Star.
London, England, 1826-05-03 00:00:00

SCOTCH ATTAINTS.

Mr. Secretary PEEL, on introducing Ole Bills which
had come from the other !louse, for revering the at-
tainders of Rails Airlie and Carnaath, Barons Elcho
and Dufrus, and Sir Patrick Murray Thnepland of
gask, observed, that in the c. se, of Lords Aitlie and
Weave, the House was merely debts an act of justice. He hoped
the House would follow the precedents of former acts of this na-
ture, and Owe them to pass through the Ant std second read-
ing this evening.
• Lard MILTON said he felt the task imposed on him
was the most disagreeable possible, because it pn.vented
him doing that which he felt would be agreeable to his
own feeling, on the. :cote of the perscnal merits of the
claimants to these titles. He confessed the selection
was unfortunate ; had the Right Hon. Gent. moved
a Bill for a general removal of Attain, he shou!cl not have opposed
it ; but he would not contest to a particular measure for relieving
these persons from auaint, whose ancestors had bat their titles in
consequence of resisting the constitutional right of that House, and
the House of Lords, to settle the succession.
Mr. C. W. w YNN reminded the Noble Lord that the exercise
of mercy-was the most eoviable prerogative of the Crown, and Lei
reconciled perhaps, mote than any thing else, the public to the occi-
sional severity of the law eg forfeiture fir attainder.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT wished the Act of Grate Ind new been
so restricted. -There were many cases of attainder of Irish Petra
which might with greater propriety have been included in this re-
versal of attainder.
After a fsw words front Mr. Secretary Pam and Lord Joins
Bills were read a Aral and second time, and orderalto
, be committed severally.

FLOGGING IN NZW SOUTH IP A LES.
Sir MATTHEW WHILE RIDLEY %aid he did not
in:end to trespass in his present motion cm the paticnce

S

IPfr.

of the House, when they were expecting a matter com
paratively /rf so Much greater irnportanetfor their c'on-
sideration ; but he must trespass on its patience so far
as o state a few facts relative to the mal-administration
of justice in the British settlement of Parhamattah, in
New S bath Wales. He alluded to the case of Henry
Lovaine, who bad been ,entenced to receive twenty-five
lashes each day, until he confessed where the money
'was w hiCh he had been accused of stealing. This pri-
soner had been subsequently sent to Fort &lacquarrie,
and the Grand Jury had subsequently confessed that
thearst part of the punishment had been inflicted to
compel the coofession of his crime. The next case was
of a nun named Johnson, accused of stealing a pair of
trowsers, similarly treated ; and the third was the case
of a Dutchman, who had been a deserter, and had ac-
cused two persons of harbouring him, merely to escape
punishment himself, whilst it rendered them liable to
the penalties of the law. The latter person confessed
subsequently these persons were not the parties who
concealed him. There were also two cases in which
torture bad been administered to convicted persons to
extort coofession, and obtain restitution of the property
stolen. In some of these cases proceedings had been
instituted against the Magistrates, and to defeat those actions an
Act of Indemnity had been issued by the Governor-General, Sir
Thomas Brisbane. The effect of this act oft he Governmeut obvi-
ously went to screen the authorities, and the object of his motion
was to obtain mote satisfactory informatiou as to the whole of these
ereeeedinp.. He then moved for a copy of the ordnance to stay
premediags against the parties in these cases, signed by Sir Thos.
Brisbane under date of the 11th October, 1843 ; and also for copies.
of the fedistments sued out against the Magistrates in any of these
cases for eruelty or excess of jurisdiction.
Mr. WILMOT-HORN said he was not at all in-
disposed to grant all the information on these cases
which had as yet reached the Colonial Office. He was
happy to find the conduct of the Gallant Officer (Sir
Themes addend) alluded to without mit heinuation as to his being
involved in the culpability of the temneMisn. The error as to
Doctor Douglas's oanduct as a Magisnmee hug arisen out of a series
of precedents which he would not meet had siet geteiestied an a
false principle. He hoped, as the information mull be girded,
*at the House would withhold its opinion Until they were in pos-
session of that evidence- _ _

After a few words front Mr. Bow and Mr. Wain: Moms,
the motion wag agreed to.
Mr. HUSHISSON wished to *rise the House that in con-
sequence of the dose of the Ram big likely to be such occupied
with a very imports* %vie stillsessellas that evening, he should
postpone the motion relative teakipplig, of which he had given
notice for that evening, to Friday neat
CORN LAWS. _

Mr. Secretary CANNING moved the House should go into a
Committee on the Corn Law.. On the motion by the Right Hen.
Gentleman that the speaker. do leave the Chair,
Sir THOMAS LETHBRIDGE rose and stated,
that inasmuch as it was always a pleasing duty to rise
in that Howse to propose that which was popular, in the
same degree it was painful to have to interrupt the
house in proceeding-to the consideration of the propo-
sition of the Right Hon. Gentleman, which, as coming
from him, must always have so much weight. And be
=use confess he felt an additional painful responsibility
ea this occasion, as it had been generally considered
-that the proposition of the Right Hun. Gentleman was
intended to meet the exigencies of the present period,
and quiet or alleviate the distress of the manufacturing
classes ina particular district, whose sufferings he mutt
sow say, he, as much as any man in that House, felt
'for and deplored. He should pursue on this occasion a
straight forward course, despite of any gibe with which
his observations might be. met in one quarter. or any '
severer denunciation which might escape from the
Noble Member for Yorkshire, who had, on a former
occasion, expressed himself in a manner on this subject
which was no lets undeserved by those to whom his
severity had been applied, than it had been painful to
those *hi heard it from that Noble Lord in his place.
That inculpation was the more singular on the Noble
Lord's part, considering the' class in society to which
he belongs, though perhaps he might be• considered a
landed- proprietor in so large a sense, that it might
*aloiost be a, Menet of indifference what might be the
Trice of corn. In resisting the motion of the Right
Hon. Gent!eman, he meant to induce the House to agree
w ith him that it was a fallacy to suppose that any con-
siderable relief mould accrue film the scheme new
pointed out by Governmeat. That proposal, he un-
derstood, wt nt to let loose the bonded corn now in this
.couotry, at a duty of twelve shillings per quarter... 7.
This was the first part of the scheme, and to it, per-
haps, he had no such very strong objection as be had
to that which followed, and that because he thought the
latter involved the whole principle of the Corn Law:—
(flear). It was now but a short fortnight since, on the
motion of an Hon. Friend of his, that the House would
not consent to go into a Committee to deal with the
whole system of the Corn Laws, that the Hon. Member
bad been left in a large minority, and the principal
argument used by him on that occasion was, that as
there existed a possibility,or remoteeprobability of a scar-
city, the Legislature should thereforego immediately to
.work with the Corn Laws,' so as to prevent the likeli-
hood of its occurrence. Oa that I ccasion it would be
recollected, the argument used by his ajesty's Gco
'to
was, that it would now be extremely ill-timed
to go into a subject of so much importance and vital
interest to the public. He would now ask what had
•since arisen to alter their views, except indeed that the
distresses in the district alluded to had continued
longer (for they had even then begun), or that these
poor manufacturers bad begun to be riotous? He would
believe for a Moment. whit-had been insinuated, namely,
that these riota had broken out in consequence of the
manner in which the House had treated the motion of
his Hon. Friend on the subject of the Chin LXws.—
He could not Conceive either that the subscriptions,
urged so becomingly by the Right Hon. Secretary, for
the Home Department, however extensive might be
that proof of our national benevolence, could yet go
'deep enough to redress the evils already felt, or prove
any thing beyond a palliation to the evils which all
deplored. If such were, as he and others believed, the
case, would it not have been far better' that his Majesty's
'Ministers should come to the House and ask for a vote
of Money in aid of the poor's rates of the district so
distressed, which was a mode that had often been re-
sorted to as to those parishes adjoining a distressed
parish or district. Instead of what was now proposed
as a mean of meeting the evil, he must contend that an
application for a vote of money would have been much
more rational. Some persons had been hardy enough
to say that the cause of the present distress was the high
price of corn. This was all a fallacy, and he would be
glad to know whether any one there would for a moment
credit such a thing? Yet that fallacy had been gaining
growl and getting proselytes, because it bad boor nur-
tured by some persons of considerable talent as a means 1
of getting at the landed interest. But the truth waarlhe
caw of the distress was to be traced to other circum-li
stances. He knew that Ministers now said it was not their
intention at present to moot the question of the COgn

