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London, England, 1829-08-05 00:00:00

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suspend twilit's, nor give up the positions they had conquered.
unless they were compelled by force.
This resistance greatly embarrasses the mediating Powers. Win
they respect the Protest of Count Capo d'lstria? Then there is no
• Protocol. What has been dime et laindon must be done over
Again, add the negociations at Constaotindple, of which it was the
basis, must remain suspended. Will they employ force to get lie
Treaty executed? Who does not see thit behind Greece is &Obi
ind behind Count Capo d' Istria the army of General Dishiest*,
But suppose the three Powers agree to regulate or
re
interests of Greece. the Russian question remains entire.Volre mlll
the Sultan be made to comprehend that he must share with Rink
the sovereignty of Moldavia and Wallachia—open his capital to
the flag of all the nations of Europe—give up to his enemy im-
portant positions, and indemnify him besides?
It is now said that the Ref. Effendi has dispatched a Dragooned
to the heathquarters of General Diebitscb ; but what answer On
he car, ? It is probable that the Sultan, while)). makes his last
reserve advance, seeks to gain time ; bus it is wholly improbable
that he will accept those conditions. And if peace were concluded
in the East on such a basis, who would insure its duration? The
Porte would seek to recover what It bad lost. Russia to coarsen-
date its advantages by new securities. Every election of a Hon*
dar in the prineipalitim, or of a President of Greece, will endanger
the general peace—the Porte supporting one candidate, Russia
another, the neutral Powers taking part in the. quarrel, and each
supporting the interests of its ally.
It is easy to perceive that since the time (eight years ago) when
the war commenced in a little corner of Greece, it has spread ra-
pidly, and now inflames all Europe. It was impossible for the
Powers of the first order not to take part in a revolution which
destroys their ancient equilibrium. Alliances and counter•alliances
have been formed, and a system of defence gradually organised
against the Continental pretensions of so many rival Cabinet.
Should this state of distrust and jealousy continue a Rubberier,
we shall see ambitious projects mingled with legitimate rights that
have long been oppressed.
It cannot therefore be dissembled that the peace of Europe is in
considerable danger. This is, because it has been attempted to
found it on tyranny and injustice. Diplomacy has never been able
to proceed in any other manner from the Congress of Vienna to
the Protocol of the 22d March inclusive.
The Message des Meshes of &sudsy, and the &sate de France,
dated Monday, contain no further news from the theatre of war.
From the Journal des Debats.
PARIS, Amon 2.
A new discussion has arisen uto tke Minister of Marine. It
ie not our weakness but our strength that is an object of complaint.
France, it is said, is a Continental Power ; let her preserve her
blood and treasure for the plains of Belgium, Italy, and Germany.
it is useless to contend with the British navy. A few frigates will
be sufficient for the English Admirals to burn, sink, or blockade
all the ships that bear the name of our King. But why should we
be so ready to discourage ourselves? France can, at the first signal
of war, invade any Continental Power ; Is this a reason for giving
up to another the empire of the sea? Cannot we be both a nation
of soldiers and sailors? Have we not a vast extent of coast washed
by the ocean and the Mediterranean? What will our trade say if
we disarm ourselves the moment a cloud threatens from England ?
Let us take advantage of the peace to form sailors, collect ships,
and then let us confide in French valour. We do not see why a
nation which has good harbours, experienced sailors. and men.-of-
war to receive them, should not sail over the seas with her unfurled
flag. Traditions of glory are not wanted. Louis XI V: and Louis
XVI. left us some that are very fine. Reforms in the offices and
Administration may be necessary, but we leave this point to the
good sense of the Minister.
The Minister of Finance disposes of a terrific number of employ-
ments. He has a whole army of clerks, collectors, custom-house
officers, &c. Ste. He can make one part of France live at the es.
pease of the other. Among all this legion of officers, no doubt
some might be found who are of no use. Why thee has the
Chamber shown itself so complaisant to the department? The rea-
son is this—the Deputy, on arriving at Paris from the country,
where he lives comfortably with 10,000 francs a year, is affronted
at finding that a chief of a department at Paris receives twelve,
fifteen, or twenty thousand francs. This appears to him excessive.
But ten under darks, with 4,000 francs each, cost twice as much ;
and if half of them are useless, why preserve them? Why heap
censure on one, and be indulgent to the other ? The reason is, that
among the ten clerks, a nephew, a cousin. or a near relation is pro-
vided for. Paris swallows up a few large salaries, and with that
Paris is reproached in the provinces. The minor appointments are
multiplied a hundred fold. A little calculation will show on which
side the prodigality is prevalent.
• From the Constitutionnel.
PARIS, Allover 2.

