Star.
London, England, 1816-02-20 00:00:00

77,7rri

,-„-

. ' _

. .
--,----.7---
- limilibbittiefortieb 1 .'4-- sea, or In pity an eqftliiideet op.
treiciosey. The force which we had Woughtinto
the field; in Hanoverian. 'and English, both ioillsaly.
aad Flanders, Was rather better than 90.000. mat.
By our astergetwint we were therefore to pay for..
80.000 more, bet the Powers agreed to tura•thst
payment ieCts •ffiskly for the'inferior States. With •
list
the exception - King ofl
Holland did titiC be a subsidy, and those of Swit-
teeland, that sum was paid to the inferior Stites at
the rite of £ll per nom Through the exertions of
Europe, .ands the Wens, with which they bed been
crowned, the war had been so quickly ended, that
still Dine-fourth of the subsidy remained in the hands
of t3Overninent tincialecir fora By the means they
had employed, they had contributed . to bring into
the field a eonfedersey,so great and powerful, that
disaster itself Could not have fruitrated* its ultimate

object. Nay, had the battle of Waterloo. instead
of a glorious triumph, proved a day of defeat and
ruin. • the contest might have been protracted,
but not changed in its termination.—(Hear.)—
The means of the Confederacy were so immense, that
they would not fail. • The House would feel of what
importance it was to avoid delays which would have
served to augment the difficulties with which we had
to contend. It was proper, that in her own cause
against usurpation, Europe should act with such au-
thotity and power, as to undeceive the French nation,.
whose pride in military glory was so strong, that if
they could have fancied that the war was brought to
a conclusion by some, accidental occurrence, and not
by the irresistible man of foreign power, would have
retained their disposition to rise again and disturb
the world. But the battle of Waterloo had made
Franco know what it was to provoke the indigna.
thin of Europe, and to bring her strong arm upon
herself. That inundation of power alone could have
shewn her the reality of her own feebleness.' In 1814
sheind unfortunately mistaken the generosity of the
Allies for a sense of weakness. To want of means
she had attrilmted the respect they had displayed to.
ward her feelings. It was, therefore, important to
teach her a lessors of such a nature, that no-French-
' man himself should be able to entertain a doubt on
the subjict. She bad now been taught that the
armies of two powers, with some auxiliaries, had
been sofficient to overwhelm her force—and what
force? Never in hisowy was France known to send
to the fi,•ld as army stranger in numbers, discipline,
and moral feeling; an army' mere. resolved to COll-
- or to die, than that which Napoleon led to en-
counter the Allies in Belgium.—Neither did he wish
to &maze from the hem ;a of the French army:—
ease bad osier conducted itselt with rune mower..
than teat army; yet those of the Duke of Welling.
ten are: Marshal Blucher had put down those exer-
tioes in a manner :red with results the aeon decisive.
Vilest rafter battle had ever been fought that had
. pereludei an army, even alter the loss of two-thirds
of its numbers, from again presataing itself to Gee
its rypnaeats I What other army had been so dis-
persed,. as to allow its pursuers to advance for 14
days through its territory without opposition, to take
possession of the capital of the country with only
90,000 men, 'and to compel the individual who had
-desolated Europe to seek a refuge in the country
which be had sletignated for rainy Th.at battle bort
a character at:parallel:al in war. It had destroyed
the very sy te. t against which we fought, and placed
the individual who was its soul, into the hands which
be had devoe:d to destruction. He trusted, that on
Cis branch cif the Tit-aim the House would feel no
difference of opinion, and would be disposed to go
'MA Lim to the Throat to express dick approval of
all that had bees atchirved. Never had such a con-
federacy, in extent of military strength and ardour of
exertion, been witnessed. It appeared by returns,
taken act the time when the British army occupied
Paris, that there was an allied force in the French
territory of 1,1444000 men The numbers had been
most scrupulously checked by the Duke of Welling.
