Star.
London, England, 1821-07-07 00:00:00

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sas
and the fib tiAffinT IV. Stat. 6.7, which are to be
Wel in the year'grioks, concur in this doctrine.—
ea Gen proceeded to observe, that
• ..linsulAllYnot`trntsble it Lordships with a recapi-
tulation of the arguments he had used. He had now
closed the legal argument on behalf of the Queen,
which, he conceived, had already established her case.
Considering all the circumstances of the times, he
had endeavoured to abstain from extraneous matter,
and to confine himself strictly to the law of the case.
He was happy in knowing that the disputes which
had lately interrupted the discussion of this most im•
portant question—that the various contentions by
which the country had been distracted, would, in
aftertimes, cease to influence men's minds on this
question. They would not be under the necessity of
recurring to remote ages for the purpose of explain-
ing that whiCh otherwise would appear almost unin-
No; the question, if it ever should arise,
woilld be decided by the labours of the present day,
by the labotirs'V those who bad been occupied in
searching into Abe history of the Saxon, Monarchs,
and tracing tIA gediduct of.those who had succeeded
the Norman Conqueror. Before this impartial and
calm tribunal, all At heats and animosities which
prevailed in the present day would vanish. They
would sit in dignified judgment onthe opinion given
by the great lawyers of the nineteenth century; and,
as-he firmly believed, finding they had no difficulties
to explain—perceiving that Owl had no obscurities to
clear up—they would not be under the aecessity of
referring to...those remote periods of our history to
which he had been obliged to allude, but would look
back to the first decision that had ever been given on
this question, with that decided confidence which
the names of those Privy Councillors before whom
the case was argued would in aftertime command;
a judgment which he ventured confidently to pro-
nounce would not derogate from the high character
they had so long maintained.
Mr. Mulles! felt that little was left for him to do,
after the display of historical research and the pro-
. fluidity of legal argument by nhich the case of her
Majesty had been supported by his Learned Friend.
Its a case, however, of such vast importance, so inti.
matcly interwoven with the great institutions of the
country, so interesting to the nations around, and so
sure to guile the judgment of all posterity, it would
be inexcusable in him if he were to decline stating
what was the impression on his mind on this subject.
With respect to their Lordships, he had only to pray
that he might not be supposed to compromise the
rights of his Illustrious Client, if he addressed them
in the language of deprecation, or if he seemed to re•
quest a favour; and, on the other hand, he trusted
they would not be offended, if, in stating the Queen's
right with boldness and confidence, be should appear
to anticipate, with anything like presumption, that
judgment which he hoped and believed their Lord-
ships would ultimately give. Ile therefore entreated
their Lordships to believe, that in the one case he did
not mean to compromise or surrander. any right, and
in the other, that he had no intention of treating their
Lordships with disrespect, if he assumed that that
which was clear to his own mind, must also be clear
to the mind of every impartial man. The ceremony
of the coronation of Kings and Queens of England
was to be considered in various points: it was an an-
cient custom—it was a solemn compact—it was a re-
ligious solemnity—it was also a popular exhibition.
In all that might fall from him in considering the
coronation in its more important and solemn cha-
racter, he begged to be understood as throwing
no reflection whatsoever on that part of it which
might be considered merely ceremonial. On the part
of her Majesty, and of those who were assigned to
support her claims, neither here nor elsewhere had
• one word of disrespect been uttered as to this impor-
tant ceremony. In.& free country, and in a Kingly
State, much depended on the recollection of customs
which had their origin in ancienttimes. The people
viewed these sacred customs with respect and reve-
mime ; they tended to bind them more closely to
established constitutions ; and new ones could not be
established until they were removed. The recollec-
tion of those customs formed apart of the ties which,
as well as his rights and his property, bound every
man to his native land. There was a moral dignity in
having tbose rights upheld in their integrity; and,
where a recollection of ancient customs ceased to
operate, such rights were either forgotten, or, if
known, were not properly supported. It was, there-
fore, no small misfortune for any political institution
to be divested of this character. An English travel-
ler, who had passed through the most prosperous
part of America, and who spoke with rapture of
everything he had seen, observed—,, Still, there is
one defect, which nothing but time can rernedy—
namely, an absence of all ancient recollections.
This defect was not overlooked by the extraordinary
individual whose death had just been announced to
the people of Europe, who, with resources almost
inexhaustible, with military power unrivalled,' with
counsellors the most sagacious, and with a train of
ich illustrious acts as a soldier, as had scarcely ever
before dignified that name, found it was impossible
to form a Nobility without having recourse to the re-
collections of former ages. He spoke, therefore, of
ancient customs and establishments with aU the re-
spect that was due to their antiquity. But it was
necessary, with reference to the present case, to con-
sider the feelings with which they connected them-
selves, and to point out the principles on which they
rested: and, if he might use the language of one of
the greatest geniuses this country ever saw, and who
might, perhaps, be considered her best historian, he
would say—

