The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1852-06-15 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD, TUESDAY, JUNE 15, 1852.

TUESDAY XORNING, JUNE 15, 1852.

THE WEEK.

PARLIAMENT has been slowly progressing during
the week towards a wind-up of the business of the
session, which- might have been accomplished some
time ago, but for the obstructive proceedings of the
Irish brigade, and some members of the " Liberal"
party, who seem loth to resign their senatorial dig-
nities into the hands of their constituents. On
Tuesday the motion of Mr. SPOONER, for an in-
quiry into the system of teaching in Maynooth
College, occupied a morning sitting of four hours,

without apparently arriving any nearer to its termi-
nation, the Irish members being determined to
weary out the patience of the country ; and unless
a determined effort be made to compel a vote the
next time the question comes on for discussion, as
promised by Mr. NEWDEGATE, Mr. SPOONER
will probably have to leave it for a more honest
house to deal with.

On Wednesday the little episode afforded by
Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR relieved for a time the
dulness which has so long pervaded the parliamen-
tary atmosphere. Never was there a more striking
instance of the gullibility of the many-headed public
than the career of this crazed native of the Emerald
Isle. Without a particle of genius or eloquence—
with, in fact, nothing to aid him beyond an unscru-
pulous conscience, a brazen and boisterous manner,
and a voluble tongue, FEARGUS succeeded at one
time in raising himself to the highest pinnacle of
demagognism ; was the oracle of hundreds of

thousands of our manufacturing population ; and,
but for his innate cowardice, might have brought
about a state of wide spread anarchy. It was
through no mean channel that he at length entered
the House of Commons as representative of an
English borough, being returned by the votes of
one of Mr. ions BRIGHT'S " Centres of Intelli-

Bence"—the manufacturing town of Nottingham—
the stronghold for years of Sir JOHN CAM HOB..
HOUSE, and more recently of Mr. WALTER, pro-
prietor of the London Times. It is little creditable
to such a " Centre of Intelligence," and to borough
constituencies in general, which are asserted to be
so superior to those of our counties, that Notting-
ham should, for even an hour, have afforded its
guarantee of respectability to a charlatan so dis-
honest, that his real, or affected, idiocy alone pre-
serves him from public execration.
The proceedings of the remainder of the week
have been "flat, stale, and unprofitable," weary to
read, and, when read, presenting little worthy of
being remembered. _

Beyond the walls of Parliament, we question if
there exists a human being who would not be
rejoiced to learn that Her Majesty had sent her faith-
ful Commons to the places from whence they came;
and few would grieve if a considerable number of
them were kept there. Despite the factious obstruc-
tions, however, by which they have been assailed,
Government has succeeded in carrying through
Parliament many important measures.

The canvass in Liverpool goes on briskly. Mr.
CARDWELL has been addressing audiences of all
descriptions, in his usual unintelligible style; and
Mr. ER ART has been saying "ditto." On Satur-
day morning, the former left Liverpool, as one of
his Whig-Radical organs pompously assured us,
" to dine with the Archbishop of CANTERBURY !"
We hope he had the thoughtfulness to take with
him, for his grace's perusal, a copy of his speech at
the meeting of the Protestants of all descriptions on
Friday evening. A correct description of his com-
panions and supporters at the meeting in question
would enlighten the Archbishop as to the peculiar
fitness of Mr. CARDWELL to be a member of a
certain commission connected with the Church of
England, to which his grace rather infelicitously
appointed him. On one memorable occasion, Mr.
CARDWELL himself suggested the application of
the adage, "noscitur a sociis." He ought not to
complain if the archbishop were to parody his
speech on that occasion, and say to him,—" Dear
CARDWELL, I see you with a Socinian Radical on
one hand, a Radical on the other, and a Papist rab-
ble around you, cheering your professions of attach-
ment to Protestantism and civil and religious
liberty; and, of course, you must be the same sort
of firm friend and supporter of the Established
Church of England and Ireland as you proved to be
the supporter of the principle of the Navigation
Laws." Of the whereabouts of his fellow-candi-
date, we have heard nothing since the departure of
No doubt he is in solitude, somewhere about the
neighbourhood of the Red Noses, engaged in the
arduous task—for him—of hatching an idea.
There has been a degree of soreness manifested
by the party during the week, which is obviously
the result of a growing conviction that their spas-
modic efforts to gull the electors of Liverpool are
ridiculously in vain. Their mob and packed
audiences may shout loudly enough to deceive the
uninitiated ; but the books of their canvassers are,
we are assured, anything hut satisfactory. Nor can
this be wondered at, when we look at the sort of
clap-trap assertions upon which the party rely for
advancing their cause. For example, we find Mr.
CARDW ELL, at a meeting of Kirkdale, Vauxhall,
and Scotland Wards, on Tuesday last, uttering the
following inconsequential bombast :
" How many ships are there in Liverpool that cannot
get a freight ? (None.) How many carpenters that can-
not get a day's wages ? (` Not ten ;' and another voice,
Not one.') Is the price of bread, and all the other
comforts of life, higher now than in '42 ? (Cheers, and
cries of No !') I hold in my hand a return, which I
moved for myself, of the quantity of export goods sent to
foreign parts ; and I find that, in '42, the town of Liver-
pool sent out twenty millions and a half worth, while, in
1850, it was very hard upon thirty-five millions—(cheers)
or more than half as much again. Well, now, that
means that more than half as many porters, half as many
ships, half as many of all the trades constituting the
greatness and power of Liverpool were employed as were
before."