ton, who was charged with arrangements with toe
French Commissioners for their subsistence, and his
Grace declared that the numbers had not been exag-
irg. Besides these, there was a reserve of
,tfiert Azurites* snoring against• France, the head
of With column was already in Bavaria. Another
resume of 150,0f0 Russiani bad then passed the,
Elbe and entered Franconia. He should take this
opportunity of refuting the opinions which had been
advanced, respecting a reputed jealousy on the part
of a great Power. In the course of the events and
aeociations which had taken place, he had found in
that Empire evhy disposition to agree with this
country, and -in nothing more heartily than in the
iripulation with respect to the Italian Islands. It
was a fair tribute to Russia ter state,. that although
the had only obliged herself by treaty to bring
150,000 men, she had led 250,000 into France. Pile
Duke 9f Wellington had seen 151.,000 Russian troops
under arms in t)w plains of Vertos, besides the corps
of Langeron, which was in another quarter, and his
Grace had declared that he had never beholden a
finer army. Without any attempt on the part of this
country to enter into a new pecuniary arrangement
with his Majesty, the Emperor of Russia had moved
his reserve forward, and it was not until they bad
passed the boundaries of his doininions that any ar-
rangement had been negotiated, to pay no more than
bad been granted to the lesser Powers. All idea of
jealousy in that (pater was therefore unfounded.
He trusted the House would agree that Government
had made the most effectual arrangement for the
attainment of the great European object. Besides
the force brought into action, had the war continued
two months longer, 100,000 Austrians, 250,000
Russians, 70,000 Spaniards, and other contingents,
would have entered France, which would have then
contained not less thitt 1,500,000 foreign troops,
combating in the cause of Europe. It had been
doubted whether such a force could be brought to.
gether without working its own destruction; bat the
utmost attention bad been paid at Paris to introduce
order among that immense nurnber of men. It was
impossible, in the first instance, that at the arrival of
• such a force, there should not have been just cause'
of complaint in the districts invaded; but these were.
chiefly occasioned by the disposition which the pea.'
• sentry evinced to abandon their houses, and afford
no accommodation. But after order had been intro-
duced, it was to the credit of the Allies that he did
- lot recollect any mark of indiscipline. There was
not an innance of a mass of 1,200,000 men being
thrown into a country, with such general good Com-
.

duet. They had Iced certainly at this expellee ef-
Franee3 bestaltlseush thiltleelines might be exis-
,l=7the in and desolati.,n of their own
• they had constantly displayed a spirit of
Mildness and commiseration towards the 'reach.—
HO should 'new regret tbetLienersus policy. which
had .dictated the peace of preeilin4 year. If
when the Allies had arrived before Paris and con-
quered pate; when the whole French nation, as
through an electric feeling, seemed ready to throw-
themselves into the arms of the victors, - and of their
restored Monarch, exulting- at their liberation from'
the tyrant by whom they fad been so long opprese-1
ed, an illiberal policy had been adopted towards An.
naparte : if the tar had been continued, to seize and
remove his perion, add; the war, as it would have
done, had become a civil contest, he had no doubt.
Ministers and the Allies would have been charged
with attempting to dbud that horizon which appear-
ed then so ilong and se beautiful. It ought to be
the character of a great confederacy of Powers to act
on enlarged views. In their career they had only
acted on such. In a confederacy which might be
considered as the representative force of Europe,
Once it put forth at once one million of men, scarcely
any view of self interest, ambition, or spoliation,
could be introduced that would not find its own
corrective. It was. a Confederacy,
Ponderibus Nbrata soh."
In clositig the war of 1814, they had readily retired
from hance, not only without taking any thing for
themselves, but leaving her a greater extent of terri-
uiry than she possessed before the Revolution. He
should continue to rejoice at such conduct, even
though it had given rise to the subsequent war, be-
cause it had inspired the world with a Moral confi-
dence in t'.e moderation and justice of the great Eu-
ropean Powers. Any other course would, besides,
have only served to protract an intestipe war. Bin
after the second contest, it would have been childish-
ness in the confederacy to have indulged the libera-
lity of their feelings to the same extent. In examen.
tog the question, he was desirous to meet what he
rather supposed would be stated by an Honourable
and Learned Gentleman, whom he did not now see
in his place (Mr. Horner was understood), as a spe-
cies of plea and bar to the course adopted by Govern-
ment, that 66 we had no right to interfere with the
internal concerns and government of France."—
Mere were two mbJes of viewing that question : the,
first, whether, on general principles, such an interfe-
rence could not be sustained ? the second related to
the peculiar situation in which the British Govern-
ment stood, whether that did not debar it from the
right of interfering ? He believed that it would be
pressed by that Honourable Gentleman that we had
abandoned the principle on which we should act, in
meddling with the Government of France, and adop-
ted a course of unwise policy and error. He might
defend the conduct of Government, by asking Wiw-
i/ter an independent State has not the right of mixing
in the politics of another nation, and building its se-
curity upon the peculiar nature of its formation ? but
he should first consider what had fallen from an Ho.
