Star.
London, England, 1821-01-04 00:00:00

NAPLE&

PRIVATE LETTRIL—Nareas, Dar.. it.
is I told you, my dear Sir, the indignation of the
People was roused at the King's Message to Parlia-
mat of the Bth. 'You will perceive that the Minis-
try was changed by a Decree of the 10th.
" The Parliament voted an Address to the King
to-day, which is to be presented by a Deputation of
eighteen of the Deputies, sanctioning his Majesty's
departure for the Congress, at Laybach, since be
swears to have no other motive than to maintain the
present_ Constitution. The Duke of Calabria, the
Vicar-General, is named Regent while his Majesty is
absent; and with respect to his Majesty's desire to
balm four Members of the Parliament to accompany
him to the Congress, the Address assures the King
of the implicit faith of the Parliament in the King's
oath to defend the Spanish Constitution here esta-
blished, and declines sending any persons with his
Majesty as advisers.
" The Committee appointed to investigate the
charges preferred by the Parliament against the Mi-
nisters who advised so unconstitutional a measure as
the Address of the Bth, made its Report to-day. The
Duke of Campo Chiaro. and Count Zurlo are consi-
dered gulty, but the others are not so in the opinion
of the Committee ; however, a further discussion is
to take place on Friday.

NEAPOLITAN PAPERS.
In the Giormak Costeessionak of the 12th, is the
following speech, delivered by Signor Poerio, in the 4
Sitting of the Bth December :
" GENTLEKIN—Never was a People in its regene-
ration more innocent than ours. Never did a nation,
by its noble self-restraint, acquire greater rights to
the esteem of its contemporaries, and to the admi-
ration of posterity. Notwithstanding, ancient and
modern history do not present, perhaps, an example
of a situation more painful, and less deserved, than
that in which we, the Representatives of that Nation,
are to-day placed. Our venerated Monarch is sud-
denly invited to form a part of the august Congress
which is about to open in the city of Laybach, com-
posed of the highest Potentates of Europe. He, re-
solved to consolidate the happiness of his People,
braves the rigour of the season, does not regard his
advanced agel and wishes to accede to the invitation.
But the identical declaration which announces to us
this news, contains, in form and substance, acts ab-
solutely incompatible with the Constitution which
we have sworn to defend !—acts to which we could
not consent without making ourselves culpable !
acts, in fine, which, if not censured, would eclipse
the glory of the Nation, and that of the King !
What shall we do, Gentlemen, in circumstances so
difficult? That which faithful Mandatories owe to
themselves, to their constituents, and to the head of
the generous nation which they represent. We shall
discuss the contents of the Royal Message with calm-
ness ; we shall decide with courage ; we shall act
with constancy; and we shall put into our conduct
the greatest honesty and truth. Your Extraordinary
Committee has understood the importance of the
preliminary examination entrusted to them. They
have been penetrated with the different duties of the
Assembly, and they have consequently distinguished
in the Message, the benevolent part, which is entirely
the King's, from the anti-constitutional part, which
cannot be his, and which must be attributed solely