There is not an intelligent voter in Liverpool who
cannot tell Mr. CARDWELL why it is that, just
now, he is enabled to say that there are few ships
which cannot get a freight, and that the carpenters
are tolerably well employed. Australia has effected
this change within the past two months—not free
trade, or the repeal of the navigation laws. But,
moreover, every such voter knows the dishonesty
of contrasting either 1850, or 1852, against 1842,
as a proof of the soundness of the policy of the
repeal of the navigation laws, which only took
effect in 1849. The assertion that " more than
half as many porters, half as many ships, half as
many of all the trades constituting the greatness
and power of Liverpool were employed (in 1850) as
were before," is simply untrue ; and no one knows
that it is so better than these classes and trades
themselves. These men know, and feel bitterly,
that with cheapness of food they have had dimi-
nished employment, and means of buying it. In
proof of this fact, we append an extract from a
letter from a respectable sailmaker—one of the
trades referred to—who has sent us his card,
denying the assumptions of Mr. CARDWELLL and
his friends :

have been made as to the composition of the jury ;
but this we pass over, as of course it was accidental,
the panel being formed in the usual way. The chief
complaint, however, is against the verdict, imputing
the whole blame to subordinate parties, and most of
it to the clerk, PHILIP CODE, whilst Mr. PICTON,
the architect, is the only one entirely exonerated.
Mr. CODE was strictly Mr. PICTON'S servant; and
for the servant's acts the employer is generally re-
garded to some extent responsible. The architect
is surely bound to see that the work entrusted to
him, whether sublet to contractors or not, is properly
executed ; and he is also the party to give an opinion
as to whether and when the building is fit to be oc-
cupied with safety. This appeared to be the opinion
of the Coroner, from a question put by him to Mr.
RISHTON, the building surveyor : that question,
however, was not pressed so as elicit a complete
ansu er. There is another question, too, which pro-
bably will on some future occasion have to be an-
swered, viz.,—was the building itself of that sub-
stantial character which it ought to have been,
considering the purposes for which it was designed?
Were the upper arches so strong—half-a-brick thick,
or 4? inches, in the crown, the lower being a brick,
or 9 inches thick—as they ought to have been ?
Mr. EDWARD Woons, C.E., who was called upon
to make a report to the jury, was not very strong in
his opinion upon this point. In cross-examination,
he stated that, had the mortar of the upper arches
been consolidated, the accident would not have oc-
curred ; but he added the qualifying condition, which
we do not observe to be reported, "if ordinarily
loaded."

Out of evil, however, good sometimes flows ; and
unfortunate as this accident has been, which hur-
ried suddenly into eternity two human beings, it
may save the life of hundreds if it only teach us to
look for something more than cheapness in our pub-
lic buildings. Cheap architecture is quite as dan-
gerous as low contracts.

