Star.
London, England, 1828-01-30 00:00:00

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a future day for people io office at home to reject or
sanction ? No ; he governed Ws condwt by the object
and spirit o' his instri tions.
IN. t hesitate, by the
foren•of the British * to resist and repel those whose
object was aggressiona-t .ose whose aim was the infrac-
tion of a solemn compact. What, he would again ask.
was the course pursued by. Lord Torrington? He sailed
at once to Gibraltar, lent 'a messenger to Madrid, with
a statement of his force, and gave to Cardinal Alberoni
48 hours to- consider whether he would obse(ve the
terms of the treaty, or expose himself to the attack,
which the British Admiral was in possession of means
to make with suca signal effect. Alaeroni was at that,
time. end-avouring to revive the national spirit, and.
renew the drooping vigour of the country whose affairs
he administered; he delayed the messenger for some
days, and in the mean time, contrived to forward
an armament to the destination for which it was origi.i
sully intended. The British Admiral shortly after found,
to his peat vexation, that a considerable portion of OW
troops had been landed in Sicily. and that the naval
power of Spain was standing into the shore, prepared
to support them. What did Lord Torriagton then do?
Just what Sir E. Codrington did on the late occasion
with Ibrahim Pacha—he sent aaimilar communication
to Gee. Lacy—he proposed an armistice. The General
replied that he had his military instructions, but no
authority to negociate or conclude a truce—that he was
a soldier, not a diplomatist. The British Admiral at once
perceived that the object was to subdue Sicily ; he took
his measures accordingly ; he advanced to the Spanish
fleet with an aspect of defiance; pursued and came up
witb them, he destroyed—he annihilated the Spanish
fleet, and gained one of those splendid. victories so fre-
quent in the alinals of the British navy. The parallel
was perfect, the cases of the two Admirals were quite
analagous—way, even it could be carried much further
—for at that time it happened that there existed in the
country an exasperated faction of Tories, who had long
been in the possession and the abuse of power, and who,
writhing under the loss of it, would gladly have sought
a victim on whom to expend the force of their disap-
pointment. Opposed to them were some of the great-
est among the Whig names that then adorned the coun-
cils of the nation—there were two ex-ministers in that
day--amen who bad long basked in, but had recently
been expelled from, the sunshine of Royal favour—men
whose. doctrinesi he trusted, had passed away for
ever biggotted legitimists, whose watchword -was,
that •Motearchs reigned jure divino —. whose object al-
ways was to support and upheld hereditary despo-
tism wherever they found it. A cry was raised in
Parliament, but in vain ; there was no man ac-
quainted with the history of that period especially,
but must be well aware how that cry was met and
resisted by the feelings of the people, which never
fail to be favourably excited by the announcement of a
naval victory; and it would be in vain that any party
in or out of power should seek to cast upon the Ad-
miral who acted as Sir. George Byng had done tormerly,
and as Sir Edward Ceelrington had _done recently, the
responsibility which should rest alone upon the Go-
vet amens for the time being. Royal approbation from
two quarters foliow ed this splendid exploit, with prompt
and gratifying testimonials. George I. and the Emperor
of Germany lost not a moment in writing to Admiral
Byng letters abounding in eulogium. All Europe hailed
him as having acted up tq,,lhe spirit rf his instructions
—as having acted•as a Mitch seaman, in such circum-
stances, always might be expected to act and to distin-
guish himself. Well, then, it was evident that the
parties were perfectly satisfied—thet all Europe was
satisfied in both cases, and more especially in the latter,
as the enemy of Christianity as the party beaten,
though it happened I. be convenient, on the present oc-
casion. to call him our ancient ally. A Secretary of
State—one of the greatest ornaments of England—one
of the brightest names in English literature-a-one of the
wisest and most virtuous of men—he meant Mr. Addi.'
son-a-had declared that Turkey was a Power adverse to
Christianity, and with England could neither prudently
nor honourably maintain alliance. The frequency of
political disctissions at that time were adverted to, in
the number of public journals then inacirculation. There
might be, in some quarters, still as great an objection
as then to indulging in the public the itch for political
discussion; and it would be little matter of sot prise to
find the fiends of the Talks, and the enemies of free
publications, united in tl.e same parties.—The Noble
Lord then adverted to the opinion of Lord Chatham, in
the year 1770, respecting the nature of our relations
then, and at previous periods, with the Ott 'man Porte,
and contended. upon his authority, as well as that of
other great Statesmen, that it was most erroneous to re-
gard that Government in the light of an ancient ally of
England. Mr. Pitt entertained the same sentiments; he
could have lean bed no other doctrines from his father.
