The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-04-05 00:00:00

TOWNSHIP OF EVERTON.

The Annual Meeting of the Rate-payers of this Township
was held at Halliday's Coffee-house on Thursday, the 28th
ultimo. The attendance was unusually numerous. JOSEPH
KING, Esq., in the chair.
The CHAIRMAN having opened the proceedings,
Mr. WILSON LEDGER briefly addressed the meeting,
stating that he and his colleague, Nlr. Henry Edwards, had
carefully examined the accounts of the assistant-overseer and
surveyor of the highways, and found them correct. They
had been kept with Mr. Shaw's usual accuracy and regu-
larity, and the auditors were satisfied that every possible
economy had been practised by the overseers.
The CHAIRMAN then read the printed summary of the ac-
counts, and asked if any rate-payer had any objections or
observations to make.

vv
Mr. JonN PARKER HALL, after professing his friendly
feeling towards the assistant-overseer, inquired why the ar-
rears, that appeared in the accounts for 1837, had not been
collected previous to the 25th March, 1838 ; and was in-
formed, that it was on account of the very same reason why
Mr. Hall's own rates, inasmuch as they had been paid only
a few minutes before he entered the room, would appear in
the list of arrears for 1840.

Mr. HALL understood that a trifling sum for rent had been
received, but that item was not mentioned in the printed sum-
mary, yet the accounts had been passed by the auditors, Mr.
Wilson Ledger, and Mr. Henry Edwards, as correct. Mr.
Hall then contended that legal measures ought to have been
taken against every rate-payer in arrears, and called for the
names of all the defaulters.

MILES BARTON, Esq. objected. He thought such a step
useless and invidious. Illness, absence, and many other
causes might prevent respectable persons from paying their
rates immediately after they became due.
Mr. SHAW said, Mr. Hall must be very well aware, from
his own personal knowledge, that he had taken every pains to
obtain the rates, without unnecessarily putting the parties to
additional expense. All that was recoverable of the rate in
question had been collected—some of the arrears were not
recoverable. _ _

Mr. WILSON LEDGER argued, that if the harsh and un-
gracious plan recommended by Mr. Hall had been acted
upon, the township would not have benefited a single farthing
from the result, whilst, on the other hand, it would have been
generally and justly denounced as calculated, if not intended,
to harass, annoy, and oppress the rate-payers. •He (Mr.
Ledger) complained that the time of the meeting was need-
lessly occupied, in their being thus obliged to listen to a re-
petition of what had been fully explained to the entire satis-
faction of the previous annual meeting, in regard to the rent
alluded to, and other matters of minor import. Mr. Hall
had either not attended the last meeting, or his memory was
so treacherous that he had forgotten what passed, and he had
since, it appeared, been hunting for information in every
place except where, it was obvious to every one but himself,
he might have obtained it. The accounts were before the
meeting—they had been carefully examined and found cor-
rect, as Mr. Hall had observed—the receipts, even for the
most trifling sums, were lying upon the table for general in-
spection—but if, instead of discussing matters of importance,
their time was to be lost in e-investigating such candle-
ends and cheese-parings" accounts as those which (from his
not having previously made proper inquiry) had misled and
bewildered Mr. Hall, what was the use, he asked, of their
appointing auditors at all? Perhaps Mr. Hall aspired to the
office : if he obtained it, no doubt all would be right in future.
After some further remarks from several of the rate-payers,
whose names we do not remember, the meeting became im-
patient, and Mr. Hall's proposition, amid the general disap-
probation of Reformers and Conservatives, many of the dis-
tinguished leaders of both parties being present, fell to the
ground for want of a seconder.
Mr. HALL then commented on topics so totally irrelevant
that he was loudly called to order ; and the chairman decided
that he must confine himself to the legitimate objects of the
meeting.
__ _

CHARLES HORSFALL, Esq., was prepared to listen pa-
tiently to all that Mr. Hall had to say relative to the paro-
chial affairs of the township of Everton, to which he hoped
Mr. Hall would limit his inquiry, and not introduce subjects
which they were not then met to consider.
Mr. HALL proceeded to propose a board of five rate-payers
for the management of the highways. This proposal, after a
short discussion, was found to be illegal, and was accordingly
withdrawn.

Mr. TATTERSALL then moved that Mr. Hall be appointed
as an additional auditor. The motion was rejected ; and Mr.
George Robinson's amendment, that the former auditors only
be re-appointed, was carried without a division.
Mr. WILSON LEDGER said,—ln consequence of the unfair
attacks that had been made, whether originating in personal
or political motives he would not stop to enquire, it was his
intention at once to move, that the cordial thanks of the
meeting be given to Mr. Shaw, for the ability, fidelity, regu-
larity, and economy with which he had conducted the pa-
rochial affairs of the township during the long period of nine-
teen years. (Cheers, and loud cries of hear, hear.) By
pursuing a course of undeviating integrity and urbanity, he
had obtained the approbation and respect of the wealthy as
well as the less opulent inhabitants of Everton, and it was
highly honourable to his character, that he had also given
general satisfaction to the poor.
The motion was simultaneously seconded by a number of
gentlemen from different parts of the room, and carried with

