Star.
London, England, 1826-05-06 00:00:00

EXPORTATION 01 MACHINERY.

Mr. HUME rose for the purpose of presenting two
Petitions; the one from the Master-machine Makers,
and the other from the Operatives engaged in the same
business at Manchester, praying for a repeal of the law
w Lich prevented the exportation of machinery to foreign
kingdoms. There were several foreigners in Manches-
ter, who declared that if machinery were allowed to be
exported, it would prevent the number of workmen
(who were going abroird, he, Mr. Hume, was sorry to
add) from departing from this country. He knew full
well there was a prejudice existing in the breasts of
Manufacturers, that if machines were allowed to be
exported, it would produce a comfetition with them,
which they (the nranufacourers) could never excel. It
WAS a distressing lict, that our workmen were proceed-
ing abroad every day, and that the capitals of foreign
states were crowded with our workmen, and this ma-
terially diminishing cur celebrity, as machinists, every
day. This was all owing to the prohibition of the ex-
portation of machinery. He entirely coincided with
the Petiticters, and hoped that Parliament would repeal
those laws which prevented machinery from being
exported from this kingdom. The country owed a
great deal to machine makers, and he hoped the House
would direct their attention towards protecting them.
From the evidence on the table of the House there could
be collected a fact of great importance, namely, that if
the power looms were destroyed an immense num-
ber of hands would be deprived of bread. The power
looms were in Let a great sower of industry to the country, and
be hoped that the poor deluded men would be informed that they
were going on in a wrong course when they thus destroyed them.
He trusted the House would introduce a statute similar to his
two years ago, which would allow a free exportation of machinery,
and 'kat !Midgets would withdraw their restrictions upon this
subject. He did not see why machinery was to be the only mer-
chandise excluded front exportation.
Mr. P. Ulf ENFELL concurred in the prayer of the
Petitions. He could spode from practical knowledge,
as he knew one manufacturer at Manchester who em-
ployed 150 workmen in manufacturing machines,
which were not allowed to be sent abroad. He knew
very well that there were foreigners who smuggled
workmen abroad, because they could not smuggle
machinery. He could vouch for the fact of there bAng
agents of foreign manufacturers who were employed to
inveigle the workmen abroad, and thus robbing England
of her best workmen, and reducing manufacturers to a
low ebb. During the time of the American war, Go-
vernment thought if they prevented the exportation of
copper bolts, nails, and other articles engaged in ship.
building, they would prevent France from rivalling them hr their
ships. What was the consequence? They seduced our workmen
over to Normandy, and established manufactories of these imple-
ments' and which manufactories remained up to this hour rival
schools with our own. He trusted the House would give their
serious attention to the Petitions.

The Petitions were brought up, and ordered to be printed.
Mr.SCARLETT presented a Petition from Mr. D.
O'Connell, praying that Lord Norbury might be re-
moved from the office he now held as Judge, owing to
his incapacity. He had received the Petition from that
Gentleman last Session, who had requested him at the
same time nut to present it, in the hope that the object
against which he was petitioning would be removed.
Toe Noble Person alluded to in the Petition, he stated
to be eighty-five years cf age, deaf, and all:fitted at the
same time with a lethargic stupor, which rendered him
almost unable to hear any cause brought before him.

'The Petitioner related that, during the trial of an indi-
vidual for murder, the Judge (LnrdNorbnry) was asleep.
The Jury returned a verdict of• MI G.dly, lo complete eontradlo.
ticn tOthe charge of the Judge. • He Would forego the object of
tie Petition, if•any Jodgeeould say that tire present Lord Norbury
Was able to decide In any cause. The Petitidner took great shame
hims4f that he hid not petitioned earlier upon this subject. He
. Starlet) did not propthe to take Poy lurthe step in the affair,'
ut he et the same time thought settle Hon. IriSh Alembers would:
He had done his duty in presenting the Petition, and did not wish
to do any more in the case. He was totally unacquainted with the
Noble Individual mentioned in the Petition.
I Mr. GOULBURN denied the principle for which the Hon.
Gentleman contended, as he was aware that many Judrs as old
as Lord Notbury sat on the Bench, and gave much satisfaction in
the discharge of their duty.: His experience warranted him in
vouching for the judicial capacity of the Noble Lord. In one in-
stance he knew him to have differed from his brethren of the
Bench, and to have maintained au opinion which ultimately proved
to be the true one. _ _ _ _ _

Mr. NORTH said that the statements contained in the Petition
were exaggerated, and he hoped that the Noble Lord would be
continued in his situation. At the same time he admitted that he
would have better consulted the interests of his own fame, it he
had retired some years since.
Mr. Secretary PEEL bore testimony to the unspotted character
of the Noble Lord, who would have retired before but for the
menace of the Paition now before the House. He wished to
impress, that when the Noble Lord's retirement would take place,
its occurrence would not be occasioned by the Petition.

The Petition was laid on the table.
Mr. HUME presented a Petition from Michael Staunton, Pro-
prietor of the Dublin-Register, complaining that though the circu-
lation of the Register far exceeded that of other papers, Govern-
ment did not favour it with the Insertion of official documents.
The %ion. Gentkruan stated, that on a former night he had made
assertions, on the authority of the Petitioner, which were denied
by the Hon. Member for Dublin. The Petitioner here declared
his readiness to prove the truth of those statements at the liar of
the House, and that was in part the object of the Petition.
The SPEAKER. said, that an allusion to statements made in
that House occurring in a. Petition rendered it not receivable.
The present one therefore could not be received.
Mr. ELLIS said, that he was able to disprove the statement of
the Petition. No selection of Papers had been made from political
motives. The Correspondent had been employed even when it ad.
vocated the Catholic Claims.

