he must suppose, ' raver, he would not even suppose such a case, he
could find an existence in the mind of any man, that would not believe it either of the Noble Lord, or of
if they addressed the Prince of Wales to open Parlia- his Noble Friend the present Chancellor. The Right
ment, and to take upon himself the ailminetration of Honourable Gentleman could not serioutly mean t'
the Government, stating tile restrictions which they suppose that his Noble Friend would intend to defeat
had provided he their Resolutions, no suspicion so •, or defraud the Constitution. (Hear. hear.) As to
indecent, he would repeat, could harbour in the breast the other fanciful cases of death put by the Right
of any body as to lead him to doubt of the Prince's Honourable Gentleman, he did not feel himself justi.
agreeing to.a Bill passed by the Lords and Commons' fled in' anticipating more difficulties then the Houses
in conformity to those restrictions already stated to really experienced ; but if such a serous calamity
his Royal Highness. (Hear.) As he had taken an should occur, he should have no difficulty in propos.
early opportunity, in the course of the few observe-' ing the remedy. Without cating that remedy now,
tions he had made, to say that he had no intention it would be enough ler him to say, " that sufficient
to press -the House to a , division, he should not ! for the day is the evil thereof.'' (Hear, hear.) The
trouble them farther. His only object was to express ' Resolution now proposed to he adopteti,he trusted was
his disapprobation of the monstrous mode of proceed. ' such as the Committee would not hesitate to sanction.
ing by a fiction in the use of the Great Seal; and to ' Mr. SHERIDAN rose to say a few words in re-
state to the House distinctly the view he had of the ply to the Right Honourable Gentleman, who must
shortest, surest, and most constitutional way of ex-; certainly have misunderstood what had fallen from
tricating them from their present difficulties—of i him on Friday. When he had stated his intention
putting an end to an unconstitutional and dangerous ' on that day, he had no idea whatever of making any
usurpation of the Executive Power—and of establish- I motion, as might well have been collected from the
ing a legal Government in the Country. By that 'expression he I;ad used, as he distinctly used the word
mode they would best fill up the lamented deficiency I protest, which in Parliamentary langnage meant the
in the kingly office, and best consult the nature of !expression of principle, without argument or motion,
the Constitution, and the genuine interests of the na- As to what the Right Honourable Gentleman had
tion at large. said with respect -es the violence with which he had
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, ' stated his opinion (eh improper violence observed the
in reply to the observations of the Right Honourable ; CHANce.Lost of the EXCIMQUER acrol the.table,) the
Gentleman, was not prepared to admit, that the i substantive it was he denied, without any reference to
course he had adopted this day was extraordinary, in the adjective f but as to all that had been said
not opening the proposition more in detail. He ap. on that head, he must observe, that the Right Hon.
pealed to Gentlemen, whether the ground upon which irdnAleinan, thinking that be (Mr. S.) would have
he postponed the proposition, was not to give an op-1 come prepared with a stock of violende, ha 4 brought
portunity to that Right Hon. Gentleman and his phis own stock of violence with him to be used on the
colleagues, to make what he was pleased to denomi- ; occasion, which he had let off without any provoca-
nate " a stand" against die proposition. Teet was tion. The Right Hon. Gentleman, too, thought pro-
the reason of the postponement, as it tens uneersteod per, in olaserving upon what had fallen from him, to
by Gentlemen on the opposite side, that the length , allude to his communications with his Royal High.
to which the discussion on their part would run, ness the Priuie of Wales. Upon this point he felt it
might make it inconvenient to meet on Saturday.—' necessary to disclaim distinctly, that any thing he
, With this view, then, he (Mr. Perceval) must also be said in that House proceeded from any communica-
: allowed to express his astonishment, that the Right tion with that illustrious Personage. The sentiments
r Hon. Gentleman, in making this stand and in sug.' he uttered there, he delivered as an independent Mem.
! gesting the propriety of another course of proceeding, I ber of Parliament, without any authority whatever
should have concluded his speech, and sat down with- I from the quarter alluded to. But as to his commu.
out making any amendment. (Hear, hear.) If the ' nications with the Prince of Wales, the 'tight Hon.
Right Hon. Gentleman had condescended to inform Gentleman might easily have accounted for them by
the House on Friday, that the course we had now I referring to the friendship of that illustrious Person.
taken was the way in which he meant to make his ' age, which le had so long had the honour of enjoying;
" stand for the Constitution," then he should not far' by reflecting that he was one of his Royal Highness's
put off the business—(4 laugh)—thinking from the I servants and a Member of his Council, having taken
I
specimen which the Right Honourable Gentleman an oath similar to that taken by the Members of his
had given that the necessity for delay had not been I Majesty's Privy Council. As to the dilemma to which
made apparent. (gear, hear.) The Right lion. the Right. Hon. Gentleman seemed to think he had
Gentleman had, however, rsade use of arguments' reduced him, by stating that at a time when he de.
which he begged the Committee would attend t0.—.1 precated the consequences of any difference betweeu
These arguments, uttered with much force and vithi the two' Houses, he was recommending to the Com-
, lence, the Right Honourable Gentleman had stated, I mittee to differ with the Lords ; he did so recom-
. were used for the purpose of promoting union of sen.l mend to the Committee td differ with the Lords re-
timent in both Houses: but what, in point of fact,' specting the Resolution upon the table: but as the
was the effect ? Why! to induce the CoMmittee to two Houses had already agreed to the Resi batons
disagree with the House of Lords_—(Hear, hear.)— I respecting the Regency and its limitations, and these
for that was the practical effect of the Right, Hun Resolutions had .been accepted by the Prince, they
Gentleman's speech. The Right Hon. Gentleman I had now only to decide as to the mode of carrying
had taken great pains to state the possible irconve. the Resolutions into effect; and he could see no see.
niences which might arise to the country in conse. son why the. Lords might not agree to the proceeding
quence of a difference between thehwo Houses; andl by Address for that purpose. But the Right Ho.
at the moment when the two Houses were agreed, nourable Gentleman had said, that even in that ewe
be then suggested a course of proceeding which must the Prince could not call a Parliament without the
indubitably produce that difference—(Heir, hear.)_ use of the Great Seal. Where was the Right
The Committee then, without any proposition from Honourable Ceutleman's knowledge of history ?
the Right Hon. Gentleman, were to be fascinated by Had he not admitted, that the Prince would have
his arguments into a difference with the other House. beep as fully possessed of the powers of the Go-
In the name of common sense he (Mr. Pereogal) must vernment, if appointed by Address as by Bill ? Did
enter his protest against suck argemenp.—o Let tss," the itighs lionourahle Gentleman not recollect the
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