Star.
London, England, 1828-06-11 00:00:00

a right to interfere. Political toleration related to the
intercourse and the relations which were to be permitted
to subsist between individuals and the State. Now
nobody could deny that the Roman Catholics were in
complete possession of religious toleration. Their places,
of worship threw open their doors as widely and as pub.
licly as those of Ow Established Church, But it would
be said, why not also admit them to political toleration?
And this was the question they were now discussing.—
Erperient6 was the mother of wisdom ; and he confi-
dently appealed to the uniform testimony of experience,
since the period of the Reformation. It had been found
invariably that Protestantism was the mother of peace.
happiness, intelligence, and prosperity ; and on the
other hand, it was found as invariably that wherever
Popery prevailed, it was attended by intolerance,bigotry,
wretchedness, and discord. The evidence given before
their Lordships Committee bad been adduced to
show that the Roman Catholic Religion had im-
proved. He would not deny that many individuals
of that persuasion were intelligent and amiable men.
He was willing to give merit where merit was due.
But be would contend that the Church was the
saute--that it was unaltered and unalterable. A
memorable instance had occurred a few years ago,
which might serve as a proof of his assertion. It must
be remembered that in the time of Mr. Pitt, an appli-
cation bad been made to several foreign Univetsities for
answers to certain questiens.as to the doctrines held by
the Church of Rome. They answered in such a way
as to produce an impression that the most obnoxious
teens of the Church of Rome had been abandoned.
The Most distinguished Catholics of England had con-
curled in these answers. But what was the result ? In
about three months an apostolical letter reached this
country from Rome, declaring that the people had no-
thing to do with religious opinions ; and the effect of this
apostolical letter was, to prodace a declaration, signed
by the premier Duke in England, and by many of the
most eminent Roman Catholics, revoking what they
had said. The concessions now demanded were de-.
scribed as a panacea for all the evils which afflicted
Ireland ; but he feared that they would not be found to
possess all the healing virtue ascribed to them. The
effect of the Resolution would be to introduce a few
Catfiolit Peers into that House, and perhaps a greater
number of Catholic Members into the House of Coon.
moos ; but he feared that after this the people of Ire
land would not find their situation much improved.
What Ireland wanted was a regular gradation in the
different classes of society. Absenteeism was the great
cause of the turbulence and misery which prevailed in
that =nutty ; and to an absentee proprietor complaining
of the Calamities which Ireland endured, and imputing
them to the political disqualifications of the Catholics,
be wouldsay. in the words of Nathan to David," Thou
out the man." This was what be believed, and if one
absentee landlord should be restored to his country by
the effect of what he now said, he should congratulate
himself in baying contributed more effectually to the
peace and happiness of that fine country, than he could
have done by any vote in favour of Emancipation, or
any declamation in the cause of liberality. There was
OM other point upon which be must offer an Observation,
the obligation of the Coronation Oath. An eminent
moralist and divine, for whom be entertained the highest
respect, bad declared it to be his opinion that the con-
strucdon of an oath ought to be according to the
anions intponentis. In this opinion he could not agree.
It am i ber n his Judgment ought tube according to the
enastat ratipiextis, as the person having tram an oath
was Wend in conscience to look to what was the feeling
of his own mind, which he could know, rather than to
theifeeling in the mind of another, which he could not
so certainly know. for the construction of an oath. in
which. be had appealed to his CauToa. The Canna-
ticib Oath bound the Sovereign to preserve and maintain
the Piotestant religion. and that oath would be violated
if he'tvere to give hii-assent to a measure which in his
judgment waslikelY W weaken or injure the Protestant
Church. Why did be mention this? Why. but to es-,
preistis unwillingness to carry to the foot of the Throne
a Bill which might by possibility expose the Monarch
to.the painful alternative of opposing directly the deci.
sion of Parliament, or of violating the cooscientious feel-
ings of his own heart. If it were contended that there
was no possibility of danger from the concessions re-
mitted, he wadi; appeal to the eminent Statesmen. of
another age, and be would ask what would be their
feeling it they could now rise from the dead, and bear
in, that House the expression of doubt, whether the
admission of Roman Catholics to equal political power
with Protestants could be attended with danger ? To
them the nearc.h of intellect would appear prodigious
and appalling. He trusted the House would not be
disposed to hold the wisdom of former ages in contempt,
for he felt persuaded that salons as they adhered to the
principles which had laid the secure foundations of na-
tional peace, happiness, and prosperity, the sun ofEng-
land's glory would never set.
