The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-05-07 00:00:00

THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL.

1 - ..
It NAveht,but Three of the Engagement of Mr. CHARLES
• E--i oeing his PARENVE VISIT TO LIVERPOOL, pre-
vious to his departure for the United States.
etolittoßtadwetlrite
rilLytiliS
fo present TUESDA—Y, the ith instant, will be per
Liaopul,ar new Play, written by Sir Edward
Dar, called the
j, A'OF LYONS;
OR, LOVE AND PRIDE.
N Claude Alelnotte .. .. .. Mr. Charles Kean. _
4-anlit,..d,aß(amari;Dahsegentlenn ... Lyons).. Mr. W. Howard.
Lionel • Vlaris (his friend).. Mr. W. H. Bland.
sc(haafpterzaersds General).. Mr. Baker.
Mrs. Clarke.
P,H043 t Pauline Deg pp Miss Faucit.
h . 0 ttle play, r,
-
eQrtlrreßons to the Afterpiece, "LA VALSE APPAtit
P°ld and arranged (on Themes from Donizette and
'4
concludeßalfe) by Mr. Aldridge.
with the popular Melo-Drama of
boil iia RAYNIOND AND Aq,NES.
Itnond. .................... it . Mr. W. Howard.
Theodore.. Alr. Biliiir.
Baptista ..... ••' • if Mr. Gray.
Ine, llarg uerit ..... ........ .Mis Cleaver.
l'illcie,4-otfie.e. ........ . he. . p.e.ned .......... 'When ........................
Ilire,"111' Places taken, of Mr. PARKER, from Ten until

31kb
15
VESTRIS, MR, CHARLES MATHEWS,
**
MR. POWER,
Ne— Minent Metropolitan Performers are also engaged:
ohttliotiee
will be given of their appearance.—An arrange
-
also been made with
tht
MR HACKETT,
dated
A.meri4can. Comedian, who will make his ap-
n the early part of the Season.

Itherpeol &tanbarb.

71-TESDAY MORNMG, MAY 7, 1339.

The Gre
41'1, at /Vestern, which was expected on Satur-
trqe7te it
Bristol, does not appear to have arrived up
to 1 r( aY
ti.at - morning, as no intelligence was received
she aZect at a very late hour last night. Should
ettti,ti ' 11l tiroe for us to give the news in a second
tool4forw.e. 8114 give as copious extracts as we have

