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London, England, 1820-05-06 00:00:00

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more than they themselves*vOlontifily .olteretl, being
willing conscientiously to let in the full day-light !
upon these funds, from the first 'ruckus of their for-
mation. It was much better that the Crown should
administer as the Trustee of the People, in this re-
spect, as in every other whet the rights of the people
were concerned. The only other temptation wbich
could induce the Honourable Gentleman to wish for
a change was, the desire of doing away what be
termed the ltAt'remnant of the feudal Government.
He would haVe our system of Government made as
neat and clean as that of the United States, and would
have the functions of 011 - Sovereign quite as unintel-
ligible as those of the Amem ican Peesident. For him-
self, he did not wish to do away any trace of what
was the offspring of the olden time. It was very easy
to make a stipendiary King, and there was only one
step more necessary, to place the Ministers under the
'direct controul of the !louse, who might thus remove
them at pl:sasnre, as they were paid by them. The
'night Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the
Order of the Day far bringing up the Report..
Mr. BROUG I AN' explained, that the Right Hon.
Gentleman must have misapprehended him, or, in
common policy, he would not have so far misrepre-
sented what he had said. He had not supposed that
the Droits occasioned war. No King, nor House of
Commons, would ever be so mad as to go to war for
the sake of Droits of the Admiralty. What he had
said, and what the Right Hon. Gentleman had left
I:l:lunched, was, that the Droits were a temptation to
go to war without proclamation. As to all that the
11;ght. Hon. Gentleman bad said of the Monarch's
physical wants, it was inapplicable. He was for
giving t.e Monarch all that they were for giving,
but is a separate and definite form—( Hear, hear).
Mr. CANNING admitted that the explanation
made the argument quite different; but the refer-
ence to the Smyrna Fleet appeared to him to go a
little farther.
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH now rose to address
the llou.e. He began by stating, that upon any
other occasion than the present he should lave
avoided afering himself to their notice, dreading, as
he did, to come in contact with the forcible and con-
vincing speech of his Honourable Friend,'which was
alike worthy of the Statesman and the Lawyer while
he was no less apprehensive of encountering tie ao-
(pence and ingenuity of his Right Hon. Friend on
the other side. The Honourable and Learned Mem-
ber then proceeded to follow in detail the different
arguments which had been advanced against the
motion, contending that they were not supported by
authority, a;:d that the Right Hon. Gentleman who
spoke last had resorted only to ingenious fallacies.
1::;:.ht Hon. Friend scarcely touched upon the
seat question, which was indeed a very simple one,
namely, whether these funds were really a conve-
nielit source of revenue to the Crown? The ques-
tion was , not whether that revenue should be of a
greater or less amount—(Hear, hear)—but whether
such a source of revenue was honourable to time
Crown, and whether less inconvenience would arise
from continuing than from relinquishing it ? No
doubt a great part of the Droits was voluntarily
ranted by Parliament, and a considerable part of
teem was applied in compensation of meritorious but
irregular captors. It was admitted that these re-
wards were well bestowed, but a question naturally
srar-,r0,0 ested itself, was there no other mode of effecting
the same end ? Did no suspicion attach itself to the
manner in which these compensations had been here-
tofore made? Was it not to be supposed that they were
often given rather through private influence than upon
the general ground of public service?—(Hear, hear).
The present state of things was far from being agree-
able in every quarter. He could speak at least for
one g :Dant body of Englishmen, the Officers of the
Navy, that they would prefer even a diminished
compensation if it were given in another manner, than
a large one, if they had still to seek it through the
channel of private solicitation—(Hear, hear). He
would not say that many who received these rewards
had not earned them ; but were there not also many
who had equal claims, and who were passed by ?
t Hear, hear). It could not be denied, that so long
as the compensations continued to come through this
channel they were liable to abuse. He would ask
this question, whether it could be seriously supposed
that the funds which accrued from the capture of the
Spanish frigates were ranked among the jewels of
the Crown ? Whether it was for the honour of the
Crown, for the dignity of the Royal family to derive
a revenue, even for the purposes of bounty, from
such a source? It was for the House to judge
whether such a revenue was not a disgrace to the
Royal family ; and whether it was not better for that
Family to derive all its income from the affection of
the People, than from an impure source ? which, in
the opinion of able historical writers, has in its ex-
terior, at least, the appearance of being collected by
agents who were little better than pirates !--(Hear).
