The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-12-06 00:00:00

are, I use no figure of speech, but speak the simple fact when
I say, that not an axe falls in the woods of America which
does not put in motion some shuttle, or hammer, or wheel in
England."*
Such is the astonishing effect of the causes thus eloquently
described by Lord Brougham, as occasioning the surprising
demand for English manufactures in the British Colonies, or
the independent states which have arisen from that origin,
over other countries. The following Table,. which, is priori,
would have been incredible, shows the exports to different
states, as compared with their respective population, and the
value of British manufactures which they consume per head :
Export in Proportion
Population. 1836. per head.
60,000,000. £1,742,433 £0 0 5
3,00►0,000 113,308 0 0 9

Russia

&Netlen

Denmark
Prussia .
France..

. 2,000,000 91,302 0 0 11
. 14,000,000 160,472 0 0 31
. 32,000,000 1,591,381 0 0 11

Portugal
3,000,000 1,085,934 0 0 8
Spain
U. States of America .14,000,000 12,425,605 017 0
Br. N. Amr. Colonies. 1,500,000 2,739,291 1 11 6
Br. W. India Islands.. 900,000 3,786,453 312 0
Br. Austral. Colonies. 100,000 • 1,180,000 11 15 0
It may truly be said that this table speaks as to the real
interests and manufacturing establishments of Great Britain ;
and that, if our rulers were not struck with judicial blind-
ness, they would at onoe perceive where it is that the steady
and rising market for British manufactures, and where all
our efforts to promote a successful traffic may be regarded as
fruitless and nuavaiiing. For fifteen years past our whole
commercial policy has been directed to the object of gaining
a more ready vent for our manufactures into the continental
states of Europe. We have concluded no less than twelve
reciprocity treaties with the principal powers; and, in order
to propitiate their we have sacrificed by our -trea-
ties all our commercial advantages at least in our intercourse
with these states. And what has been the result ? Why,
that our commerce with them is a perfect trifle when com-
pared with that which we maintain with our own colonies,
whom we have maltreated and neglected for their sakes ; and
that, while the old states take off a felt pence per head of
their population, our own colonies take off as many pounds.
In this instance we have truly verified the old adage, that we
have been penny wise and pOund foolish, even in regard to
our existing interests at the moment.: But when, in addition
to this, it is 'recollected that these colonies are part of our-
selves—distant provinces of our own empire, whose blood is
our blood, whose strength is our strength ; that they are in-
creasing in numbers with a rapidity unparalleled in the annals
of the world ; and that, however fast they may augment, they
are by their situation and circumstances chained for centuries
to agricultural and pastoral employments, and consequently
our export trade with them must increase in the same pro-
portion as their numbers ; while, on the other hand, the
states of continental Europe are increasing far less rapidly in
numbers—are actuated for the most part by commercial or
political jealousy, and may any moment became our enemies,
it may safely be affirmed that the neglect of the colonial-pro,
vinces to propitiate foreign powers, is of all human absurdities
the most absurd.