.Lord STANLEY presented a Petition from the Inhabitants of
a place in Lancashire, praying for a protecting duty on Corn, and
stating that they would be sufferers by any other change in the law.
Mr. HUSK ISSON opposed the prayer of the Petition;
and as he was on his legs, he took that opportunity of
adverting to the observations, made last night by the,
Hon. Member for Sorneraetshire, and cautioned him
against giving credence to the information upon which
be had grounded his statements. So far from his having
made any communication of the kind intimated, he held
in his hand a letter (to which he had not yet replied),l
stating the great advantages which would result from
the purchase of bonded grain by Government; and that
the foreign wheat was now at 4s. 6d. That letter was
written on the Tuesday, and on the following Saturday
the returns of the Liverpool Corn Mraket showed the
prices to have been from 41. to 41. 3d. Here was a
depression of three pence per bushel in the marker. The
accounts went farther to say, that the transactions in bonded wheat
and flour were unimportant, and the prices low. He held in his
hand a paper of yesterday's date, which contained like returns for
Tuesday, and stated that foreign wheat and flour continued to be
dull at tier last quotations. He would put these documents into
the hands of the Hon. Baronet, that he might show them to his
authority for the statements he had made; and he hoped that he
(Mr. Haskbson) now stood ammkted in the estimation of the
House. (Loud cheers, and cries of assent).
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE was perfectly satisfied with the state-
ment of the Right Hon. Gentleman. At the same time he must
say, he had his intelligence from most (otherwise) unquestionable
ruthority.---The Petition was ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. HEATHCOTE presented Petitions fronithe Corn Mer-
chants of the town of Boston against the two Corn Bills now in
their progress through the House. The, Petitioners were largely
engaged in the trade of corn, and ia,consequeoce of the declaration
of Ministers embarked a large fortune in the purchase of corn,
which would be lost to them by the present, ineatures of the same
Ministers.
Mr. LEYCESTER supported the' Petitlooi.
. Mr. BENETT (of Wiltshire) was surprised that she advocates
of economy in the House had not supported hiss .the other, night
when he made a preposition on the Coca Laws, by which the
country would save 75,0001 per annum.
Sir J. SEBRIG HT said, that the question was not who should
buy the corn, or what its price would he, bet in what degree it
would lower the price of bread. He did not see that the effect it
would have in that way would be sufficient to justify the measure.
He thought 12s. a quarter insufficient as a protection,- but at all
events as bread would only be lowered a halfpenny, or a penny at
most, he thought it was net worth while to excite resentful feelinp
which it was certain to produce for so slight an advantage.
Mr. T. WILSON differed from the Hon. Member who presented
this Petition, in supposing that by passing this measure, they were
giving a bonus to foreign corn. Tie object was not so much to
lower the price as to prevent its rising.
After a few words from Mr. &mover, the Petition was
ordered to be printed.
Mr. BEAUMONT gave notice that so Monday he should pre-
sent a Petition against Lord Charles Somerset; he deemed it right
and courteous to give this notate of an important Petition.

CORN LAWS.

Mr. Secretary CANNING moved that the House go into a
Committee on the Corn Act, with the view to resume the cow&
deration ads* Ministers' second proposition. -
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said he should reserve his opposition
till the House were in a Committee.

Mr. CALCRAFT trusted that the House would give its most
stubborn opposition to this second proposition. He could compro-
mise no longer; he was prepared to go into a fell discuttion of the
Corn Laws, but he was against any expedients.
Sir E. EN ATCH BULL spoke to the like effect; and said, they'
were called upon to legislate, without adequate Information. He
only withdrew opposition to the present motion because it would
be more convenient to discuss the question in Committee. His
constituents were alive to the distresses of the manufacturers, but
they saw no general good likely to result from this proposition.
Sir J. WROTTESLEY bad been ready to assist the distressed
manufacturers, by letting out the Bonded Corn, attending the City
Meeting, &c.
The House then resolved into a Committee on the Act.

Mr. Secretary CANNING—Sir, before I proceed to
an explanation of that Resolution which I am about to
propose, I will take leave, with the permission of the
House, to clear away some general objections to which
the whole of the measures have been subjected—objec-
tions which, though they could not, even if founded in
truth, prejudice the merits of the question itself, would
nevertheless, if established, throw considerable blame on
the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers. . And, Sir, I am
anxious, in the first place, tl chase away the imputation
of a breach of faith towards the agricultural interest.
The opinion declared by his Majesty's Ministers on the
first day of this Session, and practically renewed since,
on the motion of the Hon. Member for Bridgenorth, that
this is rot a convenient season for interfering with the
Corn Laws, with a view of altering the present system
for one of a different nature. That opinion, declared
and acted on by the Government, remains unchanged ;
and, Sir, if there be any one thing more than another
by which the resolution I am to move is chstracterised,i
it is this, that it.enables the House, without the-risk of
any inconvenience which might otherwise attach, to post-
pone the discussion on that question to another Session.'
I am quite ready to admit, that if any thing had been
doue by us to prejudice the question of those laws, after'
the declarations we have made to the House, that it
would be, and deserves to be, considered a breach of
faith upon our part, if any thing has ever been done
inconsiderately that would !ore a tendency to produce
that effect. I confess, alter the professions and opinions
to which se have gisen utterance, that it would lie our
duty to remove any impressions which have arisen from
such an accident, and to conciliate, to the utmost of

lour power, the prejudices which may have been excited
by it; but I not only believe most sincerely that this
Imeasure is calculated to do astral,' with any ineonve-
niences which might attend at this season a general
discussion upon the infect of the corn trade, but I am
also of opinion, that sb far from its being a breach of
faith, it is a preservation of that faith; and while it is
calculated for the benefit of all classes, that it is, above
all others, adapted to the preservation of the interests
of that class whose rights are said to be most peculiarly
• ffected. If, on the one hand, lam ready to acknow-
ledge that any attempt upon our part to prejudice the
general qttestion would be unfair as regards the agri-
culturists, and unwise and improper as a measure of
policy, I hope I don't ask too much, if I wish to get
credit to his Majesty's Government for a conscientious
desire to do their duty to all classes, and to guide their
councils so as to preserve the intetests of every portion
of the community, whether commercial, manufacturing,
or agricultural (hear, hear/) In addition to the im-
putation of a breach of faith, there has been another
charge brought against us, less serious I confess, but
which lam still very anxious to refute—l mean a some-
thing which has been presumed pretty generally, of
some sudden change in the councils of his Majesty's
Ministers with respect* to the Corn Laws, since that
question was brought under the consideration of this
House by the Hon. Member for Bridgenorth (Mr.
Whitmore). There is, however, still a third charge, in
addition to this inconsistency, which has been arrayed
in argument against us since the commencement of this
discus ion. It is stated that my Right Hon. Friend,
the President of the Board of Trade, gave, in his place,
in this House, such an answer in reply to a questionl
from the Honourable Member for Shaftesbury (Mr.'
Loycester), as led to the belief that the bonded
corn would not be meddled with this year. The
Honourable Member for Shaftesbury may have been
actuated by a blameless curiosity, or by a desire to'
consult the interests of those whom he represented, when
he asked That question ; but I feel certain that he will
now agree with me in looking upon a question, as unfit
for a prompt and full answer, to which the answer, if
transmitted by the next post to any of the great parts of
the kingdom, would have the effect of raising the price
20 per cent. Every Minister is bound not to ansiser
questions which may produce highly important effects,l
unless reasons of a convincing nature are stated, and
particularly if the question was afterwards to be turned
against him. Each Member of this House, it is true,
is liable to have questions of this kind put into his hands,
on which, as connected with pecuniary objects, he is
bound to exercise his discretion. I have sometimes
had questions of that kind proposed to me, the import of
which I afterwards learned. lam certain that the Hon.
Member will agree with me,in maintaining that questions
which may, if answered by "aye,"raise the price of any
articles 20 per cent.: or if by " no," lower it 20 per
cent. ought to be carefully considered before proposed.
It is decidedly the duty of a Minister not to give an
answer to those questions unless he knows the motives
on which they are founded to be solely for a public be-
nefit. I, therefore, have to regret that my Right Ho-
nourable Friend had not been silent on that occasion,
which would, perhaps,.have been the best answer to
such a question. I have now removed two of the
impediments which were opposed to the full and fair
discussion of this point; but the Committee will ad-
mit that there has been no influence in the Councils of
his Majesty!' Ministers, arising, from vacillation on this
subjett. I come now to discuss the special proposi-
tion which I have brought forward. and to one part
of which the House has already given its assent.—
If I had not every reason to believe that The views
of his Majesty's Government on this question were
sound, and the consequences such as I am about
to detail, probable, I would from thence have any wa