It had been often said, that the Crown ought to have
the means of bestowing private bounty. But that
was not the question here, the question was as to the
nature and character of the source from which this
revenue was derived ? Fur the first thirty years of
the last reign the Droits of the Admiralty were
comparatively inconsiderable. During twenty years
et the same reign, in the time of war, they produced
rode millions. Now here was no adaptation of the
resources to the object. The resource was fluctuating
the object remained the same. Would it not
be better, therefore, that a permanent compensation
s'iould be made applicable to all cases ? Would it
not be more honourable for the Sovereign to derive
the means of gratifying his liberality or his affec-
tions from the generosity of his people than from
the spoils of his enemies, and they defenceless ene-
%'!'es He would propose that such funds as might
e deemed sufficient for the reward of meritorious
service,, should remain permanently applicable to
t...at object. For these no compensation ought to
be required, nor would he give a compensation
1.-om any other funds than those which were applied
zuthe purposes of private bounty, over which the
Crown exercised a private ownership. These, with
a very little addition, would be found adequate to
supply the means of bounty liberally In making
ins traider the greatest constitutional advantages
would be obtained, which the House would feel, if
it were not dead to all sense of its own privileges.—
It would. remain the painful necessity of exhibiting
the CrOwn as deriving emoluments from the harshest
exercise of the rights of war. Undoubtedly these
maihts were sanctioned by the laws and die practice

of nations but surely such emoluments were more
congenial with the temper of feudal and military
times—times held in so great veneration by his Right
Honourable Friend—than with the liberality and
knowledge of the age in which we lived? It was a
matter of serious consideration, how great a differ-
ence might arise in future times in the produce of
these funds. He was ready to retain everything
necessary for the honour of the Crown, because that
honour was intimately connected with the safety of
the country—(Hear, hear). But, on the other hand,
he was anxious to remove a practice unjustifiable in
itself, still more so as it was rendered a source of re-
venue to the Crown, and as it had been abolished in
other nations. The continuance of prizes he thought,
indeed,essential, and justifiable by the laws of nations;
without them, the country would soon descend from
its station, and ultimately lose its maritime existence.
He would be the last man in the House to sacrifice
any of the just rights of the Nation; but unfortu•
nately they were blended with what was formerly
supposed to be the source of our commercial wealth,
AO is still believed, by the ignorant jealousy of fo-
reigners, to retard their own progress in commerce.
In no other country could a discussion arise upon
the subject that now engaged the attention of the
'douse. No country had such a subject to agitate ;
but to us it came down in the mass of numerous other
Regal claims, from, the time of Richard Hear,'
hear ! )—The House might be assured that these mat-
ters were looked upon abroad as among a confused
and unintelligible assemblage of exercised rights,
which, in the opinion of foreigners, entitled them to
call us the tyrants of the sea—(Hear, hear .I—Upon
the subject of prizes in general, he would observe,
that it was singular, to say the least of it, that the
private property of an enemy on shore was held sa-
cred ; but the moment it was found at sea, it became
the property of the captors !—(Hear, hear !) But the
practical effect of this law was not without its advan-
tage to mankind, as it afforded an inducement to
the cultivation of maritime force, which was that
strength most naturally applicable to national de-
fence and security. Still he would leave the matter
open to whatever degree of reform it might use-
fully undergo in future times. While upon this sub-
ject, he could not avoid observing how frequently
it had been said that one of the purposes, and
of the commendalle purposes, of the Droits of
the Admiralty, was to afford relief to British mer-
chants abroad, who might suffer losses in pro-
perty, in consequence of its seizure by the enemy.