to erroneous and imprudent counsels. This distinc-
tion has guided the Committee to that wise, digni-
fied, and prudent decision, which the Honourable
Deputy Reporter has made you acquainted with, and
illustrated. Let us not now depart from that salu-
tary distinction; let us avoid pronouncing an abso-
lute negative; let us reflect that the destiny of seven
millions of our fellow-citizens depends on it. Of
what use is it to dissemble? Our political resurrec-
tion has had, from its first moments, detractors. It
is true that exaggeration and the spectres created
to our loss, by malignity and by envy, must have
fielded to the strength of evidence ; it is true the
general opinion in Europe respecting us is grown
steady, and that no one any longer believes this hos-
!bitable land to be in anarchy and disorder; it is true,
in fine, that the fatal scenes emphatically predicted
by a few journalists, serve still only to delight false
prophets. But, nevertheless, our enemies have not
ceased to preach up an error, to which principally
must be attributed the uncertainty of our diplomatic
relations. Let us say it boldly, and without any veil,
an injurious prejudice has been circulated ; they have
dared to say that the Constitution of Spain was pro-
claimed amongst us by a faction, and that the King
was not free in giving his consent to it. Gentlemen,
as this most unjust accusation is intimately connected
with the subject which we are discussing, it is useful,
it is honourable, it is necessary to banish this error
to combat such a prejudice. The result will be a
triumphant argument in favour of the opinion of
your Extraordinary Committee. But permit me to
found my demonstration, not from political researches
of a high order ;—suffer me to deduce my system
from those facts only which have passed under our
eyes, known to the whole universe, and already
become the province of history ;—suffer also, that to
render this system irresistible, 1, the Representative
of a free and constituted People, borrow the lan-
guage of the partizans of absolute power, and con-
tute their accusations with their own principles.—
Who does not. know that the ardent, and, I will
say, feverish desire of the people of the Two Sicilies
has always been for liberal institutions? Without
losing ourselves in antiquity, on which ground we
'should combat with an useless superiority, let us
confine ourselves to the period of the last twenty-five
years. The ideas developed by the French Revolu-
tion, of which the remoteness heightened the gran-
deur, and. concealed the disorders, had here, until
1795, no consequences but simple inclinations. The
Government took theories for conspiracies, and this
fatal error produced its never-failing effects. Liberal'
ideas spread their branches among the most en-
lightened and distinguished classes of society, and
the incursion of the French, which happened in 1799,
gave them a preponderating force, which rigour was
never able to subdue. The invasion which Bona-
parte made in 1806, of the Kingdom of Naples, and
the absolute Government which was the consequence
of it, were not able to root out that desire of liberty
which resection, experience, and the example of the
errors of other nations, had converted into the want
of a constitutional' regime. The People were not
deluded by splendid appearances, and manifested in

