The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-01-08 00:00:00

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' CIRCUITS, 1839.

SOUTHERN CIRCUIT (H. R. Reynolds, Esq. chief COM-
missioner).—Berks, Feb. 19; Oxford, 21; Worcester, 23;
Radnor, 26; Hereford, 27; Monmouth, March 1; Breck-
nock, 4; Cardigan, 6; Pembroke, 8; Carmarthen, 11 ; Gla-
morgan, at Cardiff; 15; Gloucester, at Gloucester, 18, at
Bristol, 21; Somerset, at Bath, 21, at Wells, 23; Devon, at
Exeter, 28, at Plymouth, April 1; Cornwall, 3; Dorset, 6;
Wilts, at Salisbury, 8, at Southampton, 9; Hampshire, 10.
NORTHERN CIRCUIT (J. G. Harris, Esq. commissioner),
—Rutland, Feb. 21 ; York, at Sheffield, 22, at Wakefield.
25, at the City of York. March 2, at York Castle, 4, at Kings,
ton-upon-Hull. 6, at Richmond, 8; Durham, 9; Northum-
berland, 12; Cumberland, 15; Westmorland, at Appleby-
-16, at Kendal same day; Lancaster, at Lancaster, 18, a,
Preston, 25, at Liverpool, T.; ; Cheshire, 28 ; Angleseyt
April 1; Carnarvon, 2 ; Merioneth, 4; Montgomery, 6;
Denbigh, 9; Flint, 10.

AN IRISH ArronNEy.—On the trial of an action brought
by an attorney for the recovery of his bill of costs, which was
heard in the Court of Exchequer, Dublin, last week, the de-
fendant's counsel read from the plaintiff's bill the following
items :—" To anxiety of min.;, and want of sleep occasioned
thereby, for 14 days, at 10s. per diem, £7. As I was walking
through town about your business, I was run over by a car,
and 1 did not know what became of me until 1 found myself in
an apothecary's shop, very sore and uneasy; in fact, I escaped
by the skin of my teeth from death—for all this lost time (I
was a fortnight sick,) and for anxiety of mind, not talking of
great bodily pain, I charge the moderate sum of £l2. To
time lost in endeavouring to borrow money for you, which 1
could not get, £lO. To great inconvenience in setting your
house, and loss of time in drawing up deeds and leases, £100."
(Roars of laughter, i❑ which the court heartily joined.) The
Chief Baron charged the jury, that as the action was brought
on a judgment obtained, by the plaintiff, they must find a
verdict for him, but recommended the defendent to bring.the
case into a court of ognlfy.—Freeman's Journal.

ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE OLDHAM
_OPERATIVE CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION.

On Friday evening the Fourth Anniversary Dinner of the
Oldham Operative Conservative Association was held at the
Assembly Rooms Oldham. On the last occasion the dinner
was most numerously attended, but this time the large room
in which the meeting was held was most uncomfortably
crowded. If we may draw conclusions from this, it omens
well for the conservative cause, and is one of the best proofs
of the increase of conservatism. Upwards of 450 tickets
were sold, and the committee were compelled to .stop the
sale, as the room would not accommodate more. The room
was ornamented with a number of handsome flags bearing
various inscriptions, and union jacks. Over the end of the
bottom of the room a spacious gallery was erected for the
accommodation of about 150 of the ladies of Oldham; the
few back seats were allotted to the operative's wives. Over
the chairman's head was a large blue flag, with the inscrip-
tion, "Egerton and Wilbraham." In the centre of the room
was hung an exceedingly handsome flag, presented by the
conservative ladies of Oldham, to the Oldham Operative
Conservative Association. One side was decorated with
several of Lyall's portraits, the royal standard of England,
the union jack; the bible and crown, encircled with the star
of Brunswick, and the inscription. " For God, the sovereign,
and the people." On the other side was represented the
Oldham arms, with the star of Brunswick, and the inscrip-
tion, "head facile captu."—Mr. ltobt. Wright occupied the
chair, and Messrs H. Bulkeley, Cornelius Backhouse, and
G. Ormrod, were vice-presidents. To the right of the chair-
man sat Lord Francis Egerton, M.P., Josh. Jones, Esq.
senior, and Josh. Jones, Esq. jun. Capt. Clarke, the Rev.
Thomas Blackburn, rector of Prestwich, Capt. Taylor, Rev.
Mr. Bentley, of Ashton-under-line, and Henry Turner, Esq.
of Stockport. To the chairman's left sat the Hon. Bootle
Wilbraham, M.P. the Hon. John Stuart Wortley, Rev. John
Holme, John Roby, Esq. of Rochdale, Nicholas Earle, Esq.
Jonah Harrap, Esq. and H. H. Blorton, Esq. and other
gentlemen. Dinner was on the table soon after four o'clock;
after a most substantial dinner, the cloth was removed, and
"non nobis domine" having been sung,
The CHAIRMAN then proposed, with very able introduc-
tions, the usual loyal toasts—
" The Queen."—The toast was given with three times
three cheers. Anthem —" God save the Qneen."
"The Queen Dowager, and the rest of the Royal Family."
Glee—" Hail smiling morn."
Charles Wilkins, Esq. here arrived, and was greeted with
loud cheering.
Mr. Ogden, of Oak, and Mr. Worthington here presented
the very costly and magnificent flag before alluded to, from
the ladies of Oldham to the association, and Mr. Worthing-
ton read an appropriate address which was loudly applauded.
The CHAIRMAN nest proposed the" Church and Constitu-
tion."

111 r. EARLE, solicitor, of Ashton. responded to the toast.

'The Duke of Wellington and the ai-my." (Great cheer-
ing.)
Song.—" Fill high the cup."
Mr. ROSY, of Rochdale, acknowledged the toast.
"Our wooden walls, the right arm for the defence of this
nation."
Captain CLARKE acknowledged the toast in a speech Of
considerable ability.
The CHAIRMAN said be should be wanting in respect to
the noble lord and his noble colleague, if he did not acknow-
ledge the great honour they had conferred on that meeting
by their presence on that occasion. (Cheers.) It was cal-
culated to produce the most beneficial results in that district
—(hear)—to the cause which they advocated. In proposinc,
the next toast, his remarks, however, must necessarily be
brief; for where the objects were so generally known, they
required no repetition or republication from him. 'rh ere was
not a Conservative in the kingdom, he believed, but in that
county be was sure, that had not heard the names of Lord
Francis Egerton and the Hon. R. Bootle Wilbraham.
(Loud cheers.) And having heard them, who had not been
made acquainted with their virtues, and their sincere devotion
to the constitution, and support of the conservative cause
There was not a conservative present whose heart had not
bounded with joy at their triumphant return. It was for that
meeting to declare its conviction of the truth of that, and its
gratitude for their services. (Much cheering.) He con-
cluded with proposing
Our worthy County Representatives, Lord Francis Eger-
ton and the Hon. Bootle Wilbraham." Enthusiastic and
long-continued cheering.)
Lord FRANCIS EGERTON then rose, amidst the most en-
thusiastic cheering, to acknowledge the toast. He said,
when first gentlemen, I received the invitation from your
respected chairman to attend this meeting, I was obliged,
most reluctantly, to express some doubts as to my physical
ability to attend on this occasion. I have reason indeed,
gentlemen, to congratulate myself that those doubts were not
prophetic; for gentlemen, I could not have felt upon any
occasion, or with reference to any society of those whom I
am proud to call my supporters in this county—l could not
have felt regret so deep, as in being unable to do what I am
always anxious to do, to attend on such an occasion as the
present. (Cheers.) It has been a satisfaction to me to
meet here, not only those whom I have to thank for support
in this town, but to meet unexpectedly to myself, and there-
fore the satisfaction is the greater, with many of those from
whom I have derived, and the cause of the constitution, has