vering fixed into certainty, and I hope it-will not be
considered an unfair inference, that if I shew what we
have already done, and the expectation of what we are
about to do, to be producing great good, I may be
allowed to anticipate still greater from the consumma-
tion of our intentions. The account of what we pro-
posed upon the subject of the corn trade reached Liver-
pool on Wednesday morning, and on this day there are
letters in town, one of which has been put into my hand
just before I came down to the House. It is not from
any friend of mine, nor an acquaintance, nor a political
supporter either of mine, or of my Right Hon. Friend,
who succeeded me in the honour of representing that
City in this House; but, on the contrary, from a Gen-
demo decidedly opposed to me in the principles of
party. I know him, however, to be a man of high ho-
nour, unquestioned integrity, and possessing great esti-
mation as a mercantile character in the city where he
resides. In this letter, dated May 3, the writer says,
"There has been a. considerable improvement in the trade
of Manchester yesterday; but on the intention of Minis-
ters being known here toliberate the bonded.corn, cotton
could not be obtained except at a rise of 5 per cent. and
few sellers could be found to part with it at that price.
If despondener should follow the present improved
feeling, I am certain that nothing can be devised equally
calculated to convince the disturbed districts that Go-
vernment is prepared to do every thing in its power to
assist and relieve them." I have seen another letter
since I came into the House. It comes from an equ illy
respectable quarter; and as it is not addressed either
to me or to my Right Hon. Friend neer me (Mr. Hos-
kisson), and as it is written like the one I have just
read, by a person of opposite political sentiments, I
trust I may be excused if I read a passage from it.
This letter is also dated the Sd of May—" From the
moment (says the writer) that it was known to be the in-
tention of the Ministry to liberate the bonded corn, we
have been all alive. The holders of cotton, who have been
for some time in a very depressed condition, now begin to
look up—and one good effect has already been derived
from the contemplated measure in raising the price of
that article, which, before, was offered at any price."
This is no unsatisfactory proof of the feeling produced
in the mercantile world, and of the manner in which
the measure recommends itself to the House, and of the
way in which it is likely to execute its purpose. There are
similar letters from other parts of the country; and I
think, therefore, the House, seeing how this measure ope-
rates, whatever doubts, it might have originally enter-
tallied on this proposition, may now go to the second
with some degree of confidence reflected from the first.
But I am quite willing that this measure should stand
on its own grounds, and that we eknnot necessarily in-
fer that the subsequent measure, which stands on dif-
ferent grounds, should lead to the same end. If, on the
one hand, I was of opinion that the present Corn Laws
ought to stand unaltered, and brcome the permanent
law of the land ; or, on the other hand, that the time for
revising them was come,---a time of prevailing distress,
of excessive excitement,--I say, if I was prepared to
maintain either of these prepositions, my course would,,,

