The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-07-26 00:00:00

QUARANTINE REGULATIONS.

The following communication has been received by the
secretary of the Pilot's Committee, from the Superintendant
of Quarantine, dated Quarantine Station, 25th July, 1839.
" SlR,—Having received orders from the Privy Council
to examine all vessels from Charleston, New Orleans, and
the other southern ports of the United States.
" I have to request you will be pleased to direct all the
pilots to conduct such vessels to the Quarantine ground for
inspection, until further orders.—l am, Sir, your obedient
servant,

(Signed) " A. MACDONALD,
Superintendent
ritte eQiarantine.
" To the Secretary of the Pilo's

ORDINATION.--At an ordination held at the Bangor Ca-
tiledral, on Sunday last, the following gentlemen were ad-
mitted to the order of deacons—Henry William Wynne Jones,
8.A., of Jesus College, Oxford; Ellis Roberts Pring, 8.A.,
of Magdalen College, Oxford.—Nonth Wales Chronicle.

FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 26, 1339.

It is a bold thing to accuse the Duke of " exaggera-
tion." Whatever faults the Duke may have, (and if
the Liberals wish to recommend themselves to their
countrymen of generous and grateful England, they
will not be hasty to vilify the Duke,) certainly a love
for braggadocio and the marvellous is not one of them.
The Hero of a hundred fights is not given to fighting
his battles o'er again, and to thrice slaying the slain.
Deeds have been more in his way than words. Nei-
their, we think, has age begun to tell very particularly
upon this stalwart champion of his country. Lord
Melbourne will forgive us if we remind him of a cer-
tain defence which the Attorney-General was instructed
once to make, when he suggested in a certain memo-
rable action that the Premier had passed his grand
climacteric, and that his age was not, like Charon's, a
crude and green old age. The old Duke has more in
him yet than they think for.
Moreover, however constant may have been our
adhesion to what is called the Fabian policy, we have
never, we believe, accused the Duke of too vehement
an opposition to the wretched Conspirators who trifle
with the powers of Government : we never saw in his
moderation anything like intemperance or undue ex-
citement. If increased and increasing vigour testify
decay, we rejoice that his Grace is growing old. In
times like these, when events crowd rapidly, and men
live fast, even the Duke may grow older in the space
of a single Session, or even of a single month.
We trust that if any of our readers withheld their
consent from our expressions of heartfelt joy, when
the embryo Ministry of Sir R. Peel went off upon the
notable Bedchamber Intrigue, their convictions will at
length have been secured. Let them imagine Sir
Robert seated on his precarious eminence : a " power
behind the throne greater than the throne itself" con-
stantly thwarting his measures, and undermining his
influence and power : a strong combination in the
House of Commons arrayed in fierce hostility, and
infinitely preferring " anarchy to Peel" :—let them
conceive, in such a state of things, the Riots at Bir•
mingham commencing,—what, think they, would be
the position of affairs ?

It will be remembered that once there lived an indi-
vidual ycleped Mr. Henry Hunt : he obtained a popu-
larity like Hercules and Hotspur with the makers of
ballads, and for some occasion on which he ought to
have displayed his valour he was celebrated by the
street musicians in the following lines :

" Orator Hunt ! Orator Hunt !
Pluck up your courage, and show a bold front."

Now this great man was in those days a Hero with the
Whigs. Lord Fitzwilliam sacrificed the Lieutenancy
of Yorkshire in his cause. Lord Althorp and the rest
compromised (what then they had something of to
lose) their reputations in his behalf. Hunt was a
member, and not an unimportant one, of the Re-
formers' Union.

Just such was Mr. Muntz—such was Mr. Feargus
O'Connor; and such they will be again, when misery
acquaints the Whigs with sorry bedfellows, and exile
from office drives them to desperate resources.

Lord John Russell has not forgotten the incendiary
fires in Hampshire, which stood his party in such good
stead in 1830, and formed the text for his celebrated
oration at Stroud. We wish to know what he will
say to his obsequious friends in that Ministerial Bo-
rough respecting Llanidloes, and Newcastle, and Bir-
mingham, and the universal territory of Chartism ?
Perhaps he will propose it to the University of London
to say, if a dozen stacks burnt out the wicked Tories,
how many towns will it take to burn down the credit
of the Heroic Liberals ?