different tinnier the same In 1612 the Caz
labrias, in 181 S the Abruzzos, moved 'without con-
cert for the same end, to obtain a Constitution. And
in and after 1812, what efforts did not Sicily make
to ameliorate its own ? The sea, as well as their
Governments, divided the two people, but an ac-
cordant interest and desire united them. In 1814,
the Nobility, the Magistracy, and the Army, solemnly
demanded a Constitution from Joachim. It was pro-
mised with pomp, but it was not given, except in
ithe last instants of his government, and m if it were
the only plank in his shipwreck. But this concession
was toe tardy, and was taken for an act of derision.
But what need have I of arguments and conjectures?
The Proclamation of the Ist of May, 1815, which
his Majesty addressed from Palermo to the Inhabi-1
tants of the Kingdom of Naples°, and in which, to
excite them to shake off the foreign yoke, and to
prepare them for liberty, the magnanimous King
restored to his People their ancient names, that they
might imitate ancient virtues; this solemn act, in
which was announced the return of the legitimate
King to his Throne, in the name of the Congress of
the High Allies, who, after so many dangers, and
with so much glory, had made the cause of legiti-
macy triumph ; this edict of consolation and peace
contains the following memorable words:-" A Go-
vernment, stable, wise, religious, and for you. The
People shall be the Sovereign, and the Prince the
depository of the laws, which shall be given by the
most energetic and desirable of Constitutions:—
What homage more pure or more true could be ren-
dered to the impatience of the People for a political
regeneration? The Head of the Government, who
was just about to lose the reins of power, and his
Majesty, who was ready to reassume them, spoke
the same language—the only language which the
People enjoyed and understood, became the only
one which suited their wants, and could cure their
evils and cicatrize their wounds. How could it be
imagined that theT should afterwards forget it ? Na-
tions often suffer in silence ; but no nation has ever
renounced hope, and much less the aspect of its feli-
city. In fact, in the month of June, 1815, his 'Ma-
jesty returned to Naples, and his gentle and paternal li
administration created in the hearts of all the most
lively gratitude, augmented the love of the People,
but did not stifle in their breasts ancient desire—
did not root from their minds the recent promise—
did not erase from their understanding the truth,
that men pass away and institutions remain.—
If we regard truth, we cannot deny that, from
1815 to 1820, a Constitution was more than ever de-
sired among us, and that, at different intervals, the
cries for it were loudly raised, in others prayers, in
all hope. In such a state of things, some brave men
met on the 2d of July, at Monteforte, and had the
noble boldness first to utter the public wish for a con-
stitutional regime. They were few in number, but
their sentiments were those of the whole kingdom.—
The news of this event arrived at Naples, and the
first steps of the Ministry seemed directed to make
use of force ; but soon it perceived its true position,
and revealed it altogether to the King. The vene-
rated Monarch shuddered at the
.bare thought of
civil bloodshed : he called to counsel his old Ministers,
and in the midst of them, and only with them, he de-
termines to gratify the unanimous and already ante-
cedently known wishes of the nation, and to grant,
at Last, that sighed-for gift promised by him in the
fulness of his liberty, and when he was about to re-
turn amongst us, supported by the High Powers ;
a precious gift, which renders the people more free,
and the empire of the laws stronger, and the Throne
more secure. Let us be just, Gentlemen. Between
the morning of the 2d of July, in which the move-
ment commenced, and the night of the 6th, in which
his Majesty wisely and boldly terminated it, by pro-
claiming the Constitution of Spain, what region of
the kingdom was shaken ?—what region lost its traii'-
quillity, or was exempted from the Royal authority ?
On the contrary, all the twenty-two Provinces of the
Monarchy lived in obedience to the King. The
,greater number of them not only were ignorant of
what had happened, but there would not have been
time to inform them of it, not even by telegraph; so
that Sicilia, the Calabrias, the Apulias, the Abruzzos,
the Basilicata Samnium, the Capital, and also the
neighbouring Provinces, did not give themselves a
Constitution, but received it from the hand of the
King. They received it, it is true, with joy, and with
applause, as the first of their wants—as the pledge
of their prosperity—as the bond which bound them
more closely to the reigning dynasty ; but, in fine,
unless history be falsified, it must be agreed that the
Spanish Statute was granted by the Monarch to his
People, and published bythe Constituted Authorities.
And yet they dare to attack the legitimateness and
`the spontaneousness of that memorable act! And
they dare to attribute it to fear ! Yes, certainly, it
was by a noble fear, that his Majesty determined on
this step ; that is, the fear that a Government with-
out guarantees could no longer sutlice for our well-
being and his repose. What wonder is there, that
enlightened by experience, moved by fervent and
unanimous wishes, mindful of his promises,and soli-
citous to see his People permanently happy, he should
have put an end to the political tempests, and fixed
the helm of the Government as it were in a secure
port, on the basis of the social compact ? But be-
cause his resolution was the more founded on calcu-
lation, is it to be on that account less free? What
political constitution, what diplomatic treaty, what
political alliance, what peace has there been which
was not determined by strong and impelling motives?
Our detractors have not been weary of lavishing on
the brave men of Monteforte, the title of rebels, and
to attribute to them exclusively our political change.
But what assertion was ever less true? No: The
movement of Monteforte was not the cause, but the