Laws.--(Mr. Comma saddled assoot).—Had the object
of the row:dud keen confined tetbstinbs
jet.: otthe corn dedisare, be should, as that had beim'
done before, nettles* opposed its being done again.—
It had been asserted by the advocates of this project,
that there was not above 250 to 200)000 quarters of
corn bonded in the warehouses, which would drys be
brought into the market at a duty of 12s. per quarter.
He thought, taking the different ports, there must how-
ever be more; yet even this could not operate as a te-
ller. According to Mr. Jacobs's intelligent statement
on the subject of the Corn trade, 600,000 qrs. did not
'form more than a week's consumption. To propose
this as a remedy, was to practise a deception. It was
something calculated to soothe, rather than act as a
grand source of permanent relief; and, he must add, he
did not think it a fair or a manly way of meeting the
difficulty, after the House had been recently informed
that this was not the fit time to touch the subject,
from Ministers themselves. In fact it appeared to him
to be an attempt to get rid of the Corn Laws by,' side
wind. As to the Ministers' second proposition, the
country would hardly believe it possible, that within ten
days or a fortnight after their: opposition to Mr. Whit
more's motion, to propose in fact to annihilate the Coto
.Laws. He would not give such power to the Ministers
to allow corn to be introduced on 12s. duty. As to the
principles of free trade, however they might be sup-
ported by ingenuity and research, 'they were car-
rying the Ministers out of their depth. It was not
'agriculture or manufacture alone that complained ;
the shipping was also in distress. He had not seen the
principles of reciprocity acted upon by other count' ies
—they took all they could get but returned nothing. If
there were free trade, there most be freedom regarding
corn ; but if that were to be done, how were the interest
of the debt and the large estaillakments to be paid?—{Hsu, hear).
Those things must be paid—but with this freedom they could not
be paid. He called on the Nielsen to pause, and not to sanction
the Wrap for such was the
inciet. that cheap bread would remove the
difftaddes. He with moving an amendment, that a
Committee be appointed to enquire ioto the causes of the distresses
in the manufacturing districts.
Mr. BENETT seconded the amendment. The Hon.
Member expressed his astonishment at the introduction
of such a measure so shortly after the question of the
Corn Laws had been decided by so large a majority, to
the approbation and satisfaction of the country. The
object of the measure would he to derange and alter all
the contracts that had been made respecting farms,
lands, and corn. Some Gentlemen seemed to imagine
the Corn Laws were not the cause of the distress; if this
were the case; where was the necessity of repealing
them, for the purpose of putting an end to this distress?
He was as ready as any man to administer relief to
the sufferings of the people; he only doubted as to the
mode of affecting the object. He would venture to
suggest one as a temporary expedient, which he admit-
ted, if considered as a precedent, would be bad—that
was, to purchase corn, and sell it to the sufferers at a
cheaper rate. This suggestion, if acted upon, would
agree with the interests of all; it would neither interfere
with contracts, nor touch upon the Corn Laws. It would,
perhaps, be giving relief through the medium of the poor
rates, the legitimate mode in this country, of alleviating
distress. He siid, that the distresses of the agriculturists
were not as well known as those of the manufacturing,
classes, from the facility of combination possessed by
the latter. The Hon. Member deplored the conse-
quences that must follow from the riots of the manufac-
ahrers, who, after destroying the instruments of their
own trade, would also destroy the ricks and corn of the
farmer. They would finally.imitate the conduct of the
_lrish peasantry in the rebellion, who burnt the Bank
notes, for the purpose of ruining the bankers. He op-
b..sed the motion of the Hon. Member for Btidgenorth,
because the dui he proposed was not adequate to the
protection of the farmer, and because his Bill contained
nothing that appeared to him to be certain. The Right
Hon. Gentleman had proposed the duty of twelve shil-
lings, because it was that laid on by the law at present,
but he had forgot that the law required an additional
duty of five shillings for the first three months. The
statement of Mr. Jacob appeared, to him, to be ape* ;
no effort was made to ascertain the stock on hand in
the country. It would be expedient, perhaps, to send
a person, properly authorised, to the suffering districts,
who should ascertain the extent of suffering, and the
best node of giving relief. He should not be accused of insensibi-
lity to the sufferings of the manufacturing classes. He had been
for thirty years an acting Magistrate, and he wellknew what they
endured, but be also was convinced, that if they were relieved to
the extent which they sought, the consequence would be *sir ruin.