derived sympathy, in another and neighbouring town sim
larly situated, that of Ashton;—(hear)—and it has- been a
satisfaction to me to find that the toast of the navy should be
responded to by one so able to do it justice—by your friend
and neighbour Captain Clarke, of Ashton. (Cheers.) It is
a pleasure to see those who have performed duty to their
country in their youth in that arduous profession, ornaments
to their country on their return.
" It is a pleasure to see reflection's genial ray,
Gild the calm close of valour's various day." (Cheers.)
But with reference to this town I will say that its peculiar
circumstances are such as to have imposed on me a deeper
obligation, to attend, if possible, this present festival, or any
one met together for a similar purpose here; for, gentlemen,
I suppose I shall be considered as paying a very bad compli-
ment to this town by many who dwell in it, if I were to call
it a Conservative town. I certainly have it not in my power
to call it a Whig town; I very much doubt whether such a
phenomenon as Whig town exists in this county. (Cheers.)
At the same time, this town is one of those sudden creations
of commercial and manufacturing prosperity, which have
grown up and reared themselves, to the astonishment of the
traveller who visits this country, and like all those places it
is peculiarly exposed to all vicissitudes of distress, which no
form of government from Algiers to New York could possibly
altogether prevent from assailing a town of that description ;
and therefore I presume it is, that in this town, as in others,
similarly situated, many have been led to hold extreme
opinions in favour of organic changes in the constitution,
those changes which you are met here, as I presume you are,
to oppose yourselves to, and to protect this country from.—
(Loud cheering.) And therefore it is that I say, it might be
supposed by many of the inhabitants present, that if I were
to call it anything than that which it bears the reputation
of being, in other parts of the country, of being a Radical
town, I should be paying a very poor compliment to it.
(Cheers.) At the same time, speaking from my own expe-
rience, slight, indeed, I should say, if it be Radical town, it
has more reasoning in its Radicalism, more good humour in
its discontent, and is more cordial and zealoui in its conser-
vatism, than any town that I know of between St. George's
Channel and the Yorkshire coast. (Loud cheering.) But
if it be a Radical town, I say it is on that very account that
it gives me greater gratification to meet you here on this
occasion, to find you stemming, the stream rather than sailing
with the torrent. (Cheers.) I appeal to my worthy friend's
experience in the navy, whether it may be agreeable to sail
with the breeze—to have it behind you, and to feel the com-
parative tranquillity which all sailors experience under those
circumstances; but whether there be not something exhilara-
ting and exciting iu bearing up against that breeze—
" That breeze which fills the sails and bends the gallant mast,
my boys,"
" While, like an eagle, free
She leaves old England's lee,
Oh, fora fair and gentle gale—
.
I heard some fair one cry ;
But give to me a roaring breeze,
And white waves foaming high;
And white waves foaming high, my boys,
he ‘good ship light and free;
While the hollow oak our palace is,
Our heritage the sea."
(Enthusiastic cheers.) So sings the bard, describing the pro-
gress. of his vessel; and 1 do think that under those circuni.
stances of toil and conflict and commotion, we are met this
day; and we shall find more cordiality in such a meeting,
than if we were met to praise the measures of official powers
in this country.—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, as I repeat again,
from my own experience I deny the fact that this town de,
serves the reputation that I tell you it has. In other parts
of the country, with which I am not acquainted, they tell me
it is one of the places returning members under the reform
bill, a result which has been produced by former agitation.
But this society, which I see before me, proves to me thetruth
of the old adage, "the devil is nut always so black as he is
painted."—( Laughter and cheers.) Gentlemen, I have taken
the liberty of speaking my opinion, that hardly such a phe-
nomenon as a Whig town, meaning a town which supports
the views of ministers, and has confidence in their professions
—that there hardly exists such a phenomenon in this county,
or in the rest of England; and if such a one were discovered,
people would take a pilgrimage to go to see it. I say not
this on my own authority ; I ask you to judge if the present
situation of the Whig party is such, not from the comments
made on it by those who profess Conservative principles, but
from the comments of their former adherents; and if it be in
that situation, we may well ask, what is the reason why it
should be fallen so low in the estimation of this country, and,
I believe, of the world. That party possesses great wealth,
great influence, considerable talent, and private worth,
amongst the individual members who compose it; it has per-
formed great—services I will not call them, for I think them
none ; but it has performed considerable deeds, in the way of
change, in this great country, it has consoled the feelings
of those who look with enmity on the church, toa great extent,
its pretensions have been lofty, and its alterations extensive,
and yet was it deprived not only of the confidence of those
who have been its habitual opponents, but the approbation of
those, who, for seasons best known to themselves, have hitherto
given it their support. Gentlemen, the reason, I believe, to
be this; I believe that that party, as a party, rests under the
imputation of rank insincerity; that being in its associations,
and in its composition as aristocratic as any party that ever
existed, it has used the language, and courted the support of
the most abandoned levelism in this,country.—(Cheers.) I
believe it started with the profession of governing without
those aids, the use of which was mentioned in its opposition,
as a reproach to the party that preceded it in power;—with-
out patronage, and piling up cominissionerships, and raising
up corps of barristers of six years standing, without influence,
and making use at times of elections, and at every other time
of arts and influence, which Walpole would have repudiated;
of preserving peace, and of losing every friend we have in
Europe and making was with almost every power in Europe,
and having the crtdit of authorising what indeed cannot be
called war, in Spain, but of engaging British arms, and un-
furling British banners to the breezes of a country which never
before saw them unfurled, but to lead on to victory, in a cause
unjustified by necessity, unjustified by the result, and in which
with even British valour and British discipline it was all they
could do to preserve those sacred emblems from ruin and die
graca. They lie under the accusation of pretending to fling
themselves on the country,and condescending to exist and drag
on their existence by the influence of the crown, and by the
practices imputed to Bute by his political enemies of that
day. They are accused of transposing the method of trans-
portation, not for offenders against the law or the country,
but in reference to those that may prove inconvenient rivals
for power and court favour at home—(cheers)—of making,
use of the Atlantic, not as the means of transport and con-
veyance for talent, prurience, and wisdom to a colony which
God knows, needs all for its guidance, hut of making use of
that ocean as a barrier to the avenues of Buckingham House.
(Cheers.) It is, I believe, for reasons such as these, which
might be multiplied 10 fold in number—it is for reasons such
as these that they have lost the confidence of the nation. It
is for that reason that they have seen the real integrity
and by far the greatest talents of their ranks, drop from
them in two instances, at least that I may name—but
it is unnecessary to mention to you the names of Lord Stan-
ley and of Graham. (Cheers.) It is for such reasons as
these, that they are threatened and opposed, not merely by
those who on every principle of consistency, have been their
firtn and habitual opponents, but by those very radicals who
use them for a season, and whoi will, when a fair oppor unity
offers, fling them away disgraced, ruined, and no longer
useful. (Immense cheers.) Gentlemen,—l have taken the
liberty to allude to some of the leading topics of accusation,
which I think may be brought against her Majesty's present
advisers—topics at all events, of suspicion under which they
lie in the opinion of the country. There are circumstances
at the present moment, more peculiarly affecting this loca-
lity, of great interest to all of us. Upon that I do not equally
intend to dwell; for I think, gentlemen, though, as they
might be brought to bear in direct reference upon the pre-
tensions of tb,,e present govermnent to power, and of their
peculiar fitness for wielding that power, it might by some be
expected that I should in this respect dwell on them hbrt, at

