Star.
London, England, 1829-03-07 00:00:00

•
(Hear, bear). •He did not eulogise the Catholic Asia
1-ciatieir, fit from it ; buttmastfitseh as it represented the,
penM of behind, ,At would telisU been danoeicitis,
e possible, to put it clou n. It fens'ssiat,that Emancipi-
noursoold noly 'begat tbeltigher tlasoes in Ireland; ,
.but the Petitioas on the table of the House fully
tebisited -snail "an asses lino. It was tharjed ag inst
the Roman Catholic, that his religion unfitted hint for
tr.edom ; but that he denied, f r no men had been
moie,loyallo the Sovereign of these realms—(Hear).
rhe Hon•Mensivel f r Oxford said, last tight, that they •
were not 1.1 .ced in the alternative of conces , or civil
war. But that be det.it d. T u , the army 01 England
might have solids d the people of Ireland—the sword
might have aept them dowit ; but still, would not th
evil exist in as great—aye, a greater degree of aggra-
vation than ever? Were the PI otebtAi is of Ireland for
ever to be art eyed in armed hostility against tile Catho-
.ics? Could any 'Statesman consent to such a coupe?
He denied it. A civil war could be raised in Ireland
as it had been thirty years ago; but the necessity for a
settlement, it was said, was not now so great as to jus-
tify concession. Why, what degoe of necessity would
they have? He wished to have the country rescued
from the triple curse of a civil war—a bloody war—
and above ail, a war of religion and religious bigotry.
the Hon. Memb r for Oxford had also found fault with
the Make of Wellington ; he had almost gone the length
of censuring his conduct, because forsooth he was said
not to have the atmoral courage" of using 6' moral
force" to coerce the people of Ireland. It was also said
that he who was accustomed to command and to vic•
ory should not ha• e flinched from the performance
of such a duty. And with what a grace did that come
bona the H .n. Member for Oxford, who was never ac-
cu.tonied to command or conquer? Ht., a civilian,
would use " moral from," *hole the Duke of Welling-
ton, nursed in victory, went on with the peaceable
work of settlement and concession—(Hear). The
Honourable Member for (Mod and others also said
that the proposed measure wou'et be a revolution of the
Constitution as established in 1688. For that Consti-
tution he felt a most mysterious reverence, but he d
nied that any of its great fundamental principles would
be invaded by granting concession to the Catholics. He
fully agreed with the wise and eloquent observations of
Gallant OtScet (Sir G. Murray). that he would not
look fir the British Cottonton n, either to that Act or
the Bill of Rights merely, but to the affection of the
people for their religion, and the affection of all classes
of His Majesty's subjects to the teal interest of the
State. But even if tile question were placed upon
he narrower ground of the Act of 1688, be still
could fully justify the proposed measure. The
exclusion of Catholics horn Parliament was not
a fundamental part of that Act, neither was it
of the Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights stated a
grievance. and prescribed a remedy. and it further
secured the .uccession of a Protestant Crown. Neither
A t, however, should be looked at with the lynx-eye of
su-picion or exclusion. The firs', the great. the inclis•
'movable object of those Acts was, to preserve iheThrone
om the invasion of Po, ery ; as to all the re.t it was
nothing but mere machinery, and so every man of sense
•mtto at this day consider it. It was also said that the
King must make the declaration contained in the 30th
Charles 11. Very true and that strengthened his (Mr.
C. Grant's) opinion. If Catholic exclusion were con-
oidesed as necessary as the Protestantism of the Throne,
would no provision then have been made for it ?
