Star.
London, England, 1817-03-21 00:00:00

ais

REMOVED TO No. SO, STRAND, LONDON.
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Patients a eitl.er sex may consult us with the gr
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Patients in the country, de•crittles tile nature of tlti
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MKT
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atton-sarJeno—
tikir came, and
he sassy will De
Et., Surgeon.,
itsoll.fiagdea.

PARLIAMENTARY' PROCEEDINGS.

HOUSE OP LORDS, MARCH in.
The Mutiny and the Marine Mutiny Bilk were read the third
time and pa.sed.
scorri•ttn MEETINGS BILL.
Lord SIDMOU ru said, hr should not trouble
the House long in stating the grounds upon winch he
moved for tae second reading of the &didn't, Meet-
' ings Bill, but should reserve himself to answer the
Noble.J....ords who had signified their intention to op.
pose it:Asdiateiderstood that their objections were not
to the Principle, butt;, the details of the Bill. It Was
clear that the Committee had recommended additional
measuies to meet the exigencies of the time. Two
Bills had already received the Royal Assent, which
ought to pass, even it no circumstances bad recently
occurred to tecumniend them. One was for the pro.,
ruction of the Privet Regent's person, and the other
for punishing the seduction of the troops. The sus-,
pension of the Habeas Corpus Act was founded upon
information in the posseesion of Government, on
which the Committee had made their Report, setting
forth that a general insurrection was organised in the
country, for the purpose of subverting the Constitu-
tion by force. The Committee had stated at the end
of their Report, that further measeres were neces-
sary to be adopted, and it could not be supposed that
they meant by those measures either of the Bills at.
ready passed, as 'they were acknowledged to be ne-
cessary under -all circumstances. The cause of this
opinion•they would find in the Report—it was this,
that a •certain priwer existed of bringing persons of
every description together, under a pretence tit peti.
tioning for Parliamentary Reform, and that this power
was rendered subservient to other purposes. With-
out referring to the Report of the Committee on this
subject, he should appeal to their Lordships as to the
notoriety of such Meetings. They knew that at-
tempts were made to aggregate discontent, and that
advantage was taken of the distress of the people to
delude them into acts of outrage and .criminality.—.
Such seas the ground upon which the Committee had
made the recommendation, and the result of that re-
commendation was the Bill now before the hiouse.
Part of the Bill was the same as one introduced by
Mr. Pitt; and the supplementary Bill of 1793 the,
other part was merely the re-enactment of the 39thi
of the King, with souse amendments and additional
clauses, which he did not think were likely to be ob-,
jecied to. One was, that. all Meetings not called
by seven householders, should be considered unlaw-
ful Meetings. Another was, a clause introduced by
the Commons, subjecting the Hundred to the charge
of the loss which any person might sustain in conse-
quence of an attack made upon his house. As the
law now stood, the Hundred was nut liable to the
charge, unless the intention to destroy the house was
made out ; but the present B 11 went to indemnify
the person fur the destruction of his property, though
the intention of destroying the house itself was not
established. But upon these points no decision could
be taken this day, as the clauses would be discussed
in the Committee. The question at present was,
whether, under the circumstances stated in the Re-
port of the Committee, Parliament should attend to
their suggestion, that further measures were neces-
sary to meet the evil A Noble Lord, on the other
side, who had contended, on a former night, that the
law, as it stood at present, was sufficient, had argued
upon provisions in the 36th and 39th of the king,
which were only of a temporary nature. and bad ex-
pired in 1802- He was not surprised• at the error
into which the Noble Lord had fallen, but he was
sure their Lordships would coneyr in the opinion,
that such a state of things as was described in the
Report, could not he suffered to continue without the
greatest has ird. He was sure they would go further,
and detet mine that it should not continue, and he
trosted that in conformity to such opinion, they would
agree to the motion by which he should conclude,
namely, that the Bill be now read a second time.
Earl GROSVENOR said. he should object to all
the clauses of the Bill, with the exception of one;
but he was willing to postpone what he had to say
on the principle until the third reading, and to deter
his objection to the clauses until they came to be con-
sidered in the Committee. He could not, however,
avoid stating, on the present occasion, that he did
not approve of introducing temporary and permanent
provisions in the same Bill. Such a combination
might lead to much dispute hereafter.. He was one
of those who differed from the Noble Viscount in
thinking that the laws were not sufficient in them-
selves; if he could suppose that they were not, he
should have no ohj. ction to strengthen them still fur-
titer. He differeu from him both as to the danger
represented to exist, and as to the remedies that
onght to be applied to that danger. Ail that they
were doing was, in his opinion, more likely to create
danger than to prevent it, by exciting disaffection,
which be believed in his conscience did not exist, and
encouraging a disposition hostile to the Constitution,
which be thought there was no foundationlor suspect-
ing at present.
Lord HOLLAND said, that if it was the wish of
the House not to enter into the discussion now, he
shuirld willingly agree to it ; but he hoped no advan-
tage would he taken i.f passing the Bill through the
present stage, fur the purpose of preventing the di:-
cussion of its principle at a future opportunity.—
There were some of the provisions, though not the
mast important, in which he concurred. He alluded
to these which, in their operation, would give to
public meetings a greater degree of authority than
they could otherwise possess, by preventing improper
assembles ; but to almost all the other clauses lie
should object on principle. He had no objection to
sending the Bill into Committee, on this understand-
ing ; but he begged the House to recollect, that thej
Were now about to pass, in the course of three weeks,
measures which, under the administration of Mr.
Pitt, ,Parliament had taken six months to perfect.—
He agreed with his Noble Friend, that they ought to
from the permanent provisions.
separate the temporary
The Bill was then read a second time.
Earl GROSVENOR asked, in what stage it would
be most convenient to move for an instruction to the
Committee, recommending the separation of those
dissimilar enactments?
The Earl tit LIVERPOOL said, either at the
present moment or to-morrow, before the House went
sew Committee on the Bill.
Lord ERSKINE put in his claim to discuss the
yitietple; as it no proceeding had taken place.
The Earl ot LI V EILYOOL admitted that the dis-

