Star.
London, England, 1817-02-27 00:00:00

i titters with adertional power ; and to those who
requited evidence, he should reply, that if it were
disclosed, all clue to detectirm would be desttiiy ed.
S else Honourable Members had ref•rred to periods
of our histoi y, when no suspension of the Habeas Cor-
p:a Act was thought necessary ; but at those tunes
no such general disaffection and discontent existed as
nt the preseil moment. If it wzre allowed to cosi-
-o'me unchecked, the consequences might be dread-
ful ; the lawle•s scenes of 17Sts might be restored ;
and .then once the slnqid.lig of human blood had
commenced, the ~opular Jury was uncontroullatde,
the Noble Lord ss ho.spolce last had adverted to the
mutiny at tie iliac as a ca,e in point, forgetting that
the nor isie..is had_not only no correspondence at
home, but none abroad ; and that a cordon of troops
h d heed stationed on the banks of the river to in-
tercept any communication, should it be attempted.
The instance of Vat Tyler was equally wifortunate;
for the Rebellion had not. been termin ited without
the greatest personal danger to the Sovereign. nor
30.000 had taken up arms against him. l'hose
who ridiculed the recent disturbances and the preme-
ditated attack upon the Tower, would do well to
recollect Mat not niany years had
.passed since a
stronger fortress in another country had yielded to
the ti:,set of an infuriated rabbit. The suspension
was necessary to stop the progress of the evil, and he
believed that no man would wish to delay until it
was necessary to meet the organized rebels in the
field of battle. In the present times many dengers
threatened that had not existed at any former period;
f- and he conscientiously gave Isis support to the bill,
because he felt convinced that it would prevent an
lICtUAI Rebellion.
• Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY said, all parties were
agreed upon the inestimable value of that part of the
Constitution which it was proposed for a time to an-
nul ; sand there were few that denied that at present
great evils existed, and that those evils required a
speedy remedy. The question was therefore reduced
to a very narrow compass, viz Is this a casein which
it is necessary to have recourse to such a remedy,
and is the remedy adapted to the nature of the evils?
(Heat, hear.) The first point must depend upon a
preliminary question, whether other means had been
duly resorted to, and had this** means failed of suc-
cess? The Noble Lord (Castlereagh) had repeatedly
declared; that the utmost vigilance of Ministers had
been exerted;' but it was now quite clear, from subse-
qinet intelligence, that that utmost vigilance, in truth,
amounted to nothing ! .It was admitted by the Noble
Lord, that these traitorous designs had been pro.
carding for a cont;derable time before the aid of par-
liament was required ; yet. although Ministers bad
been fully apprised of the attempts upon the loyalty,
the morals, tend the religion of the people; though
they
-had been in possession of the libellous and blas-
phemous publications so industriously circulated ; yet,
its to the present moment, not a single prosecution had
been instituted against the authors—(Load cheers.) -
The excuse of the Attorney-General for this procras-
tination was most emu adrdinary and curious: in truth,
he said, the libels laid before him were so numerous,
that he could not see where prosecutions were to end.
Where they were to end, he (Sir Samuel Romilly)
did not pretend to decide; but it was not very diffi.
cult to determine where they ought to have begun—
(Cieterfreieel/ sides.) A Learned Lord, to the sur-
prise and dismay of his friends, had produced anoath
taken by man* deluded inhabitants of the kingdom,
with which Ministers had been some time acquainted.
Were they not aware, that the most severe punish.
ingot known' to the law might be inflicted on mdivi-
duals subscribing that oath ? Lid they not know
that it was felony without benefit of clergy, unless the
person taking• the oath .within fourteen days after-
. wards. abandoned his associates and betrayed their
purposes. As to the question, whether this suspen-
'non were adapted to the existing evils, the only indi.
vidual whet had &intended chit it was so was the Ho-
nourable Member who spoke last: he contended, that
as sufficient evidence could out be procured' to con-
vict, it was therefore proper to give Ministers unlimited
power to imerison. As the delinquent could not be
it/ought to trial, he was to be punished without it I
On the contrary. he (Sir Samuel Romilly) conten-
ded, that thin measure was in• no way calculated to
• ' meet the evil.. Government could fix upon no indi-
vidual of leading influence or talent,, whose arrest
would check the progress of disaffection. and defeat
the operations of the wisest agents : all were alike
insigeificant, and the extent to which the infection
had spread, and was spreading, .was the real evil.
Would the imprisonment of tem or three poor wretches
prevent the diffusion of the poison through all theist.'
tricate ramifications I If, indeed, they were pub.
licly tried. regularly convicted, and exemplarily pea
ousted, something would be gained—others would be
deteared, for the fact would be known 4 but the mere
unheaid-of 'confinement of two or three mechanics
would effect nothing in stopping the active mischief
of particular individuals. Where could Ministers
find one firm of influence or conseqeence among the
disaffected of our day ? Where could they .find even
a man of 'the middle rank of life, emotes the vulgar,
ignorent,'.and deluded wretches,' against whom Mi-
Slivers were about to launch their vengeance ? How
then could this suspension be useful. unties indeed
this Government followed the example of a State it
bad recently supported, against the avowed wish of
the people, in which not merely obnoxious indivi-
duals, but the inhabitants of whole villages and
towns had been thrown into dungeons:-(Load chars)
—Was not this,. be confidently demanded, a most
powerful reason for refusing what was now required?
Would the House entrust Ministers with a power by
which persons of low rank. in shoals, would be
placed at the mercy of every truckling informer ?
He (Sir S. Romilly) was not fond of snaking perso-
nal allusions, and he was the more unwilling now,
because the Noble Lord bad this night sliewn a re.
markable soreness upon some points; but he could
Nat help just observing. that there was a period, even
. of the Noble Lord's life, when he might have bad the
misfortune to tall under his own denunciations, and
to have been included in a list of a Committee of
gafesp. The liberality of the Noble Lord's opinions
ne one time, and the pledges of championthip in the
CAMPS or Parliamentary Reform. given by him at an
emly period of his political lite, belete he had en_
memento ace. or had been planted in any of the
Let-beds or nurseries for young Statesmen, might
Lime rendered urea hiss responsible in the eyes of ,
O and Mules the cansoqutaces of disaffection and