The Earl of FALMOUTH said. that the Noble Lord
who-bad last spoken upon the opposite side of the quess
Lion must excuse him .if be paid mote attention to what
fell from the Noble and Learned Lord.last night, than
to,what had now fallen front him, in respect to 'what-
related to Ireland. He could not assert that the feel-
ings of the Catholics generally were identified with
those of the Catholic Association, so far as related co
the Protestant Church, but it was too true that many
symptoms of this union, and no symptoms whatever of
a coutzary nature, had been exhibited. Perhaps if he
had never paid attention to the subject. for the first
time, be might have been induced, by.the eloquence
of tbe Noble Lord, to vote in favour of the Resolution.
Bot he bid attended to every -discuesiore in that House
since the year 1808, and he bad easefully perused many
of the pamphlets which bed appeared upends subjeet,
inchidiog the pamphlet of Mr. GAT Knight, and:what
betenaht be permitted to call the strange propositionof;
Wilmot-Hortoo. It was not by speed" however
elaiserent, o:,,:fuments, however torsions. Ow their
Loofitsh!ps toils lamented in their dulls eltOn
this impoctant subject. Theta avast nothing new its OR,
GPM* tithe Noble M.v,quis who brought forwent she
quostion: be acted snmuly as a s4,CIWNI-falihge.ll9;thit
Inlidieitiotrof Mr.-Knight ; he failed, however, to pop
duce any _expo* of a toreiso State which was Anvil,
applichble %oche peculiar Constitutioo andcircumsraoces
of)his cowry. The OW/ one which bore. ao affinityto,tbia coootry to the citctonstioces was. Hollaod.
Their itturdships, however, should recollect that the
Centtiissetorn of Holland, gained only since 18145. .Ex-
pmeo-cl, therefore, was yet wanting to prove that this
wen example example which ceuld be followed with safety.
jr had been clearly shown by the President of tbeCoue-
cd (Lord Bathurst)., and by .a Right Reverend Prelaso,
in the cootie of last night's debate, that the encamp
gaged. of Prussia and Saxony.bote no ethology to this
atOnerT• 'lt was in the PeCOlierity of. its etoOgitlaillii
thot!all the difficulty lay. No march of intellect, how-
ever could *lace him oa disregard the awls.
rit'y 0( titesreat
_Statesmen and able,l4twyen.to whom
they WireindablefVo! the tlonriestUtion as it nowatood.
pafso.thfiegifet 119,01.0Fatiup,bn AMR , that saki Pin-

testants and Catholics enjoyed political power together
no peace -was to be expected for tke State—no security
for the Chusch., Their-ancestors did sot come hastily
to this coeclusicin. They were led to it by painful ex-
perience. The fact was clearly written in deluges of
blood. The queittion now was, would they undo what
their ancestors had done ? They could nor grata poli.
`deal power to Roman Catholics without interteri.ng with
the principles of the glorious Revolution. Why were
Roman Catholics excluded from both Houses of Par-
liament? because it had been found that it would be
otherwise impossible to give security to a Protestant
Throne—(Hear). He knew his principles would be ob.'
jetted to, as hostile so any thing in the way of alteration
or improvement. He was not an enemy to improve-1
menu, but he would say, improve cautiously, improved
your can, but do not interfere with vital principles—
(Hear). It was because he thought the present con•
stitution of Parliament to be of vital importance, that he
was unwilling to alter it. He took for his guide history
and ezpetience. not the match of intellect. Try expe-
riments, if they pleased, on agriculture, on the trade in
corn, on commerce; let the farmer be crippled by such
experiments—let trade and commerce languish—still,
