Star.
London, England, 1828-05-13 00:00:00

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crusted to the goodsense of at- asonairliky as to tie
ileerssity_ofsecuritias.- .ThecassesafOrkat on stio4f.
be removed, arri then there coins) ditficttia as
to security. A call was made ,by -thrAltnitley-Thre' '
neral for securities, when he expresied a 6zed
claration 'never to yield a point.—(Hear, hear.).
First he said, Offer something,' and then asked
for cecurities. If the dangers were not Pointed out,
how could they be plorided•against? They could
not grapple with shadowy dangers. - He could not nidk
the d angers which were threatened ;'he knew something
of what they were not. The Catholics could wield the
sword—that was done by stealth ; and, if this measotdr-'
could be so carried, little would be said abnut it. Ilk
the collection of the Revenue, Catholics were eligiblelp:k
and in those two great branches of the Sate there wait;
nn doubt as to the honour and honesty of the Catholics.

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Next, stt to the communication with the Ste of Rome,
would any man say there was now no intercourse with
Lis Holiness? There was such an intercourse, anti. nts. '
fortunately, without the superintendence of the Stmt.
England was the only country' in the world Acme
Government could not inspect the correspeniaace
with the See of Rome. He was sure that 0446-
,4
tholic Bishops of Ireland would no more (MAW • .
any arrangement to the nomination of their succes
than the BtsAops of Russia, Prussia, or the Netherlands.
He wished n set this intercourse properly regulated,.
but while the nomination of Bishops was placed as it
now was—while concession was refused to the Catho-
lies, they could not be accomplished. He was no friend
to the Catholic religion—it might be prejudice—he did •
not think it so; but after the best conviction he did not

approve of it. The Catholic Church had obtained an
ascendency—and that he wished to reduce by conces-
sion to the people of Ireland. He agreed with Hon.
Friends of his, as to the influence of the Press upon this
as well as upon other questions. In France, in Baden, and
other places, the power of a free press did that which no- ,
thing else could have established. Awl he was quite
sure, that the power of the pi iesthood could not prevail
in Ireland, if it were not for the persecuting system
which there prevailed. Ile wished to put down the
power of a democracy and a priesthood, and there-
fore ~
he advocated concession to the Catholics. Witch-
craft continued while it was persecuted, and so he
thought would priesthood. Tin the name then of the ,
Protestant Church he called upon the House to accede
to this measure. A Protestant Monarch, a Protestant
House of Commons, a Protestant Aristocracy—and,
above all—a tree Pass could never be put down, and
no danger could result from admitting Catholics into
both Houses of Parliament—(Cries of .. Qiiestion,"and .
" Hear, hear"). He agreed with his Honourable and
Learned Friend (the Attorney-General) that the settle
meat at the Revolution fixed the Coosti:ution as Pro-
testant, and GOD forbid it should ever be otherwise.
But some alterations might become necessary in the
course of time, and the Scotch Union was proof of the,
necessity of change. The Catholic religion was not now
what it was in the reign of Louis XIV.The religion ~
tainly was the same, but the improvements of mankind
mitigated its ancient character. Ile could not deny to'
the Catholic that which the Protestant enjoyed, so long ,
as they were equally loyal subjects. The Catholic
soldier served.the State with fidelity, and why not be.
rewarded? The Catholic might share all the dangers.,
of the State, but he was denied the commensurate re. •
ward. This was unjust. Publid opinion had progressed
in this country, but the progress of evil was also ad vane!.
ing in Ireland. The dangers and the miseries of Ireland.
should not be met by force—it could not be done; the,,
common sense of England would not allow it. The part
e,
of wisdom and good feeling would be inclined to justice,
and as far as prudence was concerned, to yield what
could not be long delayed. The judgment of this House.
was often decided in favour of the motion now before ,
the. House, and he did not see why it should not be
again. If the .House agreed to a Committee, ibey.
would be. able to. ascertain what securities weuldise •
necessary, and he hoped the motion would meet ibe ,
approval of the House. He felt pain in differing from
his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Peel); but he could
say, that such was his conviction of the necessity of con. ,
ciliation, that as long as he lived he would feel it his
duty to support it. He wished that should now be
granted as a boon, which in otter times would be only
received as a capitulation —(Crles of Hear, hear).
Mr. BROUGHAM rose amidst loud cries of
"Question." He assured the House he would only
detain them for a few minutes, and that they could, not •
ieceive this declaration with more satisfaction than he.
it. He would not have obtruded himself on.
their attention at such a moment, especially after the
many able speeches that had been made on.the same
side that he meant to support, and particularly after
the address of the Right Honourable Gentleman who'
had just sat down, but for the peculiar, situation in:
which he stood, being one of two individuals into
whose hands one of two important Petitions had been
entrusted. He regretted that he felt it necessary to
trouble the House at such an hour. The effect of the ,
great talent which had been brought to bear on it'
had produced its effects within doors and without .
doors, by leading gradually and surely, and !here•
fore wholesomely and safely,. to the .final.c.onsum-
station, to which he confidently asserted it had now '
arrived. From those who had lived in former days.'
down to the very hour in which he now spoke, all great...
Statesmen, of various habits and of different opinions
upon every other subject, with very few exceptions, had
taken the same view of it which he took. He spoke in test
presence of one of the most eminent el those few except
ttons. He rested the cause, however, not upon authority,"
but upon reason and upon evidence. It was not his inters=
don to drag the House back• with him to the Treaty of
Limerick, which was now at no premium in the House,.
although he was far from. agreeing in the opinion of aa
Hon. Gentleman who thoUght that-fits Hon. Friend was,.,
wrong in laying so much stress on it; for he thought
that where ambiguities existed, those ambiguities should
be construed in favour of the weaker party. Btit he ,
deemed the 'argument superfluous, and had better be
left as if that Treaty had been never made; tier would
he say a word upon that more recent and more. impor. ,
tant understanding which had taken place at the period
of the Union; and though he felt,that a pledge of pot-,
faith had been given, and that by that pledge Mr. Pitt
obtained the consent of the CathOlics to a measure which.
they would otherwise have strenuously opposed, we bade
always reaped the benefit of such mistake,, if.rnistehe ,
it were, in which the Catholics had indulged ; ands
therefore, we ought not to deny the existence of tarsi
pledge when we gained all that, could be obtained
by unless we could show that eircbmstancer
kid changed since the Union, and that the Emancipa-
tion that the Government of that day deemed neces: ,
iiary, and propoujided in return for the' Union, had new
become unnecessary, because c4cumstanceshad
ed.
.The authority of that,Governmesit was an impor-
tant weight thrown into the scale. Were circumstance[ ,
changed, be would ask ?—Yes, they, were. but c4niiiidin ...;
an, opmite direction. It 4mpocip#tiau..wif Actes•.
iau7 then, it Seas still more necessary now.„Tpre rerlt ,
now a thousand moo reasons for ranting 11

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