To speak seriously, we have no doubt in the world
that if Sir R. Peel had been in office, Whiggery would
have openly made common cause with Chartism, and,
as they nursed it in its childhood, so they would have
watched its gradual and mature development with an
affectionate and paternal care. " See," they would
have said in triumph, " we kept the country quiet :
Toryism went out in the fires of Hampshire, to come
in again amid the flames of Birmingham." Who
would have been the exaggerators then ? Why, every
man who wished to keep his house standing over his
head, would have been told that he must vote for
Whiggery !

The address now supported by Mr. Attwood and
the other representatives of that cast-iron district,
would then have been moved by Lord John Russell,
and every Whig and Radical and Papist would have
blown the bellows with all his might. The flame of
popular excitement would have risen rapidly to the
highest pinnacles of the Constitution.

Even now the miserable imbeciles dare not heartily
take part in defence of law and order. Lord Lans-
down prates pompously of popular rights, when the
mob is in arms, and Lord Melbourne has not time to
read the papers, and has no better information on the
subject. Like Sir Abel Handy in the play,—they
neither send for the engines, "nor look for the plugs,
but wait with their hands in their pockets to see if per-
chance the fire may not go out of itself !

There is a stern, and almost a poetic justice in all
this. When the rascally Whigs had seized the reins

of power, they gave them loose to all the wild excesses
of a raving and rebellious faction. Lord John Rus-
sell himself sent to Birmingham for manifestations of
physical force, and styled a majority in the Lords, THE
WHISPER OF A FACTION. The same Lord John has
now to deal with the mischiefs he created, and to quell
the spirit he has raised. This is as it should be.
Honest men in every quarter, and of every shade of
varying opinion, will have their eyes open to the real
plain truth of the political questions upon which the
country is divided. The rogues and rebels will be set
together by the ears, and disappointed of the " honour
among Liberals," which the proverb had led them to
expect,—will hate their pretending friends worse than
their avowed opponents.

We suspect Whiggery is not far from having found
its level. Joyous as their prospects doubtless were
(on which we congratulate them with all the sincerity
they will naturally look for at our hands), we suspect
the new lights at Birmingham will have served them
but the sorry purpose of making " their darkness visi-
ble." Your genuine Whig is the miscreant described
by Bacon, who " would burn an house, an' it were
but for the roasting of his eggs."

Lord Melbourne attempted, with his characteristic
nonchalance, and in all the hardihood of his unblushing
ignorance, to paliate the speech made by Lord John
Russell in this town last autumn. The facts, it will be
in the recollection of every one of our readers, are simply
these. What was called a Demon-stration in favour of
the People's Charter had recently been held in Liver-
pool, under the sanction of that particularly wise and
temperate individual, Mr. William Rathbone, whom
municipal merits had made Mayor. This personage
invited his Lordship to a dinner at the Town-hall. The
banquet was a private one. The Whigs dared not at-
tempt a public dinner : their portion of the public could
not pay for tickets : and the result of Lord John's
Irish m;ssion was not clear enough to insure him a
favourable reception from the Hibernian auxiliaries on
whom the peace-loving Council place their chief re-
liance.

However, there was a dinner at the Town-hall, and
hls little Lordship " greatly daring dined." And after
dinner he made a speech. And this speech was re-
ported next day by the Liberals (for no Reporter was
in the room) according to their own fashion and fancy.
This report was never contradicted : and it represented
the Secretary of State as alluding to this very Chartist
Meeting which his friend and entertainer had sanctioned
before it was convened : and as to say the most of it,
" blessing with faint blame" these avowedly uncon-
stitutional assemblages. Nay more it appeared from
this same one-sided, Liberal, report, never tampered
with by a conservative, and never contradicted by a
Whig, that the gist of his Lordship's speech was an
assumption of credit to himself and his brother Whigs,
for giving free scope to such assemblages : placing him-
self thereby in what he thought was an advantageous
contrast with the Tories, who would doubtless (he in-
sinuated) have discouraged and suppressed them.
This is extraordinary language to proceed from the
lips of a Home-Secretary. We were not present—no
Conservative was admitted to the mysteries of that Li-
beral Feast. Our faith in Liberal versions is not im-
plicit ; and we do not mean to pledge ourselves that
this report of the speech was true, merely because it
proceeded from the Liberals.

We do mean to assert that the impression given out
in Liverpool by the Liberals themselves, and never (so
far as we know) contradicted here or elsewhere, was
such as we have above recorded. The allusion was to
a Chartist Meeting : the tone of the speech was encou-
ragement.

We defy them to shake these facts, which are\ noto-
rious :—let them look Lord Lyndhurst in the face with
what countenance they may, when next they impugn
his plain assertions on this head, or dispute the clear
and irrefragable conclusions he has drawn of the per-
fidy, and imbecility, and wickedness of a Ministry that
snborns and subsists by a reckless legislation.

