Star.
London, England, 1828-05-09 00:00:00

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illybur Exchequer,
would effect amore impenant saving. pre-
serve more the funds in
than eon fd be done by any
a a
sy s tel:
of
Financeeconomy,
Committee. however
rigid. than by the 'labours
..ohczemvenerdabtole.thOe nHothuissetpcoorntasindt qer:taension
ditlaithe isso iild
advantageer
of the examples afforded by other countrie-. Let them
fool' over those poftions of the Continent of Europe,
which have been in former times the strong holds of
religious persecution. Let them look to Germany ; let
them look to France, both of which have been the seats
of religious warfare; and let them look to the King's
dominions in Hanover, to the kingdom of the Nether-
lands, to Holland, to Prussia, and having looked over
the whole of Europe, let us look to the otl er hemi-
sphere, and so take in both the old and the new worlds ;
what shall we find? That wherever that principle of
peace, that great principle of Christianity, religions
freedom, is established, uniform peace and tranquillity
have followed in their steps. An expedient of such •3
nature is wor th our while to try, and above all, it is worth
while trying it in Ireland. It would produce a great
change there, unquestionably ; but any change in that
unhappy country must be for the better. Having, how-
ever, the experience of other countries under their eyes,
whether Republics, Aristocracies, Absolute Despotisms,
or pure or mixed Monarchies—wherever a great con•
gregation of mankind has existed—wherever difference
formerly prevailed—die effect of such a change will be
found invariably to be such as he ardently wished—
such as he was perfectly corurinced would flow from the
application of a similar principle, from a similar altera-
tion in Ireland. Mr. Pitt, at the very period when he
proposed to carry the measure for a legislative union
of England and Ireland, was an advocate for Catho-
lic Emancipation, and calculated upon it as a result
of the Union ; nay, promised ' that it should flow
,frotii it. Now. if any danger could be apprehended
‘froiß concessions, surely it was to be dreaded at that
period, when Ireland possessed an independent Le-
gislature, and the large 'majority of the people being,
as at present, Catholic, he must, if such a thing
ought to be feared at any time, then have appre-
hended something, but he entertained no such dread ;
And now that the measure of the Union has been '
carried—now that the Irish Legislature is no more
—does not the argument of the Right Hon. Gentleman,
like the elephants of Pyrrhus, IA hich fell back upon and
destroyed his own army, demolish his own case? and
does he not admit that if danger ever existed (and the
only ground and justification of ihis harsh and exclusive
measure was the existence of danger) it must have then
existed? yet even Ire must admit that since the Union
that argument has been completely removed ; for all
have since that period been of the National Chula). He
hoped that the manly mind of the D .ke of Wellington
would perceive the absurdity of continuing restrictions
—all necessity for them. real or imaginary, having
passed away. He did not wish to press that Noble
Duke—he did not wish to press the King's Ministers
without cause—thee; have already done much—tcheers)
ihey have done that which, in the eyes of all those who'
are usually neoominated bigotted Churchmen, was the
worst that could base been done; and, therefore, for
all that ie to follow they must have been prepared—
(Loud cheers). He consequently trusted that the Duke
et Wellington would take that enlarged view of the
subject, of which his capacious mind was capable—that
he who never sound any real danger in the pursuit of
victory, would not suffer the phantoms of imaginary
danger to deter him from this great and noble con-
summation of a nation's happiness. If the Duke of
Wellington should add this glory to his already tran-
scendant renown, the glory of being the pacificator of
Ireland, he would become the equally glorious consoli- ,
dator of England's power—a glory greater than any
of those gained by him in the field of battle, and,
he would at the same time be making some recom-
pense to the brave Catholics oho fell in their co-
operation with him in asserting the military prowess
of England, and who, in so dying, bound round
their own brows a portion of those laurels which
they had so often wreathed around his sword. In
doing this, he would have done more for himself, more
for his Sovereign, and more for his country, than it ever
before tell to the lot of man to achieve—even all his own
great glories would be absorbed in the grateful recol-
teed. n of the benefits he would thus have conferred upon
his Sovereign and on this country. The Catholics were
ever friendly to conciliation ; and giving fu:l credit, as
he did, to Mr. Pitt's sincerity, and believing he possessed
the power to carry the measure, the Catholics supported
She Legislative Union. The Honourable Baronet, here
read documents, tending to show that Mr. Pitt resigned
his office, because be could not obtain for the Catholics
:the possession of their rights, as he had given them
reason to expect. The Honottrable Baronet also read
an extract from the King's speech to the first Imperial
Parliament, in which he said he should ever con-
sider the Union the happiest event of his reign.—
Something had been said about the Coronation Oath,
but he believed no reliance . was now, placed on that
point as an objection to Catholic freedom. He had an
authority which the opponents of the measure would
respect, who said Ire did not think the Coronation Oath
could debar the King from consenting to the removal
of ditabilities from any part of his subjects. He hoped
he had made out that by the Treaty of Limerick the Ca-
tholics were entitled to the privileges they enjoyed in
the reign of Charles the Second; and that at the
time of the Union they had every reason given them
to believe that their admission to those rights would
be the consequence of that measure. He hoped the
House would not now refuse what they had granted
in 1813, and would not allow it to be said that
nothing was to be expected but from their fears.
The inconveniences apprehended (tom Catholic Eman-
cip'ation vanished before inquiry. The charge of
divided allegiance was made, but they owed no di-
vided allegiance. Some years ago questions on that
point were sent to many Catholic Universities for
answers. They expressed their astonishment that such
questions should be asked, and all declared that no
ecclesiastical power could weaken the allegiance of sub-
jects to their Sovereign. The Catholic Bishops of Ire.
liter' had made a similar declaration; and the Pope
himself had confirmed it. But he would not proceed on
this point ; it could out be necessary to prove that Ca-
tholics were as virtuous as other men. He could not
give up the boast of those glorious achievements
by which their Catholic ancestors won the liberties
their descendants now enjoyed. It was a Protestant
Question—whether Ireland should continue a fair por-
tion of the British Empire? ' Oppression might be a
luxury, but. it was the most costly a nation could
enits/ ; arid as justice was economy, by this one great
ass of Vational justice, they might do more to relieve
the liboatiag poverty of England than could ever be
effected by an; Finance Committee. He would only
ask them to look at those countries which used to be
. the hot-bed of persecution—at Germany, at France, at
ussia, at Hanover,' at the Netherlands, and they would
(list thereote'well as in. the States of America,
ity of civil risks had produced concord and yen-.
1. they saw this gterk principle producing the