Ive have
received the Tobago Gazette of the 25th of
rY
4-ept,tl -t contains very little news of importance,
gwhat is included- in the following remarks :
f4)ta t8,,e611 that such an infhlx of merchant vessels
Covi"atand has been known at this island. The
Net4i; /illicit we understand arrived on Thursday,
Naloute shinglyastoni quick passage of 22 days from
Le°4l3 ,A 11,., It to he regretted that some of these
'1,41141' have to remain a considerable time for their
"qt from not 'that the produce is deficient, this year,
the lal. the deficiency in the numerical strength of
heell:urers in the island; a deficiency which has
,ste or less felt with a areater or smaller crop for
'tater-i'le Years back; but which is now. considerably
l:eaß.td 11.3sarn the defection towards prxdial labour ex-
-1°6% (~1. a number since their manumission." The
`rll(litio,:azette contains a long article, in which the
°f the a: et' the British labourer is compared with that
I,.triltia2`gr° in the West Indies. The contrast is very
Ce„,' and cannot fail to surprise those readers who
"t Steil, "in the habit of wasting their sympathy on
Mllltoiif.4l, well-clad, and comfortably housed negro,
kre lectA • . '
T. t°
f infinitely more deserving of compassion
'etcl °Und around us in every direction. We
Ileditioneuter into any details to prove the miserable
L4' been t° Which the labouring classes of this country
ams 'educed. It is well known that the able-
. 4% of —ne "g them are forced to work harder than any
RtA,
4 them°D.°es, and for a pittance which barely ena-
ti°ll.
Ikeep themselves and their families from
,:ellrer?
I-uut what is the condition of the negro-
leg
' the 1, 1-kt the Jamaica Morning Journal, as quoted
that °tricl Gazette, furnish the answer. After stat-
,ll retit " British labourer, after paying an account
!,I'rcll44ll fuel, has seldom more than ss. or 6s. left
01e use food and clothing, to pay for washing, &c.,
caita the Journal proceeds to state that, " the
dauu,wrer, at the minimum rate of wages, gets
ao
rent
ys hire, 3s, sterling, or ss. currency. He
Ntld t° Pay, no fuel to purchase. He has his
tilt 8, or t '
4 acre ' ° speak more intelligibly, from one to
acres
land, generally the best on the property,.
grows cane, corn, yams, cocoes,plantam.,
tt
house'er beans, i
ochroes, &c. There s also his
IN el. 114, and his pear, mangoe, and other fruit
,or
(1`) as
4.1.8 pig or pigs, poultry, and perhaps a
•
his nk eV His grounds, poultry, and pigs
. •
'1(1 at least on an average, on this side the
tZvi: l°
isti sB. currency per week, over and an above what
tiZeee, vegetables are necessary for his main-
N 1 ere, then; we have, after the supply of all
'ehil-cessary, if we except fish or flesh, ISS. per
Ni,e
1)11,i Was Y 3 or 9s. sterling, being is. more than the
1 thee
4)1(13(.4 the English labourer, and this after al-
'• 4d. per week for rent, and which rent,
,
Made the instrument of tremendous op-
11, rer, wiltkule Jamaica landowners. The English la-
Jan, 813. per week, can hardly purchase bread.
Zet, ha4l-Ica labourer, besides 3s. per week money
'j
abundance of yams, plantains, potatoes,
)t.lirtairtatti
.'e, beans, and esculents of every descrip-
iliitn aftu abundance, pumpkins, melons, &c., that
ktAt er deducting what he consumes himself,
tnore per week in the markets of this city.
k)7er at * But we have rated the Jamaica
avoid the very lowest amount of wages, and done
-t the e quionting toat mig
te h
might take place. The
in ril4re to account would he very much changed if
ii );Sit),, take into consideration the extra sums raised
h:4,' 7, 7 ea,,Zer:htohlees, picking coffee, &c.
rd_ • lah„ At these
people earn from 2s. 6d. to 6s. Bd.
144 k arkl that without any deduction for rent of
kr"nds• In some parts of the island the
"e ar
ktt,r4lt, a„ePaid Bs. 4d. currency per week, exclusive
h;1414)" in others they receive, for cutting canes,
1)tio41,11411.1111, &c., from 2s. Id. to 3s. 4d. per day—
tirt \‘' the earrency per week is besides considerably
k11,;1111 tla4verage amount earned by an able labourer,
kk 44 ee districts where is. Bd. per day is allowed,
tt4
of Per week is deducted for rent. The plain
11;,,N thaet is, that there is no comparison whatever
eoo i• e English and Jamaica agricultural labourer.
•th ttio II •
to), e tithe of the one is infinitely superior to that
414 y e r; and of this fact any unprejudiced per-
111:ikri Of li• cuvince himself, be he who he will. There
40tIati. t, less tyranny, and less oppression in Ja-
tlq
'felt
all that has been said, than is
ille° in that country where so much is said
bliellos;i.iB known of us, our manners, customs,
rtat,11.1011,.,,
tllat tLr' will perhaps be still further surprised to
kt)khi h ue above is the language of a liberal jour-
ttt is ,
ttt 1114 t c°noucted by two gentlemen, qf colour
V:,114 iviZtirrinny, from so unexceptionable a guar-
Ba
ry laqie venture to assert that the p
lantern r.;of the
It)t4 ets are
ti are tyrants, and that the emancipated ap-
? \Va ,grnund down under a yoke of cruel des-
)ould it not be much better if cur philan-
hle 11)uld bestow a little more sympathy on the
"dsrocn in our own country ?
1 tier