—He believed, indeed, that that purpose was carried
into practical effect with regard to British merchants
in Spain, whose property was violated, and that the
Droits accruing from the Spanish frigates were ap-
plied to that object. But if ever a case existed where
compensation was due, it was in the case of the Bri-
tish merchants in Denmark. It was admitted, even
in the opinions of the advocates and panegyrists .of
the attack on Copenhagen, that that was a case of
samtnuarjus—an act without a parallel in the history
of this or any other country. The Danish Droits, he
believed, amounted to between one and two millions.
The British subjects' losses in property amounted to
about £200,000, so that a tenth part of the Droits
would have compensated the merchants. They ap-
plied for that compensation, bet they applied in vain.
He (Sir J. Mackintosh) had two years ago presented a
Petition from the Merchants of Hull and other places,
who bad suffered in this manner, and the answer given
by the Noble Lord at the head of the Ministry was,
that though there was a precedent in their favour in
the case of the British merchants in Spain, yet that
was a dangerous precedent and not to be pursued.—
The remarkable part of the case was, that the Eng-
lish Government had led its subjects into these losses.
Up to the very last hour, previous to the sailing of
the expedition, Danish ships received their clearances
at British Custom-houses, and it was said received po-
sitive assurances from the officers that they would pro-
ceed unmolested. He did not blame that course of
proceeding. If the expedition was justifiable, secrecy
was necessary ; but when, by the conduct, if not by
the direct acts of the agents of Government they
were lulled into security ; when by an act on the part
of this country, of which, as history could furnish no
parallel, they could have had no suspicion, they were
exposed to plunder and ruin ; if thus suffering they
had received no compensation, he presumed that for
the future that plea for the justification of this fund
Would not be urged by the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman—( Hear, hear).—The division was called for.
Mr. MA RRYATT.—As he could not consent that
the Crown should be left in possession of a revenue
thus uncertain in amount, and thus unjustly derived
from the fruits of triumphs effected by national ex-
penditure, he should vote for the motion.
Mr. W. WYNN observed, that as to the motion
before the House, if the funds in question were to
be kept at the disposal of the Crown without the
revision of Parliament, he should hold it to be the
duty of the House to insist on the production of
accounts from time to time. The funds were not,
however; for the private gratification of the King,
but to be disposed of by him as King of England.
But any compensation which was to be given him,
would be paid into his Privy Purse, and would form
a new burthen on the people. He thought it, there-
fore, the best and the most economical arrangement,
that these fuNds should remain in their present state,
as accounts of them would annually be printed.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT said, thegross invasion of
the property of unoffending individuals, which fur-
nished these branches of the Revenue, induced him
to vote for an arrangement, which would put them
at the disposal of Parliament.
Mr. MACDONALD said if the Civil List could not
be reduced it ought at least to be simplified: he praised
the monarchical system as most congenial with the
character of the people of England. Ile was ready
to do everything necessary for the honour of the
Throne. Splendid let it be in moderation, but not
ostentatiously so. These were moments when some
diminution of the splendour of the Crown was an ac-
cession to its dignity—(Hear).
• Sir ROBERT WILSON, in supporting the motion,
took occasion to condemn the capture of the Spanish
frigates, and the seizure of French vessels, in breach
of the Treaty of Amiens. without any previous de-
claration of war, both these measures being incon-
sistent with our national good faith and honourable
character, and the latter leading to the long impri-
sonment of so many Englishmen in France, while
both contributed to swell the amount of Droits ache
Admiralty.

r • -
Mr. TIEINEI" contended, that hetore the floOse
was ;ailed 'upon to vote the Civil List, they should !
know the whole Imount of the revenues of whiCh the ;
Crown was possessed. Until then; they would be in
the dark. As to compensations to the Crown, he dif-
fered with his Honourable and Learned Friend as to
the necessity of them; but he could not see, if they
were given, how they could add to the public bur-
dens, since it would be only paying horn one fund
what was received in another. The House had al-
ready a rare specimen of what Gentlemen oo the
other side would do; if they carried the Committee.