But iewas not only said that Turkey was our ancient ,
ally ; it was contended that she was too our faithful;
ally. What, faithful! In the short space of seven years
to break througleevery article of a solemn treaty. He
seeeated that Mr. Pitt could have learned no doctrines
from his father but such as were in full unison with the
opinion of public men in this country, from that pet iod
to the present. He (Lord Chatham) had said that a
new system had been established in Europe, and that it
became necessary for.us to pursue the course we had
done in order to prevent the aggrandizement .of Russia
at the expense of Prussia. That was the opinicn of Lord
C.. ea.liam. Another great man had held similar senti-
ments ; bet of him .he would not speak. He. would
come to an authority as high at any in the political
world—be would come to the opinion of Mr. Burke,
expressed, trio, not in his liberal days, but subsequently
to the French_Revolution—alter he had imbibed that
Sinus horror of liberal principles, which, on the present,
cccasion at least, gage such weight to his sentiments—
always important as those of a man of genius and vast,
political knowledge—and his opinion was, that alliances
with Turkey were.calculated to destroy the balance of.
Europe—that no communication should beheld with
infidels, whose object was the destruction of holy reli-
gion, and the-maintenance and extension of a cruel and
savage despotism. Strange language this respecting
our ancient and faithful ally !—His Lordship then
proceeded to say, that he did not quote these mho-
shies for any other•purpose, than in the manner of
a lawyer, to give.evidence and proof that at no
period of our history did public men regard Turkey in
the ligla of an atetient -ally, or, indeed, of any ally at
all. • Thus had he shewn that, as an ancient ally, the
Porte could metier be considered, seeing that the first
treaty of alliance was within his own recollection that a
faithful ally that Power never had been, as the treaty
was broken within three mouths from the linnet. its
ratification—he had shewn historically thee,
en public
ruin in England bad ever sanctioned the laiewage that
:
7day adopted in the Speech from the Throne. He had
--ahewn, too, that whatever compacts of peace antimony
- egland bad entered into, they had,in no eassamoutued
-go alliances, previous to that seven year's, treaty. :to
which be had found occasion so often to adisinto Fi-
nally, he had shewn that we never were allowed to ne-
relate with the Turks upon terms of equality, every

thing being granted to us as a boon. Having done so
1110 Ch, however, b: would not fisrthee pursue the die
cussion, nor enter into the general question, until all
the papers were before the House. He artily lamented
that words 'should have been used in the Royal Speech
which were not perfectly clear, or which might have
!seen used in i sense which he did not fully apprehend.
There was one term to which he felt great objection, if
it were so explained as most people would be likely to
understand it—he alluded to thew ord untoward—some
one had taken the tronblito look out for it in." Johnson's
Dictionary," and had am found in the, definition,
the words froward, perverse, vexatious. If, by the use
of such a term, it was meant to convey any blame
or imputation upon the character of the Gallant
Officer who commanded at Navarin, he, for one,
begged to express his, most decided assent from
it. Nothing could be more base and infamous than
to throw out any insinuation derogatory from the cha-
racter of that distinguished Admiral—(Hear,, hear.)
If by the word untoward, regret was meant to be ex-
pressed for the effusion of blood at Navarin, he ,was
quite as ready as any person to join in such regret: if
regret was meant to be expressed at the failure of efforts
for the,benefit of Greece, no one could more sincerely.
lament such an occurrence. It was impossible not to
feel the deepest interest in the fate r.l a country to
which we were indebted for all that embellished life.