Mr. Secietary CANNING.—.When I took the liberty
of submitting my proposition to the ccnsideration of
the House, 1 assure Hon. Members that I did no,
think' it would be incumbent upon me to offer any
thing in the shape of an apology fur so doing. I did
not think that 1 should be charged with anything like
disrespect to the House, or to those Honourable Mem-
bers who choose to hold their own opinions upon the
subject. I introduced the motion, because it appealed
to me to be the most convenient mode of exciting disc
cession, more especially as the proposition to •which 1
called attention, may be divided into two parts, to one
of which the Honourable Member for Somerset, who
has led the opposition in a manner so strong and so
vehement, has anode comparatively but little objection.
In this stage is the discussion. I think it necessary to
say a few words by way of explanation, for the purpose'
of doing away the impression that seems to be made
on the mind of the Hon. Baronet, and of disencutnber-
ing the proposition of that character which he seems
to think should justly belong to it. I assure thh Hon.
Baronet that he (mold not think more unworthily of
his Majesty's Government .than the individuals who
compose it would think of themselves, if, acting open
the principles which have been ascribed to them, and'
with that view which has been attribueed to them, they
had brought forwardthis proposition with the intention
of aiming, by a side wind, the principles of the Corn
Laws. Honourable Members will do me the justice to
remember that I have not dated what my opinions
mity be upon the subject. And when the time for
the general discussion shall arrive, I will approach
it with my mind perfectly unbiassed, and with feel-
ings not kindled by any former debate. My ergo.
ments will . then stand upon their own importance;
and will be advanced upon, and supported by the
peculiar grounds of the question, and the peculiar
circumstances of the country at the time when it shall
be brought forward. With this general question 1 desire,
at present, no interference; and I cannot refrain front
expressing my regret, as I do most sincerely (though
without presuming to impute blame), that the Hon.
Baronet, and the Hon. Measbee who has seconded his
_ _ -
amendment.

though in a wilds!: took should have
thought of connecting:this-props"ion with the great
question of the .CoraLa • ai I do, that this
Resolution will asset thatqaprobation oF, •and -be sae
timed by this-and do other House. I hope also to ' be

'able mem the Hon. Monk% shpt k taro ',Netts'
are ape* and perfectly distitiet. Ilherness to eon-
to that the lent cod into the
_peen fly, woold
to dist ress—e say theyjthe withholding of this
corn, and its high price, *ill be the means of prevent-
ing this distress: bet I deny that these propositions
are the same. The causes of distress may be widely
different from those which are affirmed by Hon.
Members. I could remind the House of many which
have beenprietal facie assigned as the sources of difficulty.
Many of them have, for instance, been said to ow: their
existence to the principle of free trade; but whatever
may be the cause, I think it evident, that letting out
the corn which is bonded in the neighbourhood of
those who are afflicted with want, wilt for so muds at
least prove a remedy. If there be a medicine which we
know to be a specific for a certain disease, and if we
have a patient enfeebled by that very disease, without
having that specific to administer, wouldlit not be prepos.
terons to suppose that he is reduced to this sate by the
medicine, which, in the absence of the specific, we gave
him ? I will not at present follow the Hon. Bart. through
that wide range of discussion in which, he has indulged,
for the purposeof finding the cause of cilstreu. I will not
consider whether it be the consequence of over-trade, er
of those fluctuations which are peculiar to trade, and
which are and will be essential to this country, as long
as it shall c intinue a great commercial nation. It is
surely enough fur Parliament to know that the distress
does exist, in order to induce it to admit the necessity
of inquiring what are the speediest, safest, and most
efficacious means of alleviating it. The proposition which
I have, for that purpose, to submit to the consideration
of the House, is of a two-fold description. There is in
this country at this moment a large quantity of corn
which was imported under the laws, and which, by the
regulations of those laws, cannot be brought into circu-
lation; yet, in the place where this corn is now hoarded,
within almost the view of the granaries, the most grind-
ing and most pressing distress prevails. Can any ques-
tion therefore arise as to the propriety and utility of
bringing that corn into circulation, in order to afford
relief to persons, whose claims upon our sympathy there
is not one Member who hears me, nor one person in
the country. I am convinced, will attempt to deny.—
If a proof be required of the necessity of bringing that
corn into circulation, the proof is evident to all who
witness the distress. That the distress is prevalent to a
most lamentable degree, is undeniable; that there is
corn in the country enough to alleviate its pressure can-
not be denied, and from what has fallen from the Hon.
Members who have last addressed the House, it is evi-
dent that there is no unwillingness on its part to afford
to the sufferers relief. I therefore anticipate no diffi-
culty to the first part of my proposition, and I therefore
pass to the second branch of it. By the existing Corn
Laws it is regulated„ahat foreign corn shall not be im-
ported into this country. unless in cases, one of which,
as so provided, does not now come before us for our
adjudication. Bot a case is now before us of paramount
importance—a case which requires that his Majesty's
Government do now make application to Parliament for
a power, which, if it be regarded in the light of a boon,
is of all boons the last to which the Members of his
Majesty's Goverment would be disposed to ask of this
House, or of the Legislature, to give their concurrence
--(Hear, hear).—lt is the granting to the Government
a power to admit foreign corn into the country, in order
to meet the exigencies of the peoples if the exercise of
that power be unnecessary, it will not be required from
those who have to guard the welfare of every class of
his Majesty's subjects, to give it effect. This is the pro-
position which on a former occasion, when I was not
one of his Majesty's Ministers, was objected to by the
Members of his blajesty's Government, on account of
theniselves ; for they regarded it, and justly, as involving.
them in a responsibility of the most serious importance.
Parliament is now about to separate, and as there is no
reason to suppose that, during its separation, any great
facility will be afforded to ensure its meeting upon any
sudden emergency, his Majesty's Government now pro-
pose to its consideration the propriety of being prepared
t meet the exigences which may suddenly occur. I
am under no apprehension that such an, emergency as
will call fore an unlimited exercise of that power will
immediately arise; but every -Member who knows the
state of the country, and who is sensible of the pro-
priety of being provided with means to check any
sudden evil, cannot but acknowledge the utility of
greeting to the Government this power. There is now,
and has been, for a few weeks, a rising market : that
fact is undeniable. While applying for that power, it
will be allowed to me to state my opinion, that the in-
troduction of foreign corn will not materially lower the
present prices. I feel, however, that I ought not to
use the epithets high or low ; for these expressions are
but relative—they are relative as well to the returns of
corn as to the state of the country. Last year the
price of corn was 675. and it is now 60s. yet it seem(
manifest, that the present price of 60s. is comparatively
higher, in consequence of the existing state of the coun-
try, than were the nominally lower prices of last year.
Without stating my own opinion as to the means of
procuring it, it appears to me evident that the object,
the desirable object, of all our efforts, ought to be not
the highness or the lowness of the prices, but their
steadiness. (Heart) Supposing then, that during the
separation of Parliament the price of corn should in-
crease to a great amount ; is it to be assumed that the
existing legislative enactments will be sufficient to meet
the evils which are contingent to such a rise? Certainly
not. Supposing that the price of corn should rise to
the extreme verge permitted by the Corn Laws, and to a
height greater than pswhaps the framers of those laws
tontensplated,- is the cuentry to bear ,the evil resulting
therefrom tlll after Aug. 15, fir until after that period the,
presint system of the Corn Laws can produce no advan-
tage? May not there happen a rise in prices as suddenly as
this distress? Ai immediate remedy becomes impera-
tive: there natty be a difference between the expedients
requisite; but there.may be but little time for defilseto-
tion. Whist is therefore to be done? Its. that atomics,
and with a view to be prepared to meet those contin-
gencies. Government now proposes to be armed with
" a discretionary, but effectual power to apply thetemedy.
There is no tendency in this measure to alter the Corn
Laws; if I borrow from the Corn Laws by taking the
amount of the duty from them' I take it because it
exists. If &permanent duty be requisite, as some Hon.
Members have contended, for the establishment of a fixed
system, I state no opinion—I take the duty as it exists.
Any vat iztion from the standard already determined,
would imply a change in the laws, to which I am not
inclined to accede. Why have you not, says an
Hon. Gent. " taken fibs. as the price, and 15s. as the
duty?" That proposiden may be appropriate in certain
cases of a reviving trade and, a fah price, but in cases
of a diminished trade and of a lowered pi ice, will it be,
',so? My object is to obtain a discretionary powerli

