Star.
London, England, 1820-06-27 00:00:00

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jesty's- -Ministers through the whole of the present
unfortunate business. Ile contended against the Pos-
sibility of 'not taking some ulterior proceeding, and
'stated, that if a Bill should be introduced, sufficient
time would be given to the parties to ptipare for de-
fence; so that when the ease of the prosecution should
close, that of the defendant shOuld confluence
Mr. WESTERN eructed his protest 'against the
motion of the Noble Lord, because he conceived
that its effect was to draw the House, directly sor
indirectly, into an approbation of those measures,
.and.into an inquiry which the whole country con-
demned !—(Hear, hear)—and which the general
sense of the House, on the first night of the discus-
sion, 'had also decidedly condemned. Why had'
the whole country expressed an opinion that the
proposed inquiry was one
.which ought net m be
gone into ? Because the Noble Lord, after having
represented the charges as of a criminal nature, hqJ
declared that they were capable of being negociated
and settled by an igamicable adjustment—(Hear,
/rear, hear)—Thii was a prOceeding altogether ano-
malous there was no case of a similar nature. lle,
believed that op to the present moment the decision
of the House had been correct and tight, and had
proceeded on a principle of justice towards the Illns-
trious Individual whose conduct had been impugned.
—Now that the hope of an amicable adjustment had
ceased to exist, the question of adjournment assumed
a different shape, because it tended to sanction the
proceeding of inquiry altogether, which the House
hpd originally condemned. He entreated the Muse
not to involve itself in the proceedings which might
be adopted in another place—(Hear, hear). It had
hitherto done its duty—let it not commit• its charac-
ter. Let the Noble Lord bring forward new projects,
and let him give'time to the House to consider them.
With this view, he should move, in Amendment to
the proposal of the Noble Lord, « That the debate be
adjourned to this day six months."
The question having been put,
Mr. S. WHITBREAD said, he objected entirely
to the measures that had been pursued by Ministers
since her Majesty's arrival in this country, and more
particularly to the motion brought forward this day
--(Hear, hear)—because it appeared to .him that
Ministers, by proposing measure after measure, and
scheme after scheme, were endeavouring to delude
the House into some sort of sanction of what they
had done. In opposing the Resolution of his Hon.
Friend (Mr. Wilberforce) the other night, he did so,
not because he would interpose any bar to an ami-
cable adjustment of their differences, but because,
when that Resolution was put into plain words, it
amounted,to this, that the Queen should submit to a
gross insult, which must have the effect of degrading
her for ever—( Hear, hear).—With the same feeling
be now begged leave to second the Amendment,
which, be felt no doubt, would be approved of by

the country.
Mr. TIERNEY said, that the Noble Lord had, on
a former night, mistaken a shake of his head for a
change of opinion, which would make him more
cautious how he shook his head in future:—(A laugh).
The last words of the Resolution appeared to hub to
be most extraofdinary, and he denied that the con-
of any of the branches of the Royal Family
tenld derogate frorwthe dignity of the Crown. The
sense of the House had clearly been, that the inquiry
should not go on. It would appear that the House
was to be absolved from the inquiry, and that it was
to be transferred to another quarter. But the Noble
Lord was not entitled to ask for relief from that dial-
adty in which hii own rashness had involved the
House, the Crown, and.the Country. It was only
last Saturday that the Noble Lord had, by his ges-
tures at least, intimatedathat some proceedings should
take place this day. But, on Thursday se'unight, the
'
Noble Lord would make a motion, different from all
he had made before, unlesv.the other House should
interpose. The House would be degraded if the
Noble,Lerd were allowed to escape censure. Some
entry at least should be made in the Journals, andhe
hoped his Honourable Frinid (Wynn), who so com-
pletely understood the subject, would turn his at
temion to it—(Hear, hear). Was that House to be
so far degraded as to be obliged to wait for what
should take place in the House of Lords ?—(Hear).
If that were the case, it could only be upon the prin-
ciple of the homely saying, that " one good turn de-
served another." For the last three weeks, the Lords
had been waiting for them, and now it appeared that
they were to wait for the proceedings in the Lords.
The Noble Lord had said, that he submitted Papers
to the House, not. to support a charge, but to see
whether any charge existed. Such an outrage, he,
believed, had never before been offered to Parlia-
ment. Though the Noble Lord must have known
the contents of Me bag, he then seemed to have
doubts ; but at present, he appeared to have none so
all. If he was to be believed now, he formerly trif ed.
with the House; and ithe was not to be believed now,
how could he be believed then? Such a course
proceedings could do anything but satisfy the coun-
try. All the difficulties had ansen entirely from want
of firmness on the part of Ministers. Had they -the,
evidence which they stated to be in their possession,'
way had it not been brought forward? And, for
the last twelve months, they must have been in pos-
session of the evidence from Milan.' What then
came of the dignity of the Monarchy, when the
charges had only been made public since the party
accused had become Queen ? All had been done by
the Ministers, as he would take upon himself to say,
that the Monarch who then sat upon the Throne,
was the last who would iniulta woman—(Hear).—
No answer had been made to the complaint of the
Queen, as to the omission of her name in the Liturgy
—none to her denssind for a yacht to convey her over,
and a Palace for he residence when she arrived. No
ittliempt at conciliation had been made till Ministers
bad beeudriven to it by their fears. He was not sur-
prised at the failure of the negotiation, as no woman,
however inclined to live abroad, would have consented
to it upon the terms proposed to the Queen. One
sii.zere friend would have done more in, one hour
than all the Duke of Wellingtons and Ldrd Castle-
reaghs in a year!—(Near, hear, hear).—lt was too
much for Ministers to ask, whether the country should
be convulsed, because no equivalent could be found
for the omission of the name in the Liturgy P which
equivalent could have been found by any set of men
but themselves. The question fin. the House to de-
termine was, whether Ministers were to be supported,
or the country to be tranquillized? The feeling in
favour of the Queen was so general, and all owing to

