The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-02-26 00:00:00

TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 26, 1339.

CORN LAWS.—As this important subject will be
brought formally before Parliament on the 14th prox-
imo, by Earl Fitzwilliam, in the House of Lords, and
as all parties are at present deeply interested about it,
we are anxious to lay before our readers an impartial
investigation of its merits and demerits.
In entering on the discharge of this weighty duty,
we do sincerely desire to divest ourselves, as much as
possible, of all party feeling, and proceed with a mind
unbiassed, unprejudiced, and unfettered. To do this,
we are aware, is by no means easy ; therefore, we take
leave to suggest to our readers the propriety of paying
more attention to the facts which shall be adduced,
than to our arguments, however correct they may be.
When we reflect that this question has occupied the
attention of men of gigantic intellect, of vast practical
knowledge, and, more particularly, the attention of
men, who have immense property at stake, and, there-
fore, who cannot be suspected of any object save and
except the general good of the community at large,
we cannot but approach its investigation with consi-
derable diffidence and humility. We shall, therefore,
use our best endeavours rather to concentrate and
arrange the various data and arguments advanced on
both sides of the question, in order that the public
may have the best possible opportunity of judging for
themselves, than take up the time of our readers in
perusing our feeble arguments : for we conceive, that
to obtrude our opinions and our arguments, rather
than furnish the data and facts from which eminent
men have drawn their conclusions, would betray an
arrogance on, our part, of which we trust we shall never
be found guilty.
However, we'must confess, that, after serious reflec-
tion, and after having given the various arguments
adduced on both sides of the question careful attention
and examination, we have been obliged to come to the
following conclusions :-
1. That the evils attributed, by the advocates of a
repeal of the corn laws, to those laws, are not
justly so attributed.
2. That the repeal of said laws would not remove
those evils.
3. That the repeal of said laws would produce far
greater evils than those attributedto their existence.

Previously to entering on the consideration of these
positions, it may be well to remind our readers, that
the corn laws were originally established, not for the
purpose of enriching land-proprietors, but for the pur-
pose of—ist, rendering this country independent of
foreign support; 2ndly, making her look to her own
resources, and encouraging hei own agriculture; and,
3rdly, for securing under all circumstances, a perma-
nent, adequate, and cheap supply of corn. That these
objects have been fully attained we are prepared to
substantiate.

The wisdom of our ancestors appears to have been,
to sacrifice present convenience for future and perma-
nent good : the wisdom of many at the present day is,
on the contrary, to sacrifice future good for present
convenience. To the former is to be attributed the
present exalted state of this kingdom among the na-
tions of the .earth; to the latter is to be attributed any
embarrassment in which we are now involved:

The system of the corn laws was first established in
the reign of Charles the Second ; and the prohibition
of importing foreign grain was then carried to a much
greater extent than at the present day. The act of
1670 gave unlimited permission to export, till the price
reached 535. 4d. a quarter for wheat; and prohibited
the importation, by duties, till the price rose to 545. 4d.,
and a duty of Bs. between that and 80s. In the reign
of William the Third, there was a bounty of ss. per
quarter allowed on the export of wheat. During the
existence of those laws, for upwards of sixty years,
the price of wheat was LOWER than on the Continent !
—the exports of wheat exceeding the imports to the
extent -of 500,000 quarters annually. If it be asked
what was the cause of the low price of corn at that
time in this country, we unhesitatingly answer, that it
was that which is now the cause of its low price in
those countries from which we wish to import it ; and
that is, POVERTY !—for, be it observed, as soon as
ever this country commenced, during the last century,
to come into active operation in the various arts and
sciences, did the price of corn rise; and, JUST IN
PROPORTION AS THE WEALTH OF THIS COUNTRY

INCREASED, SO DID THE PRICE OF CORN ADVANCE

Having made these preliminary remarks we shall
commence the examination of our positions.
Ist.—The evils attributed to the corn laws are three.
Ist, injury sustained by our manufacturers; 2ndly,
the high price of bread; and 3rdly, the opportunity
given to speculators to raise the price of corn.
As to the first, Mr. Villiers said, in the House of
Commons on the 19th instant, when moving for leave
that witnesses be heard at the bar, that the parties
connected with the cotton, woollen, linen, and hard-
ware trades, " observed and experienced a decided
change in the character of their dealings with those na-
tions on whom they had been accustomed to depend
for custom ; that whereas those who were once their
valued friends had now become their alarming rivals,
and that this change had been most prejudicial to the
interests of this country. And further, that the corn
laws had not only turned away their customers, but
converted them into competitors, and if continued,
those laws would disable them from maintaining the
struggle."
In reply to this declaration against the corn laws,
we beg first totally to deny that our exports have di-
minished in proportion as foreign grain has been ex-
cluded. Now, if we can show that this statement of
ours be correct, it will necessarily follow that the corn
laws have not been the cause of the disappointment and
loss complained of by the above manufacturers : and
then it will be our duty to point out, if possible, what
that cause is. On referring to the subjoined parlia-
mentary report it will be seen that, in 1829, when our
present law commenced, the import of corn was
1,364,220 quarters, and our exports amounted only to
£20,387,316. Whereas in 1835, our imports of wheat
amounted only to 28,413 quarters, that is, upwards of
ONE MILLION LESS than the year 1829: and our ex-
ports £32,228,030, that is, nearly TWELVE MILLIONS
MORE than in 1829 ! This speaks volumes ; particu-
larly as the change has been regularly progressive, THE
EXPORTS INCREASING AS THE IMPORTS OF CORN
DIMINISHED.*