•rs be used when the appivipriate occasion shall arise,
A Noble Lord, whom I-do not now see le his place, on
a former occasion, expressed his sentiments respecting
the union of the agricultural and the 'manufacturing
interests; for myself, I will aver, that I can perceive
but little in which those interests dilfer—(Chears). I
see no discrepancy between them. The Hon. Baronet
has expressed his sympathy with the Manufactstring
interests, chile be spoke his sentiments- candidly; it
would, therefore be unjust to attribote to that Mon.
Member any other motives than sincerity of conviction
on this isnportrust subject. I shall not, therefore, I
trust, be mtsrepresented, nor nay motives misinteipreted4
F4r myself, I think that the Hon. Member for Wilt-
shire has done himself credit by the free expression of
his sentiments; and I am satisfied that every °narks
man must see that if once anything like charges Of
personal feeling are admitted into the discussion oUri
question like the present, so fir from anything being
done really to aid those classes which are suffering,
they would only have. further .nnhappinens of barred
and suspicion towards their superiors, added to the pre,
sent misery of their situation. Then, while I give the
Hon. Members apposite credit—and do so fully, even
in that which I think the extravagance of their appred
hensions—for the absence of anything like interested
motive, .I hope that they, oti their pit, will acquit
Government of any intention, under the mask of a die,
Wu which all parties must alike deplore, to come down
to the House with a measure which goes or is intended
to go one point beyond the limit which they aLa to it.
The present measure, I beUeve, is calculated to do smoke to the
whole country ; and mot least mos to those very Gentlemen who
are the most woo* haelied to opp«e its for, its distress Amid
arise cuonected with the ease and no power be Oise to rd-
!Moe it, they may, poriMpee-ilod the current of slinksn settle, an
wrongly against the had which they rely on, that they may be
unable to maintain it. I repeat to the House an. assurance, that
Ministen.lll asking this discretion frees the Home, asked that
which, but for the peculiar exigency of present ciremnstances,thoir
greatest comfort would be the failing to obtain.

Mr. BANKES thought that the measures of Minis.
tars ought to have been taken much earlier; he thought,
too, that there could be nothing in their policy which
might not be more fully explained than it had been so
far. There was a prevailing opinion among the lower
daises, that they were suffering from the operation of
the Corn Laws ; the Right Hon. Secretary, who de-
rided that this opinion was well-founded (in words), ad-
mitted it in spirit; for, when the distress arose, it was
by tampering with the Corn Laws that he proposed to
relieve it. What would be the first part of the Hon.
Secretary's measure—the letting in of the bonded corn
—what would it do? Suppose it reduced corn to Ws.
a quarter, haw would that help people who wanted
work. and who had no money to buy it at any price?
The Right Hon. Secretary said that this corn was bonded
in the districts in which the distress lay t--that state-
.ment was erroneous: 1S0,0(0 quarters of it, at kart,
were in London. For the first part of the proposition,
he saw no advantage that could result from it : and be
thought the principle erroneous. It was bad policy to
encourage the working classes to look always, in case
any distress affected them, for an alteration is the price
of corn. At the same time, thinking the measure could
have little operation in any way, he would not oppose
k; but the second part of the proposition—that for
vesting a discretion in Ministers—he certainly should
resist. He thought at least that such * measure deserved
mare serious tion than to be etatedon use day and mud
en the neat. Much uhe was inclined to give credit to the puma
Goverment, be would not burial she power oralleani the whole
of the unary to any Citivenunent. wittiest *we
proof than bad been even of the absolute necessity of

the cis,.

Mr. ROBERTSON did not concur in the propriety
of the mensute proposed, and therefore intended to sug-
gest some other and. better mode for remedying the
miseries of the country. The grand cause of the dis-
tress which prevailed was to be found in the want of
employment, and it should be the care of his Majesty's
Ministers to provide against its results. The distress
which the country suffered was shared in common with
the Continent, where similar misery prevailed in conse-
quence of the glut of manufactura. The effect of the
unlocking thelonded corn would be to produce a very
slight alteration, and to change the current of distress
to the occupants of land. That diversion of the
mischief would be of greater detriment than .that
which it was intended to relieve, as it would spoil
the market and reduce the prices to the agriculturists,
thereby involving them in the general ruin, by a
temporary expedient in favour of the mpnufacturers.
Such a course would be only making bad worse, as it
would render the distress more extensive. Mr. Col.
qnhoun had estimated the landed property of the coon-
' try at 226 millions, and all the remaining species at net
more than 180 millions. That comparison ought to be
sufficient to induce the House to regard the landed
interest with attention, and to pause before they adopted
any measure likely to interfere with them. What be
should propose would be, that half a million of money
should be devoted by the House to the purchase of
bonded corn, free of duty, under the contronl of his
Majesty's Government, or perhaps a greater sum; and
that the cern so ptuchaped should be given for the leder of the dis-
tressed districts, and that those who subscribed for such relief
should also be allowed to purchase free of duty. me House wads%
thus; at an eipense of 50s. thequarter, obtain corn for the sagerses
without affecting the landed interest; for that mode did not present
any prospect et interfacing with the autumn demand foe seek*
tura produce. The distress oldie eetaatry required an ireinnliste
application of the salutary remedy Width be had seggettad.
Mr. W..WHITMCIRE was perfectly willing to allow
the fullest credit to the Right Hon. Secretary
,for Fa.
reign. Affairs, for good intentions in his.propesition.; but
he not heard any reason to convince hem of
propriety of voting for it. Looking at the disteerixof
the manufacturing classes, and at the state of -the
country, he could not but consider it as a mostAlas-
serous proceeding to permit Parliament toss/mem, sad
perhaps even to be dissolved, before it had came to a
full division on a subject celestially conneeted with the
vital interests of the whole nation.—The prawn aids
had not ban unforeseen by him. He lad, upon for--
mer occasions, foretold that a time would come, whoa
it would be found impossible Us procure a supply of
corn; and it did not require much skill in prophecy to
predict the disastrous consequences that mast inevitably
follow—a rise in prices was one of those consequeWceift
He had no hesitation in affirming, that the produce of,
this country bore no relation to its consumption. The
high price of core did not depend exclesivelynpoti the
exclusion of foreign corn. It the country ps ad's
sufficiency for its own cossumpdoos the:=44"l
article could no: be influenced by the ' of fo•
reign corn. The quantity of foreign corn Wakes,' in-
creasing every ten years during the last sky Yews**
withstanding ; while the ordinary eonsumptiob bad
much increased the ordinary, /modem He mistimed
that the stocks on hand had, during the peflolttb.tifilleh
he alluded, been much isferiat
was, however, of opinion alit the distresses under which