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'be conduct of Ministers, that it wits impossible a fair
trial could be had. If he might borrow-an allusion
front legal proceedings, for.the purpose of an impar-
tial trial the venue should be laid out of Eti,;land.—•
It was his Majesty's Ministers who had brought the
feelings of this country into the state in which they
were at present. They had set out in a way which
!side it appear that her Majesty was oppressed, in-
stilted, and degraded; and, in consequence, the feel-.
ing of the reople of this country was, " by this wo-
man-we will stand, because she is an ill-used woman."
:Had they pursued a manly course—had it been
known, that her head was likely to be struck off in
'the next Week, so the head, while it was on, had been
treated with respect as that of the Queen of England,
the people would have shewn that reverence lor•the
law, which they were always accustomed to shew
.when they believed that justice would be impartially
itilministeted—(/fear, hear).—When the Queen was
spoken of as having taken'too high a tone, it should
be redlentbered by whom she had been taught to take
that tone. She had learned it from those who had
pleaded her cause in 1807. She had then called for
trial, and demanded in be acquitted or proved guilty.
She had then been taught to tell her accusers that
she would bear of no cumin omise, of nothing but-
the full restoration of her rights, of being re.
instated in the favour of the Sovereign, and re-
ceived at his Court. This was the language which
she had held when it suited some of the Hon. Gen.
tlemen opposite to be her advocates—(Hear, hear):—
yet it seemed to excite in them some surprise, that
now, as then, she should claim to be considered in-
nocent! The evils 'which threatened the country
might yet be avoided, by pursuing one course, which
he would point out. He knew that a loud shout.
would be raised when he stated what that was: it
was a change of Ministers!—" And, so help me,
GOD!" exclaimed the Right Honourable Gentleman,
6 I believe this country will never gain a state of
tranquillity till the Ministers are changed !"--(Hear,
hear!) He concluded by condemning the mode of
proceeding now proposed to be adopted. To call on
that House to adjourn the consideration of the sub-
ject till Friday week, unless some proceeding in the
other House should bring it before them at an ear-
lier period; seemed to him a step as degrading to
that House; as any that could by possibility be re.
commended to them.