asorable and Learned Gentleman on a former night,
hand whichhe had founded on a passage in a letter
of Lord Clancarty, a supposition of indifference on
the part of the British Government to the person who
should reign in France. If the Honourable and
Learned Gentleman had read that sentence in con-
utiction with the next to it, he would have certainly
found that the abject of the oar was not to impose
any particular form of goverommt upon Ft ranee.—
But if we objected to Bonaparte on the ground of
our own security, did it result from that, that we
should be as indifferent to the restoration of an ami-
able and unfortunate Sovereign, as to the elevation
of some other adventurer who might grow out of the
army ? He denied that any meaning of that kind
Could be wrested out of ooh political professions. He
referred the House to our Declaration of May, on
ratifying the Treaty of the 25th of March, in which,
although we had stated that we should not consider
the imposing of any particular Government upon
France a sine qua 110 e, as a condition of peace, yet we
distinctly expressed how desirous we should be to see
the Bourbons restored. This was not a mark of in-
; dtfference, but sheered, that although, on the certain
exclusion of Bonaparte, we might have acknow-
ledged some other individual, yet we had a warm
and decided preference in behalf of the King of
France. That was the only avowed policy put in
'view in all our documents, and it was therefore in.
credible that Lord Clancarty, writing on the 12th of
May, in explanation of the Declaration issued on the
24th of April, in ratifying the Treaty of the 25th of
March, should have written any thing in a different
senses as, besides his own judgment, and abilities,
that Nobleman was not without his instructions. He
therefore asked the House to ermine the documents
commencing with the Declaration of the Allies of
the 13th of March, the Treaty of the 25th Of the
same month, and our explanatory Declaration of the
'24th of April, and it would be found, that to disc.
vow the restoration of the Bourbons had never been
our object. As an abstract question, he was ready,
to acknowledge that nothing was more improper
titan to interfere in the internal arrangements of
other nations, or to be captious about. their modes of
Government ; but would any Gentleman say that
any State has felt itself so tied up as not to have the
right of interfering in the conduct of foreign nations,
when any one of tlxm attacked the security and esta-
blishments of the rest ? Certainly not I for this prin.
ciple was as fully rectognized as any other great lead-
ing point of policy. There was no situation which
more deeply involved the peace and security of states
than that in which they were placed when there was
any question about the right of succession to the
throne, and when a civil contest arose as to whether
the supreme power should remain in one family, or
be transferred to Another'? If we were to try the
question by the former practice of Europe, he appre.
heeded we should not bear so many loose opinions'
about the right of every people to change their form
of government —a theory that has arisen out of the
corrupted and jacobinized principles set afloat. by the
horrible Drench Revolution. If we looked hack at
the practice of this country, and referred to the best
authorities, we. should find that the principle in ques.
Lion was laid down and established by the Whigs
themselves.--(Near, hear.),—He meant the Whigs of
earlier times, tram whose principles those of modern
days had certainly swerved in no small degree. If
we wanted a precedent for interfering in the Govern.-
Melt Ot a foreign nation, respecting the lemon and

.

111phOlding of its legitiateteAyesety. we had it Ili our
country about a century ago.. TheTripli Alli-
ance was formed for this purpose on 1717.
and in die
following year another Power (Austria).acceded to
it, and the object of it was to secure the Protestant
Dynasty on the British Throne. He would 'read a
few words from that Treaty, which be apprehruded
would prove a more pregnant precedent than Gentle-
men opposite would be disposed to admit. By the
7th Article of the Treaty of Alliance, it is expresdy
stated, that if the Kings of any countries or provinces
who joined the Alliance should be disturbed by into-
. tine quarrels or rebellions, on account of the sum-
sion, they should have a right to demand the succours
of their Allies to assist in suppressing them. The
same stirilatinn was made in regard to France iu
the Treaty of Utrecht. These precedents fully
tilled us in combining and interfering to put down
that accursed military despotism in France which the
Jacoleins and Whigs of modern times had sci strenu-
ously lent themselves to uphold. By the Quadruple
Alliance, the contracting parties pledged themselves
*to act against all persons whatever who should at-
tempt t 7 subvert :heir respective Governments. The
precedent was additionally strong, when we found
our own Mina looking particularly into their own
situation, and malting two Treaties with the States-•
General of the Netherlands to support our PIONS-
tam succession against all enemies whatever.