On ens Armes or rem Ran.—Public opinion does not appear
to be completely settled concerning the war between Russia and
Turkey. Some Journals, which have opposed the Greeks from
the commencement, reproach us with favouring the cause of the
Russians, and with not doing justice to Mahmoud. A few words
will serve to explain the business. If we were only to consider
the quarrel in itself, and the question separated from our present
policy, and our future interest, we should be inclined to wish
success to the Turks—sympathy for the weak against the strong,
for the defender against the aggressor, is so natural, that in
France there will be on•this subject but one opinion. But the
question Is not so simple. At the side of the Sultan we perceive
Prince Metternich sad the Duke of Wellington, united by
the same interests, hopes, and fears ; we see Greece threatened, if
the Crescent obtains its superiority with a tyrannic hospodorat, and
inclosed within the narrow limits of the Peloponnesstts. We see
the influence of the cabinets of Saint James's and Vienna will in-
crease, which is opposed to the liberty of all nations, and parti-
cularly to our imperfect and unguuanteed liberty. We ask those
reasonable men, attached to liberty—the only ones whose suffrages
we desire—ought we to make common cause with Metternich
and Wellington? Can we, without losing sight of the true in-
terests of our country, imitate those who make themselves auxi-
liaries to the Turks, and applaud a triumph, of which the first result
will be to bring into doubt the independence of Greece, and to ren-
der irresistible the influence which replaced Spain under absolute
power, which tolerates the sanguinary despotism of the Portuguese
Caligula, which keeps Italy in chains, and threatens us incessantly
with the Ministry of M. de Polignac ? This would be an act of
madness to which public opinion, enlightened by experience, would
du justice. That the invincible obstinacy of Malsmoud, the energy
of his resolutions, and his plans of reform, should be applauded, we
conceive; but that, therefore, we must desire to see the Greek
Cross, the banner of the HeUenians u well as the Russians, humi-
liated to assist the English and Austrian policy, •is an excess of
generosity that looks like foolishness. We are incapable of it—
we know who are our irreconcileable and restless enemies too
well, to adopt a system which would strengthen them at
the expense of our happiness and our honour. The sympa-
thies of the Quotialiesuse and Gazette de France cannot be
like those of the Consiiismionnel. The calumnies of those papers
convince us that we are in the right -road, and we shall try
to keep in it. We are reminded that the Russian armies came
into France, but where were the English and Austrian armies?—
Who among them, in spite of capitulations, plundered our Museum
of its best works. and allowed to be shed on a scaffold the blood
of an illustrious warrior, whose talents and valour excited envy?
Shall we seek to make the policy of such a man•popular? Shall
his alliances and his friendships be also ours? Impossible France,
tree and independent, wholly occupies us. .Ita liberty and Inde-
pendence can only bethreatened by a coalition hetween England and
Austria. The coalition exists. It forms the present diplomatic rela-
tions of these two Governments. and these relations are hateful to us.
' As Russians, the Russians .are to us of no importance, but be-
cause they break up the arrangements the sworn enemies of
the liberty of the people—beusue they make a diversion against
the plan of absolutism which is to be made dominant in Europe,
by falsity, fraud, corruption, and, if a necessity arises, by force.
If the East were pacified to-morrow, the day after Greece would
become independent, likr Wsllachia ; soon Carbonarism will
then be brought into play, and imaginary conspiracies will be
imputed. Have we nut already heard of the Comile-Direeteur
Are there not attempts made to surround the throne with vain
terrors, and to represent France as about to fall into anarchy?
The watch-word is given to the faction, and that comes from
London and Vienna. The enemies of our liberties at home and
abroad are Closely united, and they approach the same object,
marching together. The factious press of France is only the echo of
the lay and siterdotal Aristocracy of Europe. The friends of
liberty ought *sift to forget these things, and they may serve to
guide. their juallpeot as to exterior policy. If the French Go-
vernment has redOvered some consideration in Europe, it is in-
debted for it to thOatairs of the Ilse. The Ministry has not had
energy sufficient to throw off entirely the influence of Austria
and England ; but the moment is not far distant when it will be
forced to take a definite line of conduct ; and then it must fall or
rise to its proper place. At that time the fate of Constitutional
France will be decided. But we will not anticipate. In such a
state of things union is mere than ever necessary among the el
deems who profess the same pimento'. and share the same opinions.
The storm which is brewing nsse..not find us divided by petty
interests, unweithy of men zmd patriots. We conquered
by union in 1827, and by union we may conquer again. Jealousies,
rivalries, enmities most be lad asidb when mul liberty is threatened.
It is making a slight sacrifice for a great benefit. Our enemies
boast of our divisions, and on ,them found their hopes. We will
show then, that they are
,Ining.—Conititutional 'opinions win
rally all good citizens, and the faction threatening us with absolu-
tism will only bate dreasfied chimeras. '

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