Mr. MARTIN (of Galway) deprecated the whole
tenour, as u ell as the conclusion of the Right Hon.
Gentleman's speech, for, even admitting the complete
innocence of the Queen, still it svas the duty of Mi-
nisters to afford her Majesty an opportunity of vindi-
pating that innocence. The conduct of his Majesty's
Ministers in this respect, resembled that of' the Clerk •
of the Crown who puttlie most humane construction'
on the facts which called for his official interference
—(A laugh). The Hon. and Learned Attorney-Ge-
neral opposite (here Mr. Broughain inclined his head
to the Hon. Member), could set him right if. he was
incorrect in the assertion he had made. The Queen
bad infinitely the advantage in being the accused and
not the accuser--(A laugh). The Hon MeMber next
observed, that those who advocated Parliamentary
Reform were the least competent to decide upon the
merits of the present question, upon which, some cries
of Order ! order being raised, he sat down, saying,
he would not deliver another word, as he was inter-
rupted—(Laughter).
Lord MILTON assured the Hon. Member, that
though he was among those who had Galled out
"Order!" vet he should be the last mars to interrupt
the Hon. Member from any other motive than one
that was quite admissible by the usage of Parliament.
He, therefore, hoped that his having said'this much,
wouldobe a sufficient explanation to the Hon. Member,
and induce him to continue his speech.
Mr. M A RTIN then resumed, and closed by stating
that he expressed -his anise concurrence in the of
ginaod NU GENT mo
tion.
Lord ENT said, that it was his determination
to vote for the amendment of his Honourable Friend.
—lt was a motion for delay to-such a period as was
well understood in that House to be a mode of al-
together disposing of the question. The delay pro-
posed by the Noble Lord opposite could not, he
hoped, be successful. It could not but be offensive to
his Majesty—it could not but be offensive and inju-
rious to the Queen—it would be, if agreed total
subversion of the principles of public justice.—
But whatever was his opinion as to thequestion now
before the House, he could not but agree in the sen-
timent with which the Noble Lord had concluded.-
that it was highly- necessary for every Member to
enforce upon himself the duty of keeping his mind
disembarrassed of every thing which' might tend to
mislead him in the inquiry; which might prevent
him from giving a cfispassionate and impartial deci-
sion-upon the great question in agitation. He now
meant to put the sincerity of his Majesty's Ministers,
in their declaration upon this points to the test. For
many days past, that part of the Press which was
supposed- to be under the influence of his Majesty's
Ministers, teemed with paragraphs calculated to er•
cite the stronget prejudices against her Majesty, and
to injure the course of public justice. He requested
the leave of the House to read two passages from
a Paper of that day, which were of the most hob.
bible and disgusting nature.—( Hear, hear, hear)...
The passage to which he alluded was in the Morn-
iag Post of this day. After a long paragraph, and
a very offensive one, the writer thus proceeded •
England ought not to be involved in mierffor au
Alien and an unworthy object I"—(Loud and indir
nant cries of Hear, heat). The " unworthy object"
was then stated* to be the taking into consideration
the necessary measures on the subject of her Ma-
jesty. But what, followed was still more heinous. It
poi:weeded...4, And as the Queen alone stands in the
way of an arrangement, we say she (night to yield
to the universal good, we care 'not whether as a
martyr or a criminal I"—(Lostd
,expressions of
He would nc t now make any further com-
ment on this atrocious 'and diabolical sentiment,
which, to say the least of it, violated the first
principles of public justice l—(Hear, hear, hear).—
He, therefore, called on his Majesty's Minister% if
they had any regard for public justice ; he called
upon the Right Hon. Gentleman who had expressed
his ‘4 gfectioss for her Majesty ; he put it to the tense
of the House, whether they would allow this para.
graph to go unprosecuted by his Majesty's Attorney.
General?—(Hear, hear).—lt they did allow It to go
unprosecuted, they would-not do their duty ;if they
did, he would judge in his own discretion, whether

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Ir. u ould.take any further proceeding—(Hear, hear).
He repeated his determinrtion'tsynte for the Amend-
ment of his Honourable Friend, as he thought that
fire bestmeans.of satisfying the ends of public justice
—(Hear, hear, hear).
Lord MILTON knew of no grounds onswhich the
House could be called upon to originate the proposed
inquiry, as no public grounds had been stated, either
of danger to the succession or to public morals, from
tl:e conduct of the Queen. He called upon the Gen-
tlemen who had supported the motion of the Member
for I3ramber still to attempt to .heal the unhappy
differences; and on that account he should support
the Amendment. It would .appear, .that upon the
present occasion Ministers wished to have two strings
to their bow—the Lords and the Commons; but in
the course of the inquiry, docnonents would. be pro-
doced, and recollections would be excited—(Hear,
hertrl)--that might endanger the tranquillity of the
to entry. He would recommend to Ministers to look
to he events that.thirty years ago had taken place,
on the other side of the Chinnel, and strive to de-
r.ve a lessmof wisdom. _ _