1

rebellion—(Lea twinned cheers and laughter ) Re-
verting more immediately to the question, he called
upan the House not to . withdrawn protection from
the lower'clasves, to which they were as much entitled
as the most exalted individual he was then addressing.
In every point of view, he thought the suspension ob•
jectionables the dangers might be great, but the ex-
isting laws had not yet been tried ; and if tried, they
would be found sufficient for every purpose of na-
tional protection. • '
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL, in reply to the
last Speaker, agreed that those who voted for the
measure must conscientiously believe that it was the
only one suited to the exigencies of the times. The
Honourable and Learned Gentleman then insisted,
that the existence of strong repressive laws was no
argument against the introduction of the present
measure, for it had teen introduced when all these
Taws were in full force. He also defended the Law
Officers of the Crown from the imputation of not
having resorted to those laws now in force against
certain offenders. It became them first, seriously to
weigh the nature of the charge, and the character-of
the proof, and though they may have a moral cer-
iainCy of the !goat, to wait until they could wain
legal. proof. 10 fact was, however, that several
prosecutions were now impending. Be the parties
,concertwil high or low, their plane were marked by
ingenuity, contrivance, continuity, and design
(I/eery—and however visionary some of their prin-
ciples were, the experience of the French Revolution
spewed, that that character did not make them the
less formidable, Toe question was really a choice of•
evils, and onahis round he must support the measure.
Lord J. RUSSELL had heard with great ago:.
nishment and considerable regret, the arguments of
an Honourable Friend (Mr. C. Wynn,. His He-
nourab!e. Friend had measured tare dangers of the
country by the distresses of the country ; he had said
there was a ‘veat deal of distress, theretore there must
be a great deal of danger ; and thus he condemned
the whole people of Eugland—(Hear). But was it
because the people were starving that they must be
daageroua? Was it because they had Wink their
sufferings with unexampled patience that they must
be accused of treasoneand deprived of the only con-
'elation which remained to them—that of being a
bee and independent people?—(Near). He was
anxious that the House should preserve its character
in the country at all times, but more particularly in
these times of general distress: and he was well per-
suaded, teat it they could secure the attachment of
the people, and induce them to bear their burdens
still longer with fortitude and patience, it should be
by manifesting a spirit of conciliation, by listening to
their complaints, and redressing their grievances:
land nut by depriving. them of what they valueJ even
' dearer than their properties and lives—their personal
security and liberty—( Hear).
Mr. COUR lENAY supported the measure.
Sir FKANCIS BURDETT was inclined to agree
with the Learned Gentleman who had recently spoken,
that the measure that night proposed for the adop.
tsars rat the House, was not brought forward for the
purpose of strengthening the power of the Crown.—
The measure, he was convinced, was not intended
either for the benefit of the Crown or of the People,
but for the benefit of Ministers, who find the trade of
profitable expenditure in danger of being lost. It
was for the overthrow of that system their fears were
excited, and not for any dread of the subversion of
the Constitution. What both that House and the
Country had the greatest reason to dread was, not
the Sisentean, but the es Asenuan system; that system,
the profligacy and profusion of which had entailed
unheard-of burdens on the people, and which had
created a debt, the very interest of which equalled,
he believed, the 'whole rental of the kingdome—
The Learned Gentleman had laid down a doctrine of ,
tile artist unconstitutional nature, and wbichhad struck
hint with the greater abhorrence, on account of •
legal authority from which it came. The principle
on which the Learned Gentleman wishes to suspend
the Habeas Corpus Act, and to clothe Ministers with
so dangerous a power, is not because there are per•
sons against whom any offence can be proved, but
because they are suspected. Men are, according to
hint, to be cruelly punished, not because they are
guilty, but because there are no means of proving
them guilty. A measure of greater tyranny than this,
he believed, never was entertained by any assembly
in the world. The Learned Gentleman, like all
who aimed at the introduction of arbitrary Measures
into this country, had referred to the French Revolu-
tioo. With that the question had no connection.—
What they had to consider was the British Coostitu-
don, for the full enjoyment of which the people
asked. The impiety of the French revolution formed
a prominent topic its the Learned Gentleman's speech,
but, notwithstanding all that had been said on that
subject, it did not appear to him, that there could be
any greater piece of impiety than a prayer which had
lately been read in ail our chinches. By that a prayer
was offered to guard the Regent against a pestilence.
Now he knew of no pestilence at present in this coun-
try, except the Pestilence of Government, which cer-
tainly never committed greater ravages than it did
at this mornent—which penetrates every man's dwell:
ins, is found constantly at his fire-side, .attompanies-
him whsiever he moves, visits him at all his meals--
in ahem that penitence which contaminates only
thing, the great pestilence of Taxation-411nm, bee.)
Did the great sufferings of the nation demand nothing
but i measure of this kind proposed by the Nebje
Lord ? Was this the only Trudy that could be
found for the public distress ? Wits it possible that
that House could resolve rather to coerce complaints
than' to seek to remove the evils from which they
arose? That this would be the case was evident, if
they believed the high law authority by which they
had been told, that a reason for passing this measure
was, that these could be found no offences capable of
being punished; and this was asked, though, the
powers of Ministers were already enormous. Could
the Attorney-General want to add any thing to the
monstrous power he possessed over the press-in filing
ex #i• intormations for libel, and in having the se-
lection' of the Jury which was to try the defendant ?
The Learned Gentleman thinks the riots of 1780,
when London was set on fire and the streets ran with
blood, nothing compared to the present danger. This
danger was constantly in the mouths of the Hon. and
Learned Gentlemen on the other side ; but they
would Dever coudeseend to tell the House in what it
consisted. There were societies and clubs. ira different
parts of -the country. ' He knew there were, and be