this moment; but, gentlemen. at a time of peculiar local ex-
citement, and when I, who have the honour to address you,
shall shortly have the opportunity of appearing in that !Louse
where this question, and all affecting the country, can be ap-
proached with greater facility, and more thoroughly sifted
and discussed. Ido not think that perhaps occasions like
this are most fitted for approaching them, and investigating
them. (Hear.) And I am the more inclined to take this
course, because to you I could have no advice or exhortation
to offer. Is it for me to preach to you exhortations, to perform
obedience to the laws and submission to constituted authority?
Am Ito repeat to you advice that has already been alluded
to, the advice of a great lord who laid his head on the scaf-
fold at Bolton-le-Moors for the crown, and insisted on
" respect fOr the crown, though it hung on a bush ?" Lan-
guage like this would be an insult. But I have not here to
rally reluctant friends around the banner of our laws and
constitution, I have not here to use language of that descrip-
tion; you came here to support the principles of order, of
law, and of propriety; that is the very purpose of your
meeting, and it would be idle for me to dwell on that subject.
(Cheets.) There is but one circumstance on which, in fair-
ness to that party whom I have come here deliberately to
assail, and whom I propose to the best of my ability to assail
elesewhere. (Cheers.' it is but fair to name one topic, which
I do not drag on the file of charges as the measure of the
present government; I do not drag on that file the New
Poor Law, he its merits what it may Ido not consider that
as a party measure, or as a measure for which exclusively the
government are responsible. (Hear, hear.) There is ano-
ther topic also, which, though a very fertile and a very attrac-
tive one, I shall not dwell on at any length. It is the case
of Lord Durham,—the subject of Canada. It is one of deep
and prevailing interest. It is no slight matter whether we
shall see one of the jewel's of the crown and one of the
brightest, filched by the hands of the rebel, or the hands of
pirates from the United States; it is a matter of no light
moment whether the government have done their duty to the
colonies or not; but that is a question which concerns the
character of an individual in this country, who is, I consi-
der—however he may consider it himself, he considers it as
one of triumph—but, in my opinion at least, he stands upon
his trial before the country, and I shall not anticipate the
verdict which I, as a member of parliament, may be called
upon to give, by any observations that at least may prejudice
him (cheers); and I beg to be understood in any allusion
that 1 have made to it at all, as not alluding in the slightest
degree to the conduct of the noble lord, but purely to his
conduct that has been before the country. Of him and of
them, all I can say, and all I have a right to say, is this, that
if report speaks trite as to the language of ministers and
their adherents, with regard to Lord Durham, and to the
language and expressions which Lord Durham himself
has uttered in the country to corporations,—if these be
correctly rcportod, It phOUld be in any good period of
English history, that both the government and Lord Dur-
ham most unquestionably ought to be impeached. But ob-
serve, I say this on the evidence, the cross-firing, and the
cross indictments of the parties themselves, and not on any
evidence or any opinion brought forward against them by
those who are the political opponents of both; that is, the
Conservative party. For myself, I preserve my judgment
clear as to that noble lord, in any points which have come
under observation, as it is possible for a man to do who is
about to enter, perhaps, in some respects, as a judge on that
trial. But great as is the importance of that colony to us,
there are topics of greater import, which may well arrest our
attention from such a subject as Canada. The time is come,
when upholding all laws consistently passed, we may be
called on at no distant period to defend the provisions of the
reform bill, in whole or in part. I have here, gentlemen, a
pamphlet, called " A Letter to the Queen." Tbat pam-
phlet has been falsely attributed to a very eminent nobleman,
Lord Brougham. 'that put me somewhat in mind of an acci-
dent that betel to myself. It does not fall to every one's lot
to hear an Irish bull—to hear it and catch it warm in the
fact. (A laugh.) It did happen to me that when walking
in the courts in Dublin, two students walked before me, and
one was very loudly conversing with the other, and said to
him, " What do you think the villain did ? he wrote an
anonymous letter, an' put another man's name to it. (Laugh..
ter.) Somebody or other has written an anonymous letter,
and put Lord Brougham's name to it; and here it is, called
"A letter to the Queen." And, gentlemen, it is perfectly
inpossible, and I believe sincerely it is not the fact that Lord
Brougham ever penned such a composition ; for it contains
mixed up with the vituperation against her Majesty's go-
vernment, in which it most cordially acquiesces and con-
demns, but it contains a condemnation of that measure of
reform fur which we were called on to illuminate our windows,
and for the non-illumination of which, mine I know were