While we admit, for the sake of argument, and for
the purpose of rendering ample justice to this important
subject, that manufacturers have sustained and are
now sustaining great losses, we deny the conclusion,
that the corn laws are the cause of those losses. We
say the causes are two-fold—first, over speculation ;
secondly, the different condition in which foreign na-
tions now are to what they were fifty, or even twenty-
five years ago. As to the first, no greater proof need

* Foreign and Colonial Total of British and Irish produce
Wheat brought into exported to countries from which
consumption. Corn is usually imported.
Years. Quarters. Official value.
1829 1,364,220 £20,387,316
1830 1,701,885 ' 20,699,022
1831 1,491,631 23,553,136
1832 325,435 26,882,959
1833 82,346 27,010,604
1834 64,653 , . . 28,855,141
1835 28,413 26,897,431
1836 No return. 32,828,030

be adduced than the fact, that, while those very 1119
nufacturers are bewailing their losses on every
article
of their produce, they are still augmenting their eata
blishments and increasing their buildings. They have
admitted that notwithstanding their great losses, owing
to the corn laws, yet in 1834, 35, 36, and 37, when
the corn laws had been in existence for many years,
THERE HAD BEEN A VAST INCREASE OF FACTO-
RIES ! In 1836, in the town of PRESTON alone, there
were built no less than nineteen new factories.

This over-speculation, this covetousness, is only one
cause of the present complaint : the other is the differ-
ent condition in which those nations now are, from
what they were; twenty-five years ago. It is well
known that while this country has been for at least fifty
years making rapid advances in the arts and sciences,
those nations have been, till 1815, almost dormant, as
far as manufacturing is concerned. Some have been
the actual seat of war, their people impoverished, their
resources closed up, and their time and attention occu-
pied in belligerent pursuits. All these circumstances
are quite sufficient to account for our country having left
them behind, and for those nations'not having been able
to keep pace with us in our march of intellect. But so
soon as things changed with them, so soon as they
were allowed to enjoy the blessings of peace, and to
have a free communication with the rest'of the civilised
world, it is only natural to expect, that they would do
that which they have done, viz., turn their attention to
the arts and sciences, and learn in a few years, from
us, what we had spent many years in acquiring : thus
profiting by our discoveries, and by our improvements
in the art of manufacturing, they take their stand as
our competitors, and consequently cease to purchase
those commodities from us, which they themselves are
now able to manufacture. This is only a natural course
of things; and it would be as wise to attribute the di-
minished demand for our articles to the influence d
the moon, as to the non-admission of foreign corn into
our market ; moreover, to suppose that a repeal- of the
corn laws, would now, after those nations have arrived
at this high state of perfection in manufacturing, tie 11P
their hands, throw them back into the same state of
lethargy in which they were twenty-five years ago, and
in fact, have the same effect on them, that war, poverty,
ignorance and inexperience had, is alike preposterous
and absurd Having now demolished the foundation
.on which this first charge was made, the whole argil"
ment connected with it comes to naught, and

61 Like the baseless fabric of a vision,
Leaves not a wreck behind."

The second evil attributed to the corn laws is, the
high price of bread : this we admit to be a very plausible
plea ; and when the poor are told that they pay in this
country for the shilling loaf what they could get for
three-pence in countries where corn is cheap, and that
if the corn laws were repealed here, they would get
cheap bread, we are not surprised that thousands and
tens of thousands of persons petition for the repeal of
those laws. If the case rested here, or that this were
the whole truth, we confess, we ourselves might be in'
clined to sign a petition 'for their repeal. But so far
from the case resting here, or this being the whole truth,
it is extremely improbable that the repeal of the cool
laws would produce cheap bread in this country;
moreover, the vast difference between the quality of
the bread here, and that in those countries from which
we want to import it, is not noticed. The peasantrY
in those countries are generally forced to eat bread
scarcely good enough for the feeding of swine : and
that work for which a labourer would get a shilling
here; he would not get three-pence for there. Let the
poor man only clearly understand, that where there is
cheap bread there is also cheap labour ; that for what
he now gets a shilling he would not then get sixpence,
and the loud cry now raised against the corn laws
would very soon dwindle into an infantile whine.
The third evil attributed to the corn laws is, that by
a fluctuating price speculators are enabled to raise the
price of corn whenever they please, and thus press hard
on the poor.

