Star.
London, England, 1818-04-28 00:00:00

BUILDING Or CHLIRCITES.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER mo-
ved, that the Order of the Day for taking into con-
sideration the Churches' Bill, should be read.
Sir R. PEEL hoped the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman would consent to the Cotton Bill coming on
first, as many persons who were interested in it were
now in town; their funds were nearly exhausted, and
they were fearful that it would be necessary for them
to return into the country before their cause could
be heard.

Mr. Alderman WOOD rose, but the call from all
parts of the House for Sir R. Peel to proceed, made
it impossible for him to be heard.
The SPEAKER observed, there was a question
before the House, which it would be far their con-
venience first to attend to.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said.
he wished the Order of the Day for taking into con-
sideration the Report of the Churches' Bill to be read,
for the purpose of postponing it to that day, but as
it was desirable that it should be proceeded with
without loss of time, he wished it to be peremptorily
fixed for to-morrow.

General THORNTON addressed the Chair, but
was unable to proceed for the cries df " No, No r
that burst from the Members.

The Report of the Churches Bill was ordered to
be taken Into further consideration to-morrow.

COTTON FACTORIES LABOURERS BILL.

Sir RGEERT PEEL regretted that the Honour-
able Gentlemen opposite had neglected to opposethe
Bill in the stage when it could have been done with
least inconvenience. He, however, had acted to-
wards those Gentlemen with the utmost fairness,
and the House had also departed from a point of
form to enable those Gentlemen to resume the dis-
cussion. About 16 years ago he had been induced,
through humane motives, he trusted—(hear)—to in-
troduce the Cotton Spinners Apprentices Bill, to ob-
viate the hardships these young persons then laboured
under. If his Majesty's Government and the House
did not now lend their aid to his attempt, the evil
would, and indeed had assumed a new and more
alarming feature, and the former benevolent endea-
vours of the House would be rendered abortive—
(hear, hear.) The former Bill had been rendered
nugatory by the change which had taken place as
to the character of persons now employed in these
factories. These factories are now carried on in large
towns, where, although ten times the number of chil-
dren were employed, compared with that period
when the Apprentices Bill had passed, none of them
were bound by articles, or any thing iu the nature of

a permanent contract. Thus the children were not
entitled, nor could they rely on the protection hi-
therto afforded by misters to those in their employ-
ment. If they met with an accident, or were ill,
the masters were not bound to look to or provide for
them. The difference between this and the former
Hill was therefore material. The former regulating
the treatment of apprentices, by the then law entitled
tin protection from their masters—this providing for
the treatment of those who had no legal, or often no
natural protector. Their case was truly distressing,
being compelled to endure continued labour for 14
hours a day, an exertion far above their strength,
and which a very short time rendered them unfit for
any thing in the shape of exertion—(hear, hear.)—
The subject had been strongly recommended to the
interference of Parliament by numerous Petitions—
amongst others, one from the medical gentlemen of
Manchester to the amount of thirty ; another from
twenty-one of the clergy: several from the spinners
themselves, and even from the niastermanufacturers.
The sole motive of most of whom, therefore, must