NATIONAL SCHOOL SOCIETY
FOR three years past the venerable and valuable

society, known as the National Society, has
exhibited a scene of strife and disagreement at its
annual meetings. The high church members, led
on by Archdeacon DENISON, wished to make the
society, in its rules and details, more exclusively of a
church character ; the moderate and low-church
members, of whom Mr. GIRDLESTONE, near Bol-
ton, is one of the most active, deprecated all agita-
tion on the subject. The grounds of difference
were mainly of two kinds. On the one hand, the
minutes of the Education Committee of the Privy
Council, while Sir J. P. KAYE SHUTTLEWORTH,
Bart., was the secretary, were all in the direction
of popular and lay government for the schools;
while a very large number held that the clerical
element should have much more influence, some
maintaining that the clergy should exercise exclu-
sive controul over the schools. On the other
hand, Mr. FLETCHER, one of the Government
inspectors, had asserted that though the charter of
the society sets forth that the children of the poor
are to be educated "in the catechism of the
Established Church," yet that, from consideration
for dissenters and other causes, this rule was delibe-
rately and systematically violated in at least one-
half the schools.

The annual meeting, on Thursday last, was a
scene of much greater harmony than usual. It was
announced, amidst loud cheers, that such modifica-
tions were already adopted in the arrangements
respecting national schools as would enable the
society heartily to cooperate with the Government
for the education of the poor. This seemed to
afford a settlement of one of the points at issue; for
though the modifications may not give to the clergy-
man of any particular parish or district all the power
which was sought by some, they will probably go as
far as is at all prudent or necessary in that direction.
On the other question, it appeared that a memorial
had been forwarded from the well-known Mr.
KEBLE, praying for an investigation into the truth
of Mr. FLETCHER'S allegations; and the commit-
tee had passed a resolution requesting each Bishop
to investigate and report how far it was true in
.1/4.savvi3 Vl ms own Un
these grounds, Archdeacon DENISON asked, and
obtained, permission to withdraw the resolutions of
which he had given notice, and the meeting broke
up with unusual unanimity.
It is gratifying to see the Church and the State
rivalling each other to increase the education of the
people. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY was right
when he said that the Christian minister would in
future have a better starting point for his labours ;
the lump of clay would already have taken some
useful shape. Since the last report, the society has
aided in providing accommodation for 27,190 scho-
lars, and in building 104 teachers' houses ; and
there are at present 9,831 schools connected with the
society, exclusive of those united merely to diocesan
boards. The receipts of 1851 amounted to more
than £9,000 ; and the circulation of the society's
monthly paper has risen from 4,000 to. 5,000. All
these are facts of great interest and importance.

Ewart and myself are the genuine descendants of Hus-
kisson and Canning (cheers) ; and I say, if you identify
Yourselves with those who are now our opponents for the
tumour of serving you, it will be a paradox recorded in
history. When the world was dark Liverpool was light,
and it was the freemen who did it."
Messrs. Cardwell and Ewart the descendants of Canning
and Huskisson ! The idea is excessively rich. Had the
former honourable gentleman, indeed, compared himself
to a Huskisson who had descended to wallow in the mire
of Radicalism, and to sell his country and his plighted
faith for place and pay, we might have acknowledged the
aptness of the comparison. But Joseph Ewart and George
Canning ! If the descendant of such a man as the disci-
ple of William Pitt be so small a personage ; if intellect
is thus dwarfed in its transmission ; we shall have to look
at the third or fourth generation of a Ewart through a
microscope.

To proceed, however : " when the world was dark Li-
verpool was light, and it was the freemen who did it."
We can imagine a gudgeon snapping at a bare hook, but
not a freeman of Liverpool so greedy of laudation as to
swallow such palpable blarney, coming from a gentleman
whose fellow-candidate for their suffrage is Mr. Ewart.
For no freeman of Liverpool ought to forget that it was
that gentleman and his party who so bitterly reviled
them, and did their utmost to deprive them of their
birthright—the franchise—for having had the blindness
not to recognise the talents of his intelligent brother,
William. Liverpool " was light" on that occasion; too
light to allow her burgesses to mistake a barn-door fowl
for an eagle, or 'William Ewart for a philosopher. And it
will prove to be too light now for Mr. Joseph's true
dimensions to be mistaken.

