Star.
London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

in France to see the military oast rah.= ofthit tota-
-1 try NY Atari:at troops for a perieroryaddr:lf'ottr.
Government wished lig preserve Owego% dynasty
of France, they wouhl prevent stallion eacketraintin
the minds of the French arniy, by suffering a.prittei-
I ple to be carried into effect which was hostile to the
(feelings of the people of all nations--(Afeor,
At the same time, he could not think of a war under-
taken without the concurreneb of the people, and in
which the hearts of the nations in alliance with us
could not concur. But were there no more nteasanes
than that of war to work upon either Austria or Na-
ples? Circumstances might occur which would make
our interference with Austria valuable- to herself.--
.We bad engaged to Sicily not to suffer her to sot into'
a worse situation than that in which we left her: but
she had been put in a worse state, and we should, by
arms, declare that Sicily should have no Constitution
forced upon her but such as she might choose in'her
ancient Parliament—(Hear, bear).—We might then
negotiate with Sicily at our back, and we might limit
the power of the Carbonari. Ile knew the attach-
ment of the Sicilians to this country. It was begun
in mutual danger, and cemented by glorious battles.
He hoped the House would adopt the proposition, to
shew to Europe the determination of the House to
fulfil the engagements of this country.

The EarIofWESTMORELAND held it to be.ex-
traordinary to make a proposition of this kind, when
they had been told, the last time they were assem-
bled, that we could engage In no Continental war, as
sVe were so distressed that we were almost the laugh-
ing•stock of Enrepe---(llea►).—Ministers were very
unfortunate in every measure ; for whether they made
war or peace they could not please their antagonists.
The Earl of DARNLEY contended, that, standing
as this country does, it was bound to interfere, to
protect from military occupation and despotism a
countty whose only offence was a love of liberty. In
an animated tone, the Noble Lord called upon Noble
Lords whose ancestors had defended. those principles
which the Holy Alliance was abOut to subvert, to in-
terpese between the People of Naples and the Allied
Monarehs. His Noble I!ricnd had taken a fair view
of the.consequences of this march of the Austrian ar-
mies. He would ask, by what means was Austria
enabled to do this? By the money of this country?
—(Hear, hear)—for Austria owes to•Great.Britain no
less a sum than eighteen ►millions I—(Hear, hear)--
the principal and interest of a debt due for twenty
years. The Austrian Government was, therefore,
bound to pay respect to the interference of this cottn-
try—(Loard cheers).—He understood his Noble Friend
recommended only moral interference, and, in that
point of view, he would support his motion.
Lord CALTEIORPE thought this country owed it
to Europe to manifest its deep and lasting concern
at the hostile measures about to be carried into effect
against Naples—that we could, with some claim to
attention, as stated by the Noble Earl who had just
sat down (Lord Darnley), call upon Austria to desist,
and thus save her from a dishonoured name, and this
in friendship to Austria herself. He cordially con-
curred in his Noble Friend's motion.:
The Earl of ABERDEEN said, that the Noble
Lord, without any further information as to the
grounds of the invasion of Naples,' called upon the
House to depart from that line of neutrality, of which
it had, by its vote, eo recently 'approved. He begged
to be understood to espross no• approbation of the
principles of the Holy Alliance, or its assumed right
to interfere in the internal regulations of other na=
tions. Austria, as a member of that -alliance had,
no doubt, called upon the others to support her, and
therefore he entertained no doubt that they would
support her. Whether Austria can or cannot be jus-
tified in interference with Naples, or any other coun-
try, was not in the present instance the question.--
Although there was something captivating in the
name of liberty, still that would not be a sufficient
ground for our interference, merely on that account;
although there was always something magnanimous
in supporting the weaker party, still it-was not a ne-
cessary consequence that the weaker party was always
in the right ; he should therefore oppose the motion.

Lord lIOLLAND said, many reasons concurred to
induce him to support the motion of his Noble Friend.
The state of his health, however, would prevent his
speaking at much length. , The Noble Earl (Aber-
deen) had stated to their Lordships, that his Noble
Ft lead had mistaken or misrepresented the Manifesto,
and had argued throughout on that fallacy, that the
Allies (at least the Austrians); hid not understood
our views. His Noble Friend (Lord Lansdown) had
called upon the Hosise to pass the Reiolutions, not
on account of the actions of the Austiians, but of
their language. If the Noble Earl (Aberdeen) said
he believed all the principles avowed by Austria in
the Manifesto, would his Majesty's Ministers say that
this monstrous—this disgusting paper—is in unison
with the views of his Majesty's Government?—
—(Hear, hear).—The only two powers that have
differed from those principles are the HOuse of Com-
mons in England and the Chamber of Deputies in
France—(Hear, Hear).—The Noble Lord said, the
only object of the motion of his Noble Friend, was
to induce us to abandon our neutraity. He (Lord
Holland) contended the contrary was the necessary
consequence. A Noble Peer had said, our interfe-
rence would be an encouragement to the people to re-
sist ; and yet, at the first moment, Ministers had net
hesitated to express their displeasure at the mode by
which the Neapolitan Revolution had been effected.
Was that, or was it not, he would ask, friendship to
Austria ?' Austria had either misunderstood the
views of this country, or had misrepresented them
to Europe, and he defied the Noble Earl to get out
of that dilemma—(Hear, hear).—The Noble Lord
said, he believed Austria sincere, and there was no
quarrelling with a man for his belief--(A laugh).—
The Noble Baron then read the concluding paragraph
of the Manifesto of the Allied Sovereigns, and' cha-
racterised it as the most atrocious, because, under
the mask of hypoc'risy, it veiled the most tyrannical
designs. It %las said in this Manifesto, that they, the
Allied Sovereigns, were desirous of peace. Peace, in-
deed; Why, if- they were so, had they -kept up such
large establishments? He denied that this motion

recommended war. On the contrary, it .was desiined,
in his opinion, to avoid 'year. There was no man
„more anxious to avoid wir than himself. They. Were;
'not called upon to go to war, but they were odled
upon to vindicate The sentiments of this country,
Which wets imisrepreiented by Austria; and, what.;
ever might he the coaselitences cif such ax►ruceediui,