hoped there always would be. It was from these'
societies the petitions before the House for Reform
had come, and it was this petitioning that constituted
the offence which the Noble Lord and the Learn-
edGentkman wished to punish (Hear): but having
no law for this purpose, they Dow asked the House
to allow them to punish it without law. This was
the whole secret of 'the plot, and the Report before
the House—(Near, hear.) The alarm was raised
for the purpose of diverting the House from the due
consideration of the claims of the people; and it
his Majesty's Ministers succeeded in effecrieg this
diversion, they would gain their object—(Hoer, hear.)
If the Noble Lord thought that his measures would
silence the complaints of the people, be would find
himself grievously disappointed. lie might erect his
gibbets even in Palace-yard, that would not prevent
the public voice from being heard; and still his mea-
sures would be discussed, for it was not in the power
of all the Gagging Bills he could invent, to prevent
the people of this country from speaking their
minds—(Near, hear.) Could the Noble Lord shut up
all the population in prisons ? Though the Report
states that there are few, it any persons of consequence
liable to the charge of treasonable practices, it seems
to regard the whole population of the country as fit
to be placed under restraint. But the only persons
arrested in the metropolis for the treasonable pi evicts
of wbteli they had heard so much, were poor Dr.
Watson, Preston, and Hooper. This, to be sure, was
rather derogatory to the dignity of the treason with
which the Noble Lord wished to impress the House.
What apprehension could Ministers entertain e f such
persons ? In fact they had no apprehension but that
of losing their places. Among the statements in the
Report, there was one of a very singular nature ; it
was said that the conspirators entertained the design.
of destroying the bridges. What object they could have
in view by this destruition was not easy to divine; but
he wondered that the Report had not gone farther; and
charged them with wishing to id she Thames afire !
The Learned Gentleman, to whose observations he
had already alluded,. had talked as if a sort of re-
proach had been made against the Crown Lawyers,
because they had instituted no prosecutions. It would
have been a singular charge indeed to have accused
any Attorney• General, not excepting the present, of
disioclination to prosecute: and it was A proof of no
little modesty in the Learned Gentlemen to take
such a reproach to themselves. The remark that
there bad been no profile/titian:, was not made with
the view of wishing the Learned Gentlemen to resort
to the exercise of their professional duties ; it was
made to skew, that as they had not prosecuted they
had no proof of any offence. They allege, that
the persons who write the publications so much.
complained of are so cunning that they cannot
be caught in a libel. What was this but saying.
that there was no libel to prosecute ?—( Heal !)---
He deprecated that alarm which led to an implicit
confidence in Ministers. There was, in fact, little
differepce as to the hands in which arbitrary power
was placed. Its tendency was to corrupt the good.
There were many instances of the best-natured nven
becoming inexorable tyrants. He well recollected
what had been done by former Ministers who had
been invested -with the undue power propolltd to be
bestowed on the Noble Lord and his colleagues.
Under their authority innocent men had been con-
fined for years in dismal and unhealthy dungeons. A
young man, a viatchmaker, aged only 17, had been
arrested. when thd Habeas Corpus Act was suspended
is 1795, and he was confined during seven years.
When the time came for •indeutoilicatioo—if such
case, Which tut off seven years of youthful life, and
was. destruction of every prospect, was capable of
indemnificatinn-..the Noble Viscount (Sidmouth),
who would be entrusted with the enforcement of this