When they said, if the King became a Catholic or mar-
ried a Catholic, he should be excluded from the Throne,
and the allegiance • f the subject dissolved, it would
have been just as easy as it would have been inevitable
to say, that when Roman Catholics became Members of
Parliament the allegia ice was dissolved. This, how-
ever, he believed was only the modern comment on the
Bill of Rights, for be was aware that at present there
were those who maintained that the subject weuld be
absolved from his allegiance to the State the moment a
RootatiCatholic should enter the House of Commons. He
would not enter upon the perilous question of when the
allegiance of the subject was dissolved, but he certainly
would not be guided by those who,in modern days,under
the name of Brusaswic ker., boast their exclusive loyalty.
and presume to point out the approaching period as dia.
solving that allegiance, at the veiy time they declare
their hostility to their fellow subjects for holding what
they seem a divided allegiance-o(Hear). If the principle
of escluaion could not be found in the Bill of Rights
to be a part of the Constitution, where, he would
ask, could it be discovered ? or was it consistent with
the, sentiments of all the great authors, from Bacon
•eatsin to Burke, who all declared that the British
Constitution is not an exclusive one ? WO regard
to the Act the SOtb of Charles the Second, he would
only say that it related to one of the most Gala-
tuition periods of our history, and that every true
friend of his country would wish to see it blotted
oat from the page, or that it should remain solely as a
warning to future ages. He would beg leave to con-
gratulate the House on the measures which his Ma.
jesty's Ministers were about to introduce. He rejoiced
to see this Bill a part of the labours of the present Par-
liament.. He could not express the delight with which
he had listened to his Right Hoe. Friend calling upon
the House to emancip ice the Roman Catholics. He
considered it a great day for the cc unity. It was a great
day for Ireland—it was a great day for his Right Hon.
Friend—(Hear). The speech of his Right Honourable
Fiend was worthy of the cause which he supported
—ot the course be had adopted—of the principles on
which the measure was founded. He (Mr. Grant) re-
garded the Bill about to be introduced as an act ot li-
berality—an act of generosity—and as an act of justice
done in a spirit which gave to it all the grace of a fa-
vour-(Hear). There were one or two points, perhaps,
which might be open to observation and objection, but
the character of the Bill, in b.s opinion, did not rest on
those points; he looked to the principles of the men-
sure—he contested his hopes and expectations were most
sanguine es to the effect which would be produced by it.
A noble LordiChandos) had declared that he thought
the.securities to be introduced in the proposed measure
vietegood for nothing. In his (Mr. Grant's) opinion the
measure did not rely on those securities so much as on its
own eioential priocipleat did hot depend ouanycollateral
measure, or on any artificial devices,. but on its own
solnitantial strength; and this was the main groend•on
which he approved of the measure. Let it not be un-
derstood, however, that he meant to leave the Britioh
kingdom, its state,. and its constitution, without secu-
rities !It bad r flea been said, and it could not be too
often•repeated, for, no doubt, serious and sincere alarm
*tided in the mind.' of;inany persons on the subject,
that chile, was already sufficient security for the Pro.
lament Constitution and Chereh, though not connected
arith the- present eiseasore That this security existed
'Was psoyed by.the exertions made to tea* thit
Ind much, of this exertion, no doubt, was monacienaiously,
Modeoollioari tamp- •It was the • best evidence,. howa
ewer, of -the afketion. Mt by the Protest* popula-
tion of: tbe taiiiitry• tow/Ards the estalslisli/4 cberah,
l'be feelings a the Nobility, the Gentry, and thetyeo-
plenty of Ragland were decidedly in favour of the

stablisbed.Church Land all lhoso-sfics'es. were opite4
heart and hand agaisisrthe efforts-4 the UoistatiXasho.
64444. Now, this. was tiff reasecurify.
;people of this ci untry Wire fsnd layout of 't.•e
emisth of this country, what bas theririlikilis Bill
couldwhidt affect Ilsa.sectoity.44-tha .est..blishowowt?

anything in the prnpnsesl
molar., likely, even kr a small degree, to endanger
the security.ot the Protestant establishment,
much is:
he approved cf its principle, he should, for one, fell
rte his duty to resist it., He conceived, floweret
chit the security if the Established Church did not
depend upon such barriers as could be tai ed by
legislative enactments. Its security depended ou
its essential principles—on its doctrines—on its put
on the zeal and energy of those who ministered at its
altars; but, above all, on the strong hold which it had
on the hearts and affections, of the people (Hear, hear).
By cheerfully assenting to extend to the Roman Cacho.