acclamation.
WILLIAM BIRKErr, Esq., as soon as the applause had sub-
sided, asked Mr. Shaw if he was aware that a bill was before
parliament, called a Bill of Improvement, which if carried,
would very materially affect the interest of the township of
Everton ?
Mr. SHAW was aware that a bill, respecting the general
highway act, the clauses of which he well understood, had been
brought into the House of Commons, and was then in com-
mittee, but he was not precisely acquainted with the nature
of the provisions of the Improvement Bill alluded to by Mr.
Birkett.
Mr. BrrucErr, in a neat, concise, and very clear manner
explained the nature of the bill, which had for its object,
among other things, to place the management of the whole
of the highways of the parliamentary boundary of the
borough in the hands of the Liverpool Corporation, whereby
the rate-payers of Everton will become liable to the sewerage
rate. This unexpected announcement excited considerable
surprise, and a long desultory conversation ensued, when the
meeting agreed to appoint a Committee to watch and report
upon the progress of the bill.—Mr. Birkett understood that
both the members for the borough were opposed to it.
The following officers were then appointed for the ensuing
year :
Mr. James Perrin, and Mr. Robt. Ledson, Overseers.
Mr. Wilson Ledger, and Mr Henry Edwards, Auditors.
Mr. William Shaw, assistant-overseer and surveyor of
the highways. •
Mr. David Griffiths, collector of the poor and highway
rates.
The following resolutions were passed unanimously :
That the accounts of the overseers of the poor and sur-
veyor of the highways for 1838, ending 25th March,
1839, be passed, the same having been properly examined
and found correct.
That Messrs. William Birkett, William Potter, John
Walker, Miles Barton, Thomas Tattersall, and Francis
Shand, be appointed to watch the progress of the bill
now pending in parliament, called the Bill of Improve-
ment.
That the thanks of the meeting be given to the late over-
seers, for their services and attention to the interests of
the township.
The chairman having left the chair, the thanks of the meet-
ing were unanimously given to him for his able and im-
partial conduct in the chair.
After the meeting was dissolved, Messrs. Pike and Pritchard
addressed a few words to their friends as they were retiring,
the meaning of which we could not collect.

We beg leave to refer our readers to an Advertisement
from Mr. Hepworth, the Aurist from Leeds, and from the
respectable references he can give, as well as the credentials
he has shown, we recommend our deaf friends. to avail them-
selves of his valuable assistance.
GRATIFYING TRIBUTE.—On Sunday last the parishioners
of Pennybridge Chapelry, in the parish of Ulverston, present-
ed their curate, the Rev. R. Kent, A.B. with a splendid copy
of Mant's Bible and Prayer-book, in four handsome volumes,
having the following suitable and gratifying inscription
"Presented to the Rev. Roger Kent, A.B. by the congrega-
tion of Pennybridge Chapel, on March 17, 1839, as a tribute
of respect and esteem for the faithful discharge of his minis-
terial duties."—The chapel at Pennybridge was crowded at
an early hour by those who were anxious to hear their minis-
ter's farewell address. The rev. gentleman selected for his
text the 16th verse of St. Paul's epistle to the Romans—the
same, he observed, which he selected when first he com-
menced his labours among them. His discourse throughout
was highly impressive, and many a tearful eve betrayed the
secret feelings of the heart within. Mr. Kent leaves the
neighbourhood with the best wishes of many friends, and pray-
ers and blessings of those among whom he has lived as their
spiritual guide.—Lancaster' Gazette.

NATIONAL EDUCATION AND CHURCH
EXTENSION.

A meeting of the friends of the Established Church
(convened by the two rectors at the request of the
deanery board) was held on Wednesday, for the pur-
pose of petitioning the House of Commons for grant
to aid in the building of schools in connection with the
Established Church and new churches. The room
was not so well filled as the importance of the occasion
demanded, though the company was highly respecta-
ble, among whom were a number of ladies. On the
platform we noticed a great number of clergy from the
town and neighbourhood, and many influential gentle-
men. The Rev. Rector Brooks took the chair about

half-past twelve, and, after the meeting had been opened
with prayer, said,
Ladies and gentlemen, having been requested to take the
chair upon this occasion, it becomes my duty to state to the
meeting the objects for which we have assembled together.
It has, for some time past, been evident to every reflecting
mind, that the circumstances of the times require strenuous
exertions and endeavours to improve and to extend the edu-
cation of the great mass of the people of this country on
right principles. (Cheers.) With regard to education itself,
it is no longer a question whether the people shall have it not.
Education will go on in some way or other; and surely, then,
it becomes the members of the national church to consider
whether they ought supinely to permit it to proceed without
endeavouring to give to it that direction which can alone ren-
der it useful. It was on these grounds that the National
Society in London, finding that those exertions were being
made in other quarters, and attempts to wrest out of the
hands of the established clergy of this country the education
of the people, determined to endeavour as far as their powers
went, to extend the system which they had happily intro-
duced into different part of the kingdom, but which they
found could never be brought to that state of perfection and
cf entensive organization which they desired, unless they
were joined by the laity and clergy of the different provinces.
The great objects which that society had in view were stated
in a paper put forth during the last year, and are said to be
three. I will read from that paper, because then I shall be
enabled to inform you more definitely what the society's aims
are. Their first object is stated to be—To provide a better
class of teachers, by superintending the education and im-
proving the prospects of schoolmasters ; 2—To ascertain and
bring into notice such improvements as might with advantage
be introduced into those schools in which the national sys-
tem is followed ; and the third, which I may beg leave to
draw attention to as one of the most important, and which
has hitherto been too much neglected, as least by members
of the established church—To offer to the middle classes an
useful education, based upon the principles of the established
church. (Applause.)
Now, through the means of individual exertion, a large
body of the poorer classes have been educated on the princi-
ples of the national church. We have no right to say that
individual exertion has not been busy in furnishing schools
for the instruction of the lower orders ; but, with regard to
the middle classes, I am not aware that there is one school

for that purpose. ,It is quite true that others have established
schools for the middle classes ; but I am not aware that we

have any in the kingdom in which facilities are offered for
the attainment of this particular object. When we consider