the country at proantlaboured, were slot, by any means, •
attributable to the state of the Own Laws. He was,
upon that account, Parry that his Majesty's Ministers
isad postponed the consideration of that question, con-
vinced as he was, that the result of the discussion would
be, in the words of the Right Hop. Secretary for Foreign
Affeirs, to convince the opponents, as well as the *deo-
votes, of the measure, hat that for which they had been
so long contending was really of no consequence—
while its effect upon the people at large would be the
promotion of union, or, at least the prevention of dis-
imion, upon so important a subject; look although the House had,
In his *plain, inindicisudy postponed the coosideradon of the go.
nerd question to a future period, he saw no reason for objecting to
No pram measure, which was, be cooddered, railed for open
wary principle of npediency and sound policy—(Hear)..—Should
It be carried, as be bad every hope it would, through that Mane,'
he visited it would melt with so impedimart elsewhere. He
hoped that no considentio• of print* interest would operate in
Nay after-question to defeat a measure frets which, in the absence
'nf one of a more general astute, be uoticlpeted, under misting dr-
`cumstasoes. the greatest good.

V

Colonel WOOD was of opinion that little or no ad-
riin'tage would result from the proposed measure, or
any partial measure. Ministers ought, at once, to look
the question in the face, and either liberate all the bonded
corn, or say at what price it should be imported. He
would, for himself say, that a duty of 12s. would t,,
quite sufficient. Under the present system, the ports
were to temain closed until the average price of corn
arrived at 80s. The reason of this regulation proceeded
from the fact of the agricultural interests batting been in
a state of extreme depression since the year 1822, when
it-was passed. Upon that occasion a protecting duty of
7.4 was.proposed, but that not having been considered
stufficient. 80s. was substituted. It was at the same time,
determined that the ports were to continue open until
the price fell back to 70s. The agricultural interest
had, fortunately, survived the crisis under which they
were, upon that occasion, bbouriss, and the necessity for such an
enutinent consequently ceased. Ho (CeL Woad) therefore thought
that it would be very fair if Ministers were, for the future, to open
the ports whets the average price wan 40s. or 655.
Lord MILTON said, the arguments made use of by
the Hon. Member who spoke last would have much
better applied to the discussion which had been expected'
on the 18th of April, than to that which was then before
them on the 2d of May. The Right Hon. Secretary for
Foreign Affairs had said, that it was not by any means
the intention of Ministers, in bringing. forward the-nsea-
sure which they now proposed, to Interfere with the
general question of the Corn Laws. He (Lord Milton)
thought, however, that by acceding to the present
measure, the House would be investing his Maje4ty's
Ministers with a power which he should be very unwil-
ling to intrust to any body of men. however high their
character. It would, in his opinion, be much more
preferable at once to enter upon an investigation of the
causes of the present distresses. Those distresses could
hot have been unforeseen by Ministers, and he certainly
thougnt they would be deserting their duty if they
allowed Parliament, which yet had some months to run,
t• dissolve, without entering into the most full and de-
liberate inquiry into the subject. He thought the po-
pulation of this country, and more particularly that
Faction of it which now laboured under severe distress,
would have something to complain of his Kiesty's
Government, if they should propose to do nothing
more towards the alleviation of that distress, th4n
to admit the handed corn to be brought into the
04rcet, end' to grant to the Crown power to. admit,
the rice*, the importation of such quantities of
corn *sable Crown toighe think fit,..(ifear).—
By laws of this country, every individual in distress
Pas entitled to parochial relief. At the present moment
be considered the manufacturers of Lancashire were
'paupers, and the c' untry at large was their parish,
hear), and that for their relief, not only the parishes
of Manchester and of Bury, but the State at large,
ought to contribute. and the more particularly, because be was
satisfied that Acts dose by, and speeches made in, that Haile, hail
tended to promote, by a remote operatimr„ the calamities under
which those persons laboured. Over-trading (essouragod by the
measures sanctioned by that Home). and the convulsion came-
pest upon weer.trading, were the causes of the present calamities ;
sod, under such,. circumstaecte, the country would be justified In
taking under their protection persons Mr were the poor of the
State generally. (Loud cheers).
Mr. G. PHILLIPS should much lament if this mea-
sure were not carried. He denied that the people of
Lancashire were under the delusion, that their distresses
arose immediately from the Corn Laws. They were
lly a well-informed and intelligent population.
generally
them, if they bad an opportunity, would puzele
the Country Gentlemen who held their heads so high.
He referred to a meeting of the working classes some
time ago, at Manchester, on the subject of the Corn
Laws, and particularly to the moderate and sensible
speech of John Hodgin. He trusted that the liberal
subscriptions made that day in the city of London would
have a happy dint upon the minds of the labouring classes in Lan.
oak% anti tends them not to look for relief to nets of outrage and
vioisoce,bst op* coabdence in the upper classes of society,wboto
they would always lard their best resource in distress and Ababa.
Mr. CALCRA FT thought the measures proposed by
Ministers were calculated to produce disunion between
the landed and manufacturing interests. Miniiters, on
the 18th of April, induced him and a majority of the
House to vote against the consideration of the Corn
Laws, and only five days ago they said they had no
intention of letting out the bonded corn. He feared the
measures they now proposed would not relieve the ma-
saficturers. But if letting out the bonded corn would
only soothe the distress of one artisan, in Goat's name
let it go. But if the power asked by the Ministers to
opal the ports was conceded, the landed interest would
feel that their protection was taken from them without
inquiry or distsisson. band of producing a goad
understanding between the two great interests, the
very contrary would be the result. Bat what would
beheld and Canada say is this change ? Would
they repeal the Corn Laws without allowing them
any shaft is the discussion, without say consideration
of whether they would lose or gain by this alteration?
It erstalta be better at once to take the vote of the
Hama 01) the subject, and decide whether the system
wan•lo exist any longer or not. These were his
name for compering in the amendment peopeeell
by the Musetweble aroma (Sir T. Lethbridge). Heave nona
sou wy cluwerwasso should est propose a vete et nicest to relieve
the distress. Having doss se * the case of foreigners, Haeo
sad ediiesorbi net muse forward with a dailies' measure to relieve
*staters** of their own esuietrymen? •
Stir J. NEWPORT did not see how the p
remedy could Teuton the existing distress. Irlf,Cvd-
eve, the manufacturerewere impressed with an idea
that letting out the bonded corn would tend to remove
their difficulties, it ought to Ile done. He bad a de-
cidedohjection •to the wooed part of the measure. If
it Should become absolutely necessary to allow impor-
tation, Ministers ought to take the responsibility on
thaisowes! and come afterwards to roslialtheat to indemnify dam-
Irbtleara Laws, whether objectimahle of not, should be [ally is-
qui* into, and not got rid of in sisisamemer by a sidemiad. Is
his Pillion 'be but way wadi be to Ottheaspeelaseli, fee a cer-
tain term of years, of the hive/biting-et nseAm cure its lied detT.