I,cs the privileges which they enjoyed themselves, the
Piot• stints of this country would act an example of one
of the most ennobling virtue, charity, which was the
ebbeliCe of Protestantism. Far his own part, he looked
f r securities in the affections not only of the people
of this country, but more particularly of the people of
Ireland. There would now be a united kingdom. The
feelings of seven mitlions would be turned towards this
country alter a Itrig night of oppression, and the minds
of the Irish would be relieved from the unjust domina-
tion of their priests, who were by turns tyrants and slaves.
The Protestant establishment would find its security in
the rank and talents, and wealth, and aristocracy of this
country. It would find still mote security in the opi-
nions and feelings of the people of this country being
faiourable to and in accordance with it; and if it
wanted additional strength, it would find it in the moral
influence of every part of Europe. This, after all, was
the security on which the Established Church and the
British Constitution rested, and not upon Acts of Par-
liament, or upon principles of exclusion.—(flear, hear.)
Its own worth, and intrinsic value, was the strength, as
it was the spirit and essence of the Constitution. He
confessed be was most sanguine as to the result of
ihe proposed measure. He trusted that his antici
potions would net be disappointed. He had no doubt
that the measure would be favourably received in that.,
House, and in the country ; and that it would be re.'
ceived in Ireland in the same spirit in which it *lb
proposed. 11 he had any influence on the people of
Ireland he should conjure them to receive the measure
as a boon which had been long solicited, but which was.
at length granted in a generous and noble spirit. He
war sure the measure would be thus received in Ireland,
and that the day the Bill mdse.' the Royal Assent
would befOr ever remembered in that country at their
solemn meeting's, and in their hours of conviviality,and
that it would be rem mbesed, not as the signal cif dis-
union and discord, but as the pledge of tranquillity on
the one hand, and of protection on the other—(Cheers).
Mr. V. STUART obsested. that the propositions of
M rosters divided themselves into three branchei: the
first regarded the main concessions, which he maim say
iiad been so largely and liberally made; the second re-
lated to the securities; to which he thought no reasonable
Protestant could object ; and the third was on the sub-
ject of the elective franchise. Against the last measure
i.e must protest; but his opposition to it should not be
of a factious character—for he would do nothing on
'earth that should endanger the cat rying of the general
measures—(Hear, hear). As to what had been said
against the concessions, and after what Ministers had
declared, could it be thought that Ireland was to be
governed. and resistance to the claims maintained, by
brute force and constant blood shedding? That
would only create hatred and a yearning to get rid of
the yoke. The majority of the Protestants of Ireland were
fa concession and adjustment. At present they watt
surrounded by an almost mins* Catholic porde.
lion ; and who would be compelled to rely on an and.
national force, if it could continue to be maintained, for
security to themselves and their property ? This state
of beings brought the Protestants and the Catholics into
'most alarming collisions; and the Protestants vie*
compelled to see the constant propessof alienation on
the part of the Catholics. The Protestant proprietors
became, as it were, strangers in tteir own land. To
imagine that things could so continue would be to lull
themselves into a dream. from which they might be
I awakened only to see their own folly in the ruin of the
'empire. Those dangers were the result of placing the
interests of one class in direct opposition to those of
another. These grievances, however, would now be
removed. The course was clear; let them rally round
he Sovereign and his Ministers as one man, to pomace
the uni-n of the empire, peace, amity. and concord.
Mr. DICKENSON said, when he recollected what
had occurred during the rebellit n in Leland, he could
not avoid being friendly to any measure which would
secure tranquillity. But when be recollected the scenes
which then occurred, be could not give his consent to a
measure which went to sanction all those scenes which
disgraced Ireland at the period alluded to. If the rhea-
•u e passed the House, would the Catholics emend the
same toleration towards us ?—(Hear, hear).