certainly he to declane to the I-louse that my Ppitfrns
were changed as to the permanent policy of the Corn
Laws. But my opinions are not changed, but confirmed ;
and the very circumstance which recommends this mea-
sure to my mind is, that it will furnish the means and
opportunity for a deliberate enquiry into the Cora Laws.
I have heard no one mention the contrary opinion, that
it would not be a great misfortune if the existing Corn
laws were to go into full operation. I hold it, indeed,
to be one of the peculiar features of this measure,
whirr recommends it most strongly to the considera-
tion of Parliament, that it will guard the country against
any consequences which might ensue; if the existing
Corn Laws were even to be put in operation. A*
yet, we all know that they have been a dead letter;.
but I think any man must have taken a very irapiers•
fect view, who, in comparing the circumstances ot
the present with those of former times, would not
look with apprehension on such a state of thing*,
as I have been contemplating—(Here, hear). Ao
Hon. Baronet upon a former evening wished, mit
very fairly, to know what were the circumstances whicirt
induced us to do any thing, and asked why these di*c
cessions had grown up since the propositions of the
Hon. Member for Bridgenorth had been disposed of?
To this I answer, that a considerable rise in pri es has
since that period taken place, and although I will not
go so far as to predict a famine, I must still say, that
it is the duty of Parliament to provide against the
possible contingency of an unproductive harvest, par-
ticularly under the circumstances in which the country
may be placed during the next three months. Last
year, although the harvest was a month earter than
usual, the produce was not found sufficient for the
consumption. This year it may be a month later, and
'the people be obliged, in the absence of some measure,
like that now before the House, to subsist upon its pro-
duce for fourteen months instead of twelve. In ordinary
cases, and under other circumstances, such an evil
might, perhaps, be without difficulty averted; but, I ask,
whether there is nothing in the present state of the coun-
try to call for more than ordinary caution and prudence
upon the part of his Majesty's Government?—(Hear.)
The very fact that the country will be without a Par-
liament for many months of the present year would be,
in my opinion, alone sufficient to justify such caution.
I repeat, however, that I do not by any means wish it
to be understood that I am predicting misfortunes,
which, I am well aware, may not, and which, I trust
to Gou, will not, occur. A fortnight of mild weather
and west wind may insure us such a harvest as will
render unnecessary all the precautions which we are
now taking'. I maintain, however, that it is as much
the duty of Government to provide against a possible,
as a probable contingency. It cannot have escaped
the recollection of Gentlemen, that in the year 1816
the prospect of a favourable harvest was changed in the
course of a single night, and that the promise of the
Monday was totally blighted on the Wednesday.—
Are we then, with such experience of she past, and with
such a prospect before us, to be deterred by the paltry
charge of a vacillating mind, or varying councils, to.
sit down, seeing all this, and so. do nothing? Would'
it not shew a base dereliction of principles, if, with the
knowledge of these facts, we were—because the:e had
been, for the last few days, some circumstances of a
more mitigated character, but which the slightest
rumour of a bad harvest would put to flight—to avoid
taking those measures of prevention which a wise kre.
sight renders justifiable. But it has been also objected
by the opponents of the present measure, that it is unne-
cessary, because his Majesty's Ministers already possess
the power ordoing that which they call upon Parliament
to sanction. I am willing.to grant that we do constitu.
tionally possess that power if we choose to exercise it, but
I will ask Hon. Members to look back with me to the his-
tory of the last century, and say whether there is not one
instance during that period, which may act as a warning,
if not for an example, to the Ministers of the present
day. In the year 1766, the great Lord Chatham was
at the head of the administration of this country, and
with him Lord Camden, the most popular lawyer this
country ever saw, was associated. For a few months
nothing could be more popular than their Government..
A change of circumstances however arrived, and during
a period of distress, they were induced! to take a step, ,
which, however it might be palliated or justified upon
the principle of the salon midi, was notwithstand-
ing illegal. Actuated by a similar motive. they
introduced a Measure which was the converse of
that now before the House; for they prohibited, by
an Order in Council, the exporta'ion, while we are
very desirous to admit the importation of grain.—
When Parliament met, the most violent debates rook
place on this subject, and although all parties admitted
the justice and expediency of the measure, still there
were many who maintained that Ministers were deserv-
ing of censure and liable to punishment, because they
had acted precipitately and without a due regard to
their duty, in taking such a step without having ob..
tained the previous sanction of Parliament. (Hear.) Here,
then, is a warping to us; and though the circumstances
were not quite the Same, are we, after this, to be blamed,
because we do not think our course sufficiently secure
without subjecting it to the approbation of Parliament?
(Hear). There are Gentlemen who say we have not
done right to come before Parliament, and that we'
ought to wait the possibility of any contingency which,
might happen, and then act upon our unaided di_cretion.:,
They say to us, " Let them go on—let the c :cunt.; '
stances arise—then use the power of the Crown in the
emergency, and come down to us for a Bill of bikes-
nity. •—(Heer, hear!)—lf then, I ask, those circum-
stances had happened, and we, relying upon the pre-
cedent before us, had exercised this power—would this
Bill of Indernity, I ask, have been readily granted?-..
(Hear, hear.) Who that has witnessed the spirit its
which we have been catechised here for the mere at-
tempt to ask for that power, can say so ?—(Cheers.)—
It requires rather an extraordinary measure of credulity
to believe that those, who now refuse to grant us that
which we ask, would, if we chose not to consult them,

be willing to concede it to us, without investigation, as
a matter of right—(hear)—that those who now refuse
to cooperate with us, when the circumstances of the
country appear to call so loudly for our interference—
whe,when famine is stalking through the land, and want.
has seized upon our manufacturers, can say, that w Ant
and corn have no connexion—()rear, hear)—would,if we
acted upon our own responsibility, immediately cease
their opposition. To believe that such would be the
result of an opposite line of conduct from that which we
are pursuing, would be, indeed, a species of madness ;
as it would be a proof that we imagined ourselves
exempt from the fate which has awAited gtealer mein
than we can pretend to be—a fats which we should de-
serve if we presumed, with oar eyes open, to-do an act
wbich we know, however justifiable it may be in the
case to which I have
alluded, would id ours be clearly