thai the great strength of the country lies in the middle
classes, it most surely be acknowledged as somewhat extra-
ordinary that we should have neglected what is now so ob-
vious. When the National Society determined to press this
subject on the consideration of the country at large, they na-
turally
looked to the best means of carrying their purpose
into effect, and they immediately observed that in the national
church itself they had a system ready organised, and ma-
chinery perfected, which they might make use of at once to
extend their plan to any length they might think proper.
They had a country divided into ecclesiastical districts, into
separate dioceses, with deaneries as subdivisions of those
dioceses ; and they saw that, by establishing at the head of
the diocese a diocesan committee, which should consist of
the clergy of thr cathedral church, together with clergymen
deputed from other parts of the diocese, and of the influential
laity of the diocese—(from which diocesan committee was to
emanate the whole system—they were to be the directors of
of it)—and by having under them deanery boards, to consist
of a fixed number of laity and clergy, and by a second subdi-
vision to establish local boards in all large towns and unions
of parishes, where the particular circumstances of each might
be attended to by those who had the greatest knowledge of
their wants—that in that manner there would not be any
difficulty in establishing a general system of organization
throughout the whole country.
They therefore consulted the heads of the church, and,
with the sanction of the Archbishop of Canterbury, appealed
to the different dioceses to assist in this matter. They not
only found great readiness on the part of the dignitaries of
the church, but great willingness on the part of the laity to
come forward on an occasion in which the religious interests
of the people were so deeply involved. Meetings have been
held and committees formed in almost every diocese in the
kingdom ; and those dioceses in which committees are not
yet formed, are prepared to form them immediately. In our
own diocese a meeting was held, under the presidency of the
Bishop of Chester ; a diocesan committee was formed ; and,
after the formation of that committee, a public meeting, for
the purpose of establishing a deanery board, was held at
Warrington. The bishop presided there also ; and it was
determined that deanery boards should be formed through
the diocese (which has been done), and that meetings, con-
sequent upon that at Warrington, should be held in the
deaneries, in order that persons interested in the establish-
ment of a general system of education should not have occa-
sion to come from a distance.

It is perhaps known to all who now hear me, that there
has been a wish, on the part of that party who style them-
selves " liberals," to establish a system of education in which
there shall be no distinction of religious principles—in which
it shall be their endeavour to meet the religious principles of
all, by having no religious principles at all. (Cheers.) Now,
to that the clergy of the established church, and 1 should
hope that I may add also the laity of the established church,
will object on conscientious motives. (Loud applause.) I
trust that, with the liberality for which the established church
is so conspicuous, she will never attempt to interfere with
the education of those who may dissent from her, on such
principles as they themselves may choose to adopt for the
education of their children ; but, at the same time, I hope
that she will show equal firmness and determination not to
be led away, by plausible theories, in joining to establish a
system from which the great essentials of Christianity shall
be struck out. (Cheers.)
It is on these grounds that we now come to you, the laity
of this parish, to assist in this great object. We come with
confidence. On several occasions that we have applied to
you to assist us in emergencies, most valuable aid was given,
and to an extent that has called forth the admiration of every
part of the kingdom ; and I hope and trust that you are not
yet weary of well doing—that the same zeal now animates
you which led to the establishment of schools for religious
education, and to the determination to erect churches for the
poorer portion of the population, to an extent which is cre-
ditable to the town. I trust that that zeal has not yet slack-
ened, and that, when called upon to aid in the carrying out
of other purposes, you will not be found wanting, for it is
useless to go a certain length and then stop. Your object
must be carried to its full extent. We have to contend with
persons—and I use not the word contention in an uncharita-
ble way—who are not slack, who themselves use every exer-
tion it is in the power of man to employ, to carry their ob-
jects ; and we, who have a great deal to do, should surely
apply the same energy to preserve what we have got that is
valuable, and not suffer it to be wrested out of our hands by
the superior exertion of another party. (Applanse.)
There is one subject connected with the meeting of the day
—the subject of church extension, which, strictly speaking,
is perhaps not a part of the object of the society, the fopclui-
. . .

tion of which I have now stated to you. It is not within
their contemplation to apply any part of their funds to the
purpose of church extension, nor is it the desire of the com-
mittee who formed the plan of this meeting that anything of
the kind should take place. Whatever is subscribed to-day
will be strictly confined to the particular ends which the so-
ciety has in view. But we had been requested to have a
meeting for church extension ; and it seemed to me that the
two objects were so intimately connected that it would be ad-
visable to unite them, and have one meeting only. Education
is useful in fixing religious principles in the infant mind ; but
attendance upon religious worship is necessary to carry them
out—to enable the man to employ them for the honour of
God, and the benefit, of his immortal soul. That can only
be done by providing churches ; and it must not be supposed
that education should cease when the individual has become
a man. He has always much to learn, and no knowledge is
more useful than religious knowledge ; and that cannot be
kept impressed on the mind without religious worship, and
keeping alive those feelings and principles which were origin-
ally impressed upon the child. The subject of church exten-
sion, therefore, is connected with, and as important as, edu-
cation. I hope, therefore, you will not consider us as having
deviated from the principle of the measure, in putting the
subject of church extension in connexion with that of educa-
tion. (Applause.)
Before I sit down, I have the gratification to state to the
meeting that I yesterday received from one of our represen-
tatives in parliament, now employed here in his professional
duties, the sum of .f. 50. (Applause.) It is not my duty to
enter into details on the subject now before you ; I have con-
fined myself to a statement of the facts as connected with the
establishment of the society, and shall leave it to the gentle-
men who will propose the different resolutions to enter more
into detail.