" This is the English, not the Turkish Court;
" Not Arum-ads an Amuratls succeeds,
" But Harry, Harry!".—.---

It was necessary, therefore, for this purpose, to exa-
mine the situation in which the Monarch of this Realm
bad stood ; and to see whether they could not trace
that which appeared at first view to be a theatrical
exhibition, to principles with which the Constitution
.of the country was nearly connected. The corona-
tion of the King of England rested on custom alone.
There was no law to convene the subjects of the realm
to witness the imposition of the crown on the Royal
brow. Selden, in his work called." Titles of Ho-
nour," thought these distinctions not unworthy of the
application of his great talents. In page 190, speaking
of the coronation of the Emperor, he says, " he shall
be, on his elevation to the dignity, crowned, si firte,
non habuerit =rem ;" distinctly adding, " Si uxorens


habuerit, tam neratteel coronari, conduct in eccleoir,
ot debet larosterni ante altaria," &c. The prerogative
and rights of the Queen were traced by this very
' able author through several Saxon institutions, to the
ordinance of Ethelwolf, which, for reasons of policy,
deprived the consort of the King of the title and style
ofsQueen, and confined it to that of conjus. This ex-
ception, however, which proved the rule, never pre-
vailed except in tlft King's time. Throughout this
work, one monition was constant and unvarying,
namely, that no departure should ever be attempted
with respect to the ancient observances and cus-
tomary forms on such extraordinary occasions. His
Learned Friend's research had reached through the
kingly history from William 1: to the present time.—
He should recur to the principle on which rested the
recognition of the Royal quality of a Queen. He, in,
the next place, should advert to her as the mother is:
those heirs who were in future to reign over the sub-
ject. There had, in early times, been always great
disputes as to the succession, a misfortune which was
rendered the more frequent, owing to the habits of
Kings in those days, as well as by the custom of be-
trothing illustrious young persons together at a very
early age, who were afterwards permitted to dissent
from these engagements at a more mature period of
life. These disputes also not unfrequently arose out
of the interference of the Church whilst it was Catho-
lic,. as to the validity of marriages contracted within
certain degrees of consanguinity. So Matthew Paris
in his history stated, that in the case of Arvisa, the
Archbishop interposed, and protested before King
John she was not his lawful wife. That marriage
was annulled. Considerable doubts, too, bad pre-
vailed with respect so the connection of CharleS 11.
with Mrs. Waters, whom it was supposed he had
man ied, which would have legitimated his son, the
'Duke of Monmouth. The Public were never satis-
fied until the King publicly disclaimed such a mar-
riage. The case of George I. would suffice to shew,
that where a Monarch of another country came over
to this country with a wife to assume the Royal au-
thority, that it was necessary a public coronation
should take place, to set the matter at rest for ever.
The cases of twenty-seven Queens of England all
.crowned with their husbands, if previously married,
bore most strongly on this question. There was but
one exception, namely, that of Henrietta Maria, the
Consort of Charles I. William, the Coixpieror, was
crowned alone, his Duchess being in Normandy; Wil-
liam 11. died unmarried ; Henry 1. was cross aed with
his wile; Henry H. was thrice crowned, at Lon ion,
Lincoln, and Warwick, at each of his sons' births ;
Richard was crowned in Cyprus with his Queen Bel-
' lingeria ; Henry 111. was crowned alone; all the other
Monarchs up to henry VIII. were similarly crowned
with their wives, if they were married ; this last was
certainly no very desirable precedent to quote as to
the treatment of a Royal wife. Besides, such was