Mr. WYNN could not accede to the motion of the
Noble Lord, if any hopes still remained of an ami-
cable adjustment. But he was afraid all hope of that
kind bad fled. The most regular course for Mini-
st:ll to have actor:vat was, to have brought down a
I\l. ss:iv from the Crown, to suspend all proceedings.
In the case of impeachment, and a Bill of pains and
penalties, he did not see that the other House could
interfere till that House had disposed of the comrnu-
• nication made to them ; nor could he see that the
House could consent to a further adjournment.
Mr. S. WORTLEY had supported Ministers ; but
if an amicable arrangement could be ebncluded by
their retirement from offite, he should think it a
cheap sacrifice. His vote should be guided by the
con.ideration that the House had no alternative. If,
the Illustrious Personage wanted more time to pre-
pare her defence, it ought by all means to be granted,
if it was to be properly applied. The Queen might
have acceded to the Address of the House, and tra-
velled On nughout Europe as the acknowledged Queen
of England. He agreed that it was a dilemma into
which they had got, but was there not an evil on the,
other side ? Would the country be satisfied without
iliquiry, when there were charges against a person at
the head of one branch of society in this country?—
He was sure they would not be satisfied, neither
would it be satisfactory to the Illustrious Personage
herself—(Hear).
Mr. HOBHOUSE declared his intention to vote
for the motion proposed by the Hon. Member for
Essex ; for the adoption of that was, in his judgment,
best calculated to promote the adjustment of the un-
fortunate differences between the Illustrious Parties
snore immediately concerned, as well as-to mark the
opinion of the House with respect to the conduct of
those Ministers who had involved it in such a dis-
agreeable and embarrassing dilemma. After re-
viewing the circumstances which had occurred since
the I.sth of April, the Honourable Member ex-
pressed a hope that her Majesty would take care that
nothing should p rsuade her again to leave England.
She must now be fully aware of the danger to which
she was exposed, through her absence from this
country ; and from the nature of that danger, from
the turpitude of the machinations employed against
her, she ought to feel that her life itself .could not
be safe, if she ventured again to reside in any foreign
country.. The machinations excited against her Ma-
jesty abroad composed. as his worthy colleague had
well observed, the falsehood and filth of the green
bag. But this system of preferring charges in green
bags, and calling upon the Legislature to act upon
them, had grown to an alarming extent under the
auspices of these Ministers. Some time ago they
brought charges against the people at large in a
green bag, through which they influenced the Legis-
lature to suspend the Constitution, and authorise the
imprisonment of several of his Majesty's subjects.—
Now they proposed to dethrone a Queen through a
green bag of charges; and really. after such expe.
thence, it would behove Kings themselves to beware
of the consequences of such a system, to guard
against the danger that might arise from the esta-
blishment of such precedents; for if a Queen were
to be deposed through a green bag presented to
Parliament by Ministers, what might become
a Sovereign also, if any one should offer what was
not agreeable to their taste, or against whose cha-
racter and habits any moral cry might prevail ?
If, for instance, it should by possibi ity bappea that
a Sovereign existed in England who was steeped to
the chin in sloth and voluptuousness—who was re-
gardless of every moral principle—who was forgetful
of every political promise—who was inattentive to
every public duty and personal obligation, a Minis-
tei ial Green Bag might be put forth against such a
man, and possibly such a Sovereign's authority, odi-
ous as it must be to popular feeling, and destitute as
it must be of honest Parliamentary deference, might
ultimately be the victim of this Green Bag system,
or of that course of measures which the present Mi-
nisters Were so much disposed to act upon. Kings,
therefore, he argued, should Ise as anxious as other
people to get rid of those Grail:Sags. Yet he was
T_lrprised to see that /he hateful Bag abOut the Queen
w:is still suffered to remain upon the table. Why
w a; rot such a nuisance removed at once ? An Ho-
nourable Gentleman on a former evening had com-
pared the situation of Ministers to that 'of certain
characters in Tke Rehearsal; but the Hon. Member
for Bramber and his associates, perhapit rather re-
sembled those in a Drama founded upon it, The critic,
where Lord 13 u sleigh says to Mr. Puff, " But, Sir,
you have not told us how we are to get off I"-
44 Why," replies he, " cannot you get off kneeling ?"
No 1"—,- Egad, it will have a good effect if you
go, off praying
The Question was loudly called for.
Mr. DENMAN rose, and said, that her Majesty,
in appealing to public justice, did not retract in any
degree her objection to every secret mode of pro-
cwaliug on such a subject. - He thought it necessary
to say thus much on that point, in reply to an infe-
rence which had been drawn from that appeal by an
Honourable Member. He had also to state, for him-
self and his Learned Colleague, that it was not their
vote on the present question,
intention to give any
because if they voted for the Amendment, they would
act inconsistently with an appeal, which, as her Ma-
jeal's law calizers, they had just made in another
place ; and it they voted fur the cnigival motion,

