Star.
London, England, 1820-05-17 00:00:00

tion. That Revolution had raised so many from the
lowest ranks to the possession of power, wealth, and
dignity ; and the acquisition of public plunder had
enriched so many, that it was nf,t w;;lnierful that
many persons were found who-proposed such objects
to themselves from a general disturbance. Still it
was certain, that such persons in broaching their doc-
trines could not have collected the numerous audi
tories which attended them, if it had not been for
the stimulant of distress. If plenty, satisfaction, and
content, were diffused through all ranks, the number
of those who would wish for a change in the Consti-
tution could not but be very small. This would be
seen by a reference to more prosperous years; but
now, when the want of employment, and the priva-
tions attendant upon it were so widely diffosed—
when the pressure of taxation was so severely felt by
all classes, to which peace had brought no correc-
tive, and when no relief in this indisposition of the
community was obtained from regular practitioners,
it was no wonder that the people listened to the in-
terested ignorance of empirical disturbers. But the
severest power of distress was chiefly felt in the ma-
nufacturing districts: and he could not help think-
ing it a mischievous system, which afforded an ex-
cessive encouragement to manufacturers. They were
a class of persons who regarded more their present
profits than their future interests, and they did not
bear in an equal portion with' others, the burdens of
the State. Here the Noble Lord instanced the Poor
Rates, and remarked upon the injustice and impolicy
of one class being obliged to discharge what was the
duty of all, and that the most valuable class of the
community. Ile remarked also upon the children of
manufacturers being, instead of a burden, a source
of profit to them when very young. Another inju-
rious effect of the encouragement of manufactuiers
was, that it congregated large numbers for combina-
tion and conspiracy. He asked if the Meeting of the
16th of August would have taken place, if Manches-
ter had not been a scat of manufactures ? but the
agriculturists were scattered over the country, and
had not the same opportunity to meet in large num-
bers, which seldom happened but at a market or a
fair. Another inconvenience of the manufacturing
system was, that thousands of artizans might he de-
prived of employment by a trifling change in the
article of fashion. Foreign trade also might be
limited or shut up by war or municipal regulations,
against which we had not the right of remonstrance.
As to the origin of the present distress, it did not
commence with the peace, nor was it altogether
• caused by that event. By reference to the Journals•
of the other House, it would be found, that some
years before the termination of the war there had
been petitions front Manchester, complaining of the
depression of trade. But the war had given trade a
false stimulus; it had multiplied wild and visionary
speculation, commencing in delusion, and ending in
disappoititmeat. Though in the public documents
the balance of exports seemed in favour of the coun-
try, yet from part being captured, and part never
sold, and others never paid for, the balance of pay-
ment was really against the country. The Noble
Lord then made some observations upon the Conti-
nental System, spewing how precarious was the source
of wealth which a nation derived from supplying
others with articles of manufacture, as was shewn by
the consequences of Napoleon's blockade. He then
proceeded to eulogise the character and habits of a
population essentially agricultural. Such a popula-
tion was the real basis of the prosperity and power of
a nation. They were also distinguished by their at-
tachment to the laws, their moral feelings, and
Loyalty—and they were, therefore, peculiarly de-
serving of justice and protection. He declared the
Corn Laws to be just and necessary ; but he denied
that they were meant merely as a protection for agri-
culturists, as was falsely and malignantly stated in
A book which he had read with disgust, and which
said that the Corn Bill was a tax on the first neces-
saries of life, laid on by land-owners, in order to
raise their rents. This was false, because the riches
of proprietors did not rise from a high rent, but from
rent, compared with the value of money, the state of
taxation, and other circumstances. The Corn Bill was
so framed, that it protected the country frem all dan-
ger of absolute famine in unfavourable seasons, and
even allowed of such a supply when corn became dear
as would prevent it being at any time excessive.—
Unless there was a protecting duty no corn would
be sown, and then it could not be procured by goods,
which other nations would not take, nor by the pre-
cious metals, which we had not. The Noble Lord
then remarked upon the grievance of the Poor Rates,
the amount of which was, at present, half as much
al:ain as the whole expense of the Civil Establishment
in 1792. lino effectual remedy was devised against
their further increase, the consequence would be that
the produce of lands would be portioned out to the
poor, in conformity with the doctrines of the Spen-
ceans. It was .a great and growing evil, and de-
:minded a remedy. Ile then proceeded to animadvert
upon the conduct of Government, in having, in a
season of -peace and excessive taxation, added three
millions to the burdens of the country, which was
groaning under a load of debt. After a few more
observations relative to the state of the currency, as
:affecting prices, he proceeded to say, that his plan
for the employment of the poor did not contemplate
anyt:.ing merely temporary. It was to afford per.
manent relief, not like the employment on public
roads and public works, it was to furnish them with
the means of settled subsistence, and render them in-
dependent of parochial relief. He was aware that se-
veral plans had been proposed for the permanent
employment of the poor, none of which were satisfac-
tory. This was not exactly the same as any of them.
A Mr. Thornton had an Institution for the manufac-
ture, by the pcor, of certain articles, which might be
possibly applied to the improvement of ‘Vorkhouses.
lie then observed upon the design of cultivating the
waste lands at Dartmoor, and said, that the merit of
a plan of this kind depended upon the applicability
of its principles. It might be said, that what
succeetrender:tl Dartmoor would succeed everywhere
else ; but that argument was, in his apprehension, a
storesequitur. Ile approved of cultivation by the
spade, and he thought a spot of ground would not
be the worse cultivated because the produce was not
to go to a market, but to be consumed by him who
cultivated it. There was another circumstance which
he would mention, namely, that the imprudent mar-
riages of the poor sig;re the result of their present
distressed condition. If the poor man were placed