the unsettled state of things about this time, that it
may very fairly be doubted, whether, after the death
of Anne Boleyn, any one dared to say, there was any
Church in this country, or not, at the hazard of their
lives. Three out of four of this King's wives were
his own subjects ; the fourth, Anne of Cleves, was so'
glad to be separated from him, that she acceded to a
proposition to be considered and addressed as his sis-
ter. The case of Henrietta Maria was one of great
peculiarity ; she was a Papist, and came into Eng-
land, at a period when that Religion was peculiarly
obnoxious and detested, and when all the laws against
Popish recusants were in full vigour and malignancy;
for Charles I. to have issued a Proclamation for her
being crowned,.would have brought on himself all
the weight of unpopularity, and in the minds of the
Public have excited unappeasable alarm. His ac-
quiescence in the popular prejudice should not be
taken as a precedent against the present claim, where
all the precedents save this were on the opposite side.
If the King on this occasion addressed his wish to her
that she should assent to be absent from the ceremony,
it was a proof that she was possessed of the right to be
crowned, though she waived it in consideration of his
peace. But it was the peculiar misfortune of his
Royal client to be placed in such a situation that she
was neither solicited to yield, nor could she in jus-
tice to her own character yield that which, had she
been otherwise circumstanced, she would have felt a
delicate pleasure in conceding to her Royal consort,
could it have been given up without making agreatcr
sacrifice of character and importance on her own
part. The custom of the realm was part of the
common law of the land, to which even the King
himself was subject. " Nihil died poles! re:, pant
quoddejurepotest." Lord Coke had said that a King
could not create a king within the realm, as in the case
of Beauchamp, created King of the Isle of Wight by
Henry VI. Nothing, in fact, but an actof the Legisla-
ture could alter the law of the land. The coronation was
a solemnity in which his Majesty took an oath to ob-
serve the laws and customs of this realm. It should
not, therefore, be slightly altered, and it would be
indeed dangerous to say, that the King had it in his
power to exclude the highest subject in the land, and
rob the ceremony of some of its most imposing fea-
tures by doting so. Was it contended, that the King
could exclude every Peer of the realm from attend-
ing, as he might do, at a ball or a banquet at his
Palace ? Such restrictions, on what the law phrase
said was to be solemner adults, a solemn ceremony,
would go far towards vitiating its solemnity alto-
gether, and tend to destroy the security of that on
which his own right depended. Could the Earl Mar-
shal, or the Constable of England, who were merely
ornamental appendages of this ceremony, be ex-
' eluded ? Certainly not. How then could they ex-
clude the more essential participator in this cere-.
mony, the Queen ? Who could be more important
in the eyes of the nation to be strictly defined and
pointed out than the woman whose children were to
govern this People in after ages, when the King was
gathered to his ancestors ? Protect then the Royal
mind from the fatal influence of feelings directly
contrary to those in which such a ceremony should
be conducted, and let there be no such material de-
parture from ancient custom and usage in a ceremony
which, as COmyn in his Digest talk " Dignity," had
detailed with so much caution, using the words usual
to every item of description to guard against error in
a ceremony of such high dignity, that it entailed the
dignity of Esquire on every person officiatihg at it as
an attendant on their Majesties. If those rights were
matter of grace and favour, he should like to know
the proof by which such a position could be esta-
blished? William I. had his Queen crowned imme-
diately on her arrival in this country, and so had the