Of three or four speakers who had given their opi-
nions at some length, not any two agreed in their
plans. They differed from each, and differed amongst
themselves—(Hear, hear I). Ministers proposed to
continue a system, the operation of rs !rich bad been
felt for years. A system which, by long experience,
was well understood; simpler in its detail, and more
easily understood than the newfangled and ill-di-
gested plans suggested to- night--(Hear, hear!).—lt
possessed the advantage of long standing, it was
the antiquated garb, the olden vestment of respect.
able appearance to be preferred to the newly-hatched
garb of modern invention. By long experience,
this system had acquired strength, and it was pre-
cisely the same as it was arranged in 1816, when it
appeared to Parliament to be minus the averaged
expenditure of former years the sum of £150,000.
It was upon the arrangement of 1816. that !Ministers
still proposed to act. He was surprised at the haste
which Gentlethen felt upon the subject now, compared
with their former feelings. He recollected in the last
Parliament he was called upon at a time that the
Session had only to last one fortnight, to bring for-
ward then his Civil List Bill—(Hear, hear). It would
appear by the accounts that £238,000 would be taken
off, from the allowances of 1816, in consequence of
the King's death— ( Hear, hear). So much, there-
fore, would be saved to the Consolidated Fund, from
the comparison of the expenditure of 1816, to the
expenditurc. of the present day. The whole gist of
the objections to the retention of the Droits of the
Admiralty in the hands of the Crown, seemed to be
the temptation which they held out to Ministers to
engage in useless or expensive wars, as being so ready
an instrument in their hands. If Gentlemen would
but have the candour to make the acknowledgment,
they would own that, at least on some occasions.
Government had made a good use of this power.
—ln the celebrated case of 1901, when a war was
thr.:stened with this country, Government, by laying
an embargo on the Danish ships, preverized all the
bad consequences to this country of a ruinous war.—
This measure, which was adopted instead of confis-
cating so many ships, aided by the glorious victory
of Lord Nelson, and the happy change which took
place in the Russian Government by the death of the
Emperor Paul, saved this country from a war, and
the vessels were afterwards restored. The Droits
were originally intended to be applied to the naval_
service. So they had been, for three-fourths of the
Spanish captures were given to the naval service. If'
the object of the motion was to come at the amount
of the Droits, Gentlemen would be quite gratified by
the annual returns of the Droits and Colonial Reve-
nues which were laid regularly before the House.—
Ministers had no objection to continuing these, and
it struck him as a little extraordinary, that now, for
the first time since 1816, an objection should be taken
to them—(Hear, hear, hear).
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that he
had not intended to address the Reuse on the question, had it
not been for some observations of the Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite. The House would see, in the contrariety of opinions of
the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, what good a Committee was likely
to do. Three or four of these lion. Gentlemen lad spoken on
this question, and none of them could be brought to see it in the
same light.—(Hear.)—They all disagreed, not only with this side
of the House, but with themselves. Ministers proposed to con.
tinily a system which had been four years in open Lion, and which
was better understood by experience than any of the new-
fashioned, new-fangled plans of the Gentlemen opposite—(A
laugh.)—lt possessed about it some of the venerable characters
of antiquity. It was framed on a scale of reduction to the
amount of X 150,000 below the expenditure of several years
preceding 1816. The Gentlemen who were Members. of the
last Parliament would recollect that the Right lion. Gentleman
opposite w as not se eager for inquiry at the conclusion of the
last Session, as he proposed to discuss the Civil List in the course
of a fortnight before the dissolution !—(Hear, Hear.)—The plan
now proposed would admit of a saving of .e.:!53,000 over the
Civil List of ISIS, in which there was a reduction of £150,0C0
below the average of some preceding years. This large sum
would be transferred to the. Consolidated Fund. Having said
thus touch on the Civil List, he would snake an observation or
two on the proper object ofthe present motion. The lion. and
Learned Gentleman's objection against the continuance of these
Droits to the Crown was, that it afforded a motive for unne-
cessary wars, and a pretext to those who wished to calumniate
our country. Both these assertions appeared to him (the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer) quite unfounded. Circumstances under
which embargoes took place were subsequently examined, and
if no cause for declaring war occurred, the vessels were re.
stored. This happened in 1901, and be might n mind the
House of what was the conduct of Government at that time.