It is needless to inquire to what canse this marvellous
difference bet Ween Colonial and European trade is owing.
It is immaterial whether it is to be ascribed to the circum-
stance of the Continental states being in the salile state of
civilisation with ourselves, or being inhabited by people who
have no taste for our manufactures, or no money to buy
them ; or governed by jealous and hostile foreign governments
—or actuated by similar and rival commercial establishments.
It is sufficient to state the fact, that, from one or other, or all
of these causes, their trade with us is trifling, and either sta-
tionary or declining, while that with our colonies is enor-
mous, steady, and constantly increasing. In truth, how-
ever, it is not difficult to perceive to what cause the total
failure of all attempts at commercial increase with the old
states of Europe is to be ascribed. Mr. Alison observed at
the Glasgow dinner, " It is easy to see to what cause this
remarkable decline in our trade with old nations and this
marvellous increase in our commercial intercourse with our
own colonies, is to be ascribed. It is evidently owing to the
fact, that these old states are in the same state of civilisation
with ourselves, and therefore they are actuated by a natural
desire to deal in the same articles, and to manufacture the
same produce as ourselves. Are we cotton-spinners ?—so are
they. Are we iron-masters ?—so are they. Are we silk ma-
nufacturers ?—so are they. Are we cutlery and hardware
merchants?—so are they. Are we clothiers and woollen-
drapers ?—so are they. There is no branch of industry in
which we excel, in which they are not all making the greatest
and most strenuous, and sometimes Successful, efforts to
rival and outstrip us. It is in vain that we meet them with
the signs of amity, and hold out the olive branch in token of
our desire to establish reciprocity treaties on the fooling of
real mutual advantage. 'We cannot, by so doing, either shut
the eyes of their manufacturers to the danger of British com-
petition, or close the vision of their governments to the daz-
zling spectacle of British greatness. Tixey see that we have
risen to the summit of prosperity under the system of pro-
tection to domestic industry, and they naturally imagine that
it is only by following our example that they can hope to ri-
val our success. It is in vain that we now offer to meet them
on the footing of perfect reciprocity. They say—" It is very
well for you to throw down the barriers when your superio-
rity in every branch of industry is incontestable. When ours
is the same, we will follow your example; in the mean time,
you must allow us to imitate the steps which enabled you to
reach the elevated position which you now enjoy.' Gentle-
men, it is difficult to see the answer which can be made to
such arguments."
Powerful as are these considerations, derived_ from the
commercial and manufacturing interests of Great Britain, in
favour of her colonial settlements, the facts pointing the
saute way, deducible from the shipping interests, are, if pos-
sible, still more conclusive. The essential difference between
the shipping, which carries on a trade between the colonies
and the mother country. is, that it is, as in the former case,
all our own—in the latter, one-half belongs to our enemies.
This difference is so enormous, the effects it produces on
our maritime strength are so extraordinary, that, numerous
as have been the details which we already given, we cannot
resist the temptation of contrasting our shipping and tonnage
with some 'of the principal foreign powers with whom we have
concluded reciprocity treaties with that which we carry on
with our own colonies.

BRITISH AND POREIGN TONNAGE 'WITH RECIPROCITY
COUNTRIES.
BRITISH. FOREIGN.
Ships.. Trans. Ships. Tons.
Sweden 66 10,865 . 250 42,439
Norway
Denmark ..
Prussia 270 42,567 . 903 174,439
France 2,035 189,329 1,740 108,352
Uaited States
Ral TISII.
East Inctia
and
Territories, ships. Tons.
Singapore Ceylon 227 97,034
New So4th Wales 59 19,195
British Northern Colonies 2,029 620,772
British West Indies

Nor is the present magnitude of the British trade with
these colonies more remarkable than its rapid increase.
Some very remarkable- facts on this subject were stated by
Mr. Alison at the public dinner in Glasgow :—" You have
already seen bow completely our shipping which trades
with Northern Europe is withering away under the action of
the reciprocity treaties ; and you have seen that it is now
little more than a fourth of what it was fifteen years ago ;
while that of the- Baltic powers trading with us has quadru-
pled during the -same period. But, gentlemen, turn to the
colonies, -and you will learn a very different result; and be-
hold with delight a growth of our shipping as extraordinary,
as its decline in our intercourse with Europe is serious and
alarming. Gentlemen,- it appears from Mr. Porter's Parlia-
mentary TableS, that the growth of our shipping employed
between Canada, Australia, and the mother country, has
been as follows

Australia,

Canada. Canada.
Coasting Trade. With Britain.
Tons. Tens. Tons.
1820
1836 19,195 609,111 620,772
Thus the astonishing facts are apparent. that, in conducting
the intercourse between Canada, the West Indies, and the
mother country, there has grown up a commercial navy of
nearly 1,200,000 tons, .of which . nearly 600,000 belong to
Great Britain, and the remainder to her transatlantic off-
spring ; while the tonnage with the Australian Colonies has
increased in sixteen years, prior to 1836, from 1200 to
20,000, or nearly twenty-fold. When we recollect that the