• This Proclamation is expressly aid solemnly Widened in
the Edict which his Majesty published at Messina, the 90th of
May, 1815, and which forms part of the Bulletin of the Laws.
At any rate, two facta are undoubted :—the first, that the Pro.'
clammiest of the Ist May, 1813, given at Palermo, was seat at
that time from Sicily, as well into the Kingdom of Naples u
elsewhere. It wee Fisted in many provinces, and produced on
them a very walla den ; and abo, notwithstanding the severe
vigilance el the then Police, pemktrated into the capital. It
was oleo peibliessi in some foreign surnah. The second fact is,l
that akhosh ifs Osessment dK m insert it in the official acts,
cement with k is the Mserkent Edict of MAy 40,1
yet it never thought Its etimee, or disapproving of
h. This mines mated public opinion, that the de-
cided will of his Majesty was to vast a Constitutional Regime,
sad that wirouvliamy oirissuselosses, ousi_V a Ails order. had
detected tin negation et Ms reslMltir•-14hns at sits SnAllll6

oeradbn• of the concession made tb us. The cause''
of it was the free will of the Monarch, conformable
to that of the whole nation. No : ours was not a
revolution, but a national festival, in which the first
hymns were abounding in the praises of the King.
No : as the men of the Zd of July never pretended
,to influence the operations of the Government, so,
with the most delicate disinterestedness, they have
refused th'e employments, the rewards, and honours,
which the Government had offered to them. A severe
and impartial posterity will judge whether there ,
was ever a constitutional regeneration more legitimate,
more dignified, more immaculate, than our own.—
We have arrived as far as the Edict of the 7th
July. But deeds and acts of not less importance fol-
low. His Majesty and his august sons swear to the
Constitution before the Provisional Junta; the Elec-
toral Councils assemble by Royal order; the De-
puties of the Nation are chosen; the people rally
round the Throne, and bring it back under the obe-
dience of the King.. A foreign war is thought pos-
able : the Vicar-General of the kingdom, that illus-
trious Prince who has deserved so well of the country,
calls back, in the name of the King, to the banners,
the disbanded soldiers of the ancient army; and at
this invitation they do not run but fly, all to the
common defence. What other proofs can be given
of the strength of the Government, of the full liberty
of the Monarch, of the love and respect of the.
People? But, Gentlemen, of all the acts of Govern-
ment, two merit our attention—the Royal Decree
which regulated the meeting of the Electoral Col-
leges, and the Declaration relating to the mode of com-
posing the Council of State. These acts demonstrate
two things—that the bases of the Spanish Constitu-
tion are unalterable, and that they are so by the com-
bined will of the Nation and of the King. It is in
the first of these, it is the Government which, dic-
tating the terms of the powers (procure) of the De-
puties to the Parliament, declares the political statute
of Spain intangible in its bases ;—an useful but bold
step, which only a Government secure of the affection
and the confidence of the People could take. The Elec-
toral Councils executed the Royal Decree, and our
powers were limited to those modifications only which
were necessary to adapt the Constitution to this King-
dom. In the second act, it is his Majesty who, in a con-
ciliatory but free way, resists the modifications made
by the Parliament in the constitutional mode of pro-
posing the Councillors of State, and recommends the
strictest observance of the Statute. Of that auto-
graph declaration, each of you, my honourable col-
leagues, retains in your memory and in your hearts
the important sentences in which our religious Mo-
narch calls himself the giver of the Constitution, and
the first founder of the Constitutional Monarchy.—
What more can be desired ? This act alone suffices
to render victorious the demonstration of the legiti-
macy of political resurrection : since it is the King
himself who declares himself the author of it—de-
clares himself to be so, not requested, but in the ac-
tual exercise of his prerogative.—Under these cir-
cumstances, nothing could happen more fortunately
for our country, than the invitation to his Majesty to
join the Congress at Laybach. What unbounded
confidence, in fact, should not be inspired by just
k Monarchs, who protest that they wish zealously to
guard the principle of the independence of nations ?
Remark well, also, Gentlemen, that of whatever kind
the prejudices of foreign nations against our political
regeneration may be, his Majesty, the King, will not
be called on to dissipate them in the quality of a me-
diator between his people and the Potentates. No;
for mediation is always the act of a third party, and
he is a concurrent in the act by which we have been
constituted. The King, then, will go to the Congress
of the other Princes, as their equal in rank, and as
their senior io reigning and in age. He will go to
defend, in a conciliatory way, and in a state of peace,
the interests of the nation ; as he would defend it at
the head of the arm f, if we were in a state of war.
He will go to support the Constitutional Monarchy
of which he is the founder ; he, in fine, will go to un-
deceive the deceived Monarchs.