When a.coaliton was formed amongst the Northern Powers, an
embargo was laid on all Danish, Swedish, and Russian vessels
in our posts. This d*ernment, meanwhile, sought to avoid a
war, and, after a brilliant exploit of Lord Nelson's, at Copen-
hagen, and a happy change in Russia, that calamity was pre-
vented, and the ships were restored. Had the Crown wished
to condemn those vessels, it had nothing to do but to issue a
Declaration of War, and thus prevent their restitution. It ought
likewise to be recollected, when speaking of the Spanish prizes,
that three-fourths of the proceeds of the captured vessels were
given to our seamen. That the amount of this Fund, however,
might be made known to the Public, and the uses to which it
was applied, it was his intention to bring in a Bin for the
purpose of causing a return of its produce and application every
year. A return would likewise be given of the state of these
Funds since 1818.
Sir JOSEPH YORKE asked, whether or not the gallant
Othcer who conducted the Congo and *suctions expedition, had
a pension on the Four and a Half per Cents. The reply to this
question would determine him which way he would give his
vote. ale was always ready to support Government; but,
not having received an answer respecting the Pensions, he
thought it his duty to vote for the Committee—(Hear, Hear.)
Lord A. HAMILTON said, Ministers bad been always
meeting Motions for Inquiry, by saying that the beginning of a
new reign was the time to enquire into the Civil List. He was
at a loss to know to what period. they now proposed to defer it.
Mr. B. BATri VEST complained that the House had been
drawn aside by specious arguments from the real question. The
real object with the originator of the motion, was not to enter-
tain the amount of the Droits of the Admiralty, but to take
them opt of the hands of the Crown, and place them.at the dis-
posal of Parliament—(Hear.)
Mr. BROUGHANI replied. He could not retort
on his opponents the sarcastic remark which the Right
Honourable Gendeman (the Chancellor of the Ex-1
chequer) in his very humourous speech, had /trade onl
those who had spoken on that (the Opposition) side of I
the [Muse ; namely; that they all differed from each
other, and some of them from themselves. The first
part of the sarcasm, at least, he could riot retort, be-
, Cause there had, in fact, been only one speech made •
Olt the opposite side of the- Home; and, therefore,

•••••• . • • • •
•• a •
rudest thit speaker had differed from him Self,
'was no chance of his milking a successful reto,t.-:-
(A laugh). He could not help expressing his reLiet
that the House,. 6n •this occasion, had not had th:
benefit of heating the opinions of those Law Offic'ers,
who were as great an ornament to the Crown as the
Droits themselves!—(a laugh)—and who, •if thty
would do their duty, as he wished to make these
Droits do their's, Would also be of ;peat benefit to
the Country. He had lik.wise to rag rat the abse.tce
of a Learned Gentleman, I.e meant the King's Advo-
cate, who was in the habit of discussing such topics
as those which had been that night under the ctmi-
deration of the House. Bat, perhaps, he should con-
sider it as some compensation for the absence of the
Learned Gentleman, that he was not oneacci by the weight of
his arguments. He had also reason t., I.,nn:nt, that another
Learned and Right Honour-1k: Gentleman (air William Scott)
had not come down to the 11 ,use tiii the d in.te was ended; be-
cause, from his official situaiien, both tetni,oral and yiritual—
for it was well known that the dike of the Learned Judge was
not merely secular-11:s presence would have been a very desir-
able acquisition. The attendance of such individuals gave coun-
tenance and encouragement to those who endeavoured to 'dis-
charge a public duty, even though their arguments would be op-
posed to the object which it was wished to attain. From the
want of such learned hearers, and particularly in consequence of
the absence of the Learned Judge, he had actually been obliged
to suppress a most learned quotation from Vattel—(Laughter),
and who could tell what tho effect of such a quotation might have
been, if the Learned Judge, by his attendance, had given him an
opportunity of introducing it? It was observable, that the
Learned Judge bad now come down just in time to vote !