4 alesty's packet Mutine we have received
kvtil : "f the
-4 ititiJamaica Royal Gazette to the 23(1 of
N''''.
litlive' Our files of the Despatch and the
111, y ai, . .
14it4 Is and titssing.
IN , al from Jamaica opportunely supplies us
fl ea •
tl e.j4te Information pertinent to the subject now
I
kl ,tt
the prospects of the island appear to be
11a4 t ever. The authority from which we
'') illante ° quote, is one by no means favourable to
bicftee Ofi.; The following appears in the Royal
0,
).
la larch 23d :
klh 11 LANI).--Tin-le flies on silently and swiftly, and
kttr, ild 3
IL tilt 'dio4e42ther packet ready to leave our shores, con-
,:t ntlki 41 a distance, no doubt, contradictory accounts
'Nol'' are s,ta.te of the island. Some there are who contend
l kl,e,;eypi. "'ng as well as can be expected ; but this is an
1 h„iyine't, and may be equally applied by those w :iti le ha that the country is going on prosperously, as
titNtl!4t th:ret.hink differently. It is, however, most 2Y
4._ !8 nothing like the quantity of sugar to
on
1: yer,sta'mtactured at this period of the year—that
~ttl,,,Pktt white2,.if the manufacture of sugar continues. only
tNi trot, co, it has hitherto done, it will be impossible
Ilit tlt Or t°
he taken
V h,7 't
arld taken
off in proper time to prepare for the
%.`'llt Eict at proprietors and managrs foreseeing
ktllNl,,t, tortl,4.llY had canes cut and burnt. to allow the
4 hares tro , trusting, that by sacrificing a portion of
kd,, I), the ne,rroes may be more settled, and they
V"1,1 'letter I. e;;
, qh, 01•41)1e ciiance of succeeding next year.
It 5 tli. ' &tate of
4, NI ' tail, f .. after culti-
tkings, that the planter,
Oh Iveuitt .or the last twelve months, now that it is
vlll4titar, butYalel.(.l
chsim a return, cannot get it converted
Nitleraeve itu 11 rate as must entail a loss, and that
ill !it , trot,. 'otherwise he loses also the chance of his
tilli/t ih7faleat'
at ii. 'altl,3 I°4 in the actual return of the sugar crop
t this :' and the shipping which usually were about
Period of the year,' are laying without a cask

on board, and without any probability of getting away at an
early period of the season. Yet he would not have it con-
sidered that the people are not working ; they do labour, but
so unsatisfactorily, that we understand many gentlemen con-
nected with estates begin to lose all hope that there ever will
be a reaction, or that this island will continue what it always
has been eonsidered, a sugar making colony.

" While the period of crop is progressing on the one hand,
on the other we wait in anxious expectation of the result of
the resolutions passed by the Hon. House of Assembly, in
upholding their rights and privelcges, as a free deliberative
legislature. On this head, there are various conjectures,
some conceiving that the right of the House will be conceded
by Parliament—others, that one system of legislation will be
pursued for the whole of the West India colonies, on all
matters of general interest, leaving it only in the power of a
Legislative Council to propose such modifications as to suit
the various colonies intt'he application.
" Our opinions on these subjects have been frequently
placed before our readers, and which are as follows :
" Ist. That we should either have a free and unfettered
deliberative assembly or none at all.
" 2nd. If we have a deliberative assembly, that the right of
the Crown to allow or disallow all acts should continue, and
the wishes of the government should appear in the form of
recommendations only.
"3rd. If the deliberative powers of the assembly are to be
suspended, and laws are to be passed in the Imperial Parlia-
ment for our guidance, that we should be represented there.
as it cannot be supposed that we can submit tamely to lose
the dearest birthright of Britons—the right of representation.
" We confess we are of opinion, that for some years the
latter mode would be most advantageous to the real interests
of Jamaica; and should it be carried into effect, we consider
the first duty of the inhabitants would be, to claim, by in-
stant petition, the right of representation, and that no law
should be, put in force until our representatives have a voice
in the formation of that law. These are, however, merely
speculative, and yet they are such as we ought to keep in
mind, and be ready to meet.
"We understand, that a long correspondence has taken
place betwixt his Excellency the Governor and Mr. Custos
McCornock, of a very interesting nature, on the subject of
the right of Magistrates taking part in public meetings. We
have not seen the correspondence, which we understand is
transmitted by this packet to the Colonial Office,—that of
the Custos of St. Thomas in the East, through the Island
Agent. We hope to be favoured with a copy of the corres-
pondence, when we shall have great pleasure in laying it be-
fore our readers.