It the modern notiens about a numerical majority of
the country being against such ititerference, had pre-
vailed at that day, he imagined it would have been
extremely difficult to ascertain whether the majority
of the people were in favour of the reigning dynasty
or not. But it was deemed necessary to provide for
the security of the nations by such strong and judi-
citrus treaties, in order to prevent renewed scenes of
anarchy and rebellion, and it- was the honest W%lig
principles of those days that led to and attained the
object. By the Treaty signed at the Hague in 1709,
the States-General of the United Provinces engaged
to recognise the British succession, to assist the right-
ful heirs in taking possession of the throne, it thir
had not already got it, and to oppose all who might
resist them. The Whigs prided themselves in having
stipulated in favour of the Princess Sophia of Ha..
nover ; and the Treaty of Utrecht 'expressly states,
that no person has any right to call in question any
arrangement made with Great Britain in this respect,
or endeavour to oppose the right of succession of the
Princess Sophia. 'Phis was a sufficient proof of the
marked disonction between the principles of the an-
cient and mothen Whigs— a proof of the practice of
the progenitors of these .of the present day. They
denied the tight of nations to interfere, w ith a view
to put &ova the despotism and anarchy of another,
which disturbed their own happiness and repose,
tb 'ugh this might he done on the broad ground of
public security. But for one ambitious individual to
interfere with the Governments of other nations, and
that contrary to all the rights and interests of man-
kind, was perfectly within the pale of modern whig-
gism. Having now at least strewn what was in fa-
vour of the principle of interference, he had disem-
barrassed himself of that considerable feature of the
argument that denied our tight to interfere; we had
a right to take the henefit of the principle upon such
broad grounds as existed for it in the late contest, or
in fact on any occosios, provided we did not carry it
too far, or misapply it. In order to establish the tact
that we had done so, it was only necessary to examine
whether the particular pore), we bad adopted was
consistent or inconsistent with the good faith between
us and Louis XVlll,—whether the line we had fol-
lowed was a:onsistent with sound policy, or whether
the dispositions of Great Britain to purchase the
safety of Europe by such interposition was censura-
ble or praisewotthy. He was aware that extreme
views would be taken of the question. Some Gentle-
men might say that we were tied up hand and foot
in the late campaign, and had nothing to do but fol-
low the Treaty of the preceding year. This, how-
ever, he totally denied. The first question was, whe-
ther We were so bound by that Treaty as to have no
option left to us at all, but to expel Bonaparte and
to re-establish literati IN the Treaty of Peace of the pre-
ceding year. It was certainly true, that if we looked
at the stipulations of the Treaty of the 25th March,
they furnished very strong arguments in favour of
this question; for the only view *the Allied Powers
had at the time of framing it, was to defend France
or any other countries against the invasion which Bo-
naparte attempted to .practise. His invasion of
France was the cause of this Treaty ; and he (Lard
Castlereagh) had no Imitation in saying, that if the
King had been enabled to remain in France, and to
repel the invader, the Treaty of the 25th of March
would have bound us in good faith and honour to
have made a Treaty of Peace, as to tenitotial ar-
rangements, the same as that of the preceding year.