It was to the ancestors of the present inhabitants of
Greece that they were indebted for the power and the
skill to debate their interests there that night. With
such recollections, it would be impossible not to lament
any circumstance that constituted an obstacle to the
final adjustment of the affairs of a country with which
our best and-most ennobling sentiments were associated.
—(Cheers).
Lord KING said, after the more elevated subjects to
which their Lordships' attention had been called, he would now ad-
dress them upon a mote homely subject, and in more homely phrase.
The subject to which he wished to call their attention, was that of
the Corn Laws. It was said that the new Administration was, in
reference to the Corn Question, composed of three different parties
—one opposed to alteration, one favourable to it, and one indifferent.
It was said also, that certain Members of the Cabinet, who be-
longed to the present Administration, and who belonged to the last
Administration, and who would, probably, belong to the next Ad-
ministration, had made good terms for their own principles on the
subject of fret trade. Now, he would ask,what security had they that
those principles would be respected? forsooth, the Right Hon. Gentl-
eman who was President of the Board of 'Trade, in the former Cabi-
net, still continnes to bold that office—this was, indeed, but a slender
security, under a Government which bad at its head one who united
in his own person the highest civil and military authority in the
State, and one, too, whose conduct last year afforded a tolerably
unequivocal indication of his sentiments on the Corn Question. la
the same way as in the case of our commercial regulations, it wasl
contended that our foreign policy would undergo no change, because
the Noble Lord at the head of that department had not been re-
moved. The security in either case was, he conceived, of no sort of
value, for the presiding power of the Cabinet was no longer the
same. The head of the Government would necessarily attract
within its own vertex all the subordinate Members ; he hoped or
wished it might prove otherwise, in which he should leel a most
pleasing disappointment.
The Duke of WELLINGTON--.I f there be any one
subject more than another on which the country Is agreed as one
man, it is, that there should be a complete settlement of the Corn
Question. I have, therefore, very great pleasure is being enabled
to inform your Lordships, that it is the intention of his Majesty's
Government, at an early period of the present Session, to submit
to the consideration of Parliament a measure relative to the Corn
Laws, and for regulating the importation of Corn, founded upon
the principle of that which had been introduced last Session.—
I regret the necessity fur it, but I hope your Lordships will permit
me to say a few words upon part of what fell front a Noble Lord
who has jest spoken—l mean, in r-ply to his assertion that the
Ottoman Porto was not an ancient Ally of this country. 1
know not hew it can he denied that that State has been an Ally
of ours—an old Ally—and, what is of infinitely more importance,
that alliance is essential to the balance of power in Europe—
(Hear, hear, hear)—and hot only that, but the preservation of
en amicable understanding, nay, even of an actual alliance,
between that country and this, was of the highest importance
to the well-being both of Russia and of England, especially
since the changes of possession and revolution that have on-
cuffed In that quarter of Europe within the recollection of all
wise bear me. It is also a matter admitting of no doubt,
that the late war in which the European Powers were engaged,
would not have terminated in every respect as it had done, and,
least of all, would the settlement of 1812 have been effected, but
for the alliance existing, and happily preserved, between this coun-
try and the Ottoman Porte. It may be perfectly true that the
treaties upon which this alliance is founded are not of a hundred
years standing, but they assuredly are very old treaties. No man
can question that the Ottoman Porte has been an ally of ours, and
an old ally. There is one other subject to which, with your Lord-
' 'ships' permission, I shall briefly address myself, I mean the sense
' in which the word" untoward" has been used. It was' intended
by untoward, to convey that the events referred to were unexpected
—were unfortunate. The sense In which the word was used was
this—that under the treaty, which Is not yet regularly before the
House, and to whiclh I do not at present desire more particularly
to refer, it was much to be regretted that events, such as the word
untoward bad reference to, should have occurred. Until that
treaty has been more regularly brought under your Lordships con-
sideration, it may be better not to enter into the question further,