lie, a benevolent wish to alleviate their situation.—
There had been an allusion made to general princi-
ples, and it was said to be impolic to interfere with
free lab Our by legislative acts. Could this fairly be
denominated free labour? or, if it were even consi-
dered to be such, which he, for one, could never con-
cede. would not the House feel it to be a duty to
vield to the pressing remonstrance of the medical,
clerical, and all other respectable classses of society,
who had no interested object in wishing its repeal,
and had stated the dreadful effects to these little chil-
dren, and even to adults, resulting from this inces-
sant application to laborious occupation in strongly
heated apartments, and which had been found, in
the case of the younger children, to prevent their ar-
riving at their full growth, or even assuming the ap-
peaiance of maturity when of full age ? He con-
cluded by entreating the House would maturely
weigh to e merits of the Bill before the House, and
support it if it should appear to be calculated to alle-
viate the hardships and suffering: of these little help-
less and unprotected victims of our manufacturing
prosperity—(hear, hear.)
Lord STANLEY regretted he felt it his duty, and
a duty he owed to his constituents, amongst whom
for the greater part these factories Were carried on,
to oppose the present Bill. In Lancashire this oc-
cupation formed the staple of the country. It had
been said this was merely an amendment on the 42d
of the. King ; ke could not see how this sprung out
of the Apprentices Act, more particularly if, as it
had been said, the system of apprenticeship had to-
tally vanished in these factories. After a consider-
able body of evidence had been laid before the Com-
mittee above stairs, and reported to the House, the
Honourable Baronet's Bill was introduced ; and the
manufacturers were astonished to find their interests
had been decided upon without any opportunity
being given them to represent their case to the
House, or be heard by Counsel at the bar. He could
not but object to any interference in free labour—
and here it was particularly objectionable, as these
children or adults were themselves free labourers, and
often the children of free labourers, who were upon
the spot to watch over their interests. Another point
of consideration was, that it at once militated against
the exercise of particular trades without the previous
qualificatiisu of apprenticeships. The professed ob-
ject of this Bill was to interpose between the parent
and the child, the master and the juvenile work-
person, and to hold out to the public that those
wlsose. dsey ar.d whose interest dictated affection and
care to t"rse about them, were indifferent to the first
moral obligations they were bound to consider. The
proposed Bill struck directly against that established
principle which gave the parent the labour of his
child during his minority, so long as lie gave him
adequate support. It did this by hxing the mirdnuira
of the child's age for labour, and the restriction of
his hours of work. The result of such a regulation
must inevitably he, that the children would cease to
be employed, and their parents would lose the value
of their labour, while the children were consigned to
unprofitable idleness—(hear, hear.) He would also
assert, Without fear of contradiction, that there was
nothing in the nature of the cotton trade to make it
the subject of peculiar regulation in this manner. It
was idle to talk of its unhealthiness as an inducement
for legislative interposition. Was it so unhealthy as
water-gilding:—as employment in the eless-works.
particularly the manufacture of plate-glass?—or as
in branches of the weaving trade? And who ever
heard of legislative interference in either of these,
branches ? The Noble Lord then pointed out that
in these trades, which he stated as being far more
exceptionable than the cotton trade, the working
peeple were exposed to the vicissitudes of excessive
heat and cold—to damps of every kind, as in the
coal and lead mines, and every species of bodily in-j
firmity ; and yet, he repeated, nobody ever called for
legislative enactment in the management of these
concerns. He would again contend, that this Bill,
went to disconnect the parent from the child—the
child from the master—and, under the plausible pre-,
ter.ce of taking care of the health of the infant race,
*eat at once to undermine it, by depriving the indi-
viduals of the means of procuring adequate comforts,
for their mainter.ance, which they were able to do by
their unlimited ir.dustry at present. The diminution,
of wages attendant upon the proposed alteration
would work a far greater evil than it was proposed
to cure; and on this subject he diffes-ed from the opi-
nions of the medical men whose names had been
quoted, for they rather relied or. general speculative
statements than on particelar facts. He could speak
from his own knowledge, as an Officer of the Lanca-
shire Militia, that he never sais any appearance of
this reduced state of health among the cotton factory
workmen; on the contrary, he thought that their ad-
vantages, as compared with other labourers, were
conspicuous. His main objection to this Bill Ns-as.
that it sanctioned a principle never before recognized
in this country, and which, if adopted in this case,
must be carried to others, to the injury of a free
trade, or what was called a free trade. On the whole,
he was so convinced of its ix:Tolley, that he felt it
necessary to move, as ar. amendment to the Motion
already made—" That this House -do resolve itself
into the said Committee this day four months."
On the original Question being put,
Lord LAM...MILES rose, and said that he could
not suffer this question to go to a vote without sta-
ting his view of • the main points at issue. On ths
principle of aac Bill he would ray a kw word., and

be agreed in the opidon, that if applied here
Eis. admitted in other cases, and, as he thus
the injury of aIL lie was fully aware, °a
subject of this kind, the man who seemed
up against what was called a question of hu
must• do so at the risk of being immediai
down; but this would not deter him fa um tlif
...ion of his sentiments--{//ear, hear /'Hand
a question of humaniLy, he cautioned the !lc
it proceeded on mere feeling upon such a s;
(Hear hear.) If this principle of malt...
branch of trade, and affixing the degree o! l;
be employed in it, were to-be sancnoned
tire interposition the consequence would b.
the general interests of commerce, and 'lei
this particular instance would be, that ail :I
ten under sixteen years of age would be thro,
the factories on their parerts, and from t.''.l7
parish, for support —(lfear , hear, dear i)
they were retained, the effect of the
hours would be, that they obtained an ac:
idle time, but not any means of makiaz
productive in any respect for themselves.
evil appeared to be, the mode of woe('