The Rev. Rector CAMPBELL then rose and said,—l pre-
sent myself before you, Mr. Chairman, to propose the follow-
ing resolution :—" That it is highly expedient to extend and
improve the education of the labouring and middle classes ;
but that such extension and improvement should take place
in connexion with the established church, so far as it can be
done without restricting the religious liberty of the people."
And although, sir, I conceive that in ordinary times, it is
better for the clergy, in compliance with the apostolic precept,
to " study to be quiet," and abstaining from every species of
public agitation, to confine themselves to the performance of
their appointed duties in their churches and parishes ; still I
am reluctantly driven into the conclusion, that in extraordi-
nary times like the present, when the unclean spirit of inno-
vation walks the earth, finding no rest, and allowing no one
else to find it—it is necessary to deviate from this salutary
rule, with this caution, however, that in all such deviations,
they take care to act in dutiful submission to the discipline
of the church, and to direct conformity to that parochial
order, without which the discipline of the church and its es-
sential character as an establishment cannot be maintained ;
—and that under such regulations, it is the duty of every
man, however humble his station and ability may be, occa-
sionally to sacrifice even Christian peace (and a painful sa-
crifice it is) for the sake of Christian truth, and arming him-
self with the best weapon he can find, though it be nothing
better than the herdsman's goad or the shepherd's sling, go
forth. in the spirit of religious confidence to meet the Phlis-
tines, who have come out against the church and people
of God. (Hear and cheers.) Influenced by this motive, I
appear before you, reluctantiy, as a public agitator on
the question of national education. (Cheers and a laugh.)
I do so, in the first place, because I conceive that, of all
subjects that present themselves to the mind, none can be
more deeply, I might almost say so painfully, interesting to
the clergy at this particular time, when the somewhat dis-
tempered activity which stimulates the public mind in every
way, is applied with such peculiar intensity to the diffusion of
anti-social principles, and the excitement of the working classes
to the pursuit of evil under the semblance of good. (Hear,
hear.) It will scarcely be credited but by those who have
taken pains to ascertain the truth, that in the densely peopled
manufacturing districts of this and the adjoining county,
there are loads of tracts issued every Saturday, filled with
blasphemy, sedition, and indecency, for the perusal of the
working classes on the sabbath day—(hear)—that school
books are issued from the same diabolical fountain of evil,
filled with immoral poison for the youthful mind—(hear)—
that blasphemous and indecent songs for children are printed
to teach the infant tongue to overflow with the outpourings of
indecency and impiety, instead of lisping the great Creator's
praise—(hear)—that copy books are printed for the purpose
of conveying the same poisonous instruction to the rising
generation of infant poor; and that laboured attempts are
made to corrupt the morals of the females in the factories and
domestic establishments, by the profuse circulation of tracts
filled with every excitement to profligacy and crime. (Hear,
hear.) In this town, a Sunday evening lecture is established
for the propogation of practical atheism—(loud cries of
" hear ")—a lecture attended, I am told, sometimes by hun-
dreds of the working classes and where cheap books and
tracts are sold, one of which I hold in my hand, and from
which I will read to you a few passages, as a specimen of the
general doctrine it contains. You may have seen the work I
refer to; it is called " The Law of Reason;" and these are
some of the sentiments to be found in it:—
" The existence of an immortal soul is an absurd supposi-
tion."

"Atheism is authorised by the infinity of God."
" Belief in God is merely a habit, mechanically acquired in

infancy."
" Religion, being founded on credulity, may therefore be
considered as an absurdity."
" It is impossible to be convinced of God's existence."
" From the following reasoning we can prove that atheism
is truly consistent with morality."
" With respect to the pretended revelation of the will of
God, far from being a proof of his goodness, it would only
be a proof of an evil design." ,
I need not wound your feelings nor shock your ears by any
further repetition of such odious blasphemies. But while
such mischief as this is a foot, shall we sit qui3tly in our easy
chairs ? (Hear, and cheers.) While such deadly sentiments
of false knowledge are at work, shall we doubt whether or no
it is our duty as Christians to employ the opposing instru-
ments of true knowledge ? Shall we be engaged in doubting
questions as to whether education is a good thing, when we
know that if the working classes are not taught to fear God
and honour the Queen, they will be taught to blaspheme
God and rebel against the Queen? (Cheers.) Shall we be
engendering strifes and divisions of heart, when we know
that there is a desperate unity of purpose in men, who are
covertly sowing to the wind that they may reap the whirl-
wind, and rousing the masses of ignorant men to the destruc-
tion of property and social order, and everything which, as
men and fathers of families, we hold most dear ? (Hear,
hear.) Surely, if nothing else could animate us to exertion,
prudence alone might excite us to the task, and urge us all
to unite heart and hand in raising up the barrier of a moral
_

and religious education against the flood of such an inunda-
tion of wickedness and impiety as must, at no very distant
period, break forth and deluge the land. (Applause.) This,
then, being one reason—l think a very sufficient reason—
for agitating the subject, there is another to which I have less
pleasure in alluding, but on which, nevertheless, it is neces-

sary to dwell. My conviction, and indeed the moral certainty
that a scheme for national • education is, as it were, the lever

by which a very active, and restless, and so powerful party
intend to upset the national church. (Hear.) In approach-
ing this part of the subject, I am anxious to disclaim any
offensive reference to the irritating topics of local contro-
versy, or the actions or intentions of those amongst ourselves
who have felt it, and feel it their duty to dissent from or oppose
the established church. (Hear.) There are political agita-
tors, calling themselves dissenters, to whom I will not say
we bear enmity, but to whom we cannot, certainly, pretend
friendship without hypocrisy—these we must regard as the
apostles of anarchy, enemies not only to our order and our
church, but to the British constitution itself, which, I believe,
it is their fixed determination to destroy. (Hear, hear.)
But I am sure, sir, I shall have your full concurrence,