Bill, procured a law to be passed to protect his pre-
decessors against all actions that might be brought
against them ; thus shutting out the unhappy victims
qt their tyranny from all means of redress. The
power which the Noble Lord sought, was not a power
to apprehend guilty persons in order to try them, but
a power to commit the innocent, without being
obliged to bring them to trial at all—(fieer,
Why all this fear of the Smarm? The Report was
not brought out, and no alarm was given, until atter
the plot, as it WAS called, had exploded in Spafields.'
The Noble Lord's measures reminded him of the
story of the General, who, on joining the army the day after a
battle, said, he bad bees employed on a service of great danger
One hand-bill, it appeared, hail been cOmmissioned by a Police
Office; and the alarming hand bill, he doubted not, came from
the same quarter. This hand-bill commences—" &Men to
arms, the whole country waits the signal from London—Break
opts the gunarnitbs—Arm yourselves with a:l sorts of instru-
ruents—NO rise in the price of bread—No Regent—No Castle-
reogh—Olf with his head!"—Se etwifer Berrieshase —( Hear).
This was a most absurd foundation to builds plot on. No man
In England, be was cenain, would thus elms the Pnitee Regret
and Lord Castlereagh. It was very natural, indeed, that a Mi.
sister should wish to make his master believe in such an allude.
non. In that there was an intelligible object, and it was thificult
to assign any other object to so ridiculous a fabrication. It was
col the same sort of matinfactere as another NU which had beeni
exhibited in the City, undertbe *le of " Spa field* Row--4.110 it
my Boys." and the orwin of which was well known. In all this
Ise saw no plot but a plot against the Liberties of the People.—
He was sensible that be most now speak tuider the contruul of
the suspension of the Habeas Corpse Ate a but !swamped be would
be permitted to state, that he paid just as little respect to the
lemer'controut as, be was courinced, the Right Hon. Gentleman
dial tut ebbe opinion. If the Bill passed the second read:Lig, cud
went into the Comontter., he should propose some cLimes co mo-
derate the tyranny of its operation. In panicular, it would be
his object to guard soon, the hal:atoned torture—( Hear, dear.)
Did Geutlemen not cesisidet emir imprisonnient in damp and
dismal dungetuts torture ? It' should be his endeavour to take
care that men agaii.it whom there was no charge sufficient to
form the touuda ton of h trial should not hall victims to this cruel
laws-(Neer, .
Lord CASTLiREAGH, with great respect to the rank and
talents at the. Houourable Boren* and to the urbanity of his.
=inners, (which be was wrp. ised had not been atected by the
eompatiy be bid Vallee into,) could not help thinking that the
biouourable Baronet's spembes were not addressed for the pur-
pose of convinclug Parliament, but persona in another plice—
(Lewd Crikt OldiP)•
Lord ST ANLk.I room ter order. No persoh, whatever his
soughs,,, was privileged to impute to Members the intention of
addressing the:llBo,es In the Huse* to any bit Pam/intuit.
Loyd CAb FLEREAOH was not coo,uous of having imputed
to the Hon. Baronet a design of addressing himself to others ; he
only said, sod still cuottrusitd, that the Hon. Baronet did nut in-
tend to ptpdsee conviction in that Home, but elsewhere—(Leifaria 'Otero- aid dair)
The be4AKER said,that all speeches delivered in that House
must be toiltidered as addressed to the Howie only.
Lord CASTLEREAGH replied, that the Chaiesbould always
regulate his conduct • but certain be was, that it the country had
hasped to the theories of the Honeinuutable Baronet, be (Lord
Ca4lereagb) instead oh being there to receive correction- from the
Chair, should lout since have stood prostrate /ite,4) with the
rest tit the Constitution—(Jifren hear.)
Mr. PUt4SONISY thiaigli be did not agree with the Honour-
shie lionloet a, she solipsist neismi„ yet be thought the speech