time. when any of those accidents ha2peas
mills, which either occurred from want of
water, or from an excess of it. Ore 0: ti-.e
able Members for Coventry had said, or.
night, that the deterioration of health t
ployed in the cotton factories was ress,r..
first glance, in the distorted limbs and -::,et
ipearance of the objects. These may be fat
as to the state of the individuals, and yet wi
general trade being answerable for them;
trade be really the cause of such ev ls,
ought to be struck at the whole system of
and not at a reduction of the hours of w
had had some experience in the inquiry fro
this measure originated. Had it sprung
Honourable Baronet alone (Sir Robert Peep,
experience he would pay great deferet,ce. Cher
he might be inclined to give the subject a c
tention ; but he rather thought it, (in p'rt
sprang from another quarter—that it tore
of that system of moral education which
ted by an individual (Mr. Owen) in the ma!
of this branch of trade, who said, that. f:nr
experience at Lanark, the reductica in the
labour, so far from being injuries to ti
produce of the factories, rather t!•aded to :
This was a proposition beyond his ILres L.
comprehension. lie was totally uncce.nec
any of the parties at issue in this qaestion
thought it only fair that an inquiry should!
before a Select Committee into t'..e spec
vances under which children were said to
the cotton factories. This at least shoul,
any legislative interference. At preiert
wan called on to proceed, without surfires
to justify such a cr,nrse, and in the al),.en.:
decidcd information which the rase caked
tain a just and fair conclusion. Hs had
that some part of the system acted upon w
but the question was, whether it v.-as lyrea
extent that called for legilatire inquiry. i
manner as would establish an ins-ere:we the
sent, the child, and the master, had disanct
rate interests, incompatible with the teal sae
others duties and- comforts. lie sear. then
cidedly of opinion, that a Committtanp st.i
alone gee g adequate information, and that
should precede the committal of the Bill is t
i In desiring this course, he was only actuate.
1 cere desire to do justice to all parties—(hece

Mr. PEEL said, it was unnecessary for
Lord to assure the House of the sincerity
dour of his views, as these were as manite.
his humanity was unquestionable--(Hcar,
begged leave, however, before he entere.
gfneral quetice., to object to o:-.e or two 0
sioas of the Noble Lord, which had ato
impress upon the House a prejudice lgains
on the ground that it had the support of
man (Mr. Owen) who inculcated certain si
opinions on subjects of political econom;
was no strength in such an argument—for,
only went to this, that a whole subject s
merged in the indiscreet views of a particl
cate. Against such a doctrine he wolld
and maintain, that the question must rest
merits, and not on any adventiliols
Noble Lord required further dociirr.erts
light on the subject, and therefore ctl.-.! r
mittee. In answer to this call, he M. I;
only say—not that other domment: Tn../
a light on the subject, but had not the H r.;
before it enough to establish the necessity
ing this Bill—(hear, hear)? Bet F. w-r
the merits of this question on the gent

in its favour ; he would be c.,:-.!tat to ?ro,
cacy, on the statement; of tl:c..c
nents, and to their obervations he -Awl
confine his comments. From these it was t,
a great grievance had sub,isted—a
it was most desirable to remove' if it. coc:
without a contravention of public
opponents of this me...s.tre may he
clisses--one of which was sunsible of tit,
of excessive labour upon the constitutior
but who were still unwilling to est:.bir
of interference, which may be

;:d class denied the grievance
any legislative interposition. With respec
class, he was at a loss to see how it col?.

mined, that a principle applied to a r
could be acted upon as a precedent
where that evil did not exist. To say

was without a precedent was co,

fur it was constantly acted on in con::.x.:,
;ions where peculiar exceptions from ti.e
of tradin4 practices called for a parict:t.
relid. Now, did the cotton trade Fes.:
exception as called for the application
medy ? Ile thought it did, and for tin,
was carried on in immense buildings,
which more than 1000 children were 'lei.
12, 14, and sometimes 15 hours a day---(
distinction being made between the child
derest age and the most ~•,rcien, or betwe,
bet:ile and the strong. The House w..ah
it. mind, the frequency of accidents to
mills of the factories were subject, and
taken for bringing up the .trrear of manuf
making the enildren woe k up the lost t
excessive application of extra hours on
days of work. :added tt; the operation of