when I say, that to those who dissent from the establishment
because they cannot conscientiously conform to it, we grudge
no civil privileges, rights, or immunities ; that we value
liberty of conscience quite as much as they do, and we are as
anxious to extend the benefits of it to the whole community

as they are themselves ; that in this matter of education, all
we ask for is liberty of conscience, and that we should not
have a national or municipal system of education forced upon
us, entailing a compromise of principle which in our consci-
ences we abhor, and that they will be content with the enjoy-
ment of their own liberty of conscience without destroying
ours. And certainly, if our adversaries had been anima-
ted by a similar spirit, they would not have interfered with
the system of bounties upon which the government have acted
for the last six years—a system to which they, at least, had no
right to object, because it was based upon a principle of
equality, offering £lO,OOO a year to the church, through the
National Society, and £lO,OOO a year to the dissenters,
through the British and Foreign School Society, if it was
claimed by a corresponding equality of exertion by the church
and the dissenters. And for a time this seemed to give satis-
faction ; but the moment we outstripped them, and educated
more children, and so got more of the government grant,
they murmured against it. The grant was given in the pro-
portion of 10s. for every child that education was provided
for ; and so the £120,000 which was granted, secured ac-
commodation for 240,000 children. But of that number, we
of the church provided for above 168,000, and so got above
£84,000 ; and this our enemies could not endure. It was not
education that they wanted, but education in hostility to the
church ; and so they forced the government to withdraw the
grant, and set up a royal phantom, in the shape of an educa-
tion board—

" If shape it can be called, that shape hath none
Distinguishable in member, joint, or limb ;
- Or substance may be deemed that shadow seems ;"
a board of. which I don't wish to speak disrespectfully, because
it is appointed by the crown, but which some cannot help
dreading as an invention of the enemy to get rid of the con-
servative influence in the House of Lords—(hear)—created
as it is by the royal prerogative—that is by Lord John Russell
—and fed with money by the House of Commons, and capable
therefore, in the hands of a dishonest ministry—l do not
mean to say that the present ministry is dishonest—(laughter)
—but I say that it is capable, in the hands of a dishonest
ministry, of producing an amount of evil that defies all calcu-
lation. (Hear, hear.) I feel reluctant to speak disrespect-
fully of the government, as I think it inadvisable, generally
speaking, that the queen's clergy should find fault with the
queen's ministers ; but I think there is here good cause. The
withdrawal of a grant, by the aid which we were working so
much good, was cruel and needless injustice—(Hear, hear.)
—and I believe our enemies never will rest till they have
forced the government to do what I still hope it never will do,
to establish a scheme of national education, entirely exclud-
ing us from all moral influence in the education of the labour-
ing classes. That such is their intention is perfrctly evident
—that such will be the effect of their scheme, as developed by
themselves, is as incontestably sure : and when I ascribe to
them this intention, I hope I shall not be accused of doing
them wrong, because they do not seem to attempt even to
cloak their meaning. In reference to the church, it is no
longer thought necessary to conceal the scowl of enmity
beneath the smiling mask of liberalism, or to disguise the
wolf of revolution in the sheep's clothing of reform. (Laugh-
ter and applause.) A war of extermination is openly
announced. Liberty being gained, equality is demanded ;
and as Haman had no rest while Mordecai sat at the king's
gate, so the political dissenter will never sleep till he has suc-
ceeded in tearing the church from its station next the throne.
(Cheers.) That I may not be accused of hazarding groundless
assertions, I should like with regard this demand for equality,
to read a few resolutions passed by a very influential society
lately established in London, called " The Society for the
Promotion of Religious Equality." One of these resolutions
says—
" That to compel any one to contribute to the support of
religious rites of which he disapproves, or of the minister of
a church from which he conscientiously,dissents, is manifestly
unjust, and at variance with the spirit and principles of
Christianity."
Yet they would compel us to pay to a system of education
which in our consciences we abhor as much as they do the
Church of England! (Hear.) Then they say,
" That state establishments, by which any particular
church or sect is selected as the object of political favour and
patronage, and its clergy are invested with exclusive rights
and secular pre-eminence, involve a violation of equity to-
wards other denominations, and are the occasion of inevitable
social discord."

In their address they say, "Without religious equality there
can be no complete enjoyment of political liberty ;" and then
proceed to say, " On every hand, in some shape or other, the
church and state question meets the politician. It is the
tithe question in Ireland ; the church-extension question in
Scotland ; the church-rate question, and the education ques-
tion, and the university question, in England.
But in no measures of legislation are the social and religi-
ous interests of all denominations more deeply involved than
in those relating to national education, in reference to which
a false step on the part of the legislature will bewith difficulty
retrieved." _ _

They then proceed to say, that they will exert themselves
by means of public meetings, the press, and other things,
" to promote the return to parliament of suitable represen-
tatives attached to their principles of religious liberty, and
entitled to the confidence of the religious public."
This, I think, clearly connects the scheme of this religious
equality society with education particularly.
Again, at a meeting for conference, between the united
committees appointed to obtain the redress of grievances of
Dissenters, and deputies specially summoned from various
parts of the country, at the City of London Tavern, Mr.
Baines in the chair,—it was moved by Mr. James, of Bir-
mingham, and seconded by Col. Addison, " That the meet-
ing recognised the great and leading principle of full and
complete separation from church and state as the true basis
on which equal rights and justice can be secured to all
classes of her Majesty's subjects."
In the primary address of the Congregational Union it is
said, " The commons of England have taken the field, and a
few campaigns will decide the question." . • • .
" And when we inquire what it is against which the com-
mons have thus taken the field, we are told it is the church,
which has always been, as a corporation at war with spirit of
the age, at variance with the commons of England, and hos-
tile to the liberties of the people." There can be no mistake
here. _ _

