Star.
London, England, 1829-09-19 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

PARIS, Wasotaso.ty Evaanto.
Up to this hour there is no further arrival to the French Go-
vernment from Constantinople. Ministers talk with less confidence
of the satisfactory termination of affairs in the East. They feel,
however, that their own existence depends on it.
I have nothing to add to what I have already stated as to public
opinion here. Within a very few days the Ministry must resign
or adopt rigorous measures. It was hoped by them that the vio-
lence of the liberal journals would gradually lose its piquancy and
effect, but they find the contrary ; they have no alternative be-
tween the exercise of arbitrary power and resignation.
The funds are languid. The jobbers know not whit to expect,
and do nothing. This afternoon the price of the five per Cents. is
lOU. Sc. to a centime the same as it was yesterday; three per
Cents. 811. Sc.; Neapolitan, 81 t. 50c. ; Spanish Royal Loan, 491,
nominal quotation.
From the Messager des Chambres (Second Edition).
MILAN, San. 5.
The Austrians, not content with preventing the Italians from
meeting together, and with shutting their mouths, now wish to
enchain their thoughts. The Governor of Milan has just delivered
to the Inqulsitors the following secret Note :
" We, Governor of Milan, &c.
" Having been informed, by persons in whom we can place
confidence, and who are worthy of belief, that evil.disposed and
suspected men make use of signs to communicate their projects, on
the public walks. in the theatres, and even in the ministerial offices,
under the eyes of authority, we invite you to seek secretly, and
with all possible precaution, to discover the signification of these
signs,which appear to announce a secret plot against the Govern-
ment. In order to enable you to attain this object, we inform
you that all sums which you may expend to discover the object of
this diabolical cabal will be reimbursed, and that a liberal reward
will be bestowed upon your zealous services."
MADRID, San. 8.
The King and the Infants yesterday left San Ddefonso for the
Escurial. At the end of about an hour a pan of the harness gave
way, and the coach fell forward. The violence of the fall caused
the bead of the King to strike against the glass and inflicted a
wound in his forehead, which bled copiously. This accident, how-
ever. has caused no alteration in the health of his Majesty.

BERNE, Sam 8.
By a decree of the Landaman of the Canton of Tessin, it is for•
bidden to insert in any public paper articles containing expressions
contrary to the respect due to foreign Powers allied to the Swiss
Confederation, or reflecting upon the Government or Magistracy.
The same prohibition extends to publications of every description.
We are assured, upon good authority, that the Council of Mi-
nisters. after long discussions, have resolved on the following mea-
sums, by Ordonnances :-Ist. That the Chamber of Deputies shall
receive an augmentation of 200 members. 2dly. That the election
of these WO members should be with the Counclh-General of De-
partments. 3dly. That the new Deputies should form part of the
present Chamber, which, consequently, would not be dissolved.
They write from Marseilles, under date of Sept. 9 :—" It ap-
pears from the latest news from Tripoli, that we are going to war
with that Regency. What is said on this subject is not much to
the credit of our Consul."
They write from Paris, says the Amateur de Lyon, that M.
Simonet, chief of the Bureau of the Mayoralty, and charged with
the formation of the Electoral Lists, is now at Paris. It Is pre-
sumed that a clerk from each of the principal Mayoralties has also
been ordered to Paris.
From Le Globe of Wednesday.
THE BRITTANY ASSOCIATION, AND THE REFUSAL