gi And certainly, Gentlemen, if the Royal Message
only contained the demand for the Constitutional
consent of the Parliament to the King's departure,
who amongst us could dissent from it? Who would
stop the road to a negotiation between the Head of
our Nation and the greatest Monarchs of the earth.
But the truly unconstitutional mode in which the
Message is drawn up, has rendered complicated
for us what would have been otherwise simple; im-
possible, what would have been practicable ; cri-
minal, what would have been innocent. In fact,
how could we assent to a document which contains
the notice of the departure of the King, and not the
request provided by the Statute ; to an act in which
are announced the bases of a new Constitution, as if
the Nation had not one already sworn to by its Re-
presentatives, and by the King ; to an act, in fine,
which prescribes the indefinite paralyses of the As-
sembly ? Errors so important could not pass unob-
served under the watchful eye of a faithful Parlia-
ment. No: it cannot compromise its own duties
and its own oaths. We sit here not to form the so-
cial compact, but in virtue of a precedent compact.
The Nation, seconding the desires of the King, has
not delegated to us the faculty of exchanging the
Statute of Spain, but that only of adapting it to our
wants, forbidding us expressly to alter its bases.
This prohibition shuts out every discussion, so that
if it could be imagined that the King and the other
Potentates would assume the initiation of a political
change, the Nation alone could decide on it. But
what could he do without a mandate, and even
against the mandate ? Our duty is one—that of
intrepidly defending the National rights, and the ,
Constitution which has legitimately created them.—
But far be from us any disrespectful supposition
which might offend the honour of our King and the
magnanimity of the other Monarchs. Let us say
with confidence—the anti-constitutional parts of the
Message are not, and cannot have been, according to
their will. Not according to the will of the King,
who is the giver of the Statute, and who has always
been the severest guardian of it, and with repeated
oaths and open declarations has always shewn that
he wished it to be most strictly obseribed. Not ac-
cording to the will of the High Allies, who respect
the principles of the independence of nations; who
have acknowledged. the political Constitutions of all
people, and who have acknowledged precisely that
of Spain on its native soil. Why should they com-
bat it on its adopted soil? I vote, Gentlemen, for
the recommendation of the Committee."

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 4, 1821.
THE FUNDS.

PRICE OR STOCKS ERIK DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK{
S per Cent. Reduced 70% %
Si per Cent. 79%
4 per Cent. 87% 7/B—Long Anns. 181-18
India Bonds 265. 275. pre. '
Exchequer Bills par, 2s, pre.
Omn. Vys pr.—Cons. for Acct. 71% % 74.

To-day we give, more in detail, some of the evente
that have taken place atN a ples,th an our time and limit
permitted yesterday. The Parliamentary discussion
on the first Message of the Kinn, announcing his is.
tention to meet the Allied Monarchs atLaybach,
not only animated, but gave a display of great judg.
ment and good sense on the part of the speakers. We
have given, as a specimen of Neapolitan eloquence,
the speech of the Deputy Posnio, in the sitting of
the Bth ult.

But, perhaps, one of the most remarkable occur.
rences respecting the views and feelings of other
Power. as to the Neapolitan Revolution, is what ha
transpired respecting the offered mediation of France
This Power offered its friendly interference to pre.
vent a rupture between Naples and the Allied So.
vereigns, if the Parliament would consent to a strieg
of modifications in the frame of the new Monarchy,
which amounted, in, fact, to a substitution of the
French Constitutional Government for the Spanish.
The refusal of the Neapolitan Parliament to acceit
this mediation, if not, perhaps, practically the
safest in the world, was at least consistent with its
own principle, that the nation ought to reject all fir
reign interference, from whatever quarter it might
spring. The Address to the K tiG, communicating this
resolution, is a manly, solemn, and affectingdocumez
—lt breathes high feeling, and contempt of danger;
but it stoops not to disguise the magnitude of that
danger, nor the uncertain issue of a conflict with sn.
perior force, which it steadfastly contemplates asap
proaching. It is impossible not to sympathize with
such a People, nor to admire both the temper and
the courage with which they have hitherto met the
appalling difficulties of their fortune. If the con.
duct of the Neapolitans in the field be of a spirit pro.
portioned to that which they have already exhibited,
their country may be overrun and occupied by the
Germans, but the Nation can never be subdued.