MR. CARDWELL ON THE BALLOT.—Another amusing
specimen of the honourable candidate's notion of a
straightforward answer was afforded at the same meeting,
on Tuesday night. We give it verbatim, as a gem of its
kind. The question was as to his opinion upon the sub-
jects of universal suffrage and the ballot :
" Though I believe the more of my townsmen that had
votes the higher I should be upon the poll, yet I am not
prepared to declare myself in favour of universal suffrage.
With regard to the ballot, I have never yet seen the mode
in which it is to be made effective ; and though I fully
believe the ballot would be greatly in my personal advan-
tage,—for there is many a man whose silent aspirations
will be in my favour who will not be without difficulty in
going to the poll—(loud cheers, and a voice, " I know
it" ;)—yet, I have so much confidence in the growing pro-
gress of the age, that I hope every man will be able soon
to give his vote without being afraid to avow it."

What a mixture of hot and cold, sweet and sour, is this ?
Politicians of every shade may derive comfort from it;
yet the candidate may vote any way he pleases, and still
remain "an honourable man." One portion of it is ex-
tremely good. " There is many a man," he says, " whose
silent aspirations will be in my favour, who will not be
without difficulty in going to the poll." Pray how many
may there be amongst Mr. Cardwell's supporters whose
" silent aspirations" are the other way," but who dare
not gratify them ? How many are there whom even the
ballot would not protect ?—for the priest and the confes-
sional are stronger than the ballot.
WHIG-RADICAL " PROGRESS" WHERE TO ? - The
staple of Mr. Cardwell's many addresses,—the expression
which pervades them all,—is the necessity of " progress-
ing." We are to " move on" to some place, or some
condition ; but he does not condescend to tell us where or
what it is. " Move on," he cries—

" ' Through mud, through mire,
Over thorn, over brier'—
And never mind, for we lead ! Were you ever so well
off ? Bread is cheap. The shilling loaf is down to six-
pence. Sugar and coffee are reduced one-half. Free trade
has done it all; so move on ! Carry out this blessed
system I" And the senseless members of his audiences
throw up their hats in ecstatic admiration at the prospect
of the shilling loaf for threepence, and still cheaper sugar
and coffee. Thus Jack Cade, in olden time, led on his
motley followers to London Stone. Perhaps, however,
his modern imitator will condescend to tell that portion of
the public who have something to lose, where all this
" progress" is to end. The Agricultural interest, the Co-
lonial interest, and the Shipping interest, have been plun-
dered to enable him to reduce the shilling loaf to six-
pence, and the pound of sugar to fourpence. And he
tells us—at the meeting on Wednesday—" we are but at
the beginning of our career ;" we have only got a modi-
cum of cheapness yet. Who, then, are to be the next
victims sacrificed ? We presume, however, that when
the property of the landowner, the colonial proprietor, and
the shipowner have been swallowed up, that of some other
class must follow. What is a Church, if it stands in the
way of a cheaper loaf ? Down with it ! will be the cry.
Shall the Fundholder stand in the way of the abolition of
And then, one after another, the classes who labour for
the home market must be reduced, to bring about further
cheapness for those whose privilege it is to manufacture for
the foreigner. A cheap house, a cheap plough, a cheap
cart, a cheap loom, must be had. And these must be se-
cured by cheapening the labour of the brickmaker, the
bricksetter, the carpenter, the smith, and the mechanic.
The result must be a universal level of cheapness, degra-
dation moral and physical, and a final scramble for the
wealth amassed by the selfish out of the folly and misery
of their fellow-creatures. Let those, who are just now
cheering Mr. Cardwell's "progress," talk-trace for them-
selves the picture to its completeness. Let the working
classes especially contemplate it well !
MR. CARDWELL'S FENCING ON THE MAYNOOTH
QUESTION.—As the week's canvass was drawing to a
close, the fact seems to have forced itself upon Mr.
Cardwell's committee that some declaration of his opinion
upon the subject of Maynooth must be attempted ; and
accordingly, at a meeting of the Pitt-street ward, on
Thursday morning last, the following declaration, so far
as is reported by the Whig-Radical press, was made by
him in reply to a question from a party present :
" All he had got to say was this, that if electors were
determined to vote for no members except those who
would vote for a dispassionate inquiry, but would vote at
once for the unconditional withdrawal of the grant, with-
out any consideration about it, then they must not vote
for any supporter of Lord Derby, because Lord Derby and
his government told them that was not their policy. The
honourable member, in the course of some further obser-
vations, said he was prepared to vote for an inquiry into
the subject of Maynooth."