illegal and indefensible. We may, howevm be oblige('
to act still upon oar own responsibility. If you refuse
your sanction to the measure which we propose,we man
should a case of emergency arise, be faked, in the ex:
ereise or our constitutional privileges, as advisers of the
Crown, to recommend the measure you may now reject.
But if we are obliged to adopt this course, we shall at
least have the satisfaction of knowing that we have not
done so without having. in the first instance, appealed
to the sense of Parliament; and if we should after wards
become the objects of condemnation, it will be some
consolation to us to feel that we are not only innocent,
but " more sinned against than sinning"—(Hear.) Should
we, however, be enabled to pass the present measure,
with the sanction of Parliament, we shall then not only
have the consciousness that we have performed our duty
its Ministers of the Crown ; but we shall have the addi-
=tional gratification of knowing that we have acted with
'she concurrence of Parliament. We might to be sure,
.during the six• weeks of the non-existence of Parlia-
Inent, adopt a measure like the present upon our own
-responsibility ; but never let it be imputed as a crime
to a British Minister, that he preferred to exercise his
constitutional privilege under the pi evieus sanction and
approbation of Parliament—(Chers.) Well, then, we
ask permission to do, not that which we are by the
Constitution debarred from doing—for the very argu-
ment against it admits cur tight; but we ask permis-
sion to do that, which, if 'we do upon our own respon-
sibility, we must afterwards come to ask Parliament to
sanction by their approval. If Parliament were not
sitting -when the exigency occurred, there might be a
very good reason for adopting the course which we re-
commend, unsanctioned by their approbation. But we
have Parliament sitting, and foreseeing the difficulty
which may arise, we do that, which, if we neglected to
do, would deservedly subject us to the imputation of
having treated their authority with contempt. We
might, perhaps, if we acted otherwise, adduce the case
Which occurred in the AdMinistration of Lord Chat-
ham and Lord Camden; but we should, if we did so,
be justly met with this answer—" True, they acted
as you say, but then there was this slight difference
between your respective cases. They acted upon their
onn responsibility when no. Parliament was sitting.—
You foresaw the danger, and yet you did not consent
to consult a Parliament which was sitting long before
the danger which you apprehended had occurred. The
responsibility, therefore, rests upon yourselves, and you
must take the consequences." I have said that in the
measure which is now proposed, Government were not
unmindful of the tiue interests of the agriculturist. For
myself, I wilt say, that I have not been forgetful of,
but am, on the contrary, most anxious to consult those
interests. I have observed that the question of the Corn
Laws must, sooner or later, become a subject of discus-
sion in this House; but I will ask if the present measure
bad not been introduced, and three months of difficulty
and distress had ensued, whether the country or the
Parliament would have been as likely to come to as calm
end deliberate a discussion of the subject as they will
%ohm, by the operation of this measure, an aiditional
tause of irritation has been avoided ?—(Hear. hear.)-
1 say that Government will, by the interposition of the
bonded Corn, have prevented so much local and general
distress, as must necessarily have the effect of inducing
upon all sides a calmer and more temperate discussion
of the general question of the Corn Laws than could,
under any other circumstances of the case, be obtained.
(Hear, hear). I therefore maintain, that the landed
interests will be Materially benefitted by the passing
of the present measure, and I repeat that in giving my
individual support to the measure, the consideration of
what the real interests of that body required, was no
alight inducement. In submitting the Resolution to the
House, I can only say, that my object is to call upon
them to sanction the authority which is, upon all sides,
admitted to exist in the Crown, in a case of emer-
gency. Upon a former occasion, I observed, that
there was no species of limitation, which, provided
it were consistent with the circumstances of the ease,
and likely to put off the discussion of the general
question of the Corn Laws, i was not only willing to
submit to, but to solicit. As a proof of the sincerity
with which I made this declaration, I will here read the
Resolution. The Right Hon. Gentleman here read his
Resolution—(which see below.)—ln the course of the
former debate, I observed that there were three modes
by which the proposed Resolution could be restricted;
Ist, by the imposition or a duty ; 2dly, by a restriction
as to price ; and 3dly, by a limitation in the quantity.
Upon that occasion, an Hon. and Learned Gentleman
opposite (Mr. Brougham) objected, and with great ap-
pearance of justice; to the fist of these modes—the
imposition of a duty ; while another Hon. Member
expressed himself unfavourrble to the '2d, upon the
ground that it fixed too low a maximum of price.
Now, 1 am disposed to yield to the suggestions of both
the Hon. Members; and doing away with the limita-
tion as to price and duty, to retain that of quantity alone.
The proposition of the Hon. Member to limit the price
to 665. I consider unfair, upon this ground, that it may,
by possibility, be considered as holding out a sort of
average by which the price of corn ought, in future, to
be regulated. This however, cannot be considered a
fair assumption, as the price of corn must necessarily
be regulated by the state of the markets, and be come.
quently sometimes higher and sometimes lower, accord-
ing to circumstances. Therefore, although I originally
brought forward this Resolution under a different im-
pression, I am willing, upon consideration, to relinquish
it, and.l am satisfied that the limitation should be, as 'I
said, confined to quantity alone. I am the more inclined
to take this course, because it has been objected to us,
that we have endeavoured to bring on a discussion of
the Cola Laws by a sort of side wind, an insinuation to
xhich, as it has been replied to before, I think it un-
necessary now to advert. 1 shall only, therefore, say,
that by proposing no other limitation but that of quan-
tity, we leave the original question of the Corn Laws
untouched, while the present measure remains as we
intended it, one of a temporary nature, and leaves no
sting behind. The limitation in quantity. which I now
propose to introduce, will extend to 500,000 quarters,
and I do not know better how to explain the nature and
meaning of that limitation, than by reading the heads
of a Bill (worded technically of course, and subject to
future revision and correction) which rtnean to found
upon the resolution with which I shall conclude. It is
as follows ;

" Whereas an Act has been passed in the present Session of Par.
Lament, to permit the entry for home consumption, of the foreign
V4l, meal, and flour, which were in the warehouses of the United
Kingdom on the 2d of. May, 1826 ; and it may be expedient, from
circumstances which cannot now be foreseen, to admit, before
the comnwocement of the next Session of Parliament, a further
limited quantity of foreign corn, for home consumption, before
such curu would be admissible, under the laws now in force, relat-
ing to the imponation of the said corn—lie it therefore enacted, &e.
" That it shall be lawful for his Majesty, at any time, from and
attar the !lose of the preheat, and unid the commencement of the

1

next Ssssion of Parliament, by and with the advice of his Majesty's'
Privy Council, to issue an orderor, orders, to permit the entry,
for home entisoinption, either of the triiele, nr of any proportion
of the foreign wheat, and of dour, made of wheat, which-may be
in the warehouses of this country, at the date of the issuing such
order, or orders respectively. Provided always, that the quantity
of foreign wheat or dour so to be admitted, under such order or
orders, shall not exceed 500,000 quarters (five hundred thousand
quarters In the whole). Provided also, • that no such order shall
be in force for more than two months from the time of is being
issued ; and that any wheat, or lour, made of wheat in hood, which
may have been included in such order. and which shall Dot•have
been taken out and entered for borne consumption, according to
the terms and conditions to be specified is such order, before the
expiration of the period specified in such order, shall net be entitled
to the benefit of such order.

" That it shall be lawful for his Majesty in Council, by any such
order as of id, to require, as one of the conditions for admit-
ting such foreign wheat, or flour, to enter for home consumption,
that it shall, upon such entry, pay such duty as the said order may
direct, not exceeding any duty now imposed under the Act of his
present Majesty, entitled—, An Act relating to the Importation of
Foreign Corn."

By proposing to limit the importation of corn to the quantity
provided for in the Bill, I think we shall have fully provided for
the probable wants of the people during the interval between the
two Parliaments. That is the great object which hid Majesty's
Ministers, at all events, have had in view, and whatever objection
may apply to the measure, either in principle or detail, I trust we
shall at least be free front :he imputation of having acted with bad
faith towards the landed interests.—(Hear, hear.)—lt is an impu-
tation which, as far as I am myself concerned, I most unequivo-i
cally disavow. and I feel I can answer with equal sincerity for my
colleagues. At all events, I ant convinced, that we should not
have discharged our duty, if we bad taken the responsibility upon
ourselves, and had declined to apply to Parliament for their sanc-
tion to the measure which I have now the honour to propose.—
(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing
the following Resolution :
" That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient
to empower his Majesty, by any order or orders of his Majesty in
Council, to permit, under certain regulations, and for a time to
be limited, the entry, fur home consumption, of an additional
quantity of foreign corn, meal, or flour, subject to the duties which
may be imposed by any Act to be passed in this Session."