The separation of church and state, therefore, and the
downfal of the establishment, being the avowed object of these
miscellaneous enemies, differing from each other on almost
every point but the cordiality of their hatred to the established
church, and combined in one discordant concord for the pro-
motion of a religious democracy; and national education being
specially adopted as the peculiar instrument for this end, and
public meetings, petitions, the press, and electioneering ma-
noeuvres, for the return of suitable, that is radical, represen-
tatives being instruments by which this scheme of religious
democracy is to be accomplished, why there is no help for it ;
all you who are interested in the preservation of the monarchy
and the national religion, and are opposed to democracy,
must bestir yourselves : you must in your turn, have re-
course to public meetings, petitions, and strenuous efforts for
the preservation of that fair form of civil and religious liberty
which is enshrined in the sanctuary of the British constitu-
tion. (Hear, and cheering.) And we the clergy, however
disagreeable it may be to us, (and really 1 dont know any-
thing much more disagreeable than to have to make a speech
at a public meeting) must bear our part, and putting a tongue
into the bleeding wounds of the church, endeavour, like An-
tony, to ruffle up your spirits, and :stir you to the rescue of
the altar and the throne. (Applause.) And as national edu-
cation is the field on which our campaigning enemies intend
to tight, we must start at once and pre-occupy the ground,
for if they once get possession of of it the contest is at an
and; or, to drop this figurative language, if they once cajole
or bully the government into the endowment of so called na-
tional schools, in which secular instruction is to be the pri-
mary, and religious instruction the secondary part : schools
to be entirely governed by secular committees, in which the
clergy are to have no voice, taught by masters over whom
they have no influence, and into which they are only to be
atirnitted,on sufferance for a few stinted hours in the week,
as humble catechists to teach their peculiar doctrines to those
who don't object to be taught, why then our influence as the
religious teachers of the people is as inevitably, as it is inten-
tionally, destroyed. (Hear.) There is no use in was
ing any more war for the established church ; the battle is
lost, and the triumph of our enemies secured, as they very
well know. (Hear.) Hence the importance of the question,
hence the religious equality gentlemen press upon the iden-
tity of the education question and the church question, and
say that a false step of the legislature on this question will
be with difficulty retrieved.
No doubt it will, either way. Let us therefore bestir our-
selves, and beseech the legislature not to take a false step,
which will put all religion in the back ground, and overthrow
the established religion, and instal the religious equality gentle-
men in its room. Let us petition them either to leave education
alone altogether, or if they will meddle, to do it in such a way
as to give the Bible free course, and the national religion and
the national clergy fair play, and the protestant people free
liberty to come to us to be taught if they please. I want no
compulsion whatever : I don't want to force dissenters into
our schools, or to exclude them from education elsewhere :
I don't want to force them to read the Bible if they don't
like it, or to use prayer if they don't like it : but I do want
and have a right to claim the Englishman's birthright, liberty.
(Applause.) In education, which is an affair of conscience,
we must not be dictated to by any body, whether it be a privy
council or a town council—(cheers and a laugh)—and told
that we shall not use prayer in our national schools because
the pope won't allow it—(hear and laughter)—or the protest-
ant Bible because it will wound the conscience of the Jew or
the Romanist. If the pope won't allow his Romish vassals
to pray with us heretics, let them pray by themselves ; if he
won't allow them to read the whole Bible, let them read
Irish extracts if they please, but don't compel us to use Irish
extracts also. (Cheers.) Let them, in short, maintain their
principles, but don't let us compromise ours, or be compelled
to trust the education of our children to hostile committees
and hostile schoolmasters, who will inevitably prejudice them
against the doctrines and discipline of the established church.
We know by experience how easy it is to detach the fickle
multitude from the practice of religious observances and the
use of religious ordinances. (Hear, hear.) The new-fangled
registration act has answered one of its mischevous purposes