Mr. LIDDELL felt it his duty to declare that he
iapproyed of the Bid, and from the beginning to the end
of the plan which the Right Honourable Secretary had
proposed, he should give it hii warm approbation. He
not only approved of the measure, but the manner is
which it was brought forward. The Hon. Gentleman
adverted to the speech of the Honourable and Gallas*
Officer (Sir G. Murray), which he highly approved of
for the mild and conciliatory terms employed when op.
posing the arguments of the Member for the Univet sit,
of Oxford, who, in speaking of the force used by nAi•
tary men, had denominated it "brute force." With
respect to the question of petitioning, he thought this
was the time when the right ought to be allowed. He
referred to a speeelrof Lord Chatham, upon the sublets
of the resistance made by America, in which that Nubia
Lord expressed his satisfaction that.theyisad resisted.;
for, he said, the Government bad drisea them to it by
their measures. jrhis speech, *Wails sestaNdis, might•
be applied to the state Id Ireland.
Mr. BROUGHAM and another Member rose toge-
ther, but the latter gave way., I can amuse the Hon.
Member that I shall not stand many minutes between.
lidos and the House. Ido hot rise to debate the gees.
lion, or to offer any answer to the thousand times re-
futed arguments against Concession, but principally t.
'spins toy sincere and unqualified approbation of tht
measure, as a whole, propounded. by Ministers. It gob
die full length that any reasonable Man ever did, or
thler can demand; it does equal justice to his Majesty's
Roman Catholic subjects-4i puts as end to ail liti-
gious distinctions-4c Itzturinittates all civil disqualis
-feationg. on account oflellgiotii belief. It is simple
and efficacioos, clogged pith nu exceptions, unless
stleti as Alen stbe moat suralous. of she Catholics thaw
melees must admit to be of necessity parcel of the trea-
itote:' InitneerbetV it to me a. it did when 1
!tit heard it "priiyuseitoi. subsequent refloc. dais
Ify opium is ca sf:lrfej,lts* far air any toolbars 111
the Legislature can do so, to proclaim through the
Kingell dominions, that religious discord shalt be nt

rl

.)••.

MGM I now come to the cf..clara:4.r. vi.",.• • .
-lave a -little
wid require from Roman Cethol• .:.; ..:,. :). • tiatile•a 13.1 l to sup
:become Members ot this House. am; '7 !•• • -
• • 11:11, grautmg - Cads,.
iholic Peels sitting in the of -er Hi•i.,t
.• :. •••• ..
c mpact with the Cal
I pillh this declaration p rfectly c- n, . e•- -. • ..
.. ,
plc ni England gain
4.l"ei!", . ......4 ..I**Wees, "kin -14tcw.., t-'1.2.1.tt 11-o••77'e .!•,•:. Jr it vi,' The settlement
'ortinilit be requirai from members rf Parilar.,....• 4.1, ce,tors io be iss pen,
far, as it is borrowed from"! Sfriolat'.'',clan: .-in in • ...dot to be given away
the "Act of 11st Sessinsi fur reprinbrig ani•-iiiii"-ini. J 'VIA settlement was t)
Corporation Act, 1 'see no "tactics* Or it), but th•rugh : " ihe CatbolicAssc
it is .apilicahle to that -case, it doeS "n•u appear to • •of more than terapor
me that it can..be .required with per ect consistency going to bre.k itt iii
and propriety •fom "a Member of Parliament. That. of 1688. f..r die pus
and alui the Drairitinu to be taken by. Privy Conn. ' %Ince with Vie Catholl
calms, gequi•es", it *seems to me, further con ideiat 0n.... recommended to take
in the negative part, I mean. Possibly, on fusilier:se. • Irelissid'into consider
(faction, I may alter My' opinion; but, on heating them ' it Minted without s,
read last night, 1 thought of th,ns as.l have now stated. - be •;fforded f,r its full
'1 trust they will have the best at ention in the Com. pressing' of the opitsio
mittee. Passing over the rest of this measure, I come Impg:ottani than any tl
to the xecond Bill, in which it was proposed to mole •rsiie.,t since the: iccessii
with the glen measure of relief one of those expedients
wh cli;in 1825, were offered at that time if urgocidii..n , bad just sat down, 1
as one of the securities. I allude
.t-i the disfranchise- *void sot eitahil,h
ment of the forty shilling freeholders. I was then op. waited with ai.ciery ti
posed to anymeasurt of this dews iption t and I can well the measure- he had
conceive that, if•it lifffellOt united With the larger mei. shame the measure of
sure, es it is a fir more sweeping measure of di franchise.. twill, tranquillise '
ment than that of 1825, It would be'a master of setionn
.anxiety, but had ex)
objection. I will not disguise my opinion, that tor my.