(Hear, licar,front the Oppositicii benches); but his inveterate judia
cial habits, which had rendered him an ornament to the Bench,
both at home and abroad, and which prevented him from de-
ciding without first hearing, would, there was no doubt, deprive
Ministers of the accession of his vote on the present occasion—
Wear, hew, and laugHerl. The Right Honourable Gentleman
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) bad remarked, that a war
with Russia had been averted by the victory of Lord Nelson at
Copenhagen, and by the happy change which took place in Rus-
sia. Now, he was not disposed to press that argument against
the Right Hotiourable Gentleman, but he was sure, that if be
himself had said so much, he would instantly have been silenced
with the exclamation, " What ! you talk of a change of system,
who call the assassination of Monarchs a happy change!"—(A
lategh). He was sure, from the happy talent for ridicule whiah
a Right Honourable Gentleman opposite possessed, that if he
had made such an application of the event alluded to, he would
have been almost annihilated by this time. The Right Honour-
able Gentleman (Mr. Canning), in reply to that past of his speech
in which he alluded to the prova-ions made for the King of
France, the Stadtholder of Holland. and the President of the
United States; tied displayed his usual dexterity iu detaching
just so much of he argument as he found it convenient to turn
into ridicule:. he had pounced iron the President of the United
States, overlooking entirely the King of France and the Stadt-
holder, and on this basis he bad founded his joke, his sarcasm,
or his argument-a-he' might call it either, tor it was much throne
as the other ; and then follawed a long tirade about sti ipping (ft
the trappings of the Monarch : It had been said that the in-
quirywould occupy a long time, and that thy (the Opposition)
were guilty of inconsistency, because they had formerly wished
to hurry over the settlement of the Civil List in the course of a
fortnight. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, however, mustbe
a greater conjuror than he (Mr. Brougham) ever had reason to
believe him, if he knew that they wished to settle that question
in one fortnight. The fact was, that at the time they wished to
enter into the inquiry, Parliament had six months before it, and
not a :ortnight, as represented by the Right Hon. Gentleman,
(Hairtfroni the C4iposni,ii.)—it had been represented by the Hon.
- Gentleman (Mr. Canning) that be (Mr. Brougham) wished to
make a stipendiary King, with wily as much meat as be could
devour—a Monarch who should live on board wages, and dials
every day at a chop-house !—.(A laugh.)-He denied that such an
inference could fairly be drawn from any seraintents that he hart
uttered, and gome of the expressions were too vulgar for him to
have used. lie had no wish to diminish either the dignity or
the comfort of the Crown ; nay, he would grudge leas £10,003
applied in promoting the Monarch's comfort, than half that stun
to be spent in corruption by the Minister—to be spent in getting
Members into that House, or in keeping them steady when placed
there !—(Hear, Hear, Hear.)—But it was said by the Right Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Canning) and echoed by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, that those whofavouted this inquiry wished to strip
the Monarch of those venerable attributes by which the Throne
should be supported. " What !" exclaimed the Right Hon.
Gentleman, " strip him of the Vicar of the Tower, with his
salary of 235. a-year !—of the Master of the Hawks I—of the
Keeper of the Lions ! and all those venerable appendages !—and
what kind of a Monarch will you leave us?"—(laughter.)--
The Right lion. Gentleman (the chancellor of the Exchequer)
represented it as a great favour to make annual returns is Par.
Lament; but had it escaped she recollection of the Moose that
in 1812 Mr. Per aeval had admitted that such accounts should be
produced? Was it by this pretence of concession that their wits
were to be bewildered, and they were to be cajoled out of their
constitutional jealousy ?—ln conclusion, he called on Parlian suit
to consult the honour and dignity of the People, and then they
would most effectually promote the honour and dignity of the
Crown. The Reign which had commenced would, he trusted,
be long and honourable. Of this he was convinced—that the
more it was grounded on the affections of the People' the moss
permanent and oignified would it be.—(Loud chetTs.)