in this respect—(hear)—by leading men whose
pressions are weak to neglect the sacrament of bap
be content, as they are taught to be, with registration alone.
(Hear, hear.) The decrease in baptisms in this parish last
year was 537. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know how far it may
be accounted for in other ways ; buf I am strongly tempted
myself to ascribe it to this simple fact, that people get their
children registered, and think they want nothing more. It
is absolutely necessary to keep a watchful eye on what is go-
ing forward. If things called national schools are to be
established in every parish in which the pariah schoolmaster
set up by the government as a rival to the parish priest is to
teach morality without religion five hours in the day, while
the clergyman is to be let in when the children are well tired
to teach religion without morality only for one hour to those
who don't object ; why, certainly, the odds are 5 to 1 that re-
ligion is beat out of the field. (Hear, hear.) I cannot be-
lieve that the ministers of our Protestant monarchy will ever
sanction an experiment so hazardous both to protestantism
and the monarchy as this : but if it should be persuaded in
an evil hour to do so, I hope that the people of England will
do as you did, and build and endow scriptural schools, where
the word of God may have free course and be glorified—
(cheers)—and the ministers of the Church be allowed their
legitimate influence in superintending the education of the
Protestant people, which the still Protestant constitution
commits to their care. (Applause.)
But perhaps it will be said, that this is arguing the question
on very narrow grounds—that it is considering education only
as a proselyting scheme to bolster up the established church.
But the question narrows itself to this point, by the circum-
stances in which we are placed. Nobody now pretends to
exclude religion or the Bible from national education. Lord
Brougham's bill, for instance, proposed that the Bible should
hold its due place. It is true Mr. Simpson would exclude
the Bible and religion altogether from the secular schools.
He would not allow the slightest reference to be made even
to the history of the Bible. He would shut it out altogether,
and compel the national schoolmaster to confine his instruc-
tions to morality alone. Thank God the people are not quite
ripe for this yet. What they might be when properly
educated, I cannot tell. (A laugh.) They have not yet
reached this sublime height of Scotch philosophy. (Re-
newed laughter.) John Bull is not yet so far in his dotage
as to adopt and fondle as his own, this monstrous bantling,
generated by the union between the old serpent of Romanism
and the new serpent of liberalism. (Much applause.) The
question is now plainly this—whether the national system
shall be a dissenting system or a church system ? Our dis-
senting friends contend for a dissenting system, and because
we contend for a church system, they call us bigots! I will
answer this in the words of the Edinburgh Review:---
" We must protest against the blindness which can induce
any one to charge churchmen with bigotry and intolerance
for preferring schools where the doctrines of the church are
taught. Nothing in the history of controversy was ever so
unreasonable. A churchman as naturally prefers a school
where the catechism is taught, as a sectary prefers one where
it is excluded."
Then, as to the charge of indifference. I have already re-
pudiated this, so far as I am individually concerned, by my
declaration, that I think the question of national education
is the most important that can present itself to the mind, as
a means for the preservation of social order, national peace,
and Christianity itself—(hear)—as far as Christianity is to be
preserved by human means, and without the miraculous in-
terposition of God. And that which I claim for myself, I
also claim for the clergy in general. From the dawn of the
Reformation to the present hour—from the day that Arch-
bishop Crammer persuaded Henry the Eighth to allow the
Bible to be placed publicly on a table in the parish church,
and to be read privately in the cottages of the poor, to the
present time, the church of England has always wished for
the education of the people. And we, the clergy of the mu-
nicipal borough of Liverpool, have not been unmindful of our
duty. Within the last five years seven schools have been
built, and £20,000, I believe, raised for educational purposes,
mainly, I hope 1 may say, by the exertions of the local clergy.
(Hear, and cheers.) During the last year, the increase of
children in the borough has amounted to 1,000 ; and if it be
certain that we now have nearly a million of the children of
the labouring classes in our daily and Sunday schools, and
nearly certain, as Mr. Burgess calculates, that we have above
600,000 of the upper and middle classes in connexion with us,
what right have our calumniators to assert that we are either
hostile or indifferent to the education of the people ? (Hear.)
Far be it from me, however, to imply that we have done
enough. More, much more remains to be done, both in the
way of extension and improvement.
But we cannot make bricks without straw. We cannot edu-
cate the people without money. If the church of England
had what was stolen from her at the reformation by the plun-
dering liberals of that day, she would be able to educate
the whole people, and keep the poor besides. Were 1 not
ashamed to tresspass so long—(" No, no !" "Go on !") I
should like to tell you something about church spoliation, to
show how hands have been at work in picking and stealing,
as well as tongues in lying and slandering. (Laughter.)
" At, and since the Reformation, the church has been de-
prived of nearly two-thirds of her ancient revenues, calcula-
ted at nearly £6,000,000 per annum. According to Camden,
the suppressed monasteries were six hundered and forty-
three ; colleges, forty ; chantries, two thousand three hun-
dred and seventy-four ; hospitals, one hundred and ten.
' Some compute,' says Rapin, ' that the lands taken from the
monasteries would amount, at twenty years' purchase, to
£30,503,4.00 ; those formerly belonging to St. Albans' being
worth £290,000 a-year, and those to Glastonbury, £300,000.'
In the Edinburgh Review, No. 1,67, p. 69, the rent of the
great abbey lands is supposed to be £2,500,000 a-year.
" The revenues severed from three thousand public col-
leges, and the sees of Canterbury, York, and London, are
estimated at nearly one-fifteenth of the national income."
[The Rev Rector then enumerated the several grants to
the Russell family. His object, he observed, was to show
that the people had never benefitted by church spoliation,
and never would benefit by it.]
Then, as to the charge of bigotry and illiberality, about
which we hear so much in this present most liberal age.
When Mr. Brougham proposed his education bill, in 1820, who,
I will ask, were the bigots then? It will hardly be supposed
that he, the apostle of liberalism, would propose a very illi-
beral bill, and the presumption was, that the clergy would
look with natural suspicion at any scheme which came from
one who had been so cruel a censor of their errors, and so
bitter a satirist of their failings and infirmities. But who
were his opponents ? Who were the men who, in that day.
declaimed against any system of national education at all,
and finally defeated this bill? Why, the dissenters. I ap-
peal for a proof to a publication which never says a good-na-
tured thing of the clergy if it can help it—the Edinburgh
Review.