" It is also reported that Mr. Custos Williams, of Port-
land, has had a misunderstanding with the Kings' House,
and that the honourable Custos and Major General tendered
his resignation to his Excellency, which, however, we under-
stand, has not been accepted, his Excellency stating, that the
resignation of that gentleman would be a loss to the public
service. If such is the case, and we have no reason to doubt

it, it shows a disposition in his Excellency to retain those in
authority who are worthy of the confidence of all parties.
Mr. Custos Williams being particularly so, from his open,
candid, gentlemanly behaviour on all occasions. With these
exceptions, we believe the island generally may be considered
in a state of repose. Excitement is lessened ; and had we
stringent laws, protecting the rights of property, and those
laws administered by upright and impartial judges, there
cannot be a doubt, that this island would progress in prospe-
rity—that is, in everything but sugar making, which, we are
satisfied, will decrease in cultivation, and only be manufac-
tured on estates peculiarly favourable for the production of
that staple."

From the same journal it appears that the functions
of the militia of the island were being suspended in
the most extraordinary manner. It is said that this
step was taking place in accordance with the wish
of the Colonial Secretary, and in opposition to the
opinion of Sir Lionel Smith, the governor.

The report of the Westmoreland " Committee, on
the state of agriculture in that parish," appears in the
Royal Gazette. This document, which seems to have
been very carefully drawn up, furnishes us with the
result of inquiries into the condition of 36 sugar
estates, out of the 48 in the parish. From the answers
obtained to the queries submitted to the proprietors and
managers, it seems that labour was not generally resumed
until the early part of September; that on the 27th of
August, the labourers at work were but one-third of
the number under the apprenticeship system ; that the
labourers were chiefly employed on job-work, and that
where they were employed on day-work, the labour
was wholly unsatisfactory, seldom exceeding five hours,
and only in one case extending to seven hours; that
the rate of wages offered generally was is. Bd. per
diem, free of charge for house and ground rent, and
with medical attendance, and 2s. 6d. per diem where
rent was demanded ; that it appears at job-work, the
mode of employment chiefly resorted to, the labourer,
by being commonly assiduous for nine or ten hours,
could earn' from 3s. 4d. to 55., and, when digging
cane-holes, or manufacturing sugar, frequently 6s. Bd.
per diem ; that hundreds of labourers living on the
different properties; have refused either to labour or to
pay rent; that the quantity of sugar made per week
on the larger estates bears a proportion of but one-
third, as compared with the quanti made under the
apprenticeship system ; that where ontracts have been
entered into, the labourers have almost invariably
violated them with impunity ; and that it is to be de-
plored that a feeling exists generally, on the part of
the.females, that they would be acting contrary to the
instructions of the governor, were they to engage in
field labour. This may be taken as a fair average
description of the state of other parishes in the island.
In almost every district the negroes have obstinately
refused to labour on the advantageous terms offered
to them,