. .
Mr. C. WILSON said the question involved the best
interests of the country. He had heard with patience
the arguments for and against the measure, and he
wished to express shortly his views on this important
subject before the House. Whether a Member had
2,0001. or 10,0001. a year, he hid the right to state his
opinion as well as those of a much greater income.
For his part, he was ready to say, if such measures as
these proposed were not resorted to, the greatest dis-
tress and calamity might prevail throughout the coun-
try. The quantity of corn on hand, he was inclined to
think, was not great; on that account he gave his
hearty support to the first measure. To the second,
too, he was not unfavourable. He represented a county,
and many of his constituents lived by agriculture, but
still he would declare his sentiments openly. When
the manufacturing classes were reduced to such desti-
tution, when there was such calamity in different parts
of the country, he thought it ill became Members to oppose a Ines-.
sure calculated for the relief of the half-starved and unemployed
weavers. For his part, he would rather feed on the food of his
ancestors•—(Laughter),—than see such misery without doing every
thing in his power to alleviate it. Ought he to look to high rents,
or the luxuries which had almost become necessaries of life, and
not at the same time take into consideration the state of his. dis-
tressed countrymen ? He gave his cordial support to the measures
proposed, and trusted to the wisdom of Ministers in carrying them
into effect.

Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said be had listened with at-
tention to the able and fascinating speech of the Right
Hon. Gentleman, but he confessed that all his ergs*
resents and eloquence still failed in convincing him ail
the propriety or necessity of the measure, and though
he Should find himself in a small minority, still
would consider it his duty to oppose it. The pre*.
:tents of the Right Honourable Gentleman 'Were built
on probablities, not facts. He had given no reasons
for the great distress in the manufactuting divricts,
nor bad he stated any grounds for the application.—
It was too mush to grant Ministers such a discretionary
power, and thus get rid of that objection of regulating
the price. He thought 12s. the probable duty; but was
this meant to be a famine price, or did Ministers suppose
that 655. a quarter would be a sufficient price to remu-
nerate the farmer ? The plan, as far as appeared to
him, was to allow the release of 500,000 quartets of
wheat as soon as the price reached 6.55. the quarter.—
That quantity, with the 400,000 quarters in bond,
would amount to nearly one million of quarters thrown
into the market. He did nor, however, object so much
to the first measure as the second. He objected to it
formerly—he objected to it still—on the ground that it
would give an unlimited power to Ministers. If this
power were granted, and if they were to be allowed to
admit wheat at a duty of 12s. this would fix the duty
for the future. He pressed this before on the attention
of the House, and he considered it most material. The
Right Hon. Gentleman had carried them back as far as
'1766. But what comparison was there between the
two periods ? Was there any thing like bonded corn
in those times ? The truth was, this was only an at-
tempt to delude them, and to carry the great question.
There was no prospect of that which could form any ground for
such a measure. A famine was not apprehended; and if there
was, Ministers ought to have stated their reasons for sub appre-
hension. He concluded by saying, that he considered this as the
question of the Corn Laws, that it would be the last time they
should have an opportunity of contending for it ; and if Ns. were
Aged as the importing duty, it would continues* for the future.
Mr. PORTMAN expressed himself favourable to
both resolutions. He approved of the first resolution,
not from any opinion that a scarcity of corn was the
cause of distress, which he-attributed to want of employ-
ment, occasioned by want of credit in the country, but
because he thought, that by agreeing to the first resolu-
tion, he should afford some relief io the distressed ma-
nufacturers. With respect to the second resolution, he
would give it his support, because, as a representative
of the Agricultural Interest, as a practical agriculturist
himself, he was not willing, in giving his assent to it,
to take upon his shoulders, and those of the Agricultural
Body, the responsibility spoken of by the Right Hon.
Secretary ; and he therefore cast the responsibility upon
the shoulders of those who ought to bear it—he cast it
upon the shoulders of his Majesty's Miaisten. He agreed in opi-
nion with the Right Hon. Foreign Secretary, that it was impolitic,
at aU times, to dabble with the Corn Laws ; but be was prepared
go into e question of the Corn Laws, whenever his Majesty's
Government should think proper to submit any propositions; add
be thought it necessary for the interests of the agriculturist that that
question should be settled.
Mr. H. SUMNER was convinced that the arguments
of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Secretary Canning)
were totally unfounded. The Right Hon. Secretary
thought, only 18 days ago, that there was no necessity
for any alteration in the Corn Laws, and he asked what
had since occurred? Had there been a blight within
those 18 days? The Right Hon. Gentleman, said, that
on a former period there was a most promising harvest
on the Monday, and on a Wednesday the hope of the
country was blighted. Had any such thing occurred
on the present occasion? Were not things new precisely
in the same situation as when the Hon. Member for
Bridgnorth (Mr. Whitmore) made his motion. The dis-
tress then prevailed in the manufaciu:ing districts, and
if those whom it pressed %sere driven to outrage, it was
not in favour of Government that they did not interfere