ntal commercial navy of Great Britain is only 2,800,000
tons, and that our vast foreign trade with America giaLy't'un.
ploys 80,000 tons of our shipping, the whole remainder being
in the hands of the Americans themselves ; and that our in-
tercourse with Canada and Australia, .the population of
which is not sixteen hundred thousand, already gives em-
ployment to 600,000 tons, or nearly seven times that em-
ployed in our whole immense commerce with the United
States of America, the vital importance of colonial trade to
maritime independence becomes at once apparent; and the
general result of the comparative progress of the vessels be-
longing to -Great Britain, at home and in the colonies, from
1814 to 1836, is as follows :
Great Britain. Colonies.
Tons. Tons.
2,414,170 202,795
2,349,649 442,897
Thus you see, gentlemen, that while the shipping of Great
Britain and Ireland has declined in the last five-and-twenty
years, notwithstanding the prodigious increase of our ex-
ports and imports, that employed in conducting the .trade
with the colonies has more than doubled. More decisive
evidence cannot be imagined of the vital importance of the
colonial trade, not only to our commercial wealth, but to our
national existence. And if any one, after the facts that have
now been stated, remains blind to our true national interests,
and the quarter from which we must look for our wealth, our
security, and independence, in future times, I say neither will
he be converted though one rose from the dead.'
- When it is demonstrated by statistical facts like these,
concerning which there can be no dispute, that interests so
vast both- in our colonial possessions and the parent state,
are dependent upon the connexion between Great Britain and
her Colonies ; when it is recollected that the bread and very
existence of millions at home depend upon the increasing
trade and market with these Colonies ; and that our mari-
time strength and national independence are entirely de-
pendent upon the immediate adoption of such a system as '
shall extend and increase our colonial empire, it is with feel-
ings of regret too profound to be mingled-with bitternesa—
with sentiments of indignation too deep to exhale in angry
words—that we look hack upon the colonial policy of Great
Britain for the last ten years. It may safely be affirmed,
that the insane policy of Great Britain to her colonial pos-
sessions during that time has been unparalleled in modern
times. She has first forced upon the West India Islands the
monstrous project of negro emancipation, a step which has
already reduced to one-half the produce of those splendid colo-
nies, and given a blow to the prosperity both of the Negro and
European population from which neither can ever recover.
We have the details lying beside us, and were we not fearful
of exhausting the patience of our readers by farther statis-
tical details, we cuuld exhibit a picture from parliamentary
and authentic documents of progressive ruin in those noble
establishments, which would amply bear out, and even exceed
this statement.

She next, practically speaking,.shortened by two years the
period of negro apprentiecship, and thereby completely dis-
organised all the plans which the planters had laid, for en-
abling them to wind up their affairs during the period of ap-
prenticeship. And when it became manifest that the negroes
would not work, and that a fresh supply of labourers became
indispensible to maintain the industry of the West India Is-
lands, we passed acts of parliament prohibiting the introduc-
tion of free Asiatic labourers, and promulgated regulations
in the island, which by giving the planters no security in the
retention of the labour of free European workmen, have in
effect, cut off all means of supplying the place of the indolent
negroes in the cultivation of the land.
What have we done during the same period in Canada? It
would apPear from our conduct to that noble colony, that we
were desirous of disgusting it so completely with the rule of
the mother country, as to throw it headlong into the arms of
the United States. We first winked at and promoted repub-
licanism and sedition to such a degree, as to fan them into
actual rebellion ; and, though aware for years that an insur-
rection was rapidly approaching, we left the colonies with
only 3500 British soldiers to protect them from destruction.
When the first ievolt was put down by this gallant handful of
men, and the strenuous support of the loyal North American
British population, we carried the system of conciliation,
concession, and dallying with treason to such a length, as to
cause the rebellion to break out a second time under circum-
stances of still greater horror, and when it required to be ex-
tinguished in oceans of blood. While the wintry heavens
were illuminated by the light of burning villages and the
wintry forests were strewed with the carcasses of the slaugh-
tered peasants, we submitted quietly to the insulting inroads
of hundreds of buccaneers and pirates from the American

* Parliamentary Debates, xxiii. 515.