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they would give Wuntenance to a mode of inquiry
which they always had deprecated. But with regard
to the Amendment, he just wished to state, that it
was not a motion for putting -off.all inquiry it was
only for putting off this parucular mode of inquiry
in such a way, as that 'it would not come on again.
But if the House should agree to the postponement
proposed by the Noble, Lord, and should then think it
right to proceed with the in -uiry, let it be at least re-
marked, that they would go on grounds entirely new.
They would go into that inquiry not on account of
the rejection of the terms proposed at St. Omer's—
not on the ground of any publication which had
been made in the News-papers—publications in which_
he thought her Majesty perfectly justified, and of
which, after all, no person had to complain except his
Honourable and Learned Ftiend on the floor. But
the-inquiry was now proposed, lest the character of
certain Gentlemen who had interposed their good
offices should suffer. He could not, however, see
what fears ought to be entertained, lest they should
wound the pride of this/mod estate of the realm—
(Hear, hear). Neither he nor his learned colleagues
feared the truth contained in the bag on the table.
They only dreaded its falsehood—its malignity—
they only apprehended the diffusion of that falsehood
and that malignity before it was possible to produce
its refutation. He entreated that no inquiry would
be begatfuntil an opportunity was given for answering
it.—But, if after the inquiry of 36 Members of both
Houses a Bill of pains and penalties were proposed,
sure he was that it Would be attended with little de-
lay—sure he was that as soon as it was ready, the i.e
Rai le rent would besiven != (Hear, hear). All be
asked for was an open trial :, but if that were not
granted, he hoped st least, that the Secret commit-
tee would be conducted in such a way as to afford a
fair opportunity fur hearing at the same time both
sides—(Hear, hear).
Mr. W. Wriont and Mr. WiteTZON explained. •
Mr. WILBERFORCE said, that although some persons had
censured the proposition which he bad had the honour of bring;
ing forward on a former evening, yet he was not in the least de-
gree disposed 'to retract any pf the reasons which he had urged
in support of it, and he felt unfelt-Ord, regret that her Majesty
was advised to reject it. He felt so, because he was convinced,
that when it would be read in the page of history that she bad
yielded to the expressed sense of a decided maity of Parlia-
ment, her Majesty's honour would be considered secure (Hear
hear!}—The only point of difference that still remained was the
omission of her Majesty, name from the Liturgy. Whether or
not her name ought- to have been takesiont, Was a question on
which he would now offer no opinion (.!axed crier sf Her, hear!)
Perhaps it ought net to have been taken out (Hear, hear !)
But it appeared, that in case of the continuance of omission, an
equivak: t was demanded ; and what was that equivalent? That
het' Majesty should be recom mended to some one foreign Court.
He might be permitted here to Mk, if there was no equivalent
in the Address of this House?—(Herr, hear).—Was the House,
reduced so low in character, that se large a majority of its Mem-
bers had no weight with het Majesty, on a point, too, where
she was not called on to admit anything, but only to give up
her own feelings- to the authority of Parliament ?—((:heers).—
Could her Majesty have desired anything so much as a dedara-
don from Parliament on that point ?—(ffeer, jar)—He could
not help believing that that rejection was rather the result of her
own high feelings, than the advice of her Law Officers. Weed,
it was commonly so reported—(Hear, hear).—He still retained
theimpression which he had firm received, as to the dreadful
consequences of such an inquiry as this. But was there no al-
ternative ? Were they bound, because the proposition had failed,
to turn round and my that they should dismiss the question alto-
gether ? This seemed to him to be inconsistent with common
sense—(Her, hear I front the Mitiaterialßeackes).—He did not
say, at the same time; that he would vete for a Secret Commit-
tee—(Cieers).—He now declared, that he woul4not pledge him-
self to any suck motion. Indeed, he thought such a proceed-
ing most unadvisable—(Hear).—But after the Mesotge they
bad received from the King, they could notdbmiss the further
consideration of it, in this way by getting rid of it altogether.—
The Hon. Member then proceeded to say, that if a judidalin-
quiry should be gone into, it must be productive of feelings of