The debate in the House of Commons on Friday
night, and which was adjourned to last night, involves
considerations of the highest moment. On its result,
in all probability, will depend the future destinies of
one of the most important of our colonial possessions ;
nay, we hesitate not to say, that the vote of the House
of Commons on Sir Robert Peel's amendment, inde-
pendently of its proximate consequences, will most
materially influence the relations between Great Britain
and the whole of her colonial dependences. In all
the older and more extensive colonies under the sway
of the British crown, the principle of self-government,
in a greater or less degree, has been constantly recog-
nised. Accordingly, we find most of them in posses-
sion of a constitution, guaranteeing to their inhabitants
the right of self-taxation and of controlling the public
expenditure. Jamaica has enjoyed this right, under a
constitution embodying a system of representative
government, for the last 150 years. Of this form of
government it is now the avowed wish and intention
of the Whigs .to deprive that island. This measure,

be it remembered, is seriously propounded by the very
men who have all along prided themselves on their
advocacy of the principle of self-government—by the
men who introduced the reform bill for the express
purpose of extending this principle of self-control—by

he men who carried the municipal reform bill because

it distinctly recognised the same principle=by the men
who have always been the loudest declaimers in favour
of a popular form of government. These are the men
who so consistently and so honestly seek to displace the
popular constitution of Jamaica, and to establish in its
stead an arbitrary and despotic power, alien in its
character from the spirit of the British constitution,
and most repulsive to the inhabitants of the important
colony for whose interests the House of Commons are
now legislating.
The speech of Sir Robert Peel on Friday night, on
moving his amendment, was one of the most splendid
he ever delivered. It embraced a complete view of
the subject, and left the ministers without .a chance of
throwing any additional light upon it, or. of offering
; anything like a decent defence for their sweeping inno-
vation. The right hon. baronet pointed out, in a most
forcible manner, the different policy pursued by the
present ministers in reference to Canada. "He had
heard that night a message from the throne suggesting
the union of the Canadas ; but he had heard no mes-

sage lamenting the necessity, but recommending the
measure, of suspending the constituticn of Jamaica."
Why was this different line of conduct adopted in re-

ference to the latter ? Is it because the inhabitants of
Jamaica are too loyal to merit the approbation of our
Whig rulers ? or is it because in Canada the influence
of Popery and sedition has been allowed to predomi-
nate ?

One of the worst features connected with this tyran-
nical Jamaica bill is, undoubtedly, the fact stated by
Sir Robert Peel, that the parties with whom the House
of Commons had to deal, had received no notice of
this proceeding; that the colonists were entirely un-
aware of the penalty about to be inflicted upon them.
Certain hints have reached Jamaica that some such
scheme of wholesale robbery was in contemplation ;
but nothing has been officially communicated to the
House of Assembly. -
The quotation from Canning, introduced by Sir
Robert Peel, was most apposite. He said that he
agreed with that illustrious statesman in the sentiments
expressed by him in 1824 :—" I shall be asked what

are the intentions of the government as to those colo-
nies; by what means is it intended to bring them to
reason, and induce them to adopt the views and second
the determinations of parliament? There are three
possible modes in which parliament might deal with
the people of Jamaica. First, it might crush them ;
by the application of direct force we might crush them
with a finger. Secondly, we might harass them by
fiscal regulations and enactments, restraining their
navigation. Thirdly, we might pursue the slow and
steady course of temperate but authoritative admoni-