cussion would be still open, and **Ugh' ttmt it
would be more convenient to take the discussion on
the principle, after the Bill had gone through the
Committee, when the shape in which it was to be
finally submitted would be better ascertained.
The Bill was then ordered to be committed to-
morrow.
Earl GROSVENOR moved for an instruction to
the Committee to separate the permanent from the
temporary clauses. by dividing the Bill.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL objected to the mo-
tion, as he did not see that any legal difficulty could
arise from the Bid in its present form, the temporary
and permanent provisions being sufficiently distin-
guished from each other.
Lord HOLLAND observed that the admission of
the Noble Viscount (Sidmouth) proved its necessity.
He had expressed himself not surprised at the mis-
take into which his Noble Friend bad fallen in con•
fotinding the temporary with the permanent provi-
sions. He was glad the motion had been made, it it
‘vere only to shew that there were Lords in that
House who disapproved of such a mode of legislation.
The motion was rejected without a division.
Ite.ta•,TUATION or stAItICS, &c.
Lord GRENVILLE said, that before the House
separated, be wished to call their Lordships' attention
to a subject, which, in the last Session of Parliament,
he had pledged himself to bring forward early in the
present, if measures were not adopted to render his
interference unnecessary. He alluded to.the Regi-
stration of Slaves in the West India Colonies, and to
measures fur the better execution of the Abolition
Law. Having been informed, when he first intro-
duced the subject, that it was likely to be brought
under the consideration of the Local Legislatures, he
thought it desirable to vie the result, in order to see
whether the objects would be provided for by those
authorities. Though lie did not agree that near a
million of subjects of this empire could be put by_
any Act out of the protection of the Legislature at
home, he was yet most anxious that whatever could
be done for their benefit, should be done by those
who could best do it. This was his reason for not
submitting the motion before. He was desirous to
wait the result of the experiment. He was since in-
tprmed. that one of the Colonies had taken the sub-
ject under consideration, and adopted measures in
consequence, and he hoped the Secretary of State
would have no objection to inform him, whether the
Legislature of Jamaica had discussed, and come to a
decision thereof f

Eirl BATHURST said, that Government had
sent instructions to the different Colonies, term.
mending the subject to their consideration, with a
view to the passing of some Act of the description
alluded to by the NOle Lord. Intelligunce had been
received that the Local Legislature of Jamaica had
already passed an Act of Registration, and another
Act to secure the better execution of the Abolition
Law, which he had no objection to lay on the table.
Barbadoes had also passed an Act for the Registra-
tion of Slaves. He expected that the next Mail
would bring timilar accounts from the remaining
Colonies, all of which had shewn a sincere wish to
atteqd to the desire expressed by Government.
Lord GRENVILLE expressed great satisfaction
at this intelligence, and agreed in the propriety of
laying the Bills on the table, in order that Parliament
might see whether any further proceeding was or was
not necessary. He should either make a motion for
their production, or adopt any other course which the
Noble Lord thought more convenient.
Earl BATHUKST observed, that k would be
difficult to word a motion so as to describe them
exactly, but he would undertake to produce them
himself, and hoped to be able to do so before Easter
week.—Adjourned.