the most painfel and distressing nature. He felt for that dis-
tress on both sides, because Parliament was not altogedier clear
of having some pert in producing it by the mode whia it had
adopted as to-Royal Marriages—(Hem): He thanked the Mi-
nisters for the manner in which they had facilitated the propo-
sition be bad made on a former night, and be was sure that. if
it had.beew carried unanimously, it would have been aceefted
by the Queen—(Heir). AU that they had now to do was, to
that justice should be done. He fit,-that with regard to
all those early circumstances connected with her arrival here
her Majesty had just reason to complain--Peere)-
Mr. SCARLETT proceeded to argue on the unconstitutional
nature of the proposition for a Secret Committee. Minister:
could not have come down unprepared to the House, upon
a charge involving at once thi honour of the King and the safe-
ty,of the Queen ; yet they have asked for a Secret Committee
at twenty-ooe Members to direct them in the measures they
should take upon this occasion—(Heer, hear!) Were such men
fit to be filinisters ? Should,the Home give them its sanction ?'
lie insisted that they should have taken examinations before
the Privy Council—a step which it was not in the power of the
House to take. This was the course, the only course left thkm.
It was not prudent to come to the people, and to ask them to
define the degree of morality which should controul the Queen
hear!) Suck a measure, be contended, was pregnant
with the greatest danger; bat he was yet to be convinced that
that there was any necessity for it. Were he a Minister, and
that things were in that condition that the King's honour re-
quired the adoption of a measure like this, coming to this
House, he would not only give up his place, but surrender his
life rather than recommend it—(o4eers.) Yet the Ministers
felt ho hesitation in choosing between the two ; they made the
proposition, -and kept their places. Ministers should rather
have resigned than abandon their duty in a situation so trying ;
and although an made use of by so Hon. and Learn-
ed Friend of his (Mr. expression
Brougham) had been a good deal com-
mented upon, he would say, he entirely agreed with him in
thinking, no set-of men would be found bold enough to fill their
places—(Hear, hear!) He thought hfinbters were dealing with
the country in an untoosnituttoust way, whin they concurred
in a dangerous measure, rather than Maud their places. They
could have but one or other of three cases against the Queen.
They either had a good case, a doubtful case, or no case at all.
Now, upon a good case, there could be no doubt; if they had
a bad one, they betrayed the King in mooting it, and if a doubt-
ful one, they made a strange use of the Ileum, by throwing the
responsibility of it on their shoulders.---(Her! J Would Mi-
nisters adopt their suggestions without any responsibility, in a
case in which the honour of the King and Queen, and the safety
of the nation were concerned ? He denied that there was a no-
cessity for coming to Parliament, and demanding a body of
twenty-one unknown advisers whet' the King bad his consti-
tutional advisers, to *hem done should be lee the guidance of
the affair. For his per, he never would consent to the appoint-
ment of a Secret Hoer). He also thought that
the reluctant manger fits which Ministers had come to the
House, would of itself induce the people to think they had no
case; and henceforward the question would be, not whether the,
Queen hersilf was to blame, but whether the people, under ant
circomstances, would be persuaded to think her guilty ? The
House'of Commons were not the People—they were but its
Representatives, and if it continued to oppose itself to them, it
would be lowered in their estimation. No one would doubt
but that the delays and vacillations of Ministers served to make
the people think the Queen had a strong case. This ophdosi was
already adopted, and they had come too hate into the field with
their measures to remove it. The people bad anticipated them.
He thought the House ought to put its negative upon the mea-
sure in every stage. Those who were for cutting it off, did not
contemplate stopping all inquiry.--(Hear, hear.) Ministers, at a
tuture time, could renew it, bait at 'motet their endeavours
were ill-dined. He entreated the House to stiffer them to
stand of their own responsibility in this business.—lf the
House was to be forced into a Secret Committee, let it be the
work of the 'Ministers. If an Inviry WMI to be had, Which
the House declared by its Resoled**, would be derogatory to
the honour of the Crow(' let it be en • the Ministers'
beads—(liner, hear). Ike spoke pf Ministers in their re-