tion. Now, if I atn. asked which course I would
advise, I am for first trying that which I have last
mentioned. I trust we shall never be driven to the
second ; and with respect to the first, I will only now
say, that no feeling of wounded pride, no motive of
questionable expediency, nothing short of real and
demonstrable necessity shall induce me to moot the
awful question of the transcendental power of parlia-
ment over every dependency of the British Crown.
That transcendental power is an arcanum of empire
which ought to be kept back within the penetralia of
the constitution. It exists, but it should be veiled.
It should not be produced on trifling occasions, or in
cases of petty refractoriness or temporary misconduct.
It should be brought forward only in the utmost ex-
tremity of the state, where other remedies have failed,
to stay the raging of some moral or political pestilence."
Sir Robert Peel did not •think that the last crisis had
arrived—that there was any vindication for bringing
from the penetralia of the temple the transcendental
power to which Mr. Canning alluded.
Sir Robert Peel might well characterise the govern-
ment scheme as nothing less than a bill for the esta-
blishment of a complete despotism—the most unqua-
lified, unchecked, unmitigated power that was ever ap-
plied to the government of any country. It proposes
not only to rob Jamaica of its constitutional rights and
privileges, but it gives them instead a grinding despot-
ism, to which we have no approximation, excepting, in-
deed, the absolute power of the New Poor Law Ba-
shaws. The bill proposes to appoint three commis-
sioners, with power to levy taxes—to suspend the ha-
beas corpus act—to annihilate the liberty of the press—
and to enact laws without the slightest reference to the
feelings or opinions of the colonists. Did any one
ever hear of such barefaced propositions ? Would any
one credit that men who could propose such measures
had the impudence to call themselves liberals ? It is
not likely that Jamaica will acquiesce in such a scheme,
if it should ever be carried. The probability is,'that
it would immediately lead to a revolution in that island ;
and a revolution would not commence there without
extending through the whole of the West Indies, and
leading to the entire separation of all those valuable
colonies from the mother country. Such are the only
results that we should anticipate from the - tone as-
sumed by the press of the colony.
And is it no trifle to run the risk of such a loss ? Is
it no trifle to peril the vast mercantile interests in-
volved in the prosperity of the West India colonies ?
In reference to this part of the subject Sir Robert Peel
gave the following statements :—" The whole public
revenue of the West Indian colonies was £540,030 ;
the revenue of Jamaica alone amounted to £300,000,
being more, as the house saw, than one-half of the
whole. The whole annual expenditure of those colo-
nies was £551,000 ; the annual expenditure of Jamaica
reached £300,000. These
.statements greatly under-
rated, he believed, the importance of Jamaica, as exhi-
bited by the amount of its taxation and expenditure ;
but if the bill passed into a law as it stood, the whole
of this taxation would be raised by the new council,
consisting in part of the stipendiary servants of the
crown, The whole of the expenditure also would take
place under their direction. Again, the value of the
imports of the British colonies in the West Indies and
in South America in 1838 amounted to £5,806,000.

The value of the imports into Jamaica in the same
year was upwards of £3,000,000. The amount of the

total exports of the West Indian and South American
colonies in that year was £9,932,300; the amount of
exports from Jamaica in the same period was calcu-
lated at £4,000,000. He had therefore shown that Ja-
maica represented one half the trade, one half the re-
venues, and one half the population of the West In-
dian and South American colonies. So much for the
importance of Jamaica as a colony.
The solemn warning which the right hon. baronet
derived from the example of the North American pro-
vinces is well worthy of Serious attention in consider-
ing the treatment received by Jamaica. The• same
causes which operated to produce the severance of
'those provinces from the mother country may operate
to produce a similar result in reference to the West
Indies :---indeed, such a result is even more probable

in the latter case, from the exaggerated nature of the
power proposed to be exercised over Jamaica. The
former firmness of the House of Assembly, in this
island, in resisting the attacks made upon its privileges,
affords a striking indication of the nature of the colli-
sion which may be expected to arise from a suspension
of the constitution of the island. Let the Whigs, there-
fore, beware how they intermeddle with a body of men
possessed of such energy and resolution in the main-
tenance of their chartered privileges.
The close of Sir Robert Peel's speech on this ques-