Pearlier. On the 18th April, his Majesty's Ministers saw
no necessity foe interference; there was no distress then
.-no want of corn. On the 4th May, however, they
came down saying they were *all wrong—that there was
great distress--that there might be a faMine. Such a
course was calculated to produce the greatest injury.
What could be more injurious than the Right Hon.
Secretary to state in the House of Commons that
there may be a famine before October ? The Hon.
Member for Donetshire (Mrs Portman,) said he shrunk
from the responsibility of refusing Ministers the dis-
cretionary power they demanded. - He (Mr. Holme
Sumner) had no difficulty in taking his share of that re-
sponsibility—(ffenr.) His information led him to believe
that the supply of corn in the c-untry was quite ample
to meet all demands through the season. The Right
Hon. Secretary had produced no document to prove the
contrary. He (Mr. H. Sumner) therefore thought him-
self justified in relying on the information he had re-
ceived. It- was said that the Manufacturers were starv-
ing, and in want. They were in want, not of food, but
of employment. If corn was only l s. a quatter, it
would be no advantage to the manufacturers if they
had not money 0 purchase it. The conduct of Ministers
tended exactly to that which they ought to have avoid-
ed, bringing the agricultural and manufactut ing inte-
rests into collision. The present high price of corn had
been alluded to; deo. was the present price, and he
contended that it could not be grown and sold through.
out the kingdom at a less pt ice. The Corn Laws ought
to have been brought on last year, and as Minis-
ters neglected it then, they ought to have brought on
tie question this Session. It was- his opinion that Government was
not disposed to give the agriculturalists sufficient protection, and
tkat with open ports the agricultural interests could not enjoy suc-
cess. That the ports should be closed whilst corn was below a
certain price, seemed a sine qua nes to agriculture continuing a suc-
cessful pursuit. As to the difficulty apprehended from the want of
a Parliament, he did not see why a Parliament should nut be brought
together in six weeks, if it was thought necessary.
Mr. Secretary PEEL addressed the House to the
following effect :—,4 Since I have had the honour of
having a seat in Parliament, I have never heard such
an extraordinary debate as has taken place upon the
question. I repeat, after the most deliberate reflection,
that if I were now to vote again on the motion of the
Hon. Member for Br idgenorth, I would give to it my
decided opposition, and that if I could on that occasion
have foreseen what has occurred since the 13th of
April, still, with-that anticipated experience of events,
and in spite of every charge of inconsistency and va-
cillation, and. under all the circumstances of the coun-
try, I would have then Voted against a revision of the
Corn Laws—and after ell 'the arguments of all the
speakers on the question, I now declare that I cannot
see any' ground of charging his Majesty's Government
with inconsistency of measures, if foreseeing, not cer-
tainly a famine, but a'present depression of the price of
general commodities,. and a probable tendency to an
increase in the price of corn—of perceiving but a limited
supply of that article from foreign markets, and appre-
hending a deficiency on - the produce of the coming
harvest; my Right Hon. Friend has brought forward
a measure calculated to obviate the possible difficulties
to which the country may be exposed before the ap-
proach of 'that harvest. The Hon. Member for Dor.
'rehire says, he casts back upon Ministers the responsi-
bility atten'tant on the measure of my Right Hon.
Friend. I answer to the Hon. Member, that we are
willing to uodertake the full responsibility of it, and
that thi,object of -my Right Hon. Friend's vete is to
deposit that responsibility in the right place—namely,
in the hands of the Government. 'rhe Hon. Member
for Surrey charges the Government with inconsistency
in now admitting =O,OOO quarters bf corn after they
had negtitived,. a short time since, the motion of the
Hon. Member for Bidgenorth, for: a revision of the gco
neral system 'of the Laws on Corn. But I ask if my
Hon. 'Friend's own conduct is inconsistent, I ask hiM
whether he did not hiniself approve the liberation of "
bonded cbrn last year, as a measure advantageous to
the agricultural interest ?--[Mr.H. SUMNER—I did not.]
But my Hon. Friend did not oppose that measure at
the time, and if he wishes to preserve a reputation for
consistency, let him not now oppose a similar measure
intended to alleviate a possible -period of future distress;
for, as to the present sufferings of the manufacturing
population in Lantashfre, I would not be worthy the
name of a man if I did 'not sympathize with them as
deeply as any Hoiicitantble Member, and, indeed, some-
thing more than others, so closely connected as I per-
sonally am with dolt-particular class of the people. But
as to my Hon. Friend's argument, that a reduction of
the price of corn could have no influence on their com-
forts, inasmuch at they have no means of purchasing
corn, whether it be dear or Cheap—now. this argument
is built on the supposition, that, in relation to pecuniary
matters, there are but two classes in this country—
one which holds a monopoly of affitience, and an-
other class which possesses no pecuniary means at all.
But r put it to My Hon. Friend Whether, in fact, there
are not between those two classes many intermediate
ones, who possess, in various degrees, the means of pnto
chasing some of them th'e luxuries, some the comforts,
and some the necessaries of life? And will any Hon.
Member assert that a measure whose object it is to effect
a moderate and reasonable price of corn can bring no
immediate benefit to those numerous persons who possess
but limited means of subsistence? For instance, how are
many of them supported this very moment ? Not merely
ten thousand, or twelve thousand, but tens of thousands,
hoW do they subsist, but on the charitable aid of the
affluent? If then, this dais of the people cannot support
itself in the present rate of the price of corn, what
sophistry is it not to say that they can receive no
immediate relief from a still more reasonable reduction
in the price of it ? But my Hon. Friend is of opinion, that'
we have made out no case in support of my Right Hon:1
Friend' s motion. Now I think that we have made out
a case, and as to proofs of the existence of a deep and
general distress, so sure am I of the conviction, on that.
point, which must have been impressed on every Gen.
tleman'smind, by the accounts in the newspapers, that
I should but waste the time of the House by entering-
into a detail of them; and if the liberation of bonded'
corn is adinitted to have been productive of advantage,
by the same process of reasoning, I .can prove that an
admission.of foreign tor! may be equally beneficial is
a. case of extreme urgency. But my Hon. Friend, the
Member for Serrey, thinks, that if we liberate the
bonded emit at a duty of twelve shillings a quarter,
we will ultimately admit foreign corn at that sum.
But -my Right Hon. Friend has not fixed on twelve
shillings as being the usual duty ; for that was not the
duty of last Year—it was but ten shillings—so that there
was no danger, that the duty which may be now fixed,
even though it should be definite, still piejudice the
ultimate arrangement of the general system. But, adds
my Hon. Friend„ want a power to admit instahtly
500,000 quarters of corn, and more if it should be

wanted ; but if he will just look into my Right Hoe.
Friend's Bill, he will see that it contains no such pro-
visions, and that .500,000 qtiarters are the maximum
idmissible; and that the Bill does not give Ministers a
power to admit even that quantity, except they are
called oa by a case of auntie exigency. Now, Sir, I
shall come to the charge that we have been compelled
to introduce this measure as a sort of concession to
the clamours of an infuriated mob—(Hear, kear)
On this I shill merely observe, that there are two sorts
f courage—one sort may be said to consist in refusing
to make an improper concession, and another in persist-
ing to do what is right, no matter what may be the
consequences—((;heers.) Sir, in these days, the rage of
an infuriated mob can do nothing to influence the mea-
sures of,a Government. There is in this country a su-
perior power, a moral energy, sufficient at all times to
put down the physical force and fury of an inflamed
multitude—(Cheering loud ant long.) But I am happy
to add, that the disturbance, in the manufacturing dip.
tricts are nearly at an end —(Cheers,) and here I cannot
pass over those rumours in the newspapers of several
applications to me to send military assistance into the
disturbed districts, and of certain censures on the
Government for their alleged refusal to supply that
assistance. But, Sir, what will the House think when
I say, that ne such applications for military aid were
ever made to me—in fact it was n.-. 1 wantei—for
myself, induced by an observation of the course of cir-
cumstances and an apprehension of disttess, and
consequent tumult, had, four months before that
pe-
riod, increased the military force in those diitricts to
a number double that of last year, so that I can
boldly say, that na such °applications were ever- made
or refused—(Hear.) For, as to the successful outrages
of the multitude against power looms, the House will easily conceive
that a very few persons may in a few minutes be able to de-
stroy a quantity of that son of machinery (which is made of 'cast
iron) a few miles distant from a military station. If, then, the
House should think proper to pass the Resolutions of my Right
Hon. Friend, let it not be thought for a moment that they do It
under the influence of intimidation. (Cheers.) But' let it alsii be
known, that though we are resolved to bring to trial and to justice,
the criminal promoters of riot, and to suppress such tumultuary irks:
knee with all the rigour of the law, and all the power of the Go-
vernment, still we are also ready to pity their privations, aitd to
relieve their necessities--(Cheering)—and equally ready to acknow.
ledge that the great majority of the people have borne their setere
privations with the most admirable patience. (Cheering). For in-
stance, in the cloth manufacturing districts, the pressure of want his
been very urgent, yet in those places we hate beard of no distur-
bances of public tranquillity. Though there may hate been partial
excesses in one part of the country, let us not be deterred from out
resolves by such a consideration—let us be bold enough to execute
them against unfounded imputations. (Cheering). My lion. Friend,
the Member for Surrey, says, that the admission of foreign grain, by
reducing the price of corn, will tend to increase the poor rates.
Now, I should rather think, that it would tend to reduce the
amount of them. The poor rates are, In truth, encumbered with
much of their burden in consequence of the present system. • Any
measure that can affect the increase of the poor rates, is a blessing
to the poor, and relief to the country; bur, says my Hon. Friend,
you have no facts to support your measure—you act on mere con-
tingencies—true, we wish to provide against the contingencies of the
future, but la doing so we are guided by our experience of the put
—(Cheers). Nor are we so destitute, so denuded of facts; as my
Hon. Friend supposes--for if there be such a soperabundne of
corn and wealth in the country as he supposes, bow does It happen
that the prices of the common comforts of ordinary life are tower
sew than in the same month of the year 111115 T for instance, the
average prices were— ID 1112.5. Is 1526.
. .