with which the Noble Lord had found so math
noth'ng unconstitutional—that it was moderate
of great ability—and tl.at the Noble Lord %soul
if he bad not quarrelled with I.—(lbar, ker.
proposed, he hoped it would not supersede a
which he thought should take its course,and pt
Crime. His reverence for tLr lave pr(tOpierl to bc
amounted almost to ativet itr.V.PI; it SCR. Vs. M.'
liberty, and rendered the pour man srcute in
rich in hoe pgact.-..a st corny that the proodeo
else. H. trusted that the reverence fur rhea tat
diminished, mid it never should by his c0t....1%.
the con-piracy of famine acted on by mischlei ;
being confined to the lows r orders, was the vei
Ac, should not he supended.
Lord COCHRANt roe amidst reitera•ed t
tire!" to state, that he bad quite made up his
course Ministers were running, which would lr
to ruin—(Qutetion !)—lie would give his hum!
it was the dory of that House and et the emintel
the removal of the present Ministers—(Hear,late
Lion lay betwe,u military desionism aid lie datt
sea of the country. The Repot t is it stood was
must be a change of measures, it we whited tt
degradation, and ruin— (Hear, hear).
ihe Question was then very generally call
were excluded for a contiderable time, and the
Ayes, e73—Noes, 911—Majority, 176 —lt w
Bill should be read a second time this day.
Mr. LAMBTON postponed his motion.
Sir R. HERON put off his motion till after
Various papers were presented.
1 he Committees of supply and of Ways and
poised silt Friday, and the House adjourned at •

