Star.
London, England, 1820-03-03 00:00:00

Live language, always beautiful, and always correct,
he tells us, I say, that a Representative Government,
like the magnet in nature, is the pole of the civilized
world, an.l that it is the best, and indeed, the only
security, for the continuance of our most useful in-
stinoiols, and which Gentlemen may or may not
continue, for aught I care, without a real substantial
Representation of the People ; for how could I be
certain that I would not be deprived "of them every
instant, if I had not the security I speak of, wherein
to confide ? The Noble Lard goes on to say that no-
thing can be mere stupidly disgusting than to be
constantly told of the responsibility of Ministers as the
safeguard of our Constitution. When his Lordship asks
Did they commit one responsible act? I say, never.
—Nor, indeed, could it be expected that Parliament
would ever think of calling upon Ministers, since
every act of the latter is sanctioned, and ordered, and
commanded by the House itself. Could Parliament
be asked to call into question its own acts? The pre-
sent system of Government is, a< his Lordship most
truly remarks, a preposterous and dangerous combi-
:lath us of powers, which were provided by the Con-
stitution to be honest balances to each other. This,
then, is that of which we complain, and the melan-
choly developement of the justice of our complaint is
to be fhund in the history of the last Parliament—
that Parliament " whose days were fow and sad in
the land," but whose few days were yet exceeded—
• • • • •, whose acts deprived us of
some of our most valuable rights. The privilege of
publicly meeting and declaring our sentiments to each
other, immeasurably belonging to us, is now cut down
by Act of Parliament ; and a man, when he does
open his tips on any public matter, must address him-
self in a cautious whisper to his neighbour in the same
parish. Then, Gentlemen, they have taken away the'
right to have arms in our possession—a right that
was intended to be indefeasible by the Bill of Rights
at the period of the glorious Revolution—glorious
i.n.leed, inasmuch as it asserted our right to the en-
joyment of an extent of liberty which we arc far from
enjoying—glorious, inasmuch as it established the
proud triumph of the great John Locke over the
opposition of prejudice—superstition, and all the
wretched engines of despotism, moral and political.
So far it was a glorious Revolution ; but in our eyes
it must ever appear an inglorious Revolution, inas-
much as it failed to carry into effect all those great
beneficial principles which it established, and which
the People had not only not enjoyed, but they suf-
fered a daily diminution of that partial advantage
which accrued to them from this illustrious event.
The doctrine promulgated by the Revolution was
the doctrine ancred to by all the old Tories—the
Swifts —the Bolingbrokes—thc Popes—the Shippen•,
and a host of others, many of whom subsequently
fell off front their attachment to it, when they found
that adherence to it could be no longer of any public
advantage. Such, indeed, I might say, was the doc-
trine of both Whigs and Tories; and Gentlemen, what-
soever differences might have divided these pa:ties, or
might have been the means of splitting the country
into parties at all, yet we are sure there never was at
any time any difference of opinion as to the fact,
whether we should have a corrupt Government or not.
I myself have indeed been always anxious that these
political names should be dropped. The occasions
in which they originated, and which had justified
their temporary continuance, have long since ceased
to operate, and, indeed, have been obliterated entirely

from peoples' minds, and, therefore, do I regret that
persons should be found willing to keep up these
titles, when the cause of them is so long and so
justly forgotten. No, Gentlemen, the only rational ,
distinction which should fix our attention is between
those who support the notorious, the openly conies-
sed, theriequently avowed, even in the House itself—
corruption
of Parliament, and those who are anxious
to bring about a House of Commons possessing
the same interest, feelings, and sympathy, as the
People ; and being, in truth and reality, a Reptesen-
tation of the People. I own, Gentlemen, that I en-
tertain sanguine expectations upon this subject. I
knew when I first enlisted under the banner of Re•
form, that the consummation of this great object
must he of long and-difficult attainment. Therefore,
when I saw the cause sometimes retrograding, some-
times advancing slowly, sometimes stationary, and
even hopeless, still, Gentlemen, I have been always •
at my post, doing the little that was in my power ;
being invigorated in my career, not so much by our
success as by the consciousness of deserving, as well
as by the satisfaction of finding my countrymen alive
to the conviction,' thatsif nothing was accomplished
nothing was omitted—that no expectation of theirs,
so far as I was concerned, was defeated, and no con-
fidence abused—( Continued applause). This feeling,
Gentlemen, nothing under HEavEs can take from
me. I have been through life, true to my principles,
to my King, and to my country—there is another
point of far greater value—l have always been true
to myself !
To the liege Lord of my dear native land •
I •we a subject's homage.—
Put in my bosom reigns another Lord,
honour sole judge and umpire of itself!'
(Applause). But, Gentlemen, something ton much
of this,' it is not becoming for one to speak of oneself,
but there are occasions which would almost justify
a very great degree of latitude upon such an unplea-
sant topic. Gentlemen, it is to me a subject of the
greatest delight, and is besides a strong encourage •
anent, to find the spirit of liberty rapidly making its
way through the world. This is to me a source of
the deepest gratification, for be who loves liberty will
not confine the blessing to any place, or any coun-
try, but will be always anxious to disperse it as far
as society extends. Therefore, I rejoice that the Spa-
niards are at last roused from that lethargy in which
they appeared to be involved beyond all hope. We
find that the proud feelings, for which that coun-
ty stood completions beyond all nations, have taken
alarm. We find that the free principles which she
imbibed during our military intercourse with her,
and which have been dormant since that
has been reinstated. We find these principles at last
awakened into active existence, and 1 have no doubt,
from the knowledge that when once the feelings of
lipaniArds are p operly roused, they will not subside
unprofitably and tamely. I have no doubt. I say,
that the result will be such as to give joy to every
lend of liberty. Aad believe me, Gentlemen, that
trom the peculiar circumstances in which she has
been placed, the emancipation of Spain will do more
for the cause of general freedom, than the same ex-