Star.
London, England, 1821-02-20 00:00:00

r
,Noble Lord opposite, in the course of his speech. I,
bid toec bed upon the Carbonari. He said he did not
moo origin of the Carbonari. He said that secret,
uses were not sufficient co amine to justify.'
; hut if they were not confined to one nay
sys,Dwigrence• but existed in other nations, then that would •
k subject to interfere with the affairs of another
in which a Revolution had been accomplished
i.ltri
coese Secret Societies. He would take leave t.
w• t one fallacy in this position of the Noble
aThe Noble Lord had confounded all through
kists which gave a right to forcible interference, with
shit which gave a right to remonstrance. And one
age against Austria throughout the whole of these
a„„reedings wa-, that she had never told the people
rof iiapies what grievance it was she complained of,
tower asked her to redress it. So far, then, she
vis the aggressor in the rupture with Naples. The
No Earl, however, in the course of his speech,
lode the circumstance of the Carbonari having taken
insole part in the Neapolitan Revolution, to be the
distinguishing feature between it and the Spanish
eemfution. Now he (Lord Holland) had heard that
*Revolution of the Spanish Army was brought
about by the Carbonari. He did not pretend to have
sal good information as the Noble Earl, but he had
heard this. The Noble Earl said, that if the spirit
waded all countries, that was a proof of its illega-
lity, He had perhaps forgotten, when he made that
N,eep• g declaration, that the Protestant Religion
was brought about by the means of Secret Assncia-
signs throughout different parts of Europe. In stating
this circumstance with respect to the Spanish Revo-
beim', be did not mean to say it in disparagement
d it. On the contrary, he thought the seeds and
principles of liberty were so deeply seated in it, that
it was impossible for any lover of liberty, or the wel-
fare and happiness of his fellow.creaturee, not to be
well disposed towards it. And although the Neapo-
litans might not have had those opportunities which
this nation had possessed, of, being acquainted with
that Constitution, and of knowing its beauties, still in
adopting it they were equally unacquainted with any
other. In adverting to the subject of the merit's or
demerits of the Neapolitan Revolution, he could not
help alluding to the Manifesto of Russia on that sib-
jest. It was a strong objection, he thought, to a good
Constitution, and to power well exerted, that it de-
pmded upon the manner in which it was attained.—
It was more strange when it was considered from
whose mouth it came. If the freedom of political
Constitutions was to be objected to, surely the objec-
tifies came but ungracefully from the reigning Em-
peror of Russia, from a Prince reeking with the blood
of own father !—(Hear, hear). A Prince on whom
the Crown of his dominions had devolved by an act
of assassination, was not to be regarded as an oracle
of morality ; nor, unless men were utterly degraded
and brutalized, would they consent to take their no-'
tions of public morality from such a quarter. Yet
we found that the league against Naples was justified
by references to the interests of morality and of reli-
gion. The Emperor of Russia, that Member of the
Holy League—
The Earl of HARROWBY rose to order. Ile
strongly reprehoeded the language used by the Noble
Lord respecting the Sovereign of Russia, or indeed
any Sovereign. It was contrary to every principle
d decency in their proceedings—( Hear, hear).
Lord HOLLAND resumed. He was glad to hear
that speaking of the moral guilt of any one, espe-
cially of a Sovereign, was so indecent. He must say,
that when he was talking of a band of individuals,
who were taking means directly subversiie of the
fuedamental laws of this country, to keep down the
liberty of the world, he thought it strange for the
Lord President of the Council to call to order in that
House a Peer who was expressing his opinion on the
conduct of one of that band, the Czar of the Musco-
vites!—(Hear, hear). arty part a that league do 1
by its pusillanimity, or :by its• temporising conduct, I
admit of the controul of arbitruey power where it has
no just right, then he would not be surprised to see
it sue of the Standing Orders of that House, that the j
conduct of the great Monarch of the North of Eu-
rope must not be touched upon. Re was sorry to
discompose the Noble Earl, but he must state, that
the accession of the present Emperor of Russia was
owing to the murder of his father, and he must say,
that not one, since Peter the Great, had descended
from that Throne without violence being committed
on his person—( Hear hear). He did, therefore, say,
that when he found such a Government not content
with expressing its disapprobation, but chusing to read
lectures to the rest of Europe, it must at least allow
others to speak freely on the subject of its power.—
He should like to know what was the vicinity of Rus-
sia or of Prussia to Naples, that this country was not
equally concerned in it ? It might be contrary to the
orders of that House, but the feeling pervaded the
breast of every Englishman—(Hear, hear).—Another
objection he had to their proceedings, arose from a
retrospective contemplation of what took place at the
commencement of a more bloody and more disastrous
struggle for liberty than ever before had evinced it-
self in the world. He alluded to the French Revo-
lution, at the commencement of which they saw the
same disposition to disclaim interference displayed.
letter of the same nature as the declaration of the
)oreign Secretary, was written to the Empress of
lussia. The Speech from the Throne at that period,
breathed the same anxiety to maintain peace; there'
, was a recommendation for a partial reduction of the
Army, and the same manifestations of a permanent
peace. But in what did it end ? In taking, even-
-I,ltally, 'a part, such as we had not the courage, or
olather the audacity, to avow—(Hear, hear, hear),
Imlineles, certainly, was not so important a Power to
•Itie European system as France, and some persons
*might imagine that an outrage on its independence
therefore comparatively unimportant. But the
Wagon of Naples originated in the same spirit—it
;Vas the offspring. of the same policy which led to the
Alabination ajgainst France. It was, if he might so
•Nfilik, a cab o the same litter; it bare about it all the
. marks of its lineage and extraction:
"Sig eantlins cantos similes, sic matribusilatclos."
Let what might take place under such circumstances,
Obe British people would, thank Goo, still express their
wliminients; nor wet ld their attention be withdrawn
• • or, confused by any of the productions of the Foreign
I`-ligertinent, A Noble Baron, who was somewhat
'''fitriabte in the part he took in that House, had put a
- ingenious question to him, the other day. It
• 111 as, whether he was prepared to go to war? observ-
ing, that if be %vertu% be could not propose to take