.--,.._

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Henries and the Edwards their Omni crowned im-
mediately on their becoming Queens; but who could
thence prove that their Coronations were the regula-
tions of those Monarchs? The Dei Gratist was net
conferred by the pleasure of the King, but by the
laws. He was quite at a loss to know by what argu-
ments on the other side such a proposition would be
' established. If from the beginning of time it was
determined that the rights of the Queen should be
regulated, should be supported on fixed principles,
he should like to know how it could be shewn,
that the possession or the exercise of them rested
solely upon an act of kindness on the part of the
King, and not upon the fixed custom of the country.
,If the summonses to the Peers and to the other per-
sons required to attend were the same for the coro-
nation of both, it would be too much to say that
those rights were solely possessed through the acts of
grace and favour of each King ; it would be too much
to maintain that those acts of favour and grace were
requisite its acknowledgments of those rights. When
Prince Henry, son of Henry H. had married a Prin-
cess of the Royal House of France, who had not been
about to be crowned with him, the Court of France
remonstrated with him, and demanded satisfaction
for • the indignity and insults offered to one of the
Princesses of that kingdom, although she was then
his wife. It was dented that the father and uncle of
that Queen-consort had sufficient ground for looking
upon the refusal to have her crowned as an indignity
and as a violation of the stipulations of the marriage
contract ; for, although the right of being crowned
had not been explicitly stated in the marriage arrange-
ments, yet it was without doubt implied, and the re-
fusal of it had therefore been regarded as an insult.
When, therefore, the father of the present Queen had
signed the marriage contract, by which his daughter
became the wife of the Prince of Wales, he virtually
stipulated that when that Prince should have suc-
ceeded to the throne of his ancestors, those rights to
which his wife should as Queen become entitled, the
placing of the Crown, among others, upon her head,
as on the head of all the former Queens of Eng-
land, should be given to her; that that Princess
who had become by the marriage the Princess of
Wales, and wife to the Heir Apparent to the Throne,
should, on her husband's becoming Monarch, parti-
cipate in all the honours, privileges, and preroga-
tives, as each former Queen of England had done.—
Was it therefore to be assumed that, because her
Majesty had lost her friends—because her father-in-
law could not new take her under his protection—
because there was no power upon the Continent to
speak for her, her claims were less powerful, her
right less valid, that Englishmen would be more cal-
lous to her being possessed of those rights to which
her birth, her rank, and her name entitled her? Her
rights might be said to be founded upon custom ;
that was true ; her Majesty founded her right upon
custom. Would to Goy that she could now ask any
claim from her Royal Consort' ith an expectation
of receiving that boon, or that she could, consistently
with her rank and dignity, waive any of her rights
to gratify the wishes of that Royal Personage I But
that could not now be.. Her Majesty founded her
right to be crowned upon custom, and if custom was
not secure, there was nothing secure in the country.
—The crown itself (continued Mr. Denman) is sup-
ported by custom. Why do we now submit to a ,
King, or to the government of a King? Because, at
all times a King had subsisted in this country; be-
cause time, beyond memory, proves that a Kingly
Government had been the practice of England.—
Nothing, therefore, can be more dangerous than a
separation. of the privileges and rights which custom
has interwoven with the very nature and existence of
those institutions. Why do Juries daily decide upon
the properties and lives of their fellow men ? Why
do the Peers assemble in the House of Lords, or the
Commons in their House? Or why do the King,
Lords, and Commons, legislate for us and the people
of this kingdom? It is because custom,long-fixed esta-
blished custom, has sanctioned all those institutions.

If custom be destroyed, away with titles, dignities,
offices, property, and all that is valuable to us as sub-
jects and as men. Prescriptive tight alone preserves
us from anarchy and confusion. I say not this to
derogate from the value of those possessions, but to
add to their support ; to prove that they are founded
upon the surest grounds, the soundest principles that
guide the human heart. But without the consequences
it is impossible that we should enjoy the benefit of the
principles ; if we admit the premises, we must also
admit the deductions. Remove, therefore, the land-
marks of custom, and away with all the grounds of
allegiance and obedience; all the pillars of society
will be shaken, and we shall be plunged amidst the
ruin of all the institutions into that state of confusion
hich we all deprecate and which we all abhor."—
I le would not speak of the circumstances of the case.
His Learned Friend had not done so, so neither would
he. Her Majesty, in the present instance, stood for
ward to vindicate the rights, not only of herself, but
of the future Queens of England ; and not only of the
Queens, but of every subject of England's future Mo.
narchs. Injustice to one, was injustice to all; if the
rights of one were successfully invaded, so might the
rights of every subject : if the rights of the first sub-
ject might be violated with impunity, by how much
greater care might not those of the lowest? His
Learned Friend and he, he hoped, had shewn, that
those rights belonged to the Queen ; they had even
done the duty of their adversaries, for they had shewn
that in each interruption in the long list of coronations
through which they had travelled, not one exception
had sufficient weight to prove that the Queens had at
any time forfeited, lost, or suffered their rights to be
lost or forfeited. James 11. and Charles 11. afforded I
no proofs against them, and neither did the case, much
misrepresented elsewhere, of the wife of George I.—
The marriage of that King had not been celebrated
in England, his divorce had not been known in Eng-
land, his wife had never visited England, and as even
the Electress of Hanover she was there unknown. If
she had come to England, and then claimed the rights
of Queen, then the cases might be parallel, but she
had not done so. Upon the prescription and customs
of the country the Queen founded her rights; upon
that principle which the Barons in the reign of Henry
111. had maintained, when they declared, Nelumus
kges Anglia mutare qua ab antiquo usitatee suet. He
had therefore shewn, that the right of the Queen to be
crowned could not be alienated nor lost. He would
make no observations, after the able comments of his
Learned Friend, upon the Liber Regalis, for they would
be unnecessary ; he would merely state that that book,