than merely to observe, that the parties to it did by no means con-
template having recourse so hostilities. I say,then, it was most unfor-
tunate that such an event should have oecurred,nor was a consequence
of that nature for one moment anticipated by the last Government,
who, as well as the other parties to the Treaty, never regarded It in
the light of one that could ever lead to hostilities. I must therefore
say, that when the measures took place which have occurred, and
' when hostilities have been bad recourse to, instead of peace having
been attained, that such a termination must be considered as an ua-,
toward remit. There were also very considerable difficulties ex-
perienced at Constantinople after the intelligence of the battle of
Navarin bad reached there, and even a prospect that the end must
be war, which must also be considered untoward; and although his
Majesty in his Speech informs us that this fear is in a great degree
dissipated, and that hopes are entertained of every thing being
finally settled, yet still that capnot prevent the occurrence from
having the character of an untowbrd event. Then it is asked whether
is is meant to make charges against the Admiral? I say no, cer-
tainly not ; I have no tight to make a charge against him, neither
has the Government, :nearing, as it does, tnearry the Treaty which
has been made into execution. The Sovereign and the late Govern-
ment have full credit for all the blame, if any attaches, and no one
has a right to say or insinuate that Admiral Codrington has not
fully done his duty to his Sovereign and his country. The British
Admiral stood in every delicate and peculiar situation; he bad the
command of his Majesty's ships' acting conjointly with those of
nther nations, and his conduct has been such as to acquire their con-
fidence, antrinduce them to be led under his command to victory,
and I should hold myself unworthy of the high situation I hold in
the country were Ito utter a word against his conduct in the battle
of Navarin, which was alike hotmurable to himself and to his
country—(Loud cheers).
The Earl of ELDON said it was the duty of his
Majesty's Ministers to pursue such a line of policy as would best
secure the peace and tranquillity of Europe. With respect to the
subject which had just been alluded to, he would not now enter
into it, feeling as he did that it was not fairly under their Lord-
ships' consideration. Goo forbid that he should cast the slightest
blame or imputation upon the gallant Admiral by whom that vic-
tory was achieved._ Judging from what they bad all read publicly,
it appeared that Ministers intended to pursue pacific measures, and
that was their wisest and their soundest policy. A war, if entered
into at present, would be productive of the greatest danger, as it
would in all probability run to an extent, and extend to a duration,
to which it would be impossible to set bounrds--(Heu).--Enter-
talning these views, he gave his suppose to the Answer to the Ad-
dress, but protesting against giving his assent to the documents
which had been alluded to by the Noble Lords who had spoken
behest blen. •
Lord LONDONDERRY concurred in the greater part
of twat bad triton from the Noble Lorih who bad gone before
'bins. -NW appealed to the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Grey) whether
•he (Lord Londonderry) had not predicted the downfall of the late

a
Ministry ; and be neer asked their Lordships whether they battitio
seen it dwindle Wee The Noble Earl (Grey) had. forth*
occasion, very properly told thests, that a want of confidence in the
head of the Ministry was a good ground for opposing It 4.;-tEs)
country bad now full confidence in the Noble Duke at the head of
the Ministry, and that was the mood upon which they-were de.
tertnined to support it. The present Premier had acquired a name
-which was estimated not only in this country, but throughout
Europe. lie owed it to his Noble and Gallant Friend to say, that
he deserved and enjoyed the t;fulles confidence both of the King and
of the country;, and to add, that no instance had he failed to
accomplish any thing he had undertaken--(Hear, hear).
Earl GREY rose merely fsr the purpose of setting
the Noble Karl (Londonderry) right as to what had fallen from
him (Lord Grey) upon a former occasion. The Noble Marquis
(Londonderry) had mistaken his meaning, if he understood him to
say that a want of confidence in the head of a Ministry was a ground
for opposing it. What he did say—and he believed it was in the
recollection of their Lordships—was, that a want of confidence in
the head of the Ministry was a good ground for refusing to accede
to that Ministry. lie objected to the Ministry of last year, not
because of any objection to the Gentleman at the head of it, but
because he perceived there was a want of stability in it generally.