, The principal modifications proposed by the French
Cabinet were—" to have a Chamber of Peers; to
abolish the permanent deputation of Parliament; Cc
have a Council of State nominated by the King; as
unlimited veto to the Monarch ; the King's initiates;
respecting the Budget and the proposing of Laws;
and the power of dissolving Parliament to rest in the
King." In one ward—to make the Neapolitan Con.
stitution approximate that of France, rather than
the Spanish.
On the first blush:of such a proposal, it may appear
to some to be reasonable, that France should dictate
the terms on which she should lend her friendly
offices; but, when examined, the proposition appears
quite unreasonable. He who offers to become an
umpire to heal differences between parties, is, in the
very nature Of things, always supposed ignorant 's(
the real grounds of the quarrel ; he into learn thee
from hearing the parties,. and take pains to ahem to
each, respectively, the unreasonableness or injustio
of their individual claims. The French, on this occs-
sion, have :hewn the same disposition to dictate which
marked every period of their Revolution ; bet forget•
ing entirely, that throughout the whole, they their
selves uniformly protested against all foreign dictation
During the Republic nothing would serve, but con-
verting all Europe into Republics; during the Eu
pire again, every State must be a Sovereignty; and
now there is no salvation without a Chamber d
Peers, Council of State, and Royal initiative. Wlin
a Constitution is once established, though it be el. .
ceedingly defective, there may be reasons for maw
mining it; and hence we can excuse Frenchmen fa
bearing with what to us would seem very great evils;
as, for instance, the exclusive power of proposing see
laws. But there is a material difference betwees
putting up with one's own evils, and imposing tbes
evils on others. But, even if the French Constituti.a
were as perfect as it is defective, the making its at
ceptance by the Neapolitans the condition of media
tion, is, on the part of the French Government, an is
suit to the People of Naples for which there can IN
no justification. Their attempt to dictate to OW
Neapolitans in a matter which concerns them's*
alone, was received with deep indignation.
The political contest to which the recent Revolt).
tions have given rise, when freed from all disguise
amounts simply to this—Shall the world continue tt
be governed exclusively by Despots, or by lay
formed by the will of the People, expressei throne
Constitutional Representatives? How it is to termi
nate, is as certain as that the morning succeeds tbs
night; but how long the clouds may obscure tit
horizon, is yet in the womb of time. The Despoo
declare against all Revolutions, in the effecting
which the Military have any part; but pray how co
they prevent this, if the Military entertain views dif
ferent from their own I—By employing the Mpitol
to put down the will of the Military ! Indeed

;s this all they have
'They expect the Military
own will!! Admirable
of effecting Revolutions
with the approbation
fact, is not the means;
that abridges the power ,
criminal by the members ,
If the old Monarchies
should fall by the ageni
be nothing more than
causes which their own
not obvious to the woi
of Austria and Prussia,
Germany, called upon
effort for the restoratie
Os the reward of exertion,
through Representation -
The Tarn-bond were
they filled the ranks
once the distinction of
who overpowered N.
own totally incompatib)
potism. Accordingl:
claim those rights, at
constitute the Soverek
are resisting, by every
of their engagements.
can they expect tray
the army, composed
get the duty they ow.
the slaves of despotism
Such is the change
mental armies, that ti
but organized bodies
perhaps, than any other
snunity, and if any
most proceed from
by the Holy Alliance
change in the intern:,
acknowledged, if prod
strongly indicates thei
circumstances which •

BRIG,

Yesterday his M.
rough-row into the
teived his beloved
who had previously
the severe weather,
Palace lawn, and seems
breeze.

NAVAL

Zitract of a letter from
layi dated Dec. 22 '
and for Liverpool, from
encountering a severe pie
boats and sustained a little
the wind is fair."