The Session of 1839 is now rapidly approaching its
close, and, both in retrospect and prospect, there is
much room for serious and anxious consideration. The
time has not yet come for us to devote our columns to
an analysis of the conduct of Government since last
February, and exhibit in a condensed form such a view
of political iniquity, combined with mental incapacity,
as, thank God, never before disgraced the rulers of this
country, and such as, we fervently `hope and believe,
they will never have another opportunity of displaying
during a future Session, however adroitly they may
have managed to make their tenure of office safe during
the interval of the prorogation of Parliament.
We confess we cannot feel strong confidence that
the Session of 1840 will not dawn upon the pre-
sent Ministry in power. We have not forgotten the
unceremonious dismissal of the Melbourne rump by
King William in the autumn of 1834, when he evinced
such an anxiety to get rid of his radical and imbecile
advisers that, in his haste to send them to the right-
about, he did serious mischief to the Conservative
cause. We fear that the illustrious Princess who now
occupies the throne of these realms has been too much
entangled in the tortuous web of Whiggery—has had
her ear too much abused by the minions of the faction
now in power—and been too effectually prejudiced by
the busy falsehoods which have been put into circula-
tion at Court against some of the Conservative leaders--
to awake from the dream of confidence which she at
present reposes in her "Whig-Radical administration,
and withdraw from it the only prop on which it leans—
the sole buttress which prevents the crazy building
from tumbling into ruin, and which, in bygone times, a
Whig ministry would have repudiated as fatal to its
very existence—the invidious and unpopular support of
Court favour. "What would the leaders of the great
Whig opposition between the years 1784 and 1806
have said had they been told that men who call them-
selves their descendants, and who claim the mantle of
their characters and principles, (ragged and threadbare
though it was even then,) were about to prorogue Par-
liament and pocket the salaries of two additional quar-
ters, after openly, in both Houses, proclaiming that
they had not the confidence of that Parliament, and
sustaining a series of defeats, and victories more hu-
miliating than defeats, such as we should have thought
sufficient to make the most tenacious gluttons of office
relinquish it in disgust. We cannot apply ordinary
rules to desperate and unprincipled men, and therefore
it is vain to search for precedents not to justify but to
exemplify their conduct. There was a time when pub-
lic confidence was considered the mainstay of a govern-
ment in this country, and when popular demonstration
in its favour could enable a cabinet to face the opposi-
tion of a hostile court. Alois nous avons change tout
cela, and the converse of the proposition is proved to
be true ; for the Liberal Ministry of Britain makes use
of female intrigue as its most effective weapon against
the contemptuous hatred of the people.

We ask, is there a single party or body of men in
the whole length and breadth of the land which puts
trust in the Melbourne and Russell Cabinet ? We ne-
ver met with an individual who had any confidence in
their principles or moral courage, however steadily he
might have supported their continuance in power. For
the truth is, that, although despised and distrusted by
all, they are made use of as a kind of pis-aller—as
rubbish thrown into the breach to stop the advance of
the Conservatives to the citadel of power, and they en-
joy, at this moment, the enviable distinction of main-
taining their ground by the grace of the Ladies of the
Bedchamber and the rabid hatred of all our institutions
which leads so many of their supporters to prefer their
unresisting imbecility to the strong hand of a Conser-
vative Cabinet. From high to low, throughout all
ranks, (always excepting, unhappily, the highest) we
see the same feeling manifested ; and if the Whig-Ra-
dical wreck were to go down to-morrow in the surging
sea which is beginning to rage against it, there would
be but one personage in the realm to sing its requiem.
But the state of the country just now is such that it
is impossible to contemplate without much alarm the
continuance of the present Ministry in power. From
Newcastle to Merthyr Tydvyl there may be heard the
mutterings of the storm. The colliery districts of the
North and the large manufacturing towns of England
contain a population in a state of perilous excitement.
It is not because they cannot find work and employ-
ment, and are therefore driven upon desperate courses
by the sharp stimulus of hunger—for we believe that
latterly the trade of Birmingham has been in a most
flourishing state, and the wages of the operatives as
high as they have averaged since the war—but because
fiendish agitators have been for months ceaselessly em-

ployed in setting the poor against the rich, and sowing
the seeds of a social revolution, whose object is the
confiscation of property and complete overthrow of all
our establishments. We have no wish to create a
panic, or cause needless alarm, but we cannot conceal
from ourselves the danger which lurks in that wide-
spread combination against property and order which
the Chartist leaders have been so active in organizing.
At any moment the train may be fired, and what mis-
chief the explosion will occasion has been demonstrated
by the disgraceful scenes which have been recently
witnessed in Birmingham. We make no manner of
doubt that the designs of the incendiaries will be
ultimately crushed, and that the ringleaders will be
brought to condign punishment ; but, in the meantime,
riot and disorder may stalk through the land, and so
far from every Englishman finding that his house is
his castle, he may have to escape from its burning
rafters into streets filled with an infuriated mob.

