Star.
London, England, 1821-06-30 00:00:00

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(*.Palmer) faun I that the People of England 'had
a strong feeling o t any question, that circumstance
always had, and ever would have, great weight
arith him. Members on his side of the House were
accused of having occasioned the angry feeling
had existed in the country. But had it not in
she power of Ministers to stop the trial which they
bad instituted against her Majesty ?—..(Hear, hear).
If they (the Ministers) had assumed a firm and be-
coming tone, that trial had never disgraced the coun-
try; and the angry feelings which it excited would
never have been known—(Hear, hear). As to a wish
on his side of the House to occasion a war, what, he
he would ask, had been the object of the motion al-
luded to? Only this—that our Government would
declare, in the face of Europe, that it was not con-
nected with the Holy Alliance, and that it disap-
proved of interference with the internal arrangements
of independent nations—(Hear, hear).
Mr. W. SMITH said it really never had occurred
to him before that Members on his side had excited
all the inflammation connected with the proceedings
against the Queen. Nor did he see any inconsistency
in their wishing to avoid the expenses of the Corona-
tion, even although they had wished to prevent wars
against the liberty and independence of other nations
—(,clear, hear). The career of Austria had been
prosperous. It might have been otherwise, and the
consequences might have involved us in war. Had
there been any improvidence in desiring to avert
this? The Noble Marquis said the Coronation was
a part of the Constitution.—[Lord Londonderry as-
sented.j—He (Mr. Smith) did think that the Go-
vernment would go on as strongly, and as much fixed
in the affections of the people, if this ceremony was
waved. There was nothing in it to add one particle
to the obligation which bound the People to the So-
vtitign, or the Sovereign to the People. If it were
waved for the purpose of saving the expenses to the
'People, that would have more effect than a cete-
mony twenty times more splendid. The People of
this country had now too much sense to confound
forms with substances.

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Mr. B. BATH ritsT said that a Coronation had
always taken place on the accession of the Sovereign.
The Coronation oath had been since the Revolution
part of the law of the land, and could not be admi-
nistered but at the Coronation. (The Right Ho-
noarable Gentleman here read an extract from the
Statute in proof of his statement). The Coronation
could not be viewed but as an august ceremony, in
which the King was, for the first time, introduced in
that capacity to the People, The Noble Lord (Mil-
ton) might smile ; but the practice of passing laws in
a foreign language, as all our laws were once passed,
might as well excite a smile, and had, in fact, often
excited it. A Coronation had hitherto been regarded
as a reverend ceremony ; its expenses were extremely
beneficial to the labourer and the manufacturer; and
were felt to be so at this moment. There were many
public entertainments given at great expense through-
out the country. Why should the Coronation be the
only entertainment which was objected to ? As to
the interference with the continental 'Cations prevent-
ing war, it might at least as naturally occasion W
The spirit of discontent respecting the trial of tilt
Queen had been excited by the speeches of Honour-
able Members opposite.
Mr. HOBHOUSE thought it was incumbent upon
some Gentleman to reply to a few of the observa-
tions of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The first rea-
son assigned by the Right Hon. Gentleman for a
Coronation, seemed to be something of this sort. As
the People were disgusted and nauseated with such
shows, it was proper to force the Coronation down
their throats, in order to oblige them to take plea-
sure in it for the future. This was somewhat of a
singular reason. It was not to be repeated once a
year, but once in a reign ; yet he did not see why,
even upon this ground, so expensive a ceremony
should be exhibited.' The next reason was, that the
Coronation had already occasioned great expense,
and therefore we ought to do—what? to go on with
more expenses in order to cover those already in-
curred. A. third reason was, that those expenses did
good to the laborious classes. But he did net find a
Coronation recommended for that purpose by the.
Agricultural Committee !—(A laugh). If it gave by
the one hand, it took more largely with the other.
Was it indeed a ceremony that had the magical ef-
fect of conjuring gold from the pockets of the rich
into the hands of the poor? It was not; it was pro-
vided for by taxation ; and taxation affected the poor
at least as much as the rich. Another argument hod
been, that it was absolutely necessary, because it was
ordered by law. Why ? Because there was an oath
at the Coronation. But what was enjoined as a con-
comitant circumstance, was not necessary if the act
to which that circumstance was to be concomitant