" The subject on which we are now about to enter, has
always appeared to us not only to be in itself of the greatest
and most permanent importance, but as that on which it is
most essential that right notions should be entertained by
every class of the community. The question is as to the best
practical means of promoting the education of the body of
the people—in other words, of improving, and in many cases
creating the religious, the moral, and intellectual character
of the nation.
The great difficulty arose, as was foreeen, from the mutual
jealousy of the established church and the dissenters : and
our apprehensions of misconduct were certainly long di-
rected towards the church. Their chiefs, however, have ulti-
mately made the most liberal concessions, and the legislalure
is ready to sanction a scheme to which we sincerely think no
reasonable objection can now be raised. Some of the dis-
senters, however, are understood not to be satisfied, and it is
from them only that any serious opposition to the scheme is
now to be apprehended."
The reviewer then goes on in laboured endeavcurs to meet
the objections of the dissenters, which resolve themselves
into this—that the national education was to be in connexion

with the national church ; and in point of fact they did defeat
the measure. It is curious to see in what sweet and laudatory
terms the reviewer speaks of the clergy, It is refreshing to
the ears to hear the harmonious strains in which Lord
Brougham also spoke of them at the same period :--
" -Before he proceeded further," he said, "he felt it his
duty to return his most cordial thanks to those reverend gen-
tlemen, without whose assistance they could not have ad-
vaneed a single step towards that point of their labours at
'which they had arrived—he meant the whole of the clergy of
the established church. It was, however, quite impossible
that any words of his could do justice to the zeal, the honesty,
and the ability with which they had lent their assistance to-
wards the attainment of the great object which had been pro-
posed as the result of the inquiries. * *
" He had said thus much in order to make out 'his case for
entrusting the clergy of the establishment with the execution
of the proposed plan, rather than any body of men in the
kingdom."
These were his lordship's opinions then. Now, it appears,
education is to be taken out of the hands of the clergy, and
entrusted to lay committees, the clergy being only admitted
as simple catechists.
Let me, however, now ask, in conclusion, whether it is
possible that a scheme of national education can be carried
on in a country so divided in religious views as ours. To
which I would answer that, if it is to be carrid on at all, it
should be in connexion at least with the established church,
otherwise I cannot see how it is to be called national educa-
tion. And if the government wish to try the experiment and
will call upon the national clergy to do their duty, I think •
they will find 10,000 men able and willing to answer the call.
To which I would add, that if they would but furnish us with
schools to teach all who are willing to come to us to be taught, '
I believe they will be surprised to find how few there will be
that will stay away. The Protestant Dissenters of England
have not that pious horror of our formularies that our ene-
mies imply, and if, as Mr. Burgess calculates, the numbers
who would refuse to come would only amount to 115,000,
surely some provision might be invented for such exceptions,
and the integrity of the national church preserved. (Cheers.)
The work, no doubt, is one of considerable difficulty. I
don't go into the statistics of the question, because I think
English statistics are not to be depended upon. But Mr.
Bu-gess, who has gone into them minutely, and who claims
for the church a million and a half of children, of all classes.
out of 2,263,000, admits that the number of daily scholars of
the labouring classes educated by the church is only 514,000,
and asserts that those educated by dissenters are not 50,000 ;
and although, no doubt, the number of Sunday scholars
swells the estimate, there being 438,000 in connexion with
the church, and above 500,000 with the dissenters, still Sun-
day education has I fear but a very insufficient influence com-
paratively in the way of moral training, and it is probable
that daily education is wanted for nearly a million ofchildren,
including infants. To supply such a deficiency without the
aid of the church will be somewhat difficult; against the will
of the church I trust it will be impossible. And why should
the government reject the aid of the church, and repudiat*
the services of so loyal and, may I not add, so enlightened a
body of xnen as the English clergy ? Why should they not,
instead of robbing us of the grants they have lately given us,
augMent them, and so encourage the building of schools
where the people may be taught secular knowledge on a well
ordered syst:an, but where Bible teaching by the school-
master shall form an integral part of the plan, and where the
national clergy, may be recognised as the authorised teachers
of Christianity, according' to the doctrines of the national
church ?
Let the clergy be called upon to do their duty, and if they
are fairly dealt with, I am sure no selfish feelings will be per-
mitted to interfere. We must, of course, have our partiali-
ties and predilections, and those partialities are not likely to
be exercised in favour of men who do nothing but deal us
" heavy blows and great discouragement,"—(hear, hear)—
and vex and harass us by spiteful legislation. Still, however,
in whatever hands the queen's government may be placed,
the queen's clergy. I am sure, will never be found in factious
opposition to it. (Hear.) But if our consciences are to be
forced to ease the consciences of others—if the Bible is to
be shut out of the secular school, and prayer to be prohibited,
and every kind of doctrine to be suppressed to please those
who will not believe the truth, why then I trust that the
clergy will be found as loyal to their God as they are to their
queen. (Great applause.) Then I am sure that they will
not countenance a scheme of disgraceful compromise, which
dishonours His revealed word, and will endanger her protes-
tant throne. (Hear, hear, hear.) But that they will resist,
by every lawful means in their power, a system hostile to the
diffusion of scripture truth, and fraught, also, I believe, with
destruction to that mixed government in church and state,
under whose wisely-tempered policy we have lived freely and
gloriously, and may continue to live happily, if we please ;
but under which, I believe, we shall not live long, if its
enemies should ever succeed in their revolutionary enterprise
to separate from it that reformed branch of Christ's holy
catholic church which is so wisely established among us, the
bulwark of the Protestant faith and the Protestant throne,
the preacher of primitive Catholic truth, and the faithful
witness and keeper of the unmutilated word of God. (Much
cheering.) I trust that the necessity.of such resistance will
never arise.
The Rev. Mr. BUDDICOM seconded the resolution. He
said that it was once debated in the House of Commons
whether the majority or the minority had the greater amount
of integrity, and, after much discussion, it was decided that
► the question could only be settled by vote. The vote was

lEk
, ~' ~,c7r.--7-4.\;-
'
,ze ...„ Ad
„::,3?-:1- . • 0.,
2'ic,,/ -.• it*
- .1.„, •,4-.-;,:_t.., ~ 1,
1*'...7.1 • A
-t•
reliAy
-Ai, , - .....