Star.
London, England, 1810-12-28 00:00:00

vrhiek perhaps naigist ultimately arise fa the p ,
of the proposed Bill for providing for the
the royal functions; that anxiety witich he fi`L:‘,'
aamCiotyi nii whichfte (4itic:t's:.:-
equalled by nothing more than by the surros7 w!
he, in common with the rest of his Majcsty'4
jests, experienced foidthseincual,
the 'suspension of the functions of the
"—Six weeks had now, passed since the ttinc::.:ri
Royalty were, as the Miniascas had inforaiti 14.
House, suspended,
not aurimi bed by both branches of the LeiLt„,4.
had assumed those functions. His Royal
declared that be was most jealous and Anxious that, 34
far as in his power lay, his Majesty's late Itliciaul
should not continue to exercise those functions whit'
they had so unjustly usurped. Ile was decidedly
opinion, founded on the clearest convict;
their conduct was highly reprehensible. It would be
found, upon referring to the Minutes of the s,
Committee, that he had cogent reasons fcr.
delay, and he nw- thought it his most sacred day
to call the attention; of the House to those Mi.
mites. By the evidence of the Physicians, it was ep.
parent that the malady with which his Majesty r
afflicted was established beyond doubt, anal:grin-0
him to state thus much ; but there came out this ad,
ditional and important fact, that there had not '0,.(,)
any personal commuuicat'on between his Majesty and
his Ministers during that period. It likenoe 4p.
peared, that not any of the branches of the R.•val
milt' had approached his Majesty.
House then suppose that his Majesty had any roll
his own ? Would the House endur..? to be ;.1 t!,,t
the kingly office was entire, becatic
been bold enough to take upon them-elves t!!( a,:mi_
nistratioa of that office ? What satistacti‘a
they have that what the Noble Earl had state,' was
the fact ? How could they be sore that unda
such circumstances his Majesty seculd Live dp.
proved of what they have done ? His Royal Fitg!..
ness could not consent to agree to such silectl,
lative conclusions, founded upon such rotten fa-
brics. In the estimation which he had formed of Lie
situation of Ministers, they were, aceklrding to the
Constitution of the Country, the confidential sorv.i:,:s
of his Majesty, to take from him his comm. n !s,
to act under them for the welfare ci the Country, for
the due observance of which they wee undoubtedly
answerable to Parliament. With this view cf their
situation of responsibility, he dared tl7ern to assert
that his Majesty would have advised those measures
which they have pursued. It was in evidence that
they had not approached him for the last eight week.,
and none of the Royal Family had been allot, ed to
come near Ms Royal Person—[Here his Royal High.
ness was very much affected.] His Royal Highness
claimed pardon of their Lordships for the expressions
of agitation which he had evinced, is alluding to the
delicate situation in which the Royal Family were
placed. He contended, that if it was proved the
Lam Ministers had exercised a power which they had
no right to, they were culpable ; but even had they
I been frightened, hesitated, or stumbled, they would
have been equally blam able for allowing the MA-
gistracy to be inactive. A blow more serious had
not been struck since the Revolution. The Sovereign,
by the Constitution, was a sole corporation, he nevi
dies, he enjoyed, as it were, a political immortality.
In allowing the authority to slumber, they had coin.
I mitted a regicide act against the Chief Magistracy.
The country had been amused and disappointed by
them with fallacious reports of the state of his Ma-
jesty's health. In expressions of affection for his
family, his Royal Highness equally participated
with his relatives, and he was satisfied that nothing

,would so confirm that union, which was so desi.
rable, than the adoption of the Address. He could
not separate the idea of the welfare of his Sore•
reign and of his country. What affected the one met
of necessity concern the other. If the Constitution
was in danger, the danger alike appertained to his
Royal Highness's Father and Sovereign. Ile stood
up in defesee of the Monarchical Government, and
to this House he looked with the utmost confidence
for support. If the House would support the Con-
stitution against the encroachments of Ministers, they
must sio so by upholding the rights of the Crown,
which would thereby preserve the dearest interest of
the people. Ministers, however, had made a shield
for themselves of the Sovereign Authority, instead of
themselves shielding their Royal Master. They 'fiscl
in fact endeavoured to raise • their own power on the
ruins of their Royal Master. In what situation was
the country placed in the present crisis. It the liouse
proceeded by Bill to provide for the exercise of the
Royal Functions, the States would assure to these
selves.all the right of legislation. If the States, there"
tore, could select a person. it would be dlficult t
oppose the election of such person to fill the va-
cancy. The Constitution forbade such usurpation,
and the two Houses, being equally bound to Er
faith with the other, would not find much difficulty
in the election, which, by the htreditary succession,
was vested in the Heir Apparent. With respect
to the restrictions endeavoured, or at least submit-
ted, for impositions, those must not, could not, he
tolerated. The Regent must be invested with fell
powers, in order that the Government should be
efficient. , He must not be a mockery of regal state
and posver, but an efficient magistrate with those
powers usually given to the King. His Royal High-
uess, in support of his proposition, referred to autho-
rities, in which provision was made in this respetfe—
For the space of eighteen years it had been his fate to
reside on the Continent, where he had watched the
progress of revolution, which, with rapid strides, bad
been hastening the downfal of empires, of states, w
the almost entire subjugation of modern BusoPe- In
that progress, he had invariably found that the first
step to revolution was the bringing into contempt the
Magistracy of the realm, by injurieig the reputation
of the Sovereign in the minds of the people. Agalltlit
this sort of danger he Warned the House. The peolLe
possessed an excellent Constitution, which was origi-
nally erected on the basis of a glorious revolution,
which' time and perfection had rendered more bone
tiful ; if any encroachment was therefore suffered on
any one of the three brAnclies of that Constitution,
the total destruction of that grand
wisdom of man would be the consequence. h
this feeling he slould coecl.h.le wiih praying the a:-
tentitm of their Lordship to th twist imvrtantc,r;
cumstance, respecting the st4te of the country; I.
:
vital principles of the Constitution one gone it t 4
Magistracy were brought into cliw-ellttle, And_he cu.
net do better than by quieting ale worl, ut •.);...e
6 •

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