spendble character, for he could net *trite them troth
the King. He could not allow that' therwould be forced
'lnto a measure by the King. They should in tile, as in all
other matters, be entirely responsible. Let than, then, do
this at their peril. No man was more attached to the Consti-
tution, not even those who, either in or out of the House, dic-
tate to Moisters--(ffear)--than he (Ms. 3). was; and he
would now say, that their conduct had almost brought the
country to the brink of a revoludon, and be feared this mea-
sure would be the eompletion of it--(Leusi cries e Ilrer, hear,
hafr.)- What were they doing? Was it not enough that their
own measures were scouted by the people, bat they must bring
in the House of Commons for its share of the odium ? The
Representatives of the people never shibuld erect themselves
into the Executive Government—(Hear). Yet Ministers were
constantly coming to them to do everything fur them. For the
last ten years there was n► one measure adopted, to which the
sanction of the Commons had not been procured; and what
was the consequence ? The people no longer separated them--
they divided the odium between them. The House of Com-
mons were not the Executive Government—they should rather

be a check upon it—(lkar). He thought this case without
precedent, and one, which from the importanie of the 'leas
involved in it, was of great moment. I t was altogether unpre-
cede/nett to conic to Parliament and not ask lot an open en-
quiry, but a Secret Committee up stairs to instruct them in the
course which they ought to take—(Hear.) He repeated, that
he could not separate the King from the Ministers, and he
was at a loss to know how thatwere forced upon any measure
against theirs better sense. was it that forced them?
Was it the coming over of the Queen? Surely that circumstance
afforded no fresh evidence against her?—(Hear). Wai it their
pride that was offended? Surely whnt was doing now might,
with as much propriety, be done a yeas ago—(Hear). But why
not do this in the face of .the country? Why come to Parlia-
ment for a shelter ? It was a sort of appeal to the people for
their approbation. Were Ministers then, to be instructed in
what they ought to do? Ile thought not, and be thought the
sooner they were made sensible that such was the feeling of the
House the better. If the question was whether the Secret
Committee was to be that day ten days, or that day six months,
hewould give the same answer in either case, he would be hos-
tile to it altogether—(Meer)- On these grounds, therefore, he
voted for the amendment Of his Hon. Friend, as wen as in a
hope that in the meantime the Ministers would be obliged to
adopt some specific measure, and that understanding they were
to have no advice from the House they should shift for them-
selves. If Country Gentlemen felt that it was expedient such
a measure should be adopted, let them leave it to those Hon.
Members who were in the babif of sanctioning all the mea-
sures of a weak and imprudent Administration, to go through
With it-41lear, hear!) For himself he would say, and he
trusted he was at liberty to say as much for those about him,
that he hoped they would not compromise themselves by acting
upon the Committee—(Loud cheers from the Opposition). At
the same time, he did not indulge this hope from any wish that
it should be made a party question—it never had been made a
party questioa at that side of the House—(Hear, hear, hear).
They who made such a charge did but avow their own in-
tentions. His friends had never made a party question of one
which seemed to threaten ruin to the nation. He could assure
Ministers, that there was nothing so desirable in their situations
as to make an set of men ambitious of supplanting them. No
one at that side of the House envied them : and if they did
but their duty, they might calculate upon their firmest support
and co-operation--(Oteers). - How far they Oki that let their
overt acts tell. In looking to these one would rather think
they wished to bring on a revolution, than take measures tend-
ing to the peace of the country and the welfare of the people.
In all canonic. [evolutions began in consequence of the bad
measures of the Government, and it never happened that they
came on without some notice of their apptoacb. Then if any
Gentlemen there were disposed to go with Ministers on this oc-
casion, he wished them to do so, but he deprecated the idea of
making it a party question--(Hear). He hoped all his friends
on that side were as much attached to the Constitution of the
country as any other set of men whatever; and he reamed upon
the other side the charge of making the question a party one.
If the House was to be driven to bad useassmes, he wished the
balance of it to be at the other side, not there (the Opposition).
The conduct of Ministers all through was extremely objection-
able ; their proposition now was one which he thought could
not, and ought not/ under any circumstances, be entertained,
and as it seemed to be ahvays open to the same oh' he
would be always equally hostile to it. The Hoe. and Learned
Gentleman concluded by voting for the amendment.
Mr. W. SMITH greed that this was not apart, question ;
and he should vote for Mtadjoundsem for six months, thougb
be voted Tor the ressiolbm of his Bea Mari (Mr. Wilber-
force), and with llathlnri; std pet he should not consider
that as any proof of komeisesem 1111 ooMbiet.
Mr. M A RRY AT coneldmod the Mime of tbeir 'attempt at
negotiation as like all Mel interference between man and wife.
Bot be attributed thole/am to she waig of consistency in the
language 00= Beasbika, bemuse they first spoke of her
• rights, and immedimelp mid upon her to surrender them.
They were in a chin of dipokki; put he thought it im-
possible that anythig could woe ea of that Green Bag half
so bed as woe talked i over the cometry ; and he, therefore,
wished thee the whole of these bib reports should.. be put an
end to immedient sod full mmeiry.—(lfear)
r. BROUGHAM explained. The Queen only wished
for me melt delay as would enable her to procure her witnesses.
illsomprs were then ordered to withdraw, and the Hots*
haohlg divided upon the amendment, the numbers were— •
For the Amendment
Against it
Majority in favour of the original motion
Mr. BROUGHAM postponed till Wednesday his motion
for renewing the Committee= Education, ace. ; and the Maw
orders of the day being disposed of
The Home adjourned about Twelve o'clock.