Never was there a time when the want of a vigorous
Executive was more strongly felt, and it is enough to
make a man's heart sink within him, when he looks
to the fribble Premier and his colleagues as those to
whom at this juncture the destinies of the Empire are
entrusted. The Home Secretary has applied to Par-
liament for liberty to increase our military force by
5000 men ; but why was not this done before, when
the army estimates were voted ? The Government
had warning enough to satisfy all but the wilfully blind
that insurrectionary movements would take place—
indeed, Lord Lelbourne the other night declared that
he had always said that violent actions must follow
from the violent language used at the Chartist assem-
blages—and, therefore, this increase to our force ought
to have been made at an earlier period, when it would
have excited no alarm, and not induced the States of
Europe to believe that we are engaged in a kind of
servile bellum with our own population. Lord John
Russell has applied for the loan of £lO,OOO from the
consolidated fund, in order that the expenses of a local
constabulary force at Birmingham may be defrayed ;
for even he thinks that the force of public meetings is
carried a little too far, when the speeches of the orators
are immediately followed by conflagration and outrage.
We should like to hear the little Secretary at another
Liverpool dinner vindicate the rights of a Chartist mob
to free discussion, and hold out the encouragement of
official sanction a second time to the insane violence of
their democratic leaders. Truly, the ingredients of his
poisoned chalice are commended to his own lips in this
instance, and we guess the draught is a bitter one.

We rejoice that Ministers were defeated the other
night in their attempt to frustrate the motion for grant-
ing out-door relief to the families of those who were
married before the Poor-law Act came into operation.
We do not agree with many of our most respected
contemporaries in their reprobation of this measure.
So far from denouncing it as " infernal" and " damn-
able," and thereby aiding the criminal violence of
Messrs. Oastler and Stephens, who throw firebrands
into the midst of a combustible populace, we shall ever
consider the Poor-law Act as a great improvement
upon the old system, and as one of the most praise-
worthy acts of legislation which has passed during the
last ten years. But we are not blind to several defects
which impede and injure its beneficial operation. One
of them is the excessive restriction upon the administra-
tion of out-odor relief. We are convinced that a
judicious relaxation of this rule would be productive of
the happiest results. Humanity demands it and ex-
pediency sanctions it. But we have no space to go
into the subject to day. We propose to discuss it at
length at an early opportunity.

A correspondent has kindly furnished us with a copy
of the Sydney Herald of March 15, in which we find an
important paper entitled " A General Summary of the
Number of Stock in the Districts beyond the Boundary
of Location, and of the Number of Persons residing on
the several Stations, as taken from the Itineraries of the
respective Commissioners of Crown Lands." From this
statement, which is elaborately drawn up, we find that
the number of persons residing in the districts of Bris-
bane, Murray and St. Vincent, Bligh and Wellington,
Murrumbidgee, King, Port Phillip, Bathurst and Wel-
lington, and Port Macquarrie, amounts to 4380. This
is, of course, exclusive of the population within the
boundaries of the several locations enumerated. The
number of horses in the same districts is 3303, of
cattle, 232,888, and of sheep, 982,405. When it is re-
flected that this immense amount of stock is shared by
a population of only 4380 persons, some idea may be
formed of the actual wealth of the Australian colonies.

