Star.
London, England, 1810-11-30 00:00:00

tonid ate Howe, darter * add= tittle! &Sue, to
the ICing, refuse to adopt some measures prellm;nnty
to the proposing of what would supply the deficiency
in the Constitution ? Would an inquiry etw,of th 4
state of his Majesty's indispositind, by an autho•
rity delegated by the House, impose a necessity of
appointing a Regency? Such an inquiry would not
impose such a necessity, though such an inquiry
ought to be instituted ; and if Parliament at last
should find it absolutely necessary to appoint a Re.
gency, still an inquiry must be made previously
to such an appointment. —lf the House were to
proceed to the appointment of a Regency, without
previously instituting a Parliamentary Inquiry, then
mdeed, he should think they were ring to " de-
throne the King," to use a phrase that had been
adopted by the opposite side. When, however, any
thing was done by the two Houses of Parliament
to supply the deficiency in the kingly powers, • such
procedure arising out of the result of proper in.
quiry, it could not be said that they were going
to " dethrone" the King The Hoe.cs naght,
for instance, appoint a Regency
.to 'supply tl.e de.
..
ficiency occa.ioned by having an infant Sovtitigns
still nobody could say that that was " dethroning"
such infant King. Should his Majesty continue
in his present state, without there being some
measures had to supply the driciency thereby occas
sinned, no one could foresee what vs' rfit be the
consequences. The necessity for the exercise of the
King's power might be very great and urgent, for no
one knew what might occur in the course of a fort.
night, engaged as this country was in a rn-st nro•
meatous and perilous war; no one knew what thight
be required of the kingly office within that period;
therefore it would not be right to agree to the motion
of adjournment: There bcii.g deficiency in the ex-
ecutive branch of the Government, from the ChWe
incapacity, it devolved on the two Houses of Para,.
meat conjointly to supply such deficiency in the
Constitution. They would da their duty us din
country and to the King, if they were lame-
diately, to proceed to the taking of Inch psi-
liminary steps as would lead to the adopt; es of
measures, that would iupply the kingly power,
during the time that it should please Penis/x.lOl m
continue the affliction of bis Majcsty. That 'Hoots
and the House of Lords only coal) supply such det•
ciency—could appoint one to manage kw the Kit*
during his incapacity to exercise the Royal function.,
and they ought not, bccause of the excuse that his
Majesty would recover within a very early period, pug
off the taking of those 7relirninary steps which most
be had recourse to before they could proceed to the
adoption of any measures to supply the eeficieney in
the Constitution. It fell to his lot to oppose the no-
tion, and if unfortunately it should be approved from
false delicacy to the King, he should still think it ne.
cessary that a Committee ought to be appointmi to '
enquire in the mean time into the state of his Majesty's
malady. He should, however, leave both those
subjects to the opinion of the House, bet he 'was
decidedly against the motion for an adjournment.
Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, he felt he
should not do his duty to the public if he did not
state the grounds of his opinion on this subject, and
his reasons for the vote he should give to-night. The
Right Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down
had stated truly, that that House .and the House of
Lords were appointed to supply the deficiencies in
the Third Estate. Notwithstanding all the respect
which he felt for his Majesty, he must be permuted
to treat such a subject as the present with the Itn.
partiality and freedom with which he should feel
himself bound to consider any other question in
which the Country was equally interested. Ins.
pressed with this feeling, he could not consent that
things should be left for a moment longer in that
perilous state in which they had continued forth. last
month, and in which it was proposed that they should
be suffered to remain for a fortnight loner. The
only doubt, which remained with him was, who
ought to supply the deficiency which here oc•
curved ? In the year 1688, when James 11. left
the Throne vacant, in consequence of his having
violated the contract he had entered into with his
subjects, the right devolved on the people. If
that was the fact then, he was not prepared to agree
that any House of Commons, far less a House of Com-
mons constituted and called together as this was, should
have the right of filling this vacancy. The Right Ho.
tiourable Gentleman (Ponsonby ) had .hewn that the
Privy Council .vas assuming a rightto which it was not
entitled, and that this examination now laid on the ta-
ble, was no ground for any Parliamentary proceeding,
fai less for perseiering in the system of anarchy to
which we were at present reduced. The evidence, as
it was called, was evidence of nothing. If such had
been offered in a Court of Justice, it would not have
been admitted. We all knew that interrogatories could
be so put by interested persons as easily to produce fa-
vourable answers. The last person whose evidencif
should have any weight in a matter, such as that now
under consideration, was the Minister, who was inte.
resteLl to deceive. Yet on such evidence, the Hoot*
was called on to grant the Government of the Country
to the Right Honourable Gentleman. If he triefe
asked jibe would agree to the adjournment, he should
feel himself called on to say, that he could not agree
that the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Per-
ceval) should have the Government of the Co/wry.
But that the emergency ought to be provided for at
once. The Honourable Gentleman under him ('Mr.
-Whitbread) had alluded to various periods in which
Regencies had been appointed, and besides the ca-
lamity under which the country at present labotinells
had alluded to the practice of petitions not now
reaching the ear of his Majesty but through his Seat.
tary of State.
.The very idea of petitioning indeed
hid in consecitience become a mere farce, so that when.
petitions were talked of,. persons could hardly keep
their faces. These were imperious and riemeelling'
reasons for reskting the adjournment. It was cerAain
things could not be allowed to remain in their preempt
state. The arguments adduced on the idea of dertatey
were most absurd. Delicacy was very well at a tea
table, hitt to talk of it in the affairs of a nation was ca.
temptilo, particularly if that natioa was cruelly laded,
as this was. When,in such circumstances, he heard de
licacy talked of, he always thought it weaht
Delicacy to the other set was.to be applauded;
have gut over that where the matter magi
In the delivery of the Queen so much shoe'
regard paid to the importance of the natter. AO Is
any nice sense of delicacy. that ptessetiOnF,steet •fit
that period resorted to as to her, which is fe ease if