broken. (A laugh.) It contains a bitter denunciation o
that measure. And Lord Brougham, who defended the £lO
franchise as a pure creation of purity and intelligence—it is
perfectly impossible that Lord Brougham can now come for-
ward and treat the £lO householder as a reptile and a slave,
submissive to the commands of his superiors. But when such
professions are put forth to the public, and when the number
who listen to those who write such pamphlets as this, are
called on to support the total repeal of the reform bill; though
they may resist provisions in the enactment, they are not al-
together useless or uncalled for; and I trust, by the ex-
amples of other nations. you will scout this attempt to
obtain popular favour by a rapid degeneration to the repub-
lican form of government of which we have so brilliant an ex-
ample at this present speaking on the other side the Atlantic.
I know not what may be the sentiments of. our government,
but I have always considered government to be in the nature
of a family. What should you say of a family, the master of
which was unable to keep his childre❑ in the house? I should
say that was a bad system of family government, but if we
found those children also making incursions into their neigh-
hom's garden, breaking the windows of the opposite house,
and destroying the frame, I should take this as an additional
and intolerable proof that that system of domestic govern-
ment was not the model for imitation, which it had frequently
been supposed and suggested to be. Why, gentlemen, the
example is really too bitter for jesting at this period. 1 read
in the last evening's paper of incursions which the glorious
patterns in the United States are unable to repress; that war
has been renewed, and that fresh slaughter of an innocent
and unoffending population is reddening the field, which
population ought to receive protection from the British crown;
that the United States are unable to restrain this monstrous
outrage upon peace and property, and yet this is in the United
States, the best form of confederation, and which they boast
themselves is an example of good government to the civilized
world. I say this then is a bad time, and these are bail ex-
amples to induce us to transform our constitution after that
model, But it may be said why should we assemble now ?
We should be prepared to defend the constitution, and to
maintain our opinions. It might be asked, ‘. Are not minis-
ters our friends ? Ate they not afraid of destroying, the
constitution ? Has not Lord John Russell opposed the
ballot ? Elas not government passed the Irish tithe hill, which
maintains the sacred principle of the connection which the
Protestant church has with the constitution of the country ?
Has not Lord Duncanuon's son, the son of a cabinet min-
ister, given a sharp rebut to the Precursors ? Yes. Lord
John Russell has opposed the ballot, manfully, and with
considerable - ability, certainly with less ability than Lord
Brougham opposed ►t upon a former occasion, and it is
some satisfaction to learn from this pamphlet that there is
dissection in the camp upon this subject. The ten pound
householder is a reptile and a slave, says this pamphlet,
but still we will have nothing to do with the ballot. I think
then, gentlemen, with regard to the ballot, the change he
contemplated being carried into execution is less likely to
be first in the list, than the change to the ballot, which I
know government are called upon from very influential
quarters to change their opinions upon. And lam not
without a persuasion that the time may come when a change
of opinion upon the part of Lord .John Russell upon the
ballot, or a surrender ofopinion, will be a part of the bargain
for a continuation of himself and his party to power. I for
one think the change would be a measure disgraceful, ineffi-
cacious for its own purpose, talculated to ruin character and
independence, and honourable feeling in this country.
have constantly voted against it, and I hold to be so danger-
ous that I will do all in my power to ward it off. It is true
Lord Duncannon's son, a young man of high character and
considerable attainment, has read that short lecture to Mr.
O'Connell, and the precursors, but the precursors are all pow-
erful at the Castle of Dublin, let Lord Duncannon's son say
what be may. It is true, government have passed the Irish
tithe bill; but it is true there are those who trample it on the
ground, scatter its provisions to the wind, and deprive the
Protestant Church of the support secured to it by the act and
treaty of union; it is true there are persons with the white
stick about the person of the Queen, and in Buckingham
house, and that at the court the minister of the day is all
powerful, for the appointment or the dismissal of those men.
It is in contemplation of such facts as these, that I see and
meet you. I say . you do well to express your honest *-
Mons. and maintain those principles, and do not leave the
constitution to those who profess to be its defenders, but who
may be preparing for retreat and surrender. After a few
further observations, the noble lord sat down amidst loud
cheers.
The Right Hon. B. Wunitatram rose amidst loud cheer-
ing, and also responded to the toast. He could not plead the
physical disability of his noble colleague, and should feel it
his duty, whenever called on to be present at their meetings,
to give them encouragement by his presence. (Cheers.) He
had first suggested the establishment of the association at
Newton, and was happy to see it go on and prosper. He
had, whenever called upon by any of his constituents, done
his utmost to forward their interests, and he hopede that his
conduct had been such as to give satisfaction, and that it
would ensure for him their respect, if not their support on
future occasions. (Cheers.) He, for his part, looked on the
member for the borough (Mr. Fielden) as responsible for
what had happened recently in that neighbourhood; the
mischief had been brought about by his doings, he would not
say by his intentions. He concluded amidst very loud ap-
plause.
The CHAIRMAN next proposed, in an appropriate intro-
duction,
The health of the Hon. John Stuart Wortley, and the
Conservatives of the West Riding of Yorkshire. (Much
cheering.)
The Hon. STUART WORTLEY, in a speech of considerable
ability and some length, acknowledged the toast. Ile spoke
with confidence of future success for the West Hitting. Ile
had only, at the last election, been 409 behind his opponent,
in a constituency of 25,000, and since then " the battle had
been fought in the registration courts," and he had 1200 a&
ditional votes. (Cheers.)
CHARLES WILKINS, Esq., rose to propose the next toast
and was received with loud cheering. He said, Mr. Chair-
man, and brother operatives, and in that operative term I
include even the noble lord himself, and the two noble scions
of a noble house that are sitting at my right hand; and I
am sure when 1 call them operative conservatives I need only
appeal to the exertions which they have used for the promo-
tion of the interests of the country at large, in order to prove
that I have used an appropriate, and a proper terra. (Hear,
hear.) I cannot help thinking, sir, that the toast which I
am about to propose comes in its proper order, and, perhaps,
without objection, I may be allowed to explain myself, that
it has been put into proper hands. It comes in its proper
order sir, to propose Lord Lyndhurst and the House of Peers,
because we have had three most excellent specimens of the
materials of which the House is composed. (Cheers.) Lord
Lyndhurst, it seems to me, is wisely placed at the commence-
ment of that. toast, because, at the same time that it presents
to the examination of this meeting, one of the most noble
men of our day, it exhibits proof euough to our opponents,
that there is virtue enough in our constitution to raise to the
proudest position some of the humblest individuals in the
country. (Hear.) I say, it seems to have been wisely con-
fined to my keeping, in as much as he is one of my own pro-
fession, and in as much as he once stood up to address assem-
blies like the present, as plain Mr. Copley, though now Lord
Lyndhurst, and one of the most distinguished members of
the House of Peers. We have been told by the opposers of
the constitution, that the peerage is an useless appendage;
we have been told that the peers themselves ale inimical to
the genuine interests of the country, and in the way of na-
tional improvement. It reminds me of a story I once heard.
Dr. Johnson was met by a mutual acquaintance of his, and
Oliver Goldsmith. Johnson had not met Goldsmith for some
time, and asked what he was doing ? Pour Noll, said his
friend, laughing, has been obliged, by necessity, to write a
treatise an natural history, though he does not know a
turkey cock from a gander. (Laughter.) A friend of mine,
Mr. Dunn, a barrister, once met me in the Strand, in Lon-
don. convulsed with laughter. What is the matter, what
tickles your fancy so much, I inquired. Why, said he, I
have just parted with a friend and countryman of mine, born
in t`ie same village as myself; though his father is but a
decent cobler, he got a smattering of the classics at May-
nooth, and came to this country, and got on the press, and
I left him just now writing, as he said, a slapping article
against the aristocracy. (Loud laughter.) This you will
find in nineteen instances out of twenty to be the case, that
those who revile the aristocracy the most, know them the
least. ( Hear.) I recollect its being once said, by that un-
principled man Daniel O'Connell, to his assembled dupes in
Dublin, that " there was one Wilkins, in England, in the
pay of Lord Skelinersdale, going about reviling Ireland."
It so happens, that I have nu. my right, if he will allow
me, my friend, Mr. Bootle Wilbraham, who will bear ine
out, that except addressing Lord Skemertdale as chair-