S.

Lord J 61114 ReS3IIILL must cot. plain of the cone
duct of Ministers in this business, Having voted with
them a fosinight back. on the grossed that it would not
be:advisable to enter this session into the consideration
of the Corn Laws, it seemed to him great matter of
complaint, that they should now come forward with
such a proposition as this. Was it not a virtual admis-
slon, that the Corn Laws were founded in bad policy,
send by yielding upon this occasion, they would set a
roost dangerous precedent. Notwithstanding the re-
commendation of the Right Honourable Gentleman
(Mr. Canning), the whole debate turned, not on the ex-
isting distress, but on the Corn Laws. He doubted much
the applicability of these remedies. From the best in-
formation he could collect, and he had spoken to those
who were well acquainted with the subject,the only effect
of letting out the bonded corn, would be to prevent
the prices from rising, but not to lower them. If such
were the case, how could it remove the difficulties now
feat by the manufacturing population ? He must be
permitted to ask why the -Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Huskisson) had not taken these matters into his consi-
deration until within a few days? Even if the result of
the measure should be a difference of 10s. in the price
of the quarter of corn it could be of little benefit. With
respect to the second part of the proposition, it appeared
a monstrous power to place in the hands of Government.
—lf the result should be a great fall of pike, it might i
have, for many years, a ruinous effect on. the agricul-
tural interest, and if the price should rise greatly, in
that case a duty of 12s. would be too much. The whole
question should be fully considered, and such measures
adopted as would be calculated to protect all interests,
agricultural, and manufacturing. Ministers would
abandon their duty if they did not enter into the
inquiry. If it was true that want of credit was
the cau.e of the distress, an advance of money on
the part of Government might be highly bei.eficial,
by enabling the manufacturers to go on. If, however,
the distress arose from too great a supply, a loan could
be of no use. All these matters would be fit subject of
consideration for a Select Committee. His opinion was,
that some alteration might be made in the Corn. Laws,
with great advantage to the country ; and if such was,
as it appeared to be, the opinion of the Right Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Culling), he should not have allowed
the present Session to pass without proposing an altera-
tion. Had:the subject been brought on by the Right
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Huskisson), and stated with his
usual force and clearness, there was no doubt that a
bendicial change could hare been made In the system. The
landed interest was not so bare as to entertain a wish of serving
themselves at the expense of another classes of their fellow subjects.
Mr.fIUSKISSON.—Sir, I 'still retain the opinion
on h I acted a fortnight since, that the present year
is n t a fit time for the revision of the Corn Laws, and
for a final adjustment of that important question; in
that opinion I am still more confirmed by my observe.
don of all chat has occurred out of doors, and by all
that has been uttered within them, even by the various
speeches of the several Gentlemen who have preceded
me in the debate. As to those Gentlemen who deduce
their arguments in favour of a decision in this Parlia-
ment from the distressed state of the country, and from
the agitation of the public mind, I must confess that
they look at the subject in a point of view quite different
from that in which) I have consideted it. When my
Right Hon. Fi iced, in giving his notice of motion last
night, expressed a hope that the discussion .of details
may be deterred till we should have gone into the
Committee, he was met; even by those Gentlemen who
were used to oppose him in that House with such a
spontaneous and universal concurrence, in the opinion
that this particular motion should be considered sepa-
rately from the general question of the Corn Laws, un-
influenced by any partial feeling, unmixed with any
heterogeneous matter, unconnected with any motive
Limn a wish to do the best for the people in their
peewit state of safferinr—(Lood cheers.)—This con-
estrence of opinion, I thought a happy omen of
the promptitude and success which I expected would
attend our subsequent measures for the benefit of the
public; but since yesterday evening, new lights have
shone upon the subject—the ingenuity of Hon. Members
has been exercised to prove that his Majesty's Ministers
have an indirect motive in bringing forward the sap.
ri in, and that the only effect which they intend to pro-
duce by it is to persuade the people that the Corn Laws
alone are the cause of their present distress—(hear)—
and that conclusion Gentlemen would deduce from')
our simple proposal to let free a quantity of bonded
corn, less, in point of fact, than that which we
admitted into the market last year--(Hear, hear). This
is a strange inference indeed, and anything but a logical
one. I deny its correctness. The Ministers attempt to
convince the public that the Corn Laws are the cause
of the popular distress; so far from it, that I say the
Cute Laws are not the cause of the distress--(Meers)--
and I must condemn that mode of masoning as unjust
and unfair, which would infer such a motive on the
part of the Government, from the introduction of a
measure which is intended solely to relieve the suffering,
and to sooth the irritation of the misguided populace.
This is my opinion; it may be worth little in itself, but
I feel it sincerely, and I will as sincerely declare it. Its
justness may be decided by a reference to a few facts. I
Let Gentlemen bring to their mind the relative shoes
don of the manufacturing interest in the last year, and
in this. In the former, they may remember an abun-
dance of employment, and an excessive spirit of specu-
lation prevailed; every spot of the New World was
ransacked for raw materials of manufacture; the wide
extent of public credit was scarcely sufficient to supply
the demands of. commercial enterprise ; yet, even at
that time; the price of corn was higher by eight shil-
lings the quarter than it:is in the present period of dis-
tress. What then becomes of the arguments of those
who would impute to us a desire to spread among the
people erroneous and mischievous opinions on the sub-
ject of the Corn Laws? This simple statement of facts
is sufficient to prove that the price of corn, if kept
within moderate limits, has not that alleged influence
on the provenly of the manufacturing population.
When I say, that the p ice of corn last year was higher
than it is in this, I hope it may not be inferred from it,
that the present price of corn, as compared with the re-
dtiCed price of labour and of other commodities, is not
much above the corn price of last year. No, I cannot
concur in that philosophy, which says, that that is a
natural state of things id 'Which the price of labour is in
'an invorss ratio to the price of corn ; it is a theory which
I acknowledge does not come home to my understand-
iug.--(Learghter.)—But I shall decline, at present, ea-
toting ibto a detailed argument of the opinion, in com-
pliance with the general wish of the Eloise to avoid a
discussion of the general sysem of the Corn Laws. A No-
ble Lord opposite has asserted that the present distress has
proceeded from a want of pecuniary credit among the
ataster-manufactusers; as to credit, its absence or ex-