_---.
- .
Cotton 91d. . . . 44. to 40..
Pernambuco I9s. to 40s. . . . 10s. to 116.0
Coffee (one Maranbam) 841. Is 86s. . . . 425. to 525.
Sugar (fine bcowo) 701. . . . 50s.
Runs 2s. 21 . . . Ils. ed.
Tallow et% • • ..- 52..
Wheat 54.. . . . SOL
Oats 275. . . . Ws.

_ .
A fall of 50 per cent.
—Now, Sir, I put it to my Hon. Friend himself, whether this de-
pression of the prices of general commodities, as compared to the
steadiness of the price of corn, is not a fact connected with this
measure worthy of the deep attention of the House—(Hear).. I ant
ready to grant, that the present price of corn is not what may be
termed a famine price; but then, what we desire is, that it may
not rise to that fearful state, that the Government may possess the
power of keeping it at the present price, in the contingent occurrenCe
a deficiency in the produce of the harvest; for though it has
said, that foreign corn is adMissible at a price of 80s. yet the
fact is, the price may rise so high as 100 s. a quarter before it could
be admitted, according to the provisions of the present Coro Laws.
They require that the average price of li, for the preceding three
months, should amount to 80s. before foreign corn should be allowed
to come in, still it is clear that intervals may occur during that space
in which the price may rise to 100 s. a qr. and even to more—( Hear
hear, from Dlr. Baring).—l see the Hon. Member for Taunton.
would tura this fact into an argument in favour of our revision of
the Corn System altogether. But I submit to the House, whether
I am bound to enter again into the discussion of the general sub -•
ject? That question has been already debated and disposed of. I
am as ready now, as I was then, to repeat my opinions, to state my
reasons, and to eater lato a vindication of the conduct of the Go.
verninent, in reference to it; but that is not now the question, and •
I must decline to encumber the present subject by argnments on
the policy of another. The present measure I hold to be particu-
larly calculated to procure a calm and unprejudiced deliberation of .
the whale system in the next Sessions and on this ground I truss
the House will agree with the Government in deferring it to neat
year, when the actual consideration, and ultimate decision, of it,
will stand uninfluenced by that agitation of popular feeling, which
is inseparable from an election—(bear)—an occurrence which must'
soon take placeln the' natural course of the constitutional practice
of Parliament. Till the assembling of the new Parliament, my.
Right Honourable Friend seeks from the littuse an authority
to exercise the proposed power, rather than undertake the ex-
ercise of it on his own responsibility—(hear, hear, hear).—
though he may have been supported in the latter course by the
conduct of the Government in the year 1776, on almost the same
question, and In similar circumstances. The Parliament separated
in June, without having given to the Ministry any discretionary
power of acting as to the admission or retention of corn. The
Government paid no attention to the subject, till they were called
to the consideration of it towards the end of August, by informa-
tion from the Lord Mayor of London as to the general scarcity of
grain. The Parliament had been dissolved—a new one was called,
and assembled early in November for the deliberation of the ques-
tion, when the King, his late Majesty George the Third, opened
the Session with the following words t
" My Lords and Gentlemen—The high price of wheat, and the
defective produce of grain, together with the extraordinary de-
mands for the same front foreign parts, have principally determined
me to call you thus early together, that I might have the erns* of
Parliament, u soon as conveniently might be; on a matter so im.
portant, and particularly erecting the poorer wart of my subjects.
• The urgency of the necessity called• upon me, in the mean
time, to exert my Keyalmithority for the preservatan of the public
safety againpt a growing calamity, which conk' not admit of delay.
I have, therefore, by and with the advice of sty Privy Council,
laid an embargo en wheat and wheat flour going out of the kingdom,
until the advice of my Parliament could be taken thereupon. It
further provisions of law be requisite or expedient with regard to
the dearness of corn, so necessary to the sustenance of the.poorer
sort, they cannot escape the wisdom of Parliament, to which I re-
commend the due consideration thereof."
Now (continued Mr. Secretary Peel), if his Majesty's Ministers
should act in this manner before the meeOng of the next Parliament,
we should hear of nothing but criminations and iinpeachments ; and
the following extracts from Lord Mansfield's speeches again; the ex-
ercise of the Royal Prerogative, and of the suspending power of the
Crown, as affecting the liberties of the people, would be tauntingly
quoted against us. Here the Right Man. Gentlemen read the ex-
tracts, the sum of which appeared to be this—" The suspending
power IS a two.edeed tool, which, though it cuts deeply, Is dan-
gerous to be handled. The undue use• of it lost one Prince his
crown, and another his crown and life, and ultimately expelled that
unfortunete family (the Stuarts) to reside in a land of tyranny.
The praitice of dispensing with the law was an infrabtien of the
Bill of Rights
(Mr. Peel, ' and so it was') and the man who could
advise theCtrown to' have recourse to it; was not a pod Minister
either fur the Sovereign or thc subjects. I like a bold Mihister, I
have seen bold wild measyree tsl succeed, but then that boldness
ought to be .hewn only for, dna not igahnt, the laws and liberties
of the country and ite•cmunitutios."—(Cheers). Now, Sir, sup-

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