man of quarter sessions, I never had the honour of a mo-
ment's conversation with him; and I here unhesitatingly as-
sert, that during the whole of my career, I have never curried
favour of one living soul, and the only payment that I have
received has been, first of all, the approval of my own consci-
ence, and the sanction of wise and good men.—(Cheers.) It
may never have struck you before, but it is nevertheless a fact,
that the House of Peers is now the only place in this country
in which 'he wants of England are attended to with patience,
and in which the wrongs of England are likely to have re-
dress. It is true we have conservatives in the House of Com-
mons, but owing to the whig-radical majorities—the precursor
majorities, so far as England is concerned, she is tied to Ire-
land and her agitators.—(Cheers.) You are asked to sacri-
fice the peerage, and for what? for no other reason than this,
because the peers have been honest enough to stand in the
breach and to protect our most valuable and best institutions
against the approach .and encroachments of those who have
given ample proof to the world at large, that with patriotism
on their tongue, they have their own interests at heart—
(hear;) we find self the centre of all their actions, and they
give the world the most unquestionable proof that they are
dishonest, mercenary, and cruel.—(Great cheering.) If I
consulted my own inclination, I should have contented my-
self in mentioning the toast which I have to propose; and, 1
believe, I should have best consulted the interest of the con-
servative cause, if I had left your minds undisturbed to think
on the many important truths you have been listening to to-
night; but, I presume, you (lid not send .for me from Man-
chester to do what the toast-master-general might have (lone
for me, but that you sent for me to add a few remarks on pass-
ing events: and as the noble lord told you, I should, to a cer-
tain extent, be stultifying myself, if 1 eulogized that which
is self-evidently good, and satisfied myself in endeavouring
to enlist your sympathies around that which you do sincerely
honour; and, therefore, if you please, I will first take a glance
at a few of the comments which first appear to my mind. I
may address myself to some remarks which emanated from
the noble lord; he said, he should feel himself censurable if
he gave you anything like advice in the discharge of your du-
ties. I perfectly coincided with him so far as he went, that
it would be idle in me or any other man to eulogize that to you
which has been already held up in most glowing colours. And
here I may be allowed to say, if I do exult in the opposition
and in the anarchy in which this country has been engaged,
it is on this fact, it has compelled the well affected, who
feared God and honoured the king,.to see on what foundation
they stand, to see what shelter they afforded, and having made
themselves acquainted with the proportion, the beauty, the vir-
tue, and the stability of our constitution, that has produced an
active examination of it in their minds, which has ensured in
theta a strength of support of it, from principle, which nothing
in this world can shake. In the first place, then, allow me to
address your attention to what appears to lie the local require •
merits on your attention and your zeal. You may meet in
masses like this, and have speeches delivered to you • you
may meet in your thousands if you please; but after all, as
was said to you just now by a gentleman on my right hand,
and as was before said by Sir Robert Peel, " this is not the
scene of action, but the scene of action is in the registration
courts; and in order to fight your battle there take care to
discipline your troops well." A general goes into cattle with
a faint heart who is not acquainted with the courage and nutn-
bers and discipline of his men; and I would say to you, if
you expect on a future occasion to return two honest men,
conservatives, to represent you in the House of Commons,
as I hope in God you may—if you expect to do so, there is
not a man amongst you but must feel himself called on to
exert himself for the common good : and in order to do this,
have your districts and committees, have your monthly re•
ports, entrust the most important situations to the most effi-
cient and the most judicious men; contrive all things. Let
me recommend to you, my friends, to avoid that schism
which too frequently ends in difficulty and distress. Many
men's vanity will frequently be wounded, but the man who
has in view the end of his great object—that which every
good conservative should have in view constantly- before his
eyes, although he may go home wounded in his 'feelings, as
a man sometimes has his vanity wounded, he should place
in the one scale his wounded feelings, and in the other his
country's good, and sure I am before the morning his de-
termination will be to lose sight of his petty grievances and
attend to the interests of society at large. (Cheers.) I live
in a borough (Manchester) where we are discomfited com-
pletely by our own grievances. lam ascertain as I am of
my existence that with good discipline, order, and method,
we have the elements of success in the town of Manchester.
It is because we have not been diligent while the other party
was active, it is because when the hour of battle comes on
we go into the field undisciplined and unprepared that we do
not succeed; and I say again, that in Manchester, a borough
'of greater interest than any other in the kingdom—a borough
on which the eyes of all are more directed than to any other,
I am certain in that borough, that with proper exertion vic-
tory is within our reach. And you must allow me to tell you
that you owe your defeat at the last election in a great mea-
sure to yourselves; you must allow me to tell you, that be-
fore the last election—l ern not saying you had not zeal,
I am not saying you bad not energy in the cause, but I
fear that there was not sufficient method, that there was not
sufficient organization amongst you, that sufficient pains were
not taken to enable you to meet the cunning, the contriv-
ance, and the meanness of the party that invariably profess
opposite qualities, and to whom you were opposed. (Great
cheering.) Gentlemen, there are various means by which,
it seems to me, you are called on to promote conservatism;
and here I may be permitted to say a few words to those
ladies who have honoured us with their presence. It was
once said by Sheridan, that " after all, woman is the legis-
lator of the world." (Cheers.) We may call our parlia-
Ment together; we may engage in the noise and fervour of
contest; we tnav fancy that we protect our institutions, and
obtain the victory; but, after all, there is a power to which
we all more or less yield.—That power, ladies, rests with
you. . (Loud applause.) It was from you we received our
first impressions ;—(a laugh and cheers)— it was from you
we received our fostering care ;—it was you who first dropped
upon our cheek the tear of sympathy;—it was you who first
lit up our cheek with smiles ;—it is you who fashioned our
boyhood;—it is you who are the pride of our manhood;—it
is you who give zest to our enjoyments;—it is you we look
to for consolation in affliction,—and it is to you we look for
the last sad consolations which humanity can afford, when it
shall please Him who is the great disposer of events to call
us to another state of being. (An enthusiastic burst of cheer-
ing.) I say it not for affectation—for the sake of compli-
ment—but because I believe that, as conservatives, it is to
you we look for the preservation of our holy religion;—to
von we look for the promotion of the conservative cause ;
to you we look for that mild influence which you alone can
shed around you. And I beseech you, in the name of our
brother conservatives, persevere in the exertions you are
making, and let the enemies of Christ, if they will, (and the
enemies of Christ are the enemies of the constitution); let
them, if they will, snatch the Bible front the infant's hands,
and give the untaught mind knowledge, which knowledge is
but advantage to the cause of darkness;—be you but true to
us,—be you our Christian instructors,—let your lips give to
our children fair ministry,—let your hands mould, and fa-
shion, and frame their minds,—and we will set the exertions
of our opponents at defiance; and to you, who are called
the fairest of God's creatures, we will look, in the hour of
need, for that aid whiCh shall be a bulwark in the hour of
danger. (Great cheering.) I see around me, in the town
in which you live, exertions made on every hand. For what
purpose? As I said just now, to oppose the interests of God
and the interests of moan; and I call on you to adopt every
means that ingenuity can suggest in order to render
perma-
neut the antidote to these exertions,—ineans which shall
write conservatism steeply in the heart,—which shall show
the poor man that conservatism is his friend, because it leads
hint to his God. This shall show hint that they are the
greatest tyrants who lead him from his friends. (Cheers
and enthusiastic applause.) If this is to be done, my
friends don't neglect the great subject of education. The
cry in another part of the world is "agitate, agitate, agitate."
'lbis is the cry of those who are the messengers of destruc-
tion—of those who are the cause of everything that is calcu-
lated to endanger man's peace, and rob him of his happiness
with constant creations of fresh sources of discontent; and
like him who first found his way into Eden's garden—like
hitn who first crept into Paradise, who first planted the seeds
of poison in our first father's mind, and from that led him
into rebellion,—so are the agitators teaching our population ;
teaching them to be discontented, to spurn where God has
commanded to honour. (Hear.) If you wish to counteract
such exertions as these; if you wish to make conservatism
pre-eminent, do what you can to appeal to the undestandings
of the people—educate them in the principles of conserva-
tism. (Great cheering.) Begin with them from their in-
fancy.; let the first lesson of conservatism be imparted into
the mind as soon as it is capable of receiving the impression;ailyou
t
and be assured, if you follow this course, not only shall
exult in the overturning of your enemies—not only shall
you exult in the possession of the best and noblest institu-
tions, but you shall exult in the end in that Conservatism
which shall be approved by angels, and be approved by your
Maker. (Great cheering.) I have been led into these re-
marks—not with any premeditation, for I have been the
whole of this day engaged in very arduous duties; however
I hope (in the phrase of the gallant Captain,) that I shall
never be found without my "jawing tackle on board."
(Cheers.) I must revert to the toast which I have to
give. 1 don't profess to be acquainted with the peerage;
I should be a Jack Brag if I did ; hut in the course
of my life-time I have had a few opportunities of making
myself acquainted with their characters; and I don't he-
sitate to declare, without any flattery on earth, that 1
have always found them to be the best men on earth;—
(cheers)—and I can only say, look at the three gentlemen—
(for a nobleman can be but a gentleman) at the board. (Con-
tinued cheering.) You have seen them in the bravest
flights, with fixed gaze, like the eagle with their bosoms
braving the blast and the storm when their country required
it,—(great cheering,)—but, if you wish to be acquainted with
their character, you must follow them to the warm precincts
of their mountain nest, and you will find them there a bright
example of the tenderest affections • you will find that that
bosom which now exposed itself' fearlessly to the mountain's
blast gives the kindest protection to its progeny. There it is
that you must look for the best attributes of the human cha-
racter. Without further comment I will give you " Lord
Lyndhurst and the House of Peers." The- learned gentle-
matt sat down amidst the most enthusiastic cheering.
The lion. STUART WORTLEY proposed the healths of "
F. Lees and Joseph Jones, Esqrs , the highly respected con-
servative candidates for the Borough at the last election.".
• Several other toasts were proposed, and the meeting was
continued to a late hour.