Another interesting paper in the Sydney Herald
shows the value of the imports into the colony for the
year 1838, as published in the Trade List. From this
it appears that the total value of the imports were, from
Great Britain, £1,102,127; from British Colonies,
£183,501 ; from Foreign States, £82,112 ; from the
United States £8066 ; from Fisheries, £71,506 ; from
South Sea Islands, £5548; from New Zealand, £53,943 ;
forming a grand total of £1,506,803. The spirits, of
which the principal item is 137,000 gallons of rum,
£38,936, amounted to £53,653 ; sugar • is also a very
large item, being 12,552,7681b5, amounting to £109,075,
of which £68,598 came from British Colonies, and
£34,698 from Foreign States. There were 3139 pack-
ages apparel and slops imported, which amounted to
£138,682 ; beer and ale also form a large item, 475,830
gallons, worth £58,507. There are several items which
shew the luxurious habits of the colonists-for instance,
193 carriages, worth £18,199, haberdashery, 1731 pack-
ages, £115,910; jewellery, 61 packages, £11,704, plate,
66 packages, £6770; millinery, 285 packages, £28,076 ;
musical instruments, £16,246; perfumery, 124 pack-
ages, £3075 ; silks, 58,799 yds, £10,622 ; wine, 399,787
gallonr, £54,365. The different articles of provisions
that were imported amounted to a considerable sum ;
butter and cheese, 123,8211b5, £7928 ; coffee and cocoa,
175,224 lbs, £2776 ; dried fruits, 280,896 lbs, £4506 ;
packed fruit, 710 packages, £l6Ol ; flour and bread,
875,878 lbs, £4654 ; oatmeal, 83,412 lbs, £693; pepper
and spices, 56,647 lbs, £1693; pickles and sauces, 1465
cases, £3446 ; potatoes, 1161 tons, £9986 ; salt pro-
visions, 1,429,948 lbs, £28,621 ; rice, 704,346 lbs,
£2304 ; salt, 892 tons, £3079 ; sugar, 12,552,768 lbs,
£109,075; tea, 725.554 lbs, £30,541 ; wheat, 79,166
bushels, £25,548 ; and vinegar, 4913 gallons, £384.
The coin imported duringthe year amounted to £36,860.
There were 152 horses imported during the year, value
£4320 ; saddlery, 401 cases, value £19,061. Tobacco,
including snuff and cigars, forms a considerable item,
335,676 lbs, value £27,856. To the cotton, linen, and
woollen manufactures this Colony offers an extensive
market, as will he seen by the following items ; in ad-
dition to the haberdashery, millinery, slops, &c. before
alluded to :-28,983 parcels blankets and counterpanes,
£16,127; 23,690 yards carpeting, £4352; 558,226 yds
canvas, £27,049; 1,464,575 yards cottons, £56,690;
59,603 gunny bags and sacks, £4673 ; hats, caps, and
bonnets, 536 packages, £13,989; hosiery, 283 pack-
ages, £17,041 ; woollen stuffs, 181,268 yards, £48,528;
woolpacks, 18,560, £5489. The produce of the Fish-
eries for the year was-sperm oil, £68,047, black oil,
£37,662.

Among the many important improvements which are daily
effected in our town, we beg to suggest one, which, if at-
tended to by the " Committee for Paving, &c.," would
prove highly valuable to those who are daily employed in our
Police Court. We allude to the M'Adamizing the upper
part of Dale-street, as the continued noise arising from
carts, cars, coaches, &c., passing and repassing, renders it
extremely unpleasant and annoying to all engaged in that
court ; and we are sure that if our worthy stipendiary would
but suggest the desideratum in a proper quarter, the nui-
sance, (if so it may be called,) would soon be abated.

Mr. PARKER'S GRAND WESLEYAN CENTENARY Pic-
TußE.—The public will have an opportunity, in a few days,
of inspecting this very interesting and affecting picture, re-
presenting one of the most striking events in the whole of
Mr. Wesley's remarkable life. It will be generally gratifying to
know, that a print is about to be published ; and, considering
that there is no engraving of importance connected with the
life of Mr. Wesley, it is but reasonable to expect that it will
have every support from the public, and more especially the
Methodist body. We shall be glad to go more into detail in
describing the picture when it is exhibited to the public.--
Mr. Parker is an artist whose works are already popular in
Liverpool, and he is no stranger amongst us.

LECTURES ON SOCIALISM.—We are glad to find that Mr.
Brindley has visited Liverpool for the purpose of delivering
a course of lectures on the abominable nature of the princi-
ples inculcated by Robert Owen and his disciples. His lec-
ture on 'Wednesday evening was a masterly effort. Mr.
Brindley is one of the most attractive speakers we have heard
for some time. His manner is very pleasing, and his style
lucid and energetic. The Music Hall was crowded on the
occasion. The audience were highly delighted with his
forcible mode of illustrating the subject on which he
spoke. As the great majority of those who attended were
mechanics, paying only twopence for admission, we fear that
Mr. Brindley will be a loser by his enterprising course of
opposition to the debasing and atheistical principles of the
Socialists. We hope that this may not be the case. We
are sure that the Christian public of this town will appre-
ciate the services which Mr. Brindley has rendered to the
cause of true religion, and indemnify him for his expenses.