The libenezer, EDMONDS,
jinn HuU on Sunday, with r
DIAL, Jay. S.—Wind

weather.—Came down from
Cyrus, Roston, for the
for Gibraltar; Mary, for
for Gibraltar.

FALIMITE, JAL I.
and Venus, Wan, for
Constitution, Arrwatc,
tae BristoL
POILIMMUTH SAL
Jan
Jaata); frost London.
Ilsivrittn, Jan. 3.—.
trim Gottenburgh.

Atanzn--At-Corunna..
hod; Victory, Cunningham,
!ins, from New Orleans.
foundland ; and Habnab,
Cusruw-Houes, JAY. 3.-
from Leghorn; Margaret,
and Jane, from Messina.-
for Marseilles; Frederick,
Goode Hoop, for Brussels
Cork : Rosetta, for Ha••

Yesterday, the di,
lndia House, and deli
lowing ships, viz. Ins
and Farquharson,
ltonsbay and China
Passzseasits ran um
Assistant-Surgeon; Mr.
IP. J. Lugrin, W. C.
Ilintt, and Hale, Cadets.
PASUNOILILS rsa F
Pringle and Inglis, Assist.
Mr. Fell ; Messrs. Spence
The Duke of CLA r

tinguished personages
4dence in the Stable",
were the Earl and Countess
The Misses FiTzer
from the seat of Sir'
'and had an elegant
in south Audley-street.
The beautiful dessert
tared at Vienna, and
teror of AUSTRIA
ESTERIIAZY, was a
?molt- to the Duke
Monday removed
House. The service
4onr dozen of dishes,
• backs of three eagles,
' battles painted thereon,
are four ice-pails, -
-Side of three of the
lied Sovereigns, flu
Iwo are the portrait
Marrzamtt, Count .
bantam The whole
enamelled, and richl•
The only New-Y'
either individuals
pendent, is a Ticket
tery, which begins'
net obtain One of
have, at least, double
those great Sums
Prize is £l9 Money,
are to be had grate
!Iserniji but it is .
entireiy for their ad

to-hope ht?—
litary of Europe t
able reasoners!
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;s 'lig all they have to-hope in?—Nothing elsel—
ney expect the Military of Europe to put down its
own will!! Admirable reasoner)! Can any mean
defecting Revolutions be devised that would meet
with the approbation of Tyrants? The question, in
fact, is not the means, but the end; and any change
that abridges the power of Despotism will be deemed
criminal by the members of the Holy Alliance.
If the old Monarchies of Continental Europe
should fall by the agency of military force, it would
be nothing more than the natural result of those
causes which their own perfidy have induced. Is it
not obvious to the world that the debilitated Thrones
of Austria and Prussia, with the minor Powers of
Germany, called upon the people to hake one great
effort for the restoration of their independence, and,
as the reward of exertion, they promised freedom
enough Representation and liberal Constitutions?—
Tegmbund were formed in Germany, and
they filled the ranks of the army—they removed at
once the distinction of soldier and citizen—and those
who overpowered NAPOLEON had rights of their
own totally incompatible with the nature of des-
potism. Accordingly, we find, that the Tagen -but d
claim those rights, and that the poor weak men, who,
constitute the Sovereigns and Cabinets of Germany,
are resisting, by every possible means, the fulfilment
of their engagements. In such a state of things,
can they expect tranquillity ? Can they hope that
the army, composed of enlightened citizens, will for-
get the duty they owe to their country, and become
the slaves of despotism ?
Such is the change in the constitution of Conti-
nental armies, that they are no longer mere machines,
but organized bodies of citizens; more enlightened,
perhaps, than any other equal proportion of the comb
smoky, and if any Revolution shall take place, it
must proceed from them. If, then, it be attempted
by the Holy Alliance to set up a principle, that no
change in the internal affairs of a country should be
acknowledged, if produced by the army) It only more
strongly indicates their ignorance of those existing
circumstances which they have produced.