The City of London Tavern has been purchased by the
\Vesleyans for connectional and other purposes. The pur-
chase money is said to have been £15,000. _

•
MARRIAGE OF THE QUERN.—The following remarkable
paragraph appears in a recent number of the Leipzig Gazette:
—" From the Principality of Reuss, Dec. 12.—1 t is here po-
sitively affirmed, by eyewitnesses, that an august personage
has formerlyjaccepted the congratulations offered on the con-
tract of tnarriage concluded between Queen Victoria, of
England, and Duke Albrecht, the second son of the Duke of
Saxe Cobourg." Several paragraphs, to the same effect,
have lately been going the round of the Gelman papers, and
so much does the belief prevail on the continent, that Duke
Albrecht, or Albert, (for we find the name sometimes written
in one way, and sometimes in the other,) i lestmed to the
high honour here alluded to, that during his late stay at Mu-
nich, he is said to have been courted in every imaginable
way 'by th,.! Royal Family and the diplomatic body. Duke
Albert is the second son of the reigning Duke of Saxe Co-
bourg Gotha, and now in his twenty-first year, having been
born on the 26th of August, 1819. In case of the death of
his elder brother, Duke Albert would become heir-apparent
to his father's dukedom, a contingency which, we trust, will
he carefully guarded against, if our gracious Sovereign is
really disposed to bestow her hand upon the young Duke.
Duke Albert is first cousin to Queen Victoria, and to King
Ferdinand of Portugal ; nephew to the King of the Belgi-
ans and to the Duchess of Kent.

THE ELECTRICAL EEL AT THE ADELAIDE GALLERY.—
This curious fish is forty inches in length ; it was caught in
March last, brought to the Gallery of Practical Science in
August, and first was seen to eat in October; previous to
this, some blood was placed daily in its tub among the water,
and which it is supposed supplied the means of life. After
it was experimented upon by Mr. Faraday, it appeared to be
in better health, and commenced eating, making its first
meal off four small fish ; at present it eats one daily; it pro-
duces all the qualities of common electricity—chemical de-
composition, evolution of heat, the spark, &c. A fish, between
four and five inches in length, half a minute after it was
caught, was placed in the tub with the eel, who appeared to
be prowling about for food; the eel, forming itsel into a
helix, or coil, struck the fish, which instantly turned lifeless
on its side; the eel then swallowed it. with evident pout. A
gudgeon, six inches in length, subsequently placed in the
tub, had better luck, apparently owing to a quality, which of
ail others, one would not have expected in such a fish, whose
name proverbially indicates dulness and stupidity. The
shocks of the eel, Piofessor Faraday found, are strongest
from the tail; the gudgeon, evidently aware of this, kept his
bead constantly opplised to that of the eel, and thus escaped;
there they were, gudgeon and eel, nez-a-nez, regarding each
other with profound attention.--Lit. Gat..