LOW* perhaps little more than a matter of °pintos,
net tangible by a practical measure of legislation. The
only way to reestablish credit is to restore a demand
for manufactured produce; a demand will raise the
prices, and an increase of the prices will restore stabi-
lity to public credit; bit this is 'not the cause of the
present state of the country ; the distress has been caused
by want of work, for though all our manufacturers are
not out of employment, many of those who are employed
receive but very miserable wages. Now, if we could
adopt a measure which would tend to make the price
of the people's subsistence commensurate with the re-
duced sum of their wages—(cheers)—and help the un•
employed manufacturers to eke out to the greyest
possible extent the limited aid of charitable donations,
I think we should be doing a great public service.—
In the next place, we ought to take measure; for pre-
venting the price of corn from rising higher than its pre-
sent rate; and when it will be recollected, that such a
measure would only have the effect of preventing a
quantity of corn from going to decay in the ware-
houses, I cannot think that any Hon. Gentleman will
be found eager to object to it. Such a measure is ren-
dered particularly necessary at the present period, by
the tendency of corn to a higher rate. I hold in my
hand a comparative statement of the prices of corn in
the last five weeks, from the 19th of March to the 231
April ; and the prices at the same period of the year
1821, and for the same space—(Here the Right Hon.
Member quoted some numbers).— The result of which
, chews that the price of corn was inc. easing, and would
increase, if we would not let out.
.the quantity which
was deposited in bond, namely, 450,000 quarters,
through a fear of the price rising to 801. This ground
it was on which the landed interest supported the libera-
tion of bonded corn last year, and on which I brought
Iforward the motion on the measure. But now, in the
iyear 1826, is it fair to expect that we can effect the
same object by the former limited means alone, under
different circumstances and with different views, when
the price of corn has already limn from 545. 11d. to
60s. Old. and while the price of every other article
of onr staple commodity is depressed, why may not
corn also be made to undergo a slight depres-
sion of price, through a compliance with the benevolent
feeling for the sufferings of ' a large portion of the
community?—(Cheers).—And in looking to the cir-
cumstances of this and last year's discussion, it should
be remembered that there do not nisi at present
obstacles to the liberation of bonded corn which
e asserted by some persons out of that House, and
by hers within it. Now to another point, namely the
!!:$l,
disc ionary power proposed to be given to Ministers
to admit foreign corn—and here I Must remark that
that part of the question should in justice be postponed
till we should have carried the measure into the Com-
mittee. In that stage of the proceeding we should be
prepared to explain our views, and submit our plans to
the consideration of the House. As for myself I give
no opinion as to the quantity of corn at present in the
country—and I think that it would be very rash in
any Honourable Member to declare an opinion on
the point in the absence of all statistical informa-
tion. Such a rash and unfounded assertion—that
we had not sufficient corn for subsistence, and that
coming in an apparently authentic shape, may lead to
the most serious consequences—(Heir.) But consider-
iugthe fact that the price of corn has been rid*
during the last six weeks, a fact ascertained by ail
average returns made by the inspector from nary
great Mal kec town in the kingdom ; and that the supply
'of last month is less by several hundred thousand
quarters than that of the preceding; and reeollectini
also, that, in the year 1823, when a depression was
caused by causes, some of them similar to the present,
in the prices of all other articles, that corn was but
thirty-eight shillings, at a time that the currency was so
low. From all these facts it wiU be seen, that the price
of corn must be now made commensurate with that of
other commodities. Last year, between the months of
June and the beginning of the harvest, we liberated
,sot less than 500,000 quarters of corn from bond, and
that though that harvest was earlier by a month than
any preceding one, these circumstances were the reasons
why the posts were not opened last year to foreign corn
in August ; and, but for this, the price would have
deen to eighty shillings. Now, I put it to the Gentle-
s** of the landed interest, whether such an alternative
would not have been most injurious to the general coun-
try. From a consideration of these facts lam induced
to say, that between this time and the-next harvest
we may be placed in the greatest difficulty. lam sure
my Hon. Friend will agree with me, that a price of
eighty shillings would be little less than a calamity to
the country ; and that such a condition would tend to
shake society to its very elements of security. In what
a situation should we be, if, with such a pike, we could
procure no corn between the present May and the 15th
of August? For after this, you cannot, by existing re-
gelation; admit foreign corn, even though the price
should have arisen to one hundred shillings a quartet.
And then, when famine was stalking through the land,
would that be a time to legislate en such an important
subject with temper or reason, or to spend time in pro.
tracted discussions on the general principle of the sys-
tem? If Ministers should not obtain a discretionary au-
thority of acting in such an alternative, the prices of corn
must. rise. There are instances on record, I believe, of Mi-
nisters having admitted corn en their own responsibility,
and afterwards coming to the House for a Bill of lodes,.
nity. But such a power ought to be exercised by the autho-
rity of Parliament alone. The duty must he contingent on
'the price, and should be imposed only under the sanc-
tion of an Act of Parliament. What we ask from Par-
liament is a power electing conformably to the possible,
circumstances of the country? As to the limited duty,
what should binder Parliament from fixing any limit'
to it they may think proper? We do not ask the power
of opening the ports till the next meeting of Parliament
but under cams restrictions, and in the occurrence of
particular circumstances. These restrictions and pos-
sible cases may be fixed on in the resolutions of the
Committee. You may limit even the amount of duty
and the price at which foreign corn may be admitted.
We should feel obliged to Parliament for such limita-
tions and conditions, as they would serve to guide wain
the practical execution of the measure. Let Parlia-
meat then admit corn now, while the price is so much
greater than of former periods, lethal' not separate
under the present difficulties and state of public feeling
without giving to us a power of proving to the people
OW attention to their interests, and our sympathy
in their suirerings--(Chays).—Lat them determine
whether the liberation of the bonded cora in the present
sate of comparative prices be necessary or not? but for
47 pin I fear the consequences of leaving the country
(hoot the meats of giving relief to the people, in the
Oast of such an extreme ease. A liberation of the corn
',sow will prevent any further pressure. The support of

gieh a missive is not connected with the merits of the
general question, nor would it bind any Hon. Member
twiny particular course on the discussion of the system.
The measure must tend to alleviate same present suffer-
ings, and heal much angry feeling. As to the admis-
sion of foreign corn, which I hope may not be necessary,
the very possibility of its occurs ence is an esposure to
a great calamity, and ought t r be by every means
avoided. I know that those m asures will lighten all
the actual wants of the people ; but I know also,
that if the glut of commodities continues, and the
prices of ail manufactured commodi,ies sink still
tower, that the agriculturists will •share in the general
digress. As to the alarm at the liberation of the bonded
corn (only $OO,OOO quarters) though the quantity may
not much lessen the present distress immediately, it mast
tend to a partial speculation, and revival of ra Iona!
eate4rise; these will produce a demand for commo.
dities, and the demand must give life to commercial
credit, and employment to the manufacturers. The
House ought to remember. too, that tie cotton trade