We have, in this unintelligible jumble of words, a
striking example of the difficulty experienced by Mr.
Cardwell in giving a straight forward answer to any
question. He was asked for his own opinion, not that of
Lord Derby's Government. He did at last, however,
get round the difficult corner, and informed the meeting
that " he is prepared to vote for an inquiry into the sub-
ject of Maynooth," and thereby " made a convert" of a
worthy baker present, and, at the same time, no doubt
satisfied the party who had suggested his explanation on
the subject " that he is"—to use that party's own words—
" as good a Protestant as Mr. Mackenzie or Mr. Turner."
But we would remind those of the electors who, unlike
old birds, " are naught with chaff," that there is scarcely
a member of the " brass band" who, whilst doing the
Pope's bidding by obstructing Mr. Spooner's motion, has
not expressed his willingness that an inquiry should be
instituted. The " brigade," in this respect, are as good
Protestants as Mr. Cardwell. The material question is—
What is the kind of inquiry which the honourable
gentleman is prepared to vote for ? An inquiry before a
Committee of the House of Commons, as moved for by
Mr. bpooner, empowered to take evidence and to examine
class-books ; or one, which Mr. H. Herbert has sug-
gested, to be conducted by the visitors of the College ?
an inquiry, the evidence upon which will be made patent
to the world ; or one which will be a mockery and a
delusion ? We warn the Protestant electors of Liverpool
that the latter—the delusion—is the sort of inquiry
for which alone Mr. Cardwell is prepared to vote I
If this is doubted—that the inquiry which Mr. Cardwell
is prepared to institute be not one which is to lead to no
result—let the electors weigh well the tone of Mr. Card-
well's remarks upon the same subject, at the meeting on
Friday last. His inquiry, he says, is to be " a calm and
dispassionate inquiry." What does that mean? Nobody
surely expects that the committee of the House of Com-
mons is to be packed. It is not to be "an inquiry with a
foregone conclusion." Nobody asks for such a one.
He describes his meaning still more distinctly, however,
when he says that " if they"—the Government—" on
their responsibility, find an inquiry is necessary, I think
they ought to institute it themselves." Of course, then,
Mr. Cardwell is not a supporter of the motion before the
house for a select committee, but of another sort of inquiry
than that which it contemplates. But if such inquiry
should result in proving that the teaching in Maynooth
is subversive of the peace and the Protestant institutions
of Great Britain, what would Mr. Cardwell advise them ?
Why, he would let Maynooth continue at the cost of the
British people, to propagate her ultra-montane doctrines
through the land, and to stir up disaffection against
For he says, in order to deter us
'rota acting upon the result of any inquiry, if it be
unfavourable to Maynooth

existing institutions

stion of endow-
ar, hear.) It is

" Gentlemen, the truth is this : the qu
merit is one of peculiar difficulty. (11,
one that ought to be debated, if it is debated at all, not
in exciting meetings, but this calm and intelligent assein.
blago wi

t I see before me is a very fit tn
To increase erd
uestion is

in; the difficultit.
hut th

ig for con-
❑ts no body

Topose

political difficulties of so deep and grave a nature that
when you begin you cannot foresee the end. (Hear.)
Gentlemen, it is easy " to sow the wind," but when you
" sow the wind" you " reap the whirlwind." (Hear,
hear.) Believe me, they who would tell you that they
are about to support the sudden withdrawal of one par-
ticular endowment, without having any consideration or
regard to the necessary consequences of that step, have
either looked very little into the circumstances of the case
with which they presume to deal—deserve very little the
character of calm and dispassionate statesmen, or else
they are very reckless of the consequences which they are
about to inflict on the community. (Great applause.)
Because, gentlemen, the true difficulty is this :—You
know how great a fire a small spark kindles. (Hear,
bear, and cheers.)

These suggestions of outrage, or other evil consequences,
were made to a packed body of rabid political Dissenters
and Roman Catholics. Be the result of inquiry what
it may, we are not to interfere with the endowment of
Maynooth We are to be quiescent, humble, submissive,
under the domination of a yoke which we dare not throw
off! So much for Mr. Cardwell's Protestantism, and
manly British spirit.