'i lii; AV IiNING ST

1 .0 IN DOA .

er The FIFTEIN TtOUSAND Puumns, and
vital., must be drawn N'ti r SATUKDAY, Fire

Price of Stocks 'Ms day at twelea o'clock
Cons. ino. 67 t—acc 67 ; 4 per Ct. ; 5
Excliequer lila 7 4 pr.—lndia Bonds :7 no pr.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY
As might be expected at a moment
posed to suspend that Act which cons:
protection of personal libeny, the
moos was yery fully attended last night

cussions were long, animated, and wart
Lord CASTLEREAGH, without offer
argument to shew the necessity of
moved the first reading of the Bill, vat fret
the Lords, suspending the Halms Corpt Act
—Mr. BENNwrr was iodignant that a measure cal::_
laced to deprive Englishmen of the Tr i 11 by July al
of their best Rights, should thus be brought iniawl
as a mere matter of course ; and was very free in Is
condemnation of the conduct of Goverment tines.
former suspensions, which had been urged as prec,
dents for this measure. He ridiculed the idea of sit
men in a waggon, with a stocking full of ammut.
tion, proceeding—to do what ?—.To attack the Toit,!
of London—to seize the Bank, guarded as it wa!!,
soldiery—to blow up the bridges—to occupy e!
barracks ! A Report of such trash, and recomm.n:.
ing such measures as were now attempted, deserve:
(he said) contempt, and he would trample it unde
his feet !—Lord CASTLEREAGH conceived the attack
of the Honourable Member to be personal, aad
was some time beio,e the House could prnce:d

regularity.
Mr. SMYTH (of Cambridge) remarked the
licy of stating the horrors of the Frenoh Rev°la,
as a reason for•depriving Etlglishmen of their r'
Had the French had 1 Habeas Corpus Act,
would have had no Revolution; nor could means
devised more effectually calculated to infuse the
principles into Englishmen which had produr
horrors, than placing them in the same
tuation which the French people then occupied.
Sir S. RostiLLY took a very simple view of
question. Evils and dangers existed Were the
sures proposed !sr remedy such as sl ould be purse
He thought that legal prosecutions against the of
der, should be n preferred. The legal convictini
one offender w, uld have more influence than ail
'Ministers could effect by the power they :Akita
The punishments of law instilled wholesome rt.
tions--but when men were confined without nial
reflections would be of a different kind.
The LORD ADVOCATE of SCOTLAND stated that,
revolutionary sprit had made alarming pi•lgress
the North, and, read an Oath of the CotistAratt4E,.
which they bind themselves to usephyrien/firee to g
their object : he also informed the !louse that eighti-
of these dangerous Conspirators had beet' atrtlt.'
and were now in custoJY.—The following paragrvA
rd sting to toese Art ests, appears in the Glass,,ca '
raid of Mondarlast :
" Saturday, about eleven oklock at night, eighteenmo ve
taken up upon a Sheriff's warrant, in a 'mad liUbllC.h(.llSe x :!1
farad of the Old Wyarl. Glasgow, and lodgel to ‘ier Slk•
lc is understood that they are ch.irstil t•oh tali;
met ter treasonable purposes. On being que,tioind at to
object of their meeting, they declared it Was wilely with the ti,r
of concerting nWasures for ascertaining the ipit-•o.:1, flow
they were entitled by Law to Parochial Relief ? A t•le,"
master and a lawyer's clerk were in tht company : tett
apparently very poor people. 5:5 nom ut tat latterd.. 'tor I
of persons were apprehended by warrants in the coitr•e of
night. Nothing has transpired as fo tlt katticulars irr the char'
upon which they have been taken up, nor ii it know!: whet/.
there are to be any more arrests at present. We have ravel
the names of the pi rsons apprehended, but abstain front papi:4'
lag them, uutil we shall see if they.ate.laffy consanittrd.'!