was one which bad receiied the least benefit from the
late legislative improvements of our commercial code,
and that it was, on the present occasion, the more de-
serving of the regard of Parli ,ment. Having trev.
passed so long upon the House, I shall only refer now
to a queAine put to me, on a former evening, by an
Hun. Member, namely," Whether we (Ministers) meant
,o put the bonded corn in circulation r My answer,
on that occasion, I confess, was, " That we did not
intend to discuss the Corn Laws this Session."—(A
laugh).—Now that may have been considered an odd
way of answering suck a plain question; but what
would the House think bf me, as a Minister of the
Crown, if I had given a direct communication to the
loose incidental question on such an important subject
of the Government Councils? I will appeal to anT
Honourable Gentleman to say, whether I could
have made any other answer than I did. With respect
to the relief to be afforded to the present sufferers from
the stagnation in the manufacturing districts, I do think
that one of the most efficient means for their relief will
be found in the Poor Laws. It is their beneficent effects,
under such circumstances, which goes far to reconcile
me to them in spite of their defects, and acknowledged
abuses. I look to the operation of these laws as the
only safe or prudent course that can be adopted for the
gradual amelioration of the distress till the demand for
tabour, which must be found in the demand for manu-
factured goods, will give them the means of earning a
@abdicate, without aid the beuevoleoce of individuals, or
compulsory law. I shall say so more than that the proposals asses
by my Right Boa Colleague may produce advantage, and slay
avert the mils whidt sow .seem to thrums as. I shall therefor*
oppose the motion foripiug loto the Committee of bigotry (Hear.)
-kr. WHITMORI .ia expienetios, said that be bad never ai
sorted that the stock of tens IS baud was so short as sat to be able
to carry us as till the mit barred.

Mr. J. WILLIAMS thought the House was in a
very embarrassing situation, the Right Hon. Gentleman
not having said one word on the subject of any mea-
sure for the specific relief of the distressed artisan*.
The Corn Laws were all that occupied the attention of
the Right Hon. Gentleman —(t ries of Qmostiox) ;—be
really thought that it might be consideted just and
reasonable that when a large portion of *his Majesty's
'subjects were starving, that House should enter, with a
little minuteness, into the discussion of means for their
relief. He repeated that the President of the Board of
Trade bad given them no intimation or hope with re-
t to the sufferings of those poor people; sad as that
was the ease,helhought they ought to institute as inquiry
Before they agreed to the motion proposed to them-.
iipec
He thought discretion with respect to the Corn Laws
ought not to be given to Ministers, without Parliament
first ascertaining and settling that great question. A
state manly, candid, and honourable course would
have bees to meet the whole question fairly at owe, and sot awed
from the &Welty as they had dime, when his Hes. Friend before
brought the matter under their notice, by d to enter into
the discussion. He, for one, would an anent to Onie the whole
agrisulture of the country in the hands of Illeisteti till the ant
Meeting of Parliament. .
Mr. WODRHOUSIC had always said that Parlinseateetsht
not to separate, leaving the restriction price of wheat at SOL He
however had never meant to bind himself to support the Minister is
treadl' epos any principle of the Clan Laws.
The Moen then divided, when there appeared for the original
postioo—Ayes, 214; Noes, te—Majority In favour et ping into
* Committee. 1 et.
The original motion was then agreed to without a division. Os
ge.entering the gallery, we found the House in a Cetnesittee, and
Sir .I. SEBRIGHT declaring that be would oppose the woad •
reselation, beano' be considered that it involved the whole gees.
Idea of the Corn Laws—(Hear.)
Sir T. MTH SRI DOR wished the Right Hon. See-genre would
add Se. to the Its. which be proposed to six as a ditty on the cora
is bead—(No, no} He would not press this point, as be saw it
was against the muse of the House. Hs was disposed to support
the Int reputation, because he thought that it would be a palliative
initial/Aka distress. He hoped. however, that the House would
reject the second resolution. •
Mr. Secretary CANNING mid, that the Hon. Baronet who
had just spokes, seemed to mistake the principle epee which the
aligned duty of ss. had been imposed on corn allowed to be is.
ported last year. The duty of Ss. was imposed in addition to the
=tduty of les. expressly for the purposes of preventing as
ad unlimited influx of foreign eon. With respect to the
snood enchains, he cooed aware the Committee. that he wood
be very glad to have the power conferred by it limited in any way
Parlieseet might deem proper ; and if the peke eitills. 'guested by
the Si... Member far Norfolk should he amediered a fair prier, be
i lei aeletisethsa to consent that the power tobrestekti is Milieus
die=ft come into operation till cern reached the; peke. He
bound to declare, that Govereepent Ind in ineestine
1211eift diet any inference should be drone ?rasa the vote eguthildi
the wee might come epos the Tonkel's to be applii# wises
elft Iftsellea of the final setdement of the ens trade eked some
ender dlesuesiss—(Hear.)
Mr. lIRNETT said, that the power of bringing the billed cone
tamerliet would give the owners, even at the higher key of 17$.
illettemeasess profit, set less than 115,0001.- With repel to the
peppered diserstionarr power to Ministers, he should preFer that of
s sameiste discretion as to price, to a discretion limited to the 65e.
hie. Secretary CANNING observed. be had only expressed hi it
willingness to amen in the limitatienons eddeference to the
debase whose views the Mon. /biebernipsated to bags
Mr. HUSKISION said, that *s good= at igrall
monk whether er. sot they would, by pesaing the
sasedes the principle of the meessres whisk hail hoss.'"'.—pro;esid.-1
If they did motes the prisdpb, it would be a setter
ecif unit
egneseissee to assent to the leseludens es the present l
_. The fret Reesistion, “ That it was the eplaien of the CormaiNse
that Beaded Cora ought to be admitted isle the Home lieent,"
was thou ended.
Ups the roadie( of the second Resolution, " That It was ex.
paw* le empown the Zing in Council to permit the Lapertatioa
of Forelp Grain when it was considered necessary,"
Lad -MILTON, maid that he entertained so many desist tithe
' of granting such a power, that he would now move deft
the report progress, and leave twit spin.
%The Committee then divided— •
Fee reporting Progress, 40 1 Against it, 10! I Majority, en.
Daubs our absence, Mr. Bows, et Wiltshire, divided else
0111111111fte upon the question that the Chaim'e do leave the ark.
• sr. secretary CANNING said that he would anent ti..the
. .. Amish be considered the sort of opposition which had
hies Mersa to the Resolution most unreasonable—(Hear).
The Hone then resumed the Chairman reported progress, and
.asked leave to sit spin on I.
The Westminster Improvements' Bill was read a third time end
passed.—Thu edict Ganser the Day were pee through, and the
Home adjoined at a Qsaussa To Two o'C.r.oca.