tion cannot have been otherwise than galling to the
ministry, After showing them that the reasons which
they avowed were not the true reasons for introducing
the bill, the right hon, baronet concluded with the fol-
lowing pithy remarks :
" He would contend that on such grounds as the preamble
set forth, they could not support this bill, and on that ground
he could not support it. (Hear, hear.) Let me also say
that the House of Commons (continued the right hon.
baronet) is not the authority which ought to be very anxious
to visit with severity any angry or irritating ebullitions of a
popular assembly. (Cheers.) We ought, if we did not
approve, at least to show some degree of sympathy for those
who perhaps may have been led into error by too close an
imitation of our own example. (Heat, hear.) We should
not take upon ourselves the office of severe censors of acts
inseparable from the condition of a popular assembly. In
visiting with severity violent or intemperate language in such
an assembly, in resenting what it might even mistakenly con-
sider as an attack on its privileges, we may indirectly be
censuring the imitation of our own example. A fortnight
has scarcely elapsed since this house saw, or thought it saw,
a disposition on the part of the House of Lords to infringe
on its privileges, and it was not slow in manifesting its jea-
lousy of such an interference. That was in the last week.
What came next ? Why, that we, who are so justly jealous
of all the rights and privileges of a popular assembly, are
now about to come before the lords, and present to them a
refractory popular assembly as a nuisance (cheers and laugh-
ter), and call upon them to join us in visiting it with the
greatest severity of punishment. (Hear, hear.) The House
of Commons, which on the 22d of April had shown its
great sensitiveness at what might even remotely affect its
rights, npw turns on another popular assembly, moving, it
was true, in a smaller orbit, but gravitating to a common
centre, and for language and conduct which might have
arisen from too closely following its own example calls on
the House of Lords to help it in crushing, for a time at least,
that refractory assembly. The roof of this house has
scarcely ceased to ring with the loud assertion of the rights
and privileges of a popular assembly, when we are ready to
go up to the House of Lords and present to them the House
of Assembly of Jamaica as a nuisance which ought to be
abated. We call upon them to help us to abolish for a
time that Assembly, and enable the lords of Jamaica
to tax the people of that colony without representation.
" Don't be alarmed," we say to them, " don't feel any
jealousy, don't fear any abuse—you may depend on the lords
of Jamaica for taxing the people. Popular assemblies are
dangerous things : we pray you, therefore, "to help us to
enable them to exercise all the powers of the Government
without the intervention of popular representation." (Hear,
hear.) Is the house, I ask, prepared to take this course? If
it is, it will place itself in a most strange position, which may
end in placing some of its own dearest privileges in jeopardy.
And let me say that, if you are extreme to take amiss all in-
temperance, every violent expression, every act of indiscre-
tion on the part of a popular assembly—(hear)—if you have
no fraternal sympathy with other representative bodies—if
you are ready to pluck out the mote from your brother's
eye, but consider not the beam that is in your own' (cheers,)
I still should hope that the example which you are about to
set will never, under any future circumstances, be pleaded in
derogation of your own privileges (hear;) and that you may
escape that fate yourselves, which however would not be un-
just; for, remember, that ' with what judgment ye judge, ye
shall be judged, and with what measure you mete, shall it be
measured to you again." (Cheers.)
Mr. Labouchere and Sir George Grey attempted to
reply to Sir Robert Peel; but, as usual with every
speaker on the ministerial side, both speeches were,
in point of tact, logic, or illustration, immeasurably
inferior to that of the great conservative leader. Mr.
Godson opposed the bill in a speech at once sensible
and to the point. Poen. Forcible Feeble Ewart, the
thrice-rejected candidate who was recently whitewashed
by the Wigan Election Committee, had also his say on
Friday night. Among other specimens of twaddle

with which he contrived to amuse the house, he said
that he cordially supported the bill—first because
of the feebleness of the arguments of the right hon.
gentleman who had proposed the amendment." A
poor driveller like Ewart talking of the feebleness of
Sir Robert Peel's arguments ! Why, this minikin
orator of the small-beer school is no more fit to be
compared with Sir Robert Peel than a snail with an
elephant, or a farthing candle with the meridian blaze
of the sun. For such a man to criticise the speeches
of Sir Robert Peel, is something like a tom-tit at-
tempting to emulate the flight of the eagle.
Among the brilliant corruscations of genius which
emanated from Mr. Ewart, in the course of his truly
original speech, (for no one is the pattern of this orator
but himself,) we find the following :—" He opposed
the bill, because he was anxious to transfer power
from the hands of the planters to those who would use
it more impartially, and because he abhorred all power
founded on an ascendancy system." How can there be
any power which is not " founded in an ascendancy
system ?" Are not power and ascendancy convertible
terms ? Oh ! William, William, thou speakest like