CORRESPONDENCE.

THE CORPORATION SCHOOLS.

THE REV. D. JAMES AND MR. WILLIAM RATHBONE

TO MR. W. RATHBONE.
SIR,—It is now three weeks since I had the honour of last
addressing you; during that interval 1 have looked for some-
thing in the shape of a reply from your own pen ; but none
having appeared, I presume none is intended to be made. I
hasten, therefore, to close the correspondence on my own
part. I cannot, however, do so without entering ou a further
exposure of the new system of education introduced into the
corporation schools. My right to address you on this subject
cannot be questioned, when it is remembered that it was in
consequence of my attempts to investigate the real character,
and expose the dangerous tendency of that system, I became
the object of your ungenerous attack.
I gave you, by my first letter, an opportunity of apologising
for what you had, in an evil hour, so unjustly laid to my
charge, but no apology was offered. it then became my
duty to seek redress in one or other of the various ways which
were open to me. I chose to make an appeal to the public
through the medium of the press, as being, not only the least
vindictive mode of effecting my purpose, but likewise the
most likely to serve the interests of Divine truth. •In this
conjecture I was not mistaken. The Christian public have
expressed their opinion freely, and given their verdict ; and
with that verdict I have every season to be satisfied. I wish,
therefore, to dismiss from my mind at present those irritating
topics to which I bad occasion in my former letters to allude,
and to confine myself exclusively to the Irish system of edu-
cation, not as it is enforced and carried out in Ireland, but
as it was introduced into Liverpool, and is now in operation
in the corporation schools.
The great and principal object proposed to be effected by
this system, seems to be this—to give to the children of the
poor of all denominations within the borough, the privilege
of a general and intellectual education, without making reli-
gion the basis of that education, but merely appending it as
a thing of minor or secondary importance, more to satisfy
the conscience of others than your own.
I am aware that the scheme as it was at the first introduced
differed very materially from the form it now has in the
schools. By the original plan, religious instruction was ex-
' eluded altogether during school hours. In confirmation of
this, 1 beg to transcribe portions of the original resolutions
adopted by the liberal majority of the town-council.
Resolved,
"2.—That one hour of each day be devoted to the religious
instruction of those children whose parents do not object;
And that such an hour be in .the afternoon, after the school
has closed_ That th.....h00l shell 6.- 55
three o'clock in the winter, and four o'clock in the summer.
"3.—That the clergy of the different denominations be
solicited to attend for this purpose, and that every practical
accommodation be afforded them."