We have received the French Papers to
instant, but their collie its are Unit:tures:tug.
A Dutch Mail arrived this morning, aii,l'brMgs Pape:
21st incant.—No intelligence of illy import:acct.
The Ora orio and Sacred Music at Drurydane Thaw.
last night fully ittended, and the performance mach appituitA
Yesterday morning, anslar• the matt who turned
deuce aia-nst the persons charged with High 1 taa-oi,, taan:
went a long ecannuation at the Secrttary
Accounts, we are sorry to say, I:ave been receive:
from hilly of the death of Mr. Hons,En, M P.
The lieffast N.-unletter of the
.21A last:lnt conteim
the fullowiog Letter :
" PLOT DE TLC f Sj.—A letter front Garva, dated the I
stant, received in tans town yesterthy, says, "Front some
formatlen, last 1411 r, about to o'clock, Mr. Sampson, stdoill
by some other getalenten in this place, tank le ur 14 rer''
l-ismer, on accuuut of the Standard Association. Mr. i411140'
also found 4 huff of papers in the House of aye of them.
hare this day been sent front undtr 41 strong military oz.*
fur ibe gala' ut Derry. It Is thought that, it Mr. l'"
nut taken such prompt measures, this town wunld I,sve !..,.
in ruins before zaturday night."
—•

LONDON Prtutvi by Lava'. tit w !ticket-t',4
Pubbebtdtbuta, nig at UK bgis•Ulirc•r 1 amps.-Sc

tteb
ate Infaiutlt. ccucrt.t.a.,
told hxi, ',rem:
r..)
A lair tn u•
pun
thu•t-3
‘..kratk te.c
n hh (unit a,
t etttyt4t to. v. h.
aw *anti new. r
Thepresen
; and the diaut.t.
Ley r.,a,on why •••••
d CFiri of "
hie ai to I
I bring t 1,.. cow*
mble
-dry, to petinors •
,14ter).— I he qu.
Lugrrs and dia•rr.
WOrthirt s. 11.. eight
to atuidda,Jr •ri
ailed fur, rrntp, !hilt
kr Hawk.,r.,;t-1411
vas agreed that!
IhrW
r the troltdaye. the
I ro
Tbree k.
A?:
R. -ce
co
bet
id all the othte et
t of March.
(.71
S per Cent. Y 6;.
Ir.
27, 1417. 1
t when it is
sw
stitutes the cher roe
House of Cvn
;ht, and the do t.ii
arm.
Fering a sine
sf the measurr. 1

iroce:d wiia
d the imp% 40
Revolwilt
their righ.
r Act, th
ild means
luse the sa
liduced
degraded
:copied.
view of de.
rere the wo-i•
be pursuedi
list the offa
conviction:4
dill; ail V
r solicited.-
esome
loot tt i4l
ated that r'ri
pi•lgress
IstAratt4s, ,
rfcrce to g t
04; eightt-
!eh arrct,t.: 1
paragrap',
Glass,,ca 11., •
iteen nue D••
lie.hoise at ..!s
o jai 'tie vik•
v..oh havilc •
mrd as to 'lt:
with the vel
: tr.::
tt,T I
• co.,iro, of en:
ut tIK di.!!:
vow:: wheih:
have reeved
from otibl:4
nitted.7
to the 2',!'
lg.
Papers t:1!:
Thee•re Ira
applaviind
it ~ Wien: 4
e lightv•
,en receive:l,
M P.
NIA cowls:
tel the tath i
rant same
vion,
ut 14 vette.'
?.Ir. 4.0
them. Pv:,
military oz..
h,
th! I,:ac !..e •
Let- t ;