in speaking of the various ceremonies practised up,,
the occasion of the coronations, never failed to
the words, Ab antiquo usu et de consueludine rep.;
He would not therefore fatigue their Lortiship,°; •
going over those arguments which had already ben)!
so ably stated. He hoped that what he had st,tei
would not tend to weaken their force, nor the stro:,
case which had been laid before their Loriship:
That case was so strong, that in no Court of Ju,
could it be got over. The claim which her Majest,
had put forth was in self-defence. It was a duty Nl'
the part of her Majesty, stronger in his opinion
the duty she had had to perform when she had b
called to another Bar to answer to charges „,eit
against her. He thought so, because, if the clet.
urination there had been unfavourable, there mot
have been various explanations given which wool]
vindicate her Majesty's honour; but if she sufferej
her right to be unclaimed in circumstances whiff
made it as clearly her right as any rights belongic,
to their Lordships or to any English subject, L.l
longed to them, she felt that she would be sacrificioz
her own honour and the most sacred principles of jt,
tire. It would have been easy for her Majesty to ba,e
purchased tranquillity by the loss of honour; but that
'was a purchase foreign to her feelings, and incoftsk.
tent with her character. It was not for the cake
' the pageantry of a coronation that her Majesty no,
came forward : to her mind it would bring recollec.
tions of the most painful nature; but a deep %rule of
duty, which it belonged not to her magnanimity to
neglect, impelled her to defend het own right, and
the rights of the community, which could not be Sa
cure it bet's wet e violated. But the c(msci,r3sne„er
her own integrity, aft of having pet formed her duty,
would induce her Majesty to submit with 6,1114
ness and resignation to any decision their landthips
might pronounce.
After Mr. DENMAN hid concluded,
Mr. 'Jammu...Nl stated, that he had certain into
ments to lay before the Court.

The LORD Cu. Nc eL;.oit inquired whether thei
were verified as exact copie.?

Mr. Boot:C:11AM re;ilied in the negative. Sufficient
time to compare them with the or iginal had not beta
allowed. If, however, their Lordships would take
them de Lene es.x, he had no doubt that they mdi
be proved, if necessary, to be exact with the original,
The Court Was then ordered to be cleared, and
strangers retired. After the Court had deliberate,
for about a quarter of an hour, the doors v. et e of
and Counsel were called in. A conversation NI
took place between the LORD CHANCELLOR, the At.
lORREY-GENERAL, Mr. BROUGHAM, and Lord Hu.
ROWDY, in which it was regulated that the deo
ments should be received, on condition that then
should, if required, be compared with the origin:l,
and proved to be correct.
Lord HARROWBY then stated, that the Court had
agreed to adjourn to to-morrow morning at let
o clock, when the Attorney and Solicitor-tit:err!
were to be heard, in reply to the arguments wbia
had already been advanced at the Bar.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

nousr. OF LORDS, JULY 6.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a Petitlna Eta
ChigweU, in the County of Essex, in favour cf the Bill (turn
venting Cruelty to Horaes.—Laid on the tab'.e.
The Assessed Taxes Composition Bill was read a third tin,
and pasted.
The Duke *of Clarence's Provision 8111, the Approprittia
Bill, the Bankruptcy Court Bill, the Customs Officers Reif
Bill, the Exchequer Bills for Public Works mu, the Metrych
Police Bill, tke Lotteries Bill, the Irish Stamp Dtities and tit
Tobacco Duties Bills, went respectively through Comnsittts
and were reported.—Adjourned to Monday.

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

SATURDAY, JULY 7, 1821.
THE FUNDS.
PRICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONt O'CLOCK:
Bank Stock 233-3 per Cent. Reduced 77 77% ift
3 per Cent. Cons. 783/4 3/4 1/1 ex. div.
4. per Cent. 953/4 1/4—Navy 1083/4 les 14 ex. div.
Lg. Anns. 19 5-16 3/4—Exch. Bills. 2s. 4s. ss. pr.
Consols for Account 78 783/4 A.

It is not his MAJEsry's intention to go in person to
close the present Session of Parliament. The proro
gation will take place by Commission.