Now, sir, it appears as clear as noon-day that the corpora- •
tion had two distinct objects in view in drawing op and
adopting these resolutions :—firstly, to establish in th schools
a system of education of which religion should neither lie the
basis nor even form a component part—for religious instruc-
tion was to come on as a distinct and separate thing "after
the schools had closed," and was to be undertaken and sup-
plied, even then, not by the masters and monitors of each
school respectively, but by such ministers of the town as
might think fit, and find it convenient, to volunteer their
services for that purpose; secondly, to break down and re-
move the high, and nobe, and legitimate distinction which
at present exists between the established religion of our
country and those schismatic, heretical, and adulterated forms
of Christianity which are arrayed in opposition to it, and seek
its overthrow. This was to be the afterpiece of national edu-
cation and the masterpiece of modern liberality. The credit
of the arrangement was due to the town-council, but others
were to be called in to carry that arrangement into effect,
and the corporation, with a degree of liberality in olden
times, came forward, to do what, forsooth? To offer the use
of the corporation school-rooms for that sinister purpose for
one hour each day.
But as this was to be the after-piece, and not a component
part of the system to be pursued in the schools during school-
hours, I am anxious to dismiss this, and return to consider
the system itself. It is observed by Solomon that "wisdom
is the principal thing," and what he meant by wisdom here,
as well as in most other places in the book of the Proverbs,
is explained by himself when he says, "the fear of the Lord
is the beginning if wisdom." He evidently meant religion;
and the reason for calling religion, or religious wisdom, the
principal thing, is sufficiently obvious. Man is born an heir
of immortality. His existence here is a mere speck in the
ocean compared with the duration of his existence hereafter.
Physical training and intellectual knowledge can only pro-
mote the welfare of man in this world, and that only to a very
limited extent; but religion—while it forms the source of
man's happiness here, lays the foundation for his complete
emancipation from sin at death, and secures for him endless
bliss in the world to come. "Therefore," adds Solomon,
" yet wisdom ; and with all thy getting get understanding."—
Prov. iv. 7.
But the system of education introduced by you and your
liberal associates into the corporation scbouls excluded the
"principal thing" altogether at the onset. For, front the time
at which the schools opened in the morning, to the hours at
which it was fixed they should close in the afternoon, winter
and summer respectively, no kind of religious instruction was
to be given either by the masters or by any other person. And
even when that important branch of education came on for
an hour "after the schools had closed," it formed no part of
the masters' work ; it was left to whomsoever it might suit to
attend to it : so that all you proposed to-do was the training
of the children for time, leaving it to others to train them fur
eternity. Oh, the littleness of your liberal minds! Where
was Reason, that ennobling power of the human mind, so
highls exalted as to be deiliied and adored among men of your
creed? Did you cultivate Reason, having before her eyesdaily•
the fact that man's tenure of the present life is at the best but
short and precarious, combined with the testimony of divine
revelation, that man only dies in this world that he may live
and exist for ever in another—did she dictate that it was be-
coming an enlightened and a highly civilized body of men to
direct their attention exclusively to the dubious welfare of the
children in this life, and expend their corporate funds on that
paltry object, leaving the great and most important part of
education—the formation of the character for heaven and eter-
nal glory, to volunteers? No. Reason had no voice or in-
fluence in the decision of the council. It was infidelity, dis-
guised under the garb of liberality, that drew up, proposed, se-
conded, and passed the resolutions, which went to exclude re-
ligion from the schools during school hours. Entire exclu-
sion of religion belongs to no other principle: lam anxious
you should not misapprehend my meaning in this nlase.
am now speaking exclusively of the system you prodtWen
I am bound to treat the system as I find it, and to drag to light
the real parent principle which gave it birth. However loudly
and indignantly you and your liberal associates may disavow
being infidels at heart, or in any degree favourable to infidel-
' it y, that will in no wise affect the system under consideration•
The system must be tried by its own merits, and viewed irre-
spectively of its authors and patrons. I repeat, therefore,
that I know of no principle which would exclude religion from
a course of education during school hours but infidelity. In-
fidelity declares against the necessity of religion, because in
some instances it denies the existence of God, and certainly,
if there be no God, there needs be no religion. In other in-
stances, admitting the existence of a Divine Being, it still
persists to deny his moral government of the world, the truth
of his revelation, and the immortality of the soul; these are
the premises ott which human responsibility is founded, and
consequently religion ; but where t.bese are repudiated, reli-
gion becomes unnecessary. Infidelity alone declares against
the necessity of religion; the scheme of education proposed
and adopted originally by the town-council excluded religion
during school hours: therefore the principle of that scheme
was infidelity.
As a qualification of this, you will probably reply that
some credit is due to the corporation for the provision they
made to lend the use of the schools, for one hour each day,
to such of the clergy of the different denominations as might
think fit to attend for the purpose of giving the children rajc
gious instruction. True; but I observe in the wording of
the resolution, a provision also for the legitimate escape of
the children from their religious teachers, without incurring
any penalty, or being amenable to any law. Mark the words
of the resolution—" That one hour of each day be devoted to
the religious instruction of those children whore parents do
not object." Here is a loophole sufficiently accommodating
and expansive in its nature to let the poor fagged children
go and play with their fellows out of doors. Some parents
would probably have objected from the commencement had
nothing been said on the subject; others, knowing but little
of the value of religion, would have found reasons for which
to do so in the course of time, yielding to the solicitations of
the children in some instances, sod in others pleading that
the children were wanted at home, &c. To what extent the
classes remaining for religious instruction would eventually
have been seduced by this means it is impossible to say, but
that the corporation contemplated something of the kind, or
rather wished it, is clear; else how in the world came they
to make provision for such a contingency? Or rather, sir,
was not this a sly way of half opening the door, and then
whispering in a low tone, " Come lads, run away ?" And
what then ? No religious instruction to the fugitives during
school hours—none after. You know, sir, what you were
about, there was no mistake.
But this bold and daring attempt to introduce a system of
national education which studiously excluded religion during
school hours, and made it only optional afterwards, was too
much for the town to bear. The indignation of the Christian
public was roused, and their remonstrance became so loud
and fearful that you felt its force, and at length gave way a
and with a degree of silence and secrecy characteristic or
men engaged in mischief, you so far altered the original plan
as to admit religion to be part and parcel of the system,
making it imperative on the masters and monitors of the
school, in the absence of ministers, to give religious instruc-
tion to the children during the last hour in each day. This
was an evident change for the better; but then, you left to
the parents to say its what creed orfiirm of religion they
wished their children to be instructed, authorizing and di-
recting the masters to teach them accordingly, making no
distinction between truth and error—between sound doctrine
and false doctrine—between the creed of a Jew, which re-
jects Jesus as an impostor, and the creed of a Christian,
which admits him to be the Saviour of the world:—no dis-
tinction between the creed of an orthodox believer and the
creed of an open heretic—between the creed of a papist and
the creed of a protestant, though they are in a dozen essen-
tial points diametrically opposite to each other.
he admission of this as a principle on which the religious
department of the system should be conducted, did more than
mat the whole, and rendered the system, if anything, more
objectionable than before. The plan, as primarily intro:
duced, admitted of no religious instruction during school
hours; but as it is at present constituted, it admits the toles
ration and actual teaching of any, and of all religions, the
last hour of each day. You assign as a reason for this, in
one of your published documents, " That being trustees of a
fund to be managed fur the benefit of all, you are bound to
respect equally the religious peculiarities and conscientious
scruples of all." And this, you say, " you have used. and
do use as an argument in your defence." Now, sir, I per'
ceive in this statement a brief but lucid definition of the,
principle on which you conduct the ieligieus instruction or
the children in your schools—" You respect equally the reli-
gious peculiarities of all." In order to ascertain the real cba'
racter, and explain the nature of this principle, let us pa;
tiently consider to what it might eventually lead you, an°
to what it has led you. We shall afterwards test it •by the
word of God.
There are in the British dominions hundreds and thousands
of families, differing front each other as widely as the poles
in their religious peculiarities, such as heathen idolaters,
Mahomedans, Jews, papists, and protestants. We may not
have many pagan idolaters and mussulinen residing in Liver-
pool at present; hut Jews, papists, and protestants we have
in large numbers; and the others we may have in a short
time, in consequence of the facilities about to be offered bY
steam-packets for the removal of families from the most di`"
tint regions. But I will put the case in each instance hylin"
thetically, until I come to that which is a fact. This will
answer all the purpose,
Suppose a poor Hindoo family, already subjects of her
Majesty Queen Victoria in the East, removed to Liverpool.
and the father or mother brought the children to one of you!',
schools, requesting that for religion they should be instructed
in the doctrines of Buddhism, the old religion of Hindostani
and which is at present, under different appellations, the re-
ligion of Burmah, Ceylon, China, Japan, Tartary, and Thi-
bet ; you would be obliged to procure a code or catechismt
containing- the peculiar doctrines of that religion, among'
which you would find the following absurdities, which are,
notwithstanding, the choice articles of the creed :
"'There is one Spirit, who is himself ALL BEINGS, individu-
ated only by matter in its various forms. In other words, there
are two grand principles existing eternally, matter and spy
lit —matter is wrought by the spirit in innumerable forms._
Buddhu is worshipped as God. His chief representative, °r
priest, is the Delai Lama, who resides in a magnificent Pa:
lace near Lassa, the capital of Thibet. He is the vicegerent,
if' Deity on Earth. Eminent devotees, followers of Buddha,'
may be worshipped at pleasure. Death in the grand Lam.,t_
is nothing more than the transmigration of tho spirit jut°

reply that
vision they
• each day,
zs as might
tldren reli-
wording of
escape of
t incurring
the words
devoted to
parents do
Lnmodating
,d children
Ina parents
emeut had
g but little
s for which
:itations of
ceding that
extent the
eventually
to say, but
he kind, or
came they
rather, sir,
r, and then
,y;" And
*yes during
t you were

a system of
;ion during
Is, was too
e Christian
me so loud
gave way
,clefistiC of
riginal plan
he systems
itors of the
us instruc-
day. This
you left to
!ligion they
ng and di-
making ne
nd doctrine
r, which re-
a Christian,
Id :—no dis-
rer and the
papist and
nen uses'

he religious
d more that'
hint;, more
arily intro-
ring school
its the tole-
ligions, the
for this, in
trustees of a
.e bound to
)nscieutious
e used. and

sir,
.1 pet-
ition of the,
Istruction 0.1
111 y
.the reit'
he real Ow
let us pa;
ad you, ale
st by the

d thousands
as the poles
n idolaters,
Ve may not
ng in Liver-
nts we have
s in a shoot
e offered by
he most dis-
tance hypo-
ibis will

jects of her
Liverpool.
one of your
e instructed
Hindostan,
ons, the re-
rv, and Tht-
r
m, among st
which are.

words, there
tier and bpi"
rabic forms.
entative, or
niticent Pa'
to vicegerent
of Buddha,
valid Lama
spirit jut°