The House then proceeded to a division, when there appeared,
For the Motion - - - - 155
Against it - - - - - 273
Majority - -
The Report of the Reiolutions respecting the Civil List was
postponed till Monday, and the House adjourned at 12 o'clock.
THE MINORITY
Abercromby, Hn. J. Folkes, Sir Martin Pares, Thom*
Allen, John Gordon, Robert Parnell, Sir H.
Althorp, Viscount Graham, J. R. G. Phillips, G.
Anson, Sir G. Graham, Sandford Phillips, G. jun.
Aubrey, Sir John Grenfell, Pascoe Power, R.
Aka, William Griffiths, John W. Powlett, Hon. Wm.
Benett, John Guise, Sir W. B. Pym, Francis ' •
Bentinck, Lord W. Gurney, Hudson Ricardo, David
Boughton, Rouse Gurney, R. H. Ridley, Sir M. W.
Boughey, Sir S. F. Gaskelf, Benjamin Roberts, A.
Beigrave, Lord Hamilton, Lord A. Roberts, G.
Barham, Joseph F. Harbord, Hen. Ed. Robinson, Sir G.
Barham, J. F. jun. Hervey, D. W. Rowley, Sir Vintage
Baring, Sir T. Heathcote; G. J. liumbold, C. Fa
Bernard, Viscount Heron, Sir R. Russell, Lord G. W.
Barrett, S. M. Hill; Lord. A. Russell, Lord John
Benyon, Benj. Ilobhoase, J. C. Russell, R. G.
Bernal, R. Howard, Hon. W. Rick ford, W.
Birch, Joseph Hornby, Edward Smith, Hon. Robert
Brougham, Henry Honeywood, W. P. Smitheflam.
Bury, Viscount Hughes, Colonel Smith, John ,
Byng, G. 'home, Jos ph Smith, George
Beaumont, T. W. -Hurst, R. Smith, Robert
Bright, Henry Haldimand, W. Smith, William
Cakraft, John Jervoise, G. P. &arlett, J.
Calcraft, J. H. Kennedy, J. F. Scudamore
Campbell, Hon. J. La:oton, J. G. Sefton, Earl of
Chaniberliyne,'W. Lemon, Sir W. Stanley, Lord
Carter, John Lushivgton; Steph. Stuart, Lord James
(iaivendish, Lord.G. Langston, J. 11. Sykes, Dan.
Cavendish, Hon. IL Lloyd, I'. J. Spuraier, C. IL
Clifford, A. Muckintosh„Sir J. Scott, J.
Clifton, Lord Mattocks, W. A. Tavistock, Marquis of
Cake, T. W. AlartiO, Ma Taylor, M. A.
Colborne, N. R. J. Milbanke, Mark Taylor, C. W.
Coocannou, Lord Mildmay, S. P. Tierney, Rt. Hon.G.
Canuannakere ijeQrife Milton, Viscouct., Treniayne, J. H.
Crompton' Samuel Monck, J. B. . Townsend, Lord C.
Calvert, Nicholas Moore, Peter Watre, J. Ashtey •
DeCreapigq, Sir .'Moore, Abraham • Wetil;' Edward
'levies* T. lje: -Meitsse Sr T.. Western, C. C.
Woman. Thomas Maberley, John Whitbread,
.11undas, Charles ltriaberley, J. j,. Whitbread, Se.C.
j Duncaunoa,Viscisint Maetig, Wilkins, Woo"
Evans, William'. MahOsi; on: & Williarne,
Nike, Edward Neeiilft“lon. R. • • Wl:liarts,"Wllltain
I' erilVior a Sir R. 'Ca Noisome'''. R. W. . • Wumarnii, grit
Fipigeraid., Lord W. Jsievepoeta sir-Hown
Fitzroy, Loie(J: -Ntrpord Woc4, Alderman
•Folhesiaa, Viicirunt Ord,
Frankland, H. Osborne, Lord V. means.
Ferranti, Robert Ossulaton, Viscount siesati, has, a f
Findlay, K. Palmer, C. F. ) neald, James
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