Admitting that the corn-laws do allow speculators in
act thus ; we maintain, also, that even a fixed price,
or a thorough repeal of those laws, could not check
such proceedings ; and for the following reasons :--
1. Great capitalists, and particularly companies, could
always possess immense control over the markets : hey/
could a fixed price, or a repeal of the corn laws,
prevent such persons from purchasing and hoarding
up immense quantities of grain ? This very circurn'
stance lately occurred, with respect to flour, in the
United States, and gave origin to the New York
riots the year before last. 2ndly. Various reports rel.
be circulated by interested persons as to a failure 0
crops abroad, &c. 3rdly. The price of grain has been
much steadier in our market, notwithstanding our flue"
tuating prices, than in the corn-growing, and import'
ing countries. According to one of the parliamental
reports, in reference to the decennial average from
Dantzic, Hamburgh, Rotterdam, there has been a rise
from the lowest to the highest of above 100 per cent.,
while in England the extreme point has been 75 per
cent.* From these circumstances it must appear evi'
dent, that while the conduct of speculators is not fairly
attributed to the corn laws, and that their repesi
could not prevent the inconvenience arising from such
proceedings, it would expose us to those various evils'
to, the consideration of which we shall now proceed.
Our second position is that the repeal of the corn lanes
would not remove the evils attributed to them. In exhi'
biting the fallacy of the arguments made by the repeal;
ers, under our first head, we were under the necessity °
entering to such a length into the merits of this position,
that we deem a repetition superfluous, particularly °
they are interwoven with what we have to advance
under the next head.

Our third and last position is, that the repeal of tile
said laws would produce far greater evils than those ar'
tributed to their existence. These evilS we shall or!'
sider under the following heads :—First, neglect of agcy
culture ; secondly, distress among all kinds of opera'
tives and manufacturers; and, thirdly, our position in
case of war, &c.
The fruits of agriculture are the staple commodity oe
this land; the very blood of this mighty empire; th
source from which all strength is derived-; and therl'
mum mobile of all our operations. Under such circully
stances the interests of the agriculturists are of Para
mount importance ; they affect, more or less, the Whole
community—almost all classes and conditions of TX
except those which have independent fortunes. I
1,
effect argricultural interest has upon society, howee
unnoticed, is like the operation of heat on the the.„
mometer ; as that interest is kept up, and sustained, -0
are the other departments of the empire.
Suppose then that foreign nations be permitted
send their grain here, and glut our market, so 0,0
ri
undersell our agriculturiSti, which they can readilY 0'
owing to the cheapness of labour on the Eurnr;
continent, then our agriculturists not only would °if
but could not, persevere in the cultivation of dr/
lands for grain. They would not ; for self-interesthe
that principle which is inherent, more or less, in
breasts of all mankind,—would induce them to to
their attention to other pursuits, and their lantwttie
other purposes. Their lands would then require 'leo
attention, and still less labour. Their reasoning 0.% of
subject would naturally be—as the markets are Ow it
corn,- and as we cannot raise grain, except at a 1056,5te
is better for us to let our fields lie idle, or appropfi
n'
them to the raising of cattle, or to some such purro se
than to the growth of corn. Thus agriculture bet", 0
neglected, and we are left at the mercy of fereig
powers. not

2. The distress that this would produce among,
only all kindg of operatives, but even among the
cifisiff
nufacturers themselves, although perhaps not Woe
credited, is nevertheless easily demonstrated. ad
agriculturists, being thus crippled in their resoureesheit
means, would be compelled, not only to discharge t
labourers—thus throwing upon the community tbac,
sands of persons totally unaccustomed to all other ails
cupations except farming—but to reduce materiro.
their own outlay in the purchase of manufaetu,
The manufacturers, suffering by a diminished dent:iag
for their goods, would be under the necessity of retibs,.e
the price of their articles, to lead to a larger porettle:i
thereof ; and, in order to enable them to do this, of
will be obliged not only to diminish the number
their workmen, but also reduce srages in general' s d
Now, how stands the interest of the working CldSo?
society even in these most favourable circumstafic

* Decennial Lowest Highest
Average. Price. . price. )
s. d. s. a. t i 11
Dantzic 32 10..... 21 8 (182 G).. •• • ."
Haniburgh..- 3O 0,.0526)..... 41 av 103
ItOtteidant. . 37 9. 8.(1aft).., •• 52 n'
England, .....