self it would be in that case a matter of all btt invin.:
said the Catholiteosphaardtt'
cible reluctance. Bien if it had not been altered, my
opinion of the lesser measure of 1825 (as I was one'of
those who opposed it) might well and in petfect eons
sistency have been charged on me as a reason for not
forming a favourable opinion of this measure; but I . .glvibCattysunheorlatanhn:fhoydbisecrsysiethlniaciafieuNteriri—ttilihy;yfeebitiuiti4l
asd Church,i weree.ihte
4security would
look to the whole of these measures-;-(Cheers). If the
question is put to me, why do you vote for the dii.
traachitement of the forty shilling freeholders? I
say,• If question is put to me separately, singly,
or apart, it ought to be weighed on its ovin grounds, . ,
~:th:eldepelamioeserapileyw.fdeivwtiheoeri,dagi
and on its own grounds it should be answered; and heart in.pronsatini
and then my answer is, Na, But that is not the goes.
tion in the present ease. Hive it is pot in connection. - . dissensions by which th'
with a far more difficult and complex question; and if • sided, would make m
it is so-put to me, and lam practically respired to vote ce,sity of his nature, al
upon the subject, I* then ask, shall I take on opt* logs of humanity. He i
the responsibility—shall I take on myself—data 1 lake • bet In Oxford.(Bir R.
on myself, even the smallest share of t'le •tremendoes . present state of the Chl
responsibility of saying to Ireland, " Yourlast chance to religious feeling?
of peace, of tranquillity; and r f safety, is gone ; fur ligion, which was eh;
these two measures ate inseparably connected together, heart, and was prelim
and I will vote against one of them ?"—(Cheets). The Clergy de-cende,
From that responsibility, even from my small share of ) stbuld preach peace,
it, I freely confess Ido shrink.—(Great cheering). I flamed people, and prk
I am not ashamed 40 confess it, for kis a responsibility means by which they t
which m ght well appal the stoutest heart, and shalt- preserve tranquility in)
•• •
the soundest judgment. Ido therefore, As:the priii,as. lend, if he had any pair
the all but most extravagant price, of this inestimable, . countrymen rather tf
-good, consent to give it; not only is it inestimable tiri' . tell the Honourable- (.
the blessings it will produce, but it has always beets if that of Ireland dtodenf
the highest expediency and strictest justice, 'and halt w
.griant a tin theo wti,be: •
. . - - - - • -r . •
W.

Arras, _
now become of overwhelming necessity. That ptical, -if I, ishmers, Ilik is
.
for one. say lam willing to pay.—The Honturable and : .*`..,. dancy safiftb• had so
Learned Gentleman sat down amidst the general chess. I (Hear). They say the
ing of the House. be broken in upon,•
Mr. FYNES CLINTON said he thought it was a bad _ben practically j
question which should be answered by the step f r• • ..-Ti ascendancy whi
porters of the present measure, whether k wet likely''
~.„gbiset of one that is dept
to put an end to the distractions in Ireland, or only to in their imaginations.