He would go a step further, and say, that it the King
had been driven out of France by his rebellious
• army, and had ceased to be, de facto. King of France,
though he could not have ceased to be so, de jure ; if
the nation had !isen against Bonaparte and los army,
as the Dutch rose against the French, and replaced
their King on the 'Throne, it would have been bad
faith to have adopted any other policy than that of
the Treat.), of Paris. But the Allies were opposed,
not certainly by the whole weight of the nation, but
by the whole power of the army ; for if it !rad been
a question between the Allies and France, it would
have been too much to presume that we should not
have had a vast deal more to encounter. When,
however, the people were so supine as to their os a
rights, that they bad no confidence in themselves, and
the state of things beinic such that the King found it
necessary even to rastram the exertions of his friends,
insomuch that the Loyalists of LaVendee were obliged
up the cause before the war could be said to
atb. an end, he would contend that the case im-
posed on the Allies the adoption of the course they
,had followed, in justice to their own subjects. They
had deemed it necessary to require from the King a
satisfaction in mitigation of the charges they had in-
,curred„ and a precautionary security against the re-
currence of such an outrage in future. When the
Treaty of the 25th of March was concluded, it was
known that Bonaparte had made some progress, in
Francs, but it was not known that the King had'
left Paris. No accession had taken place on the
part of the King of France to this Treaty ; conse-
quently, if we looked at the diplomatic law, it would
be acknowledged that it held the King of France un-1
lee no obligation ;7htte,' on the other hand, them
was within to preclude the Mies from wing in the

manner they had thoudit pr per
contendiatt in the same cause,
audacious military authority in'
assed the security of all the re;
was necessary that we shr)ted
interests at tbe King with those
sores which we thought it proper
of every other nation. The AV'
from imposing those obligatiom
the• King returned and resumed
victories which the Allies hat'
He would beg the licuse to I
which France was at that tits;
only by such a view that any
been come to could be di cited
first point was, what course of
King of France himself, in 1,1
that country. He had suffered
but the whole course of his co;
tion had Manifested the spiri
peace. The next topic was °lei
branch et' nations, whrte eff iris
and. thirdly. we had to tonsil'
branch Of the French :mem,
the eternal enemy of Europe,
cessary to suppress, and effectu,
there could be any peace that
to, or al,' dynasty that could I
e!an t mporary or insecure.
theuglo, that if the army of .
loved atorin, the present clyi.a,
late Government of France w
merit ; it was Wholly WM Patin
aild led by. the erns', and obli,
ell its open- scions. He kit tht
now look for repose under the
beets adep:ed, it was eniy by t.
of time these operations, by di
military three. Unless f r tit
this leoly, jilt the miiitat y spin
tinct, the peace celiol hot be .
on which his Majesty's G mermen;
of war or peace te billge, was
army of the Aides France.
solution of the army of lions
taken place, he shoot.; think I
the attention of that House, it
avow that his tstiesty's G.;
Louis XVIII. was at Ghent,
diimental and positive prinei
should be totally dissolve d
been liable to the charge of
resurrection of that army, if le
mite extinction. But this ei
and it only remiined I.‘r us
time in its state of dissele;i.o
posed it had ceaslel to esl.e,
isted an parade, he knew well
principles of Jacoonosm by
wilted from the coneiteacette
career. It was a !,art at hi
that it was distinctly scaled e
that if he did not do this act
Allies would deem it their
upon themselves ; and diet
local authorities had net the
do it, the Allies woald put
%Nell they justly censichaed ;
neral safety. IVe had cadet;
this army, because We were pi
till he could raise ani•thcr I;
and well dispilse I pat e of his I
not insisted on this effort bein;
cation in sayiog, that we shot
King into the power of liis
The Noble Lord etnaissi,inF A
merit of the military eniispir.
served Viet he never had been
duals who had depreciated
would say, that if that arm'
exist, it would have been
whether Bonaparte were cons
not have been difficult to fir
have soon led it into its fount
fore, was at issue, was, whet,
again be betrayed and sectifici
tism, as it formerly had beet
mities that had grown out of
arisen from that disordereJ st
by the detestable principles
(Heardaear.) If Bonaparte
with more moderation, he tai
fecied and established this de
rity was the cause of'his dt
that one of the lint acts he pi
this despotism, was to order
list of all the unman ied km,
order that wives might be 10
In fact he omitted nothing
to their lusts and avarice, that
throne by their protection, ti
again for war and desolation,
with any teasonable man in
dere that they had always
tary system, as a tyram:y tr,
wished to escape. In fact,
would have perpetually kept
The State was nothing mare
in its hands, instead of its be;
hands of the St4e. lie had
ment of regret from aiiy Fret
duct in France, except one,"
not push cur interference fi
heard any complaint .t.,!air.st
disposed to suopert Len s ag.
the only complaint was, that
our protection their Constiloi
fee! ourselves authorised to 121
tee to. them. Having stated'
in view, that et providing ter
by the demoli:ion of the II(
I followed, that what we bad
inevitable. 13at wh,aevt.
lity with which this gnat
part of the !Miles w.,s elf,cte,
to put sue a tine of viefitceive
great moral distimtion.