This was the ground. and the only ground upon which he de-
clined supporting the Administration last year, although there
were some Members of it with whom he fully concurred upon,
general questions of politics. Such had been his conduct last
year, and he now Nand himself nearly in the sante situation
upon certain points. One word with respect to what had fallen
from the Noble Lord on the eras bench. He fully concurred
with the Noble Lord in considering the affair of Navarin an unto-
ward circumstance, nay more, an unfortunate calamity. But in
saying this, he was very far from eastinwit shadow of blame aeon
the gallant Officer who commanded upon that occasion. He had
known Sir E. Codrington long and intimately, and he felt proud at
being able to call him his friend—(Hear, hear).—A better or ai
Officer never was found even in the Navy—(Hear, hear).—'
No one could doubt but the gallant Officer risked himself in what
he supposed to be his duty to his country. That the event itself
was untoward and unfortunate could not be denied; but it was to
be hoped, from the pacific tenour of his Majesty's Speech, that any
thing like a disturbance of the peace of Europe would be avoided. A
comparisos bad been mad. between the late affair at Navarin and
that which took place a century asp under Sir J. Byng ; but if Noble
Lords would take the trouble nt inquiry, they would find several
points of distinction between the two cases—(Hear, hear). 'lbis
however was a matter which would come more fairly under dis-
cussion when the necessary information was laid before their Lord-
ships. There was one other topic upon which he was anxious to
say a few words. The Noble Duke (of Wellington) had told their
Lordships that Ministers intended to introduce, in the course of this
Session, a Corn Bill, similar to that of last Session. He far one
thought that the Bill of last year was one which required many
Amendments, and he trusted that, in that about to be proposed—
The Duke of WELLINGTON observed, that the
Bill proposed to be introduced was not that of last year, but one
founded upon the same general principles.
On the question having been again put from the Woolsack— ,
Lord DARNLEY moved, as an Amendment, that
the words, " our ancient AUy," should be omitted, for the purpose
of inserting the words, " a country in a state of peace and amity
with us."
Lord FERRERS asked a question of the Duke of
Wellington relative to the office of Commander in Chief of the Army.
The Duke of WELLINGTON replied, that when his
Majesty bad done him the honour of directing hint to form an Ad-
ministration, he felt some reluctance to resign that situation in which
be had achieved so much honour to himself, and, he trusted, be
might be permitted to add, advantage to the country—(Hear, hear).
But having obeyed his Majesty's commands, and finding it difficult
to appoint a Premier, and also thra his Colleague, were unanimous
in thinking that he ought not to retain the office of Commander in
Chief, he at once resigned it—(Cries of Hear, hear).
The Marquis of LANSUOWN said, that after whit
had been stated in the course of that night's discussion, be felt him.
self called upon to declare, that there was no one act of that person
(Six E. Codrington), and more especially connected with the trans.'
action which had been the principal subject of conversation that
evening, which lie should feel himself more stongly called upon to
defend,than his conduct at Navarin. His Noble Friend at the
head of the Foreign- Department or who immediately represented
the person who was at the head of it, would, he had no doubt, find
himself well able to defend the system he had pursued, Irons what-
ever side of the House the attack might proceed. • He felt confident
that even were his Noble Friend not able to do so, lie (Lord Lens-
down) could satisfy the House of the sound principles on which the
negotiations had proceeded. lie could now assure their Lordships
with perfect confidence, that no danger of war had been unneces-
sarily incurred by his Majesty's Ministers. He was not only bound
to make this declaration, but he felt it his duty to say, tbat, in rela-
tion to the recent conflict, if any blame did attach anywhere, most
assuredly it was not on the Gallant Officer who commanded the
fieet--( Hear!) Although he felt with the Noble Duke, and with
other Noble Lords who bad spoken during the debate, that the oc-
currence at Navarin was of an unfortunate description, inasmuch as
it involved the destruction of life and those unhappy consequences
which contributed to alienate friendly Powers, and to establish hos-
tilities between them, he .hould be ashamed taut to say, it was childish
to expect any armed interference with some risks pf war, without
some chance of those hostilities, which be concurred with the
Noble Duke in thinking that every man would wish to avoid.—
He should regret the conflict alluded to, if the great object aimed
at by this country and her Allies could have been accomplished
without it. The intereerenae of the Allies was part of a pqiicy, which
he had not yet learnt by that night's debate was to be departed from.