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

TUESDAY, JUNE 27, 1820.
!RISK Of STOCKS THIS DAY AT WIZ O'CLOCK ?
3 per Ct. Redn. 681 §-311 per Ct. 77-4 per Ct. 56i SSI
5 per Cent. Scrip Ig pr.—lndia Bonds, 16s. IL?. pre.
Old Annuities CA—l:eh. BM par. is. dis.
Commercial 3s. pr.—Onutiuns g pft—Cons. for opg. 6111 70g 70.

As we ventured to predict, the Green Bag is not
to be opened by the House of Commons, Ministers
will now do what they ought to have done in the
first instance—take upon themselves the responsibi-
lity of the measures which they may advise the KING
to pursue. Lord CASTLEREAGH_ accordingly an-
nounced, last night, that on Thursday se'nnight,
should no unforeseen cause of delay arise before that
day, he will submit a motion to the House, decla-
ratory of the nature of the charges against her nt-
iitsrv, and Ole description of evidence by which
.they are to be supported. Mr. BROUGHAM 'took oe:
easion to express, on the part of her MAJESTY; the
satisfaction she telt that the time was approaching
when her conduct SVolllck undergo public investiga-
tion, as the Noble Lord stated that the proceedings
were to be as public as her MAJESTY could desire:
The Learned Gentleman also intimated, that he should,
when the Noble Lord should bring forward his mo.
tion on Thursday se'nnight, lay claim, on the pan .
his Illustrious Client, to some delay, to afford be,:
MAJESTY time to bring from the Continent to this
country such witnesses us she misfit judge needling
for'her defence. An Amendment was moved to the
motion of Lord CAbT.LEREAUH,- by Mr. lA'sinutiti
Member for Esser, tkut the debate should be ad.
jout tied to that day 44. tu0i4.1.. The .i.mendnuti

was finally negatived by a majority of 95; the rytni. 4f
bers being 195 for the original motion, and 100 for
the Amendment.
The attention of the House of Peers was occnpiel
with the same topic. A Petition was Presentel from
her MaJestv by Lord DACRE, protesting agaimt
any secret examination into her conduct; but pro-
fessing her anxiety and utmost wish for a full, hilt
open inquiry, at the same time requiring time to get
her Witnesses from abroad, and concluding, that sl:e
might be that night beard by het Counsel at the. Bar
of their Lordships' House, in behalf of tke delay
which the considers necessary to prepare for her de-
fence, by collecting evidence.
Lord DaCaa, after the Petition had been rend,
moved, that her.Matesry's Counsel should be heard,
which was carried without the smallest opposition,
and without one dissentient voice. Messrs. BROUGHAM
and DENMAN were then heard in behalf of her MA.
norry's Petition ; and the further proceedings on it
Were postponed till Wednesday, as was the sitting
.4'om Secret Committee, which otherwise must have
met peremptorily this day.
A more impressive speech wet never uttered at the
bar of the House than that by Mr. Bitooonma—a
more high and lofty tone of impassioned eloquence,
and proud defiance of she enemies of his !loyal
tress, was never assumed by any Advocite in any
-cause Mr. DENMAN was also very happy in his al.
lusions. Earl GREY postponed the motion of which
his Lordship bad given notice, respecting the QueEN,
until this day. _

The discussions in licit Houses were extremely
animated and interesting, and will well repay the
trouble of a perusal. It is impossible, nor would it
be proper, to disguise the fears entertained by man;
as to the consequences that may flow to the Noitol
from the investigation thus forced upon Parliament
—but by whom ? Not by the QUEEN. What pet s
conscious of innocence would submit to become .L
sacrifice for others—and on a point, too, respectii g
honour and character. None of the individuals ‘%!10
would impose this on her MAJESTY would them-
selves tamely submit to take such a load for the cc::-
% ience of any man, or set of men, on the face cf
the earth.

The Paris Papers of Friday and Saturday arrived
this forenoon. Their contents are not- possessed of
much interest. The celebrated General GRoucuy
has arrived at Havre, from the United States.—live
per Cents. Friday, 76f. R 5 c.