MR. CARDWELL AND " PAPAL AGGRESSION."—Not
a word on this subject has our worthy misrepresentative
uttered during the whole of his canvas ! His views with
respect to Maynooth, however, fully warrrnt us in arriving
at the conclusion that the Pope may go on insulting the
Sovereign and the peopleof this Protestant land, unchecked
by any government of which Mr. Cardwell may form a
leading member. That gentleman, along with Sir James
Graham, has lately leagued himself with Messrs. Bright
and Milner Gibson, and looks, like them, for the support
of the democracy, and of the Popish elements of the
country. Do the electors of Liverpool wish to learn the
real sentiments of those allies ? We beg to extract for
their perusal the following statement from the Manchester
Courier, premising that the Romanist and revolutionary
party in Manchester speak out, on most occasions, with
less reserve than here :

"A meeting of ' the Irish league,' in favour of
Messrs. Gibson and Bright, was held the other day,
the inducements to a large attendance of men, women,
and children, being a liberal supply of ale and whiskey
on the platform ! With such means of inspiration at
hand, one can scarcely be surprised at anything that
was said. But as men usually clothe in language prin-
ciples of some sort, we may as well cull from a report
that was taken of the proceedings one or two avowals of
the political and religious principles that animate these
friends of Messrs. Gibson and Bright. One man, a Mr.
Cleary said, 'That the Established Church must be rotten,
so long as England had on the throne a tnonarch by right
of descent.' He called upon Englishmen, as an act of
justice, to ' let them govern themselves.' He then appealed
to his countrymen to do their duty. Their cause was
worth contending for—and it was worth dying for.'—A
Mr. Willis said, ' That England would never be happy
until she returned to the " Old Religion" again.' (Tre-
mendous cheering.)—A Mr. Daley suggested the immediate
formation of wards and sections, as in the case of Mr.
Brotherton's election (although he had shamefully betrayed
them), and that all shopkeepers and others who had a
vote should be visited by their customers, and urged to
give their support to Bright and Gibson.' He said that
" All non-electors, too, had a legitimate right to use such
means, and that if they neglected to exercise the right,
they would be held responsible before the altar of their
country."

Surely this is significant enough ! Yet the men who seek
to be returned by this pleasant constituency would cer-
tainly form a portion of that " ministry of progress," of
which Sir James Graham would be the head, and Mr.
Edward Cardwell an important limb !

FOREIGN NEWS.

FRANCE.

The most exciting topic of conversation in Paris at the
present time is the rupture between the Government and
the Constitutionnel. Having been " warned" a first time,
Dr. Veron again declared his belief that the articles on
Belgium were authorized, and completely laid bare the
nature of his own connection with the President. The
result was that on 'Wednesday morning a second notice
was served upon the conductors of the paper, and it can
now be suppressed at any moment the Ministry, or rather
Louis Napoleon chooses. Another curious feature of the
law on the press has been developed during the week. The
Paris correspondents of three morning papers, the
Chronicle, Daily News, and Advertiser, have been sum-
moned to the Ministry of Police, where they were told by
the director, M. Dumoulin, that if the papers they re-
presented contained any further misrepresentations of
Louis Napoleon, or that if even in a leading article the
Prince was aspersed, the correspondent should be imme-
diately expelled from, and the journal prohibited entering.
France. A special exemption was made in favour of the
Times, which, although the director called it bitter and
severe, yet, to use his own words, put " both the black
and the white" before its readers. Lord Cowley, the
British Ambassador at Paris, has applied to the French
Ministers of Police and Foreign Affairs, for explanations
as to the threat of expelling the correspondents of the
English journals from that city. In case the explanations
should prove unsatisfactory his lordship will. it is stated.
seek runner instructions from the home Government.
There will be, however, considerable difficulty in the way
of any official interference, as the law of France authorizes
the Government to expel any foreigner from that country
after twenty-four hours' notice, and without assigning
any reason.

The agents of Louis Napoleon have taken possession of
the Forest of Eu, and of other domains belonging to the
estate.

The furniture, paintings, &c., of M. Victor Hugo are
advertised for sale by auction, and that gentleman, with
his family, is about to take up his residence in Jersey.
The Moniteur contradicts a rumour, the belief in which
Lad caused much satisfaction, namely, that the Govern-
ment meant to introduce a law for the prevention of Sun-
day labour. Every person who has visited Paris knows
that on Sunday house-building, and the hardest labour of
all kinds, are carried on without interruption.