If that policy were to be changed, it behoved the Noble Lords to
avow such intentions; and if they were not avowed, he had a right to
assume that there was no change in contemplation; If such were
the sound policy of the country, no blame could attach to the
Officets who were instrumental in carrying it into execution.
Although he was anxious that the present Motion should be
carried without opposition, and above all, with his acquies-
cence, he could not have given it hie support without the expla.
nation from the Noble Duke with respect to the term untoward,
as applied to that gallant Commander who had presided over
the allied fleets in the conflict. When every document con-
nected with the subject was laid before their Lordships, they
would be convinced that, wisely understood, the flaUaut Officer
had fairly exercised his discretion, under the circumstances in which
he was placed. He trustedethat these documents would hereafter
be produced, and he had 'Act apprehension that any Noble Lord
could maintain that they did not fully justify the conduct of the
Gallant Admiral. When he (Lord Lansdown) had first heard
Of the event, he had applied for information upon the subject. It
was freely supplied ; and having investigated every thing relating
to the transaction, he felt satisfied that the Gallant Admiral was not
only above censure, but fully entitled to the approbation of his
country—( Hear, hear). He was prepared to give every further
explanation of his views and sentiments upon this occasion when-
ever lie might be called upon to do so; but in the meantime, he
could not give his vote that night without protesting to the House,
that the Gallant Admiral was entitled to the approbation of every
individual who possessed a particle of British honour.
Lord GODERICH said, that as it had been his lot
to form one of the Adntinistration when the Noble Duke signed
the Protocol at St. Petersburgb, and as it had moreover been his
Int to be a party to that Treaty which the Noble Marquis had de-
fended, he felt himself bound, -N justice to his own character, to
say, that he subscribed entirely to the reasoning which his Noble
Friend had used. When the time came in which he should
be called upon to take a part in the discussion of these measures,
and to vindicate the course of policy in which he had had so prin-
cipal a share, he should do it with the sante fearlessness with which
he now expressed his opinion, that it would not be difficult to chew
that there was nothing in the transaction inconsistent with the ha-
-1 none of the country, or with its best interests. That proposition he
should always be prepared to maintain, and he was convinced he
should be able to establish it, not only to the satisfaction of that
House, but of the whole country. tie concurred with the Noble
Marquis, and likewise with the Noble Duke on the opposite
Bench, that the Gallant Admiral alluded to had exercised a sound,
discretion. and had ably supported his own character, as well as
the honour of his country. He had been placed in circumstances
of no ordinary difficulty—he had performed his duty like a man.
He (Lord Goderich) was prepared to support the Gallant Admin.);
—not upon the mere principle that it was the duty of a Govern..
ment in general to uphold those who executed its orders ; for it.
was his firm and deliberate conviction, that the Gallant Officer was
justified in the course he had taken. He was happy to say that the
British Admiral had not in the least tarnished his own previously
acquired fame, nor had he sullied the honour' and glory of his
country---( Hear, hear).
The Earl of DUDLEY rose, and said that Govern-
ment intended to adhere to its former principles in relation to
Turkey, and that he was ready to uphold the conduct of •the Gal-
lant Admiral—The Address was then carried nem can.
The usual Motions at the corumencement of the Sessions were
then put and carried.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, after a few lauda-
tory observations, ruined, " That the Earl .of Shaftesbury be ap-
pointed Chairman of Committees on Putilleind Prkvite Bills."
Lord ELDON eulogized the Noble' Earl,' end the Vote was
carried without opposition.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY espresseditls sense of the vote,
and said, that this was the thirteenth these& had been appointe4
Chairman of-the Committees of that Houk. " •
At Karam o'Cscci the House adjourtipl to Tyr May /14147.

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