did not take place. A Lord Chamberlain might be
required to attend the Queen at her Coronation ; did
it follow that though there should be no Queen to be
crowned, the Queen's Lord Chamberlain must at-
tend a Coronation? He should like to know what
the country had gained by the last Coronation oath
taken in this country. They had gained nothing by
it but the defeat of what the Noble Lord (London-
derry) now said was essential to the best interests of
the country—he meant Catholic emancipation. It
was quite evident that the King could not be de-
prived of a single power, though he should not have
a Coronation. He very much doubted, indeed, the
legality of crowning the King without also crowning
the Queen. But into that question he would not then
enter. When the Noble Marquis accused Members
on his side of degrading the Coronation, he (Mr. Hob-
house) thought the charge came with an ill grace from
those who excluded from the Coronation the Queen—
“ the ornament of society," and certainly, therefore, the
ts life, grace, and ornament" of the Coronation. (Hear).
His side had never recommended going into a war ;
but they had recommended several steps which might
have prevented a war, and one of them had been to
claim the money due to us by Austria. Oa his
side of the House, too, they had done all in their
power to prevent the proceedings which had really
excited dissatisfaction of the strongest and most deci-
sive nature throughout the country. He (Mr. Hob-
louse) had gone out in a minority of thirteen to stop
the proceedings when they had been made mere ap-
peadsges to the House of Lords. The Noble Mar-
quis might well now accuse them of having excited
the dissatisfaction which he had himself with his
Colleagues roused so high that it terrified them from
their attempt. It well became bin!, too, to accuse
others of emissary views and jaundiced eyell for in

the Noble Lord's visions he saw the people full of
affection for his measures, and abounding with all
the comforts that men could enjoy. In the Noble
Lord's eyes no colours were distinguished but those
which marked the splendour of the Court, or the
power of the Military—(Hear, hear, hear).—With re-
spect to the question immediately before the House,
he would vote, as he had voted before, against the
claims of his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence.
He contended that it was quite proper in that House'
to give a greater sum to one for whom they had
greater esteem than another. He did not say that it
was so in the present case ; he only meant to say that
when such a vote came before Parliament, personal
considerations did form a proper part of the question,
and they had a right to estimate personal character.
Here he would most decidedly vote against the
grant—(Hear, hear).
Lord MILTON said, he was quite indifferent as to
the Coronation. In former times great regard had
been paid to such shews ;it was not so now. The
King was not an iota less respected now than if he
were crowned. The oath of allegiance was required
by law, as well as the Coronation oath. Yet many
thousands never took it, who were not on that ac-
count less faithful subjects—(Hear, hear).—As to the
'mode of passing laws, if it were a matter of import-
ance enoughlar legislation, it would be better to
have it altered, and ordered to be done in English.
Mr. CREEVEY said, he would not then divide
the House, because he could not separate the grant
from the arrears.
The House then went into the Committee.

Mr. HUME moved that the sth of April, 1821,
be substituted for the sth of April, 1818.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY disclaimed
and prOtested against the supposition that there was
anything in the case of her Majesty against this grant
to his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence. There
had been nothing in her life afterwards different from
her situation when she had refused the Parliamentary
grant, whereas his Royal Highness had contemplated
a different course of life, namely, residence abroad.
Circumstances had prevented him from that, and
those circumstances the country could not fail to ap-
preciate. In this country he could not stand in the
situation in which the country would wish him to
stand, without an ampler allowance; for his do-
mestic establishment, highly creditable to his Royal
Highness, and satisfactory to all who knew it, was
most painful to himself, owing to the circumscribed
allowance which he had received from Parliament.
Under these circumstances, he could not see that the
proposal now made was unwarranted, or could be
disapproved of by the House.
Mr. HUME stated, that the difference between
this case and the Queen's was, that one was volun-
tary, the other compulsory. The Noble is
had himself caused the refusal, and it wastherefore
no wonder that he was now anxious to repair the bss
occasioned to his Royal Highness. He (Mr. Hume)
considered it a most imprudent and improper grant.
The House then divided, when the numbers were—
For the original Motion - - 54
Against it . 24
Majority - - -

The House thin resumed, and the Report was or-
dered to be received tomorrow.

LOTTIRT SILL.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved
the second reading of this Bill.
Mr. BENNETT protested against this Bill, as an
encouragement to immorality and vice—(Hear).—
He believed it had a greater tendency to fill the pri-
sons with culprits, than all other public measures put
together—(Hear).
Mr. MONCK hoped this would be the last time his
Majesty's Ministers would resort to this means of in-
creasing the Revenue.
Sir S. MORLAND hoped, if the measure were
resorted to again it would be very much reduced in
extent. The public taste was beginning to slacken
with respect to it; and he hoped, if it were not put
an end to in any other way, it would by that means.
Mr. BROUGHAM was the less mortified at the
silence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, because
he knew what he would say. He knew that he would
say, in reply to these complaints, that he could not
afford to give up the measure in the present state of
the finances. This was the very excuse the Portn-
suese offered for continuing the abominable traffic
in slaves—(Hear).—The Public knew that the whole
system was a cheat ; that the Lottery Tickets were
an imposition ; and he hoped that if the Chancellor
of the Exchequer could continue. after this to profit
by such means, that the People would foil him by
deserting the plan altogether.
The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered
to be committed on Monday.