France, as' a na.ian, th a the .
against France in a :evolutional
military Jecobinisru which hi
the civil Jacobins ; while in
able engagemeots towards the
to bleed our policy with a coot
ation. 'there was a broad 1
man could mistake. It we /
suppose that the gassuun

tg!
atet rocno3t
FEioarnloti
ti those
w.
to
nn
cause, to put .1."41t.
itYi France, wh' •
d comh;ne tie;
r stion,„
proper to take I tL,'
to Aries wenn
:sumrd his
an hers
free •.t pr;Ley 'es'enit.edt:::`;:s'l.fatl:;',l6it't,,PC
s had so bein,„lo°l4
in his
;e right of
Viotti
~r te.l4'. fi
ifFered farm the LA
nit comluct af.er
:irit of
tcfrgosestrceff: :6";
cit. fleet rd
:ens, wliich was
trope, and w'ai,h it M
11%7
'that tie cottrotycouli.
ould b, considtm4 -
et ore. IL c,uld
L 7 of Jac. bin, of Fr
uy.•a•ty cote.' silk-
nee was
entii ay impelled,
d obliged to itaswerut
clt that 1,„ •
~r the !man 4entrotsthit •••
y by sezonding ftna
, by the presence pia
r t•
• Ale unto:010R attko
y spirit of jaciit.mion , - •
at be secure. The p• •
iverment hit the
was the ciintiiitianeti
mice. But respeeting,ht. '
13tionpitte, which 14!
think hirncelf
Ise, it I.e :I; .:et pre,.• 3
•
s Lint, .a tit.
bent, I iJ is dowti Alc
princi:ite, that diat
Iv( d ; a.id he should
tcctwxy4
y, if he h ,d met insiLtrdq
his giaild point win •
.'r us to watch over it 14
tic loin ; frr if any site
riot, U:'Citulie it noltsrrah
3 by vita.. h it' had bctk
acement of its din
ot his justiticatioa to
led. to Louis .
act of justice ni Emit,
their duty to take dig
timt on a given dab
t the pewer r inclionita
put Nue, a 1•.
tied incouse,:,:nt pltbQt
ailed or. the K;ng MCI
prep.ir,...l to rant
her Ito:n anton,lll4
it his übj-c4;
t being mt.le, he :Was,.
e sliotnd bate trepaakii
Lis enemies. (ties,
1. mg Jo dei.c.et on 1. et:
otsioirato:s t . f.!
ad been one ot the 6,
inted his alliiitles.-he
army bad been suieni
been perfectly' unt
:confined or not, for it •
to find a chits who
former career. What,
, wheti.er the world
acrificed to a military •
I been, atter see ng the
on of it. This depotiso
reJ state ot the world,
!ples ot modern pbtiosc •
pare had conducted
he might in time bat •
this despotism ; but los •
his drswt,fall. it woe
he performed to iitfi •‘
seder the esefects to -
I ft.'s:l,l4.sta their district
be fouzicl for his sthittw
ring that could be ••
!, that be might maintait
on, till the time came
lation. He had never
o in Fcattee, wqr, did tit
-ayes looked at tL it ova
t:y :rout t4/I:ich they -.4
fact, it se is .1 monger
kei.t ail Earape is
mare than ,t mere ~ I •
its being an instrumeoli
fe 15a..1 never heard
y Frenchman, as toot.,
one, which side,O W"
!re farther. He had
i.,tair,st the tot
s s against the Jacobin
, that we did not take
nstinstinnt wliscli we did
to lat.:dere with and
tated thesund tibial 53
ig Int the IL Lupcy Ee:i
by Jacobin ni ra, • it tuts:
had done w.:.;;,.4tiobk
rti I);igilt h4Lt: t, '0 ihr
r,iat course of Fl:cy
li,cted, it u .5 neceswit
dive p.,ficy, bet 10 fiats
1, that it was 1.01
t the Allies were at seat,
4utionary scii.e—againg
tic,' h..1 L. given its un
Le in Ll:e staiit of outlive
:ds the fie weir 04
a muse o: personal :0
road bac of policy rii•!•"
we had bidicied
W Wits W Fr•wc,ie
babel' she Sl'".l