Perhaps one of the most singular features in the
debate of Friday last, was the circumstance that Mr.
Hume delivered a speech in support of Sir Robert
Peel, and in opposition to the government. Nay,
what is more, he announced his full intention to vote
against his former friends and allies. If any consider-
able number of the radicals should vote in favour of
Sir Robert Peel's amendment, ministers will be left in
a minority. But we confess that we are afraid that
several conservatives will vote against the hon. baronet.
We particularly allude to such gentlemen as Sir R. H.
Inglis, and others who have taken an active part in
promoting the emancipation of the apprentices. The
result of the division will probably be known this even-
ing but whatever that may be, we feel positive that
the arbitrary measure of the Whigs will never pass.

It is a fact, little calculated to excite pleasurable
feelings, that at the present moment this country is in
a state bordering upon a revolution of the most fearful
character. Armed bodies of men have assembled in
almost every district, for the purpose of practising
military evolutions, and acquainting themselves with
the most effectual means for successfully resisting the
regular troops of the country. Threats of the most
unambiguous character have been repeatedly held out,
that " the day of signal vengeance is at hand." A
war of extermination has been openly proclaimed
against the wealthier classes in the community. Out-
rages of the most revolting character have already been
openly resorted to. A feeling of undefinable alarm, to
which the peaceable inhabitants of Liverpool are hap-
pily strangers, is entertained in many parts of the
country. And to what is this fearful state of things
attributable ? Is it not to the culpable supineness of
the present ministry ? Have they not shrunk in the
most cowardly manner from encountering the danger
until it has almost become too late ? If blood is shed
in England, (and we are afraid that blood will be shed,)
on the heads of Lord Melbourne and his associates
must rest all the guilt !

Our present number contains some additional ac-
counts of the chartist proceedings, which fully justify
the preceding observations. The ferocious outrages
at Llanidloes and the neighbourhood show us plainly
to what extremities these infatuated men are prepared
to resort. The reports from Manchester are also cal-
culated to produce alarm, but we trust that the pre-
sence of a large military force in that neighbourhood
will have the effect of deterring the revolutionists from
any fresh outbreaks. We understand that very per-
emptory orders have been issued to the troops, in case
of any disturbance. This is but merciful towards the
misguided wretches who may venture to set at defiance
the laws of the land.

By the last accounts received from Manchester, we
understand that all was quiet. The shops were gene-
rally shut yesterday morning as on a Good Friday,
but as soon as it was perceived that no riot was likely
to occur, business was generally resumed.

CORRESPONDENCE.

SUNDAY SHAVING.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD.
Sin,,—As it appears that the respectable part of the hair-
dressers of this town have, in the most praiseworthy manner,
come to the determination of not following their business on
the Sabbath day, and closed their shops ; and as you have
frequently reprobated the practice, I beg to call your atten-
tion, as well as the attention of the magistrates, to the cir-
cumstance, that many of,the lower order in the business still
continue the practice, to the serious loss and inconvenience
of those who refuse to do so ; and when any conviction takes
place against those who break the regulations, that they inva-
riably collect in a body round the police-office, and hoot and
hiss and ill use the witnesses, who are in danger of their
lives, in consequence of their having given their testimony in
a conscientious manner. The greater part of the convictions
which have taken place, have been made on informations
given by the Hair-dressers' Society. Where were the
police ? This certainly ought to be taken notice of, and pro-
per protection given by the police—with greater activity—to
the parties, against the recurrence of such outrages in future,
both as regards the violation of the law and the safety of the
witnesses.—Yours, &c.
A LOVER OF DECENCY AND GOOD ORDER.