We have received, this forenoon, the Paris Papers
of Wednesday. They are quite barren of intelligence.
It is mentioned, as matter of report, that four Colo-
nels of the Royal Guard, attended by their Adjutant.
Majors, ate to make part of the Extraordinary Ea-
bassy from France, which is to be present at the
Coronation of our KlNG.—French 5 per Cents. Tues.
day, 86fr.5c.

A Mail from Flanders has anived this foremen
with Papers to the 3d of July. The following is 55
extract :

TRIF.STE, JUNE 12.

We have just received letters from Zante of a verl
late date; the following are the most remarkable
particulars they contain :

" The extirpation of Christianity in Greece is the
plan of the Turks, who seem.resolved to ruin them-
selves, notwithstanding the moderation of the ails'
tian Princes.

" Letters received at Zantc inform the faithful,
that besides the other martyrs who have sealed with
their blood the cause of the faith, the Rorneli, Who
commands at Joannina, has hanged Gabriel, Arch.
bishop of Joannina, a venerable man, well knots for
his exemplary life, as well as several other Prelate%
under the pretext that they encouraged the rebelbo
Fresh alarms are excited at Prevasa, for the fated
the Christians of that town. It was feared that the
Turkish Army besieging Joannina would be obliged
to fall back. towards L'Arta, and it is probable that
on its retreat it would massacre all the Greeks. It is
supposed, however, that the Tut ks bo.greoll

harassed by the Suliots and the Arnattts, which will
not give them time to do what they intend.
" The Lady of the British Ambassador at Con-
stantinople is expected at Corfu. The lonians were
regaining their confidence in the British Government,
since hopes had been held out that the Governor,.Sir
Thomas Maitland,, would be changed."

A Mail arrived this forenoon from Lisbon, with
Papers to the 23d June. In the extracts which we
subjoin, oar Readers will be pleased to see the hand-
some tribute which is paid to the Captain and crew
of une of our ships of war, lying in the Tagus, for their
exertions on the occasion of the late conflagration :

LISBON, JUNE I.
The Regency of the Kingdom has given orders to
the Secretary of the Marine, to express to Captain
Duncan, commanding his Britannic Majesty's frigate
Liffey, their most sincere thanks, for his prompt co-
operation, and generous offers of assistance, on occa-
sion of the disastrous fire of the 10th of this month.
The Regency will, with great pleasure, take the first
opportunity of acquainting the British Government
with this particular case, as well as with the regular,
pet feet discipline by which the crew of the Liffey have
distinguished themselves since their arrival in this
port. The Regency, being inlormed,that an Officer
and sonic of the crew of the Liffey have received in-
jury, orders any assistance to be offered to Captain
Duncan which might be useful to him.
The Regency has also ordered thanks to be given
to the army for the courage, firmness, and energy
displayed by the troops of the gartison on the same
occasion. It being suspected that the fire originated
in deign, a free pardon has been offered to any one
of the accomplices, not being the principal author of,
the plot, for the discovery of the perpetrators, but
we do not find that any discovery has yet been made.

New Yea k Papers arrived this forenoon to the 2d
of June. The following are extracts :

NEW-YORK, JUNE 9.
We have received a Curapa Gazette of April 2S,
from which we copy the folowing
“ His Majesty's brig Mercury arrived here on Tues-
day from Puerto Cabello. By this arrival we learn
that General Bolivar has very lately sent one of his

Aides-de-Camp, named Pumar, with a dispatch to
the Commander-in-Chief of the Royal forces, General

La Torre, having for its object, we understand, the
prolongation of the armistice for three months.
" General La Torre, it seems, not wishing to give
a decisive answer without consulting his second in
command, referred the Aid-de-Camp to General
Morales, who received him, it is said, in a very in-
dignant manner; and after reading General Bolivar's
dispatch, he tore it in pieces and threw it at the mes-
senger, telling him, at the same time, that as he
valued his life, to depart instantly for the Republican
head-quarters, as he would enter into no treaty with
General Bolivar, being determined to carry on a most
vigorous system of warfare against the Independents.
The Royalist forces arc stated to consist of 14,200
cTective men—viz. 7000 under Morales, at Cala-
bezo ; 6000 under La Torre, at San Carlos; and I'2oo
under Tello, at Guanares. Bolivar's head-quarters
were at Barinas ; but what number of troops he may
be able to bring into the field, to open the campaign,
which commences this day, we cannot state with any
degree of certainty ; it is very probable, howeser,
that we may compute it to be equal, if not to surpass
that of the Royalists."