TO PAY THE TAXES.
Ever since the acceedes of the present Ministry, all France has
said " they are ominous men, and they can have no other than de-
testable projects." Their writers talk of nothing but of a power
superior to the Charter—of a constituent power vested in die hands
of the King—they affect to despise parliamentary majorities, and
think that decisions by ballot are very humorous and ridiculous
things. Not content with this, they invoke arbitrary power as a
supreme law of safety. Behind these turbulent words, a stillmore
violent party is concealed. supported by armed congregations and
insurgents, disciplined and organised by M. de is &casket. What
dues this presage, if not a war against the charter? How can we
resist and defend it ?If they should lay their bands upon it—if, by
means of sophistry,they should do away with the electoral law by or-
doenance, and procure, by the same violent measures as in 1815. an
illegal and revolutionary Chamber, what means of safety will re-
main to us? Must we have recourse to force and to insurrection, and
risk at once our peace and the Throne, the public wealth and the
dynasty ? Shall we be again doomed to witness the times when,
like the Italians, we may be doomed to hide ourselves among the
Carbonari, to seduce the troops from their allegiance, to set on
foot intrigues, and to seek for a pretender who may serve us and
combat for us? This is the game which our enemies would
like to see us play, for they would have plenty of pretences
to deprive us of our heads. But would that course be fitting
for a wise and enlightened nation? Does that Charter. in
which power has an interest, and for which we have suffered
so much without a murmur, and adopted as a treaty after
rwenty-five years of combat between absolute royalty and
popular sovereignty, contain no efficacious guarantee for Überty
and order? The King gave it to us, and he appeared to wish for
its continuance, as well as for the perpetuity of his family ; and is
there no clause in it to prevent civil war, which is the destruction
of thrones and nations? If he bat reserved to 'loyalty its legal
remedy against rebel or itl.inspired Chambers, has he not also
assured to the people their tight of pacific and organised defence
against ignorant or guilty Ministers? This is what every one
wishes, and with a single voice, from one end of France to the
ether, the reply is, "We have the vote of the taxes." If the
Chamber isnot dissolved, it will reject the budget, and we wW not
pay ; and if it is replaced by an illegal Chamber. or if the Ministry
is hardy enough to govern without a Chamber, this will not force
us to pay; and if they go beyond that—Gut knows eke red.
Every body reasons in this way ; and Brittany, which is the
land of federation, no sooner saw the danger than every thing was
put in motion to provide a remedy. The citizens entered into an
engagement. and we have our covenant for the refusal of the taxes,
u the Scotch formerly had their covenant for religion. The model
of it, when sbewn to the Ministry (still trembling with the scar
madam of Lyons), acted like a cannon-shot ; and, irritated to the
quick, it seized the papers which spread the news, bet not ip doe
to prevent the circulation of more than 20,000, and all Prince is
now informed of it.

We inlays that it is the duty of the dims to bethink them. li
selves seriously of their situation; the method adopted by the Bre-
teas is the only one which can lead to the overthrew of the Minis-
try, without risking the destruction of the dynasty and the boron
of chit war• It forces Ministers to remain within the bounds of

the law, or compels them to propose UNISIOVI to the Prince be.l
yond the law. In such a case, it will be impossible that a sense of
his duty and of his situadon--the remembrance of Mamie, and
the advice of his friends, should not enlighten the King upon the
danger into which they would hurry him. He knows the limit of
his prerogative, and be knows that he cannot rimed it without de-
stroying the contract which has also prescribed the bounds of po-
pular power, and circumscribed its action.
The vote of taxes is the popular prerogative, if we ay use the
expression, in opposition to Royal prerogative; and it is upon this
prerogative that the existence and the rights of the House of Com-
mons repose. If the people did not possess it, they would have
no control over the Government, and they could neither correct an
abuse nor procure any amelioration. By means of the vote of the
rues, the equilibrium, which the initiative of the laws and the
absolute veto, the supreme power of the administration, the com-
mand of the forces by land and by sea, the right of peace and war,
serve to make the balance incline so much to the King's side would
be, if not re-established, at least its tendency would be averted.
The power of the Chamber to refuse subsidies has beets an insur-
mountable obstacle to every Ministry.

No one will affirm that in history an example may not be found
of a great people and a King placed in such a position as to render
some violent blow necessary. The representative Government is
a piece of mechanism, and the vote of the taxes is one of its prin-
cipal springs. . . . • • •
(inestions of finance might arise, and there might be circum-
stances when they might involve the vital principle of power ; and
then, though there might be injustice, and even greater errors, yet
there would be no ground to refuse the taxes. The Bretons have
not asserted the contrary ; but the fear of sinister names and of
perverse doctrines—of an attempt against the Charter the electoral
laws and the independence of the Chamber of Deputies, forced
•
them to adopt some precaution. .
We have read the Charter, and it has taught us not only what
are the powers of the Prince, but what is our duty. If in its
name he should alone impose a tax, or dictate a law, on that
day would the crime of high treason have been committed, and
the Constitution violated ; and popular justice would seek for
reparation at the foot of the Throne. His sacred prerogative
would not shield him, and indeed It would be fortunate If it
escaped the wreck in which France and the Charter would have
been overwhelmed. We believe the Charter to be a gift which
cannot be withdrawn. Yon know what we were when the Bour-
bons returned, and bow that compact was formed in which we
buried the animosities of twenty-five years, as they buried theirs.
Recollect the 31st of March, when, under the smoke of foreign
camps, amid the dust of the ruins of the empire, at the single cry
of peace, all our life, since 89, returned to us. The Emperor of,
Russia proclaimed our rights as the passport and absolution of his
victory ; the emancipated Senate declared them ; and a provision-
ary Government guaranteed them.
You see that the bare mention of your names—at the very sound
of your insensate declarations, the country prepares itself. Will
you go farther? You say no. So much the better. You will
condemn yourselves beforehand if you lie; you will fall If you tell
the truth. _ _ _

111.