Star.
London, England, 1819-06-02 00:00:00

THE' EVENING

LONDON.

• . _ _ _
`. Ist*. ‘,., is
• WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2, 1819.
THE FUND&
PRIM OT STOOKS THIS DAY AT Oka O.OLOCIE s
Balk Stock 217 218 217
per Cent. Reduced 65} 65
3 per Cent. Consols 654 e 66} 66
per Cent.73ift--4 per Cent. 83 82i 85 844
5 per Cent. Navy 99{t 100} 90i-
. Bank Long Annuities 16 15-16 17 3-16
India Stock 210
India Bonds 3 7 dis.
Exchequer Bills (2d.) 2 dis. par
Consolt for Acct. 650 66{ 654 i.

The Funds still continue to be depressed. The•
S per Cent. Consols commenced this morning at 65k,
fell to 6.5 i, and recovered a little before one o'clock,
when they were 661 a 66. At that hour no message
had been communicated respecting the Loan.

The Report of the Committee on the expenses of
the Ordnance Department excites much attention,
and no wonder, when we find them. stating, that the
expense of this one Department amounts to nearly a
fifth of the money voted for the support of the whole
British Navy. They add, 4, without retrenchment
and economy, the best means of defence may be ren-
dered incapable of exertion in moments of danger
and alarm." One of our Contemporaries, with its

usual effrontery, laughs at the idea, " as if (says the
Paper alluded to)—" as if retrenchment and economy
had not been pushed to their utmost limit ;" and
icould wish as usual to be understood as speaking in
the quality of a supporter of Administration. This
won't do any longer. The CHANCELLOR of the Ex-
CUMSER has declared in his place in the House, that
the self-created demi-official Journal has not even the
sanction of Ministers for any of its statements.

The Bill for preventing the enlistment of British
subjects in any foreign service, brought into Parlia-
ment by the ATTORNEY GENERAL, occupies a consi-
derable portion of the public attention. It may be
examined in three distinct points of view—as a ques-
tion of justice towards Spain, which might involve
us in a war ; as a question of national sentiment ;
and as a question of commercial policy :
Upon the first point, there would be but one opi-
nion, that a nation which did not avenge its own
honour and the blood of two British subjects upon
General JACKSON, should make .this concession to
Spain. But Spain had not the right to require it.—
The population of England and the ports of Erg-
land were as open to Spain as to the Colonies, and
Spain did, in point of fact, profit of this, to purchase
vessels to be emeloyed against the South Americans.
The Bill, therefore, eaanot be fairly said to protect
that which is not threatened, viz. the peace and wel-
fare of the kingdom. Spain has neither the right
not the power to propose the alternative of war.
As to gational sentiment—this should be allowed
telloperate only negatively. Strictly speaking, we
liave no more right to take a decided part in favour
of the independents, against,their fuondans Parent,
than other Powers have to take part with Spain in
the quarrel. If we have a right to take up arms in
favour of Freedom, others have an equal right to arm
in favour of Slavery. But assuredly, on every moral
principle, a free country should take no part against
other people who struggle for the same rights that
we Ourselves enjoy.

As to commercial policy, every Government is
bound in seeking the prosperity of its people, to avoid
any act which may ultimately tend 'to narrow their
commercial channels, and vice versa: but avoiding,
at the same time, every act of injustice towards any
other Power. It has been argued, that when South
America shall have thrown off the yoke she will give
some other nation a preference from a feeling of re-
sentment to England, if we refuse to take part with
the Insurgents. This argument is quite visionary.
—The South Americans, like every other nation,
will give a preference of trade, whenever they find
it most profitable. Nations, in this respect, have
no memory—they are neither grateful nor vindic-
tive—they think only of gain! But there is yet
another view that ought to be taken of this point :
we have nothing to fear or to hope as to corn-1
pierce with South America quo ad other nations—
but as respects Spain we have much to take isto
consideration should she triumph in the present
contest, for then the wish or desire of the Colonists

will be entirely out of the question : they will not
even have the election of their market. It is, there-
fore, decidedly contrary to every principle of sound
policy that this country should do any act tending
directly or indirectly to strengthen the arm of Spain
in the present contest.
There is yet another view in which this measure
may be considered. We have numbers of Subaltern
Officers on half-pay, whose only profession is that of
arms. Why shculd they be precluded from seeking

employment where they can find it? Would this
exhibit any partiality ? No; if you act correctly, by
Allowing them, without restraint, to serve in the ar-
mies of either the Colonists or the Mother Country.
Goad Spain complain of this? If she should, could
she be listened to for a moment ? Nay, have we not
been suffering her to hire ships in our ports for this