entail on as other struggles more ruinous than those • mks to give power 'to
from which we escape ? The measure was brought Oh., Mould tell then) chit poi
ward by Minister's not as an act of grace. but loscad ow • Catholics of Ireland pia,
them by necessity. He did not accuse them of acting ' though not non to be RI
under fear in any disgraceful sense of the word; both. sion had been made to'
coast say the measure was forced' on them by the Ca. 'yeshtl.made it, were we to
*die Association ; and they resort to it with their eyes hellion, or enlist it in y(
open to all the evils they always thought and still think bate to the security and
mast ensue from it to the Established Church—(Hear). Empire? Every parr
He could not conceive how any measure could con. . Human who spoke last ,
Mance under less hippy auspices, as it was forced from , land, but most when he
a teluctant Government.. Did it augur well to see his price of putting down
. A
Majesty's Government consenting to purchase a respite would tell him that
by yielding to claims they bad long resisted ?—(Heat), never appear, and yet
The effect of.the measure would be to give power to ' the land. The courts
the Catholics to struggle for ulterior objects. He could . of agitation. A father)
n,4 expect shat the present concessions, unlimited as seduction of his daughr
and agitates the whole c•
they were. would satisfy their desires. Would they •
satisfy the Catholic ptiesshood ? Was it in human of bail or refuses to -
nature that after having excited all their power to pro. ..s he may be wrong ;in MI
cure concessions from the people, and gained so muds ' The chapel must be
from them, they should have no wishes Mr themselves, . sill pint with one :
and would quietly c•insent to leave the revenues of the with the other •to .the
church in the hands of the Protestant clergy ? - Were - :
. isibenegm:ecfnyleivp.oiraoren.vihiado,/thy
she Sod
they less likely, when those concessions .were granted,
to exert their beamed. us power for thewelees ?-.-
These could be no security but in their own moderation : • law-..(Hear, hear). Br,
this measure provided none. The Right Hon. Member for , into. that House, plant
Inverness (Mr. C. Giant) had congratulated the .House - haunt lrish beano, es,
Ica
'that the measure was brought forward without any .. flail, of abicb they
artificial securities. He had that Right Hooeurable
itelluti°a
of
Gentlema opinion. and the Learned Gentleman's opi-
legislate inall 68
le
frhoej
Mon (Mr; Brougham) in support. -of his own, that this who
pror
Gentlemanreligious people
Measure contains no securities, though securities Wills t Devil read Saipture—(Hi
Established Church had been recommended by his th• • no cause to complain of r
jest,. The office of Lord Lieutenant i f Ireland, and 1 . measure was ever more
61 Lord Chancellor, were not tn.be filled by Cetbalici, complaint showed them
because they had the disposal of church patronage; bat ihe signs of the times. Tin
the First Lord of the Treasury, who recommended the in Mrs. Thrale's ',Ducal
appoiotinent of Bishops and other. Church dignitaries, et the approach of death,
might be a Catholic. The Right Hont.wable Gentleman i sod Mine, and let". whit
(Mr. Peel) had certainly stated that if a Catholic held They appeared to be like
an (Ace with Church patronage that he should tot ex. . who would net be persoadi
excise that patronage; but did he mean that he shoeddead. He thought the N,
ant appoint ? or did be also mean that be ;bald Government, and the RI
not recommend an appointment in the Church? l'he achieved the noblest of vice
themselves to the gratitude
exceptions in the Bill were-quite sufficient as a badge
The Earl of TASHI,'
Ind mask, to tell the Catholics that they were inferior
*sole
to Protestants and nottrust worthy, but quite insufficiest speech of tne Ri4
for effectual security.-- Insignificant as they Were ad. h ' sighs,
not L,_., "_,..ichMdelned. le
silted to be, it wet evident that danger from coon"
In.aisc.th'irstitiHyt7:}rossulitahe.aeleseci_rnpit:grtioretvienteteitastc7tecyarithataecid
Ea was apprehended byMtnisters. otherwise, why set
to *the Calholits, we know you iie entirely wonky:et iholic:-
trust? He was con6ensed in this view of the subject by
the Right Hon Secietary himself, who stated Rat fir
. risos4lasted the manly firm
phaticaily, that though he bad altered his coarse be bad
not changed his opiiloas. The Right Hoo.Gentlems"
said, in effect," let tbe danger come—let eggnog thud
Gentleman had a.vo
be. though forming
iel
eoncessi,n. and then we shall come to the contest with Me.Cannina, osed to 0
Mar PuiSl. W 0441.
additional strength." It did not appear to hint to
maintainP" csief my sae lentim
wise, when a contest was impending, to trust power i Reuse of our Protestant Co
is the bands of those with whom we should haute
oaf -chow,- k ssesaid be. 4,,,
contend. He did not 'regard the Revolution of 101 ~. whom ,i i•giffito i '
as fOrming the British Constitution, but as perinea.* c• elr •Pf. Art 414e-cod:6iii.i
A mid crowning it. The Bill of Rights did not esclolr e.1.111..,...tb , •
C Crest'', nes
Catholics limn Parliament; but, looking at the whale itsionilli elicited toa and, t
rircoawitances, be thought it was meant, that Puha' I nee.., wh hi row r"
,list
illeet ihnold be eiclusively Protestant. Tne Bill es' .a. ;-- -- • . ,
'i.e.,' scs.4agsp g old that tel
el
. IF
..,ii,l .81 issen toeliesi-oss t:
'Hided Catholic• frons the Throoe nod they were sa.
.
.used from Parlysoient Wine. The Bill did oatmeal . lecolection 44 or goi.ere u.
tir
' Put a Protestant on the Tlatone and surround blob?.
einennowlehi ch arictettie
,toolic councillors. The Right Hon. Go deau satiGtjaWairi alup Mod,
a senstied•that the measure-did breet in on the bettle4 'in ae deleh, eof 'a
• Psote;
,ant of 1638. but his reason was that the p wilt ' the Ito ,it, ,g, which ha,
:ce :icy was such that they must at all bemuse k

.
-lave a little pre
flame-A 13.11 to supp
•• (1:11, gratitmg Canal.
C mpact with the CA
.hErnegtum
ncl
iegaeinn
ce,tors to be st, per
• 'not to be given away
settlement was t
•the CatKolicAssociati
• of mote than terapor
going to bre.k in up.
of 1638. for the pu
• tiece with vie Cathol
tecommetided to tak
• Irelisdeinto consider
• tiodueed without su •
be 4fforded fn- its fui
pre,sinii of the 001110
Impg:ottani than any t
Ime.,t since the: iccessi
'Mt. NORTH said,
had just sat down,
*void t.nt eitahlid;
waited with at.ziety
the wahine- he had
shame the measure of
• tually tranquillise I
.ensiety, but had ex.
mint, for the Hon. e
lame and impotent c.
said the Cstholies had
save no security; but
• with any security ? H
Church by all the fedi
bits of his life—by ti
and if we were to part
Chalks he would as
Bb.t. eras -it a security t
and misery of the peo.
the people divided, a
and heart in.promotin
, •
•Ate measure would g
. dissensions by which th
• sided, would auks m
ce-sity of his nature,
logs of honianity. He
• btr far OxfordOir It.
present state of the Ch
to religious feeling?
ligion, which was eh•
heart, and was prepare
The Clergy de-cende •
) preach peace, t.
flamed people, and pm
means by which they
preserve tranquillity in
land, if he had any pas .
countrymen lather th
' tell the Horinurable G
that of Ireland etrefd-
pOontry optic gtthe; •
,1• • •
„ of Fishiest!, but in th
danc y wiAtts• h.td so
. (Hear). They say the.
be broken in upon,•
had Siren practictly
a • --The ascendancy whic
r •
44.10144 t of one that is depa
in their imaginations.
. mils to Ore "power 'to
would tell them that po
• • Catholics of Ireland poi
• though not now to be g
• Ilion had been made to b
• 7wheanade it. were we to
; - bellion, or enlist it in yo
bate to the security and .
empire? Every part .
tleman who spoke last is
. , .
land, but most when he
price of putting down t
t I would tell him that •the
never appear, and yet .
• the land. The courts .
of agitation. A. father
seduction of his daught
and agitates the whole c
of bail or refuses to acce
he may be wrong ; in sit
, The chapel must be o
will paint with one ban
r with the other •to •the
it • ing—(flear, hear). The
tenacity provided by the
• . tbebenevolence of the So
• law-.(Hear, hear). Br
r Into- that House, plant •
. Infant Irish branctes, a
fruit. of which they
Revolution of 1688 prow
legislate in all cases for
• religious people who thou
Devil read Saipture—(H
no cause to complain of b
I measure was ever more
complaint showed themes
ills signs of the times. Th
In Mrs. Thrale's" Three
et the approach of death.
and Nine, and lame. whi
They appeared to be like
I 1
who would se be pursued
Iliad. He thought the N.
Government, and the R
*thieved the noblest of vict
themselves to the gratitude
The Earl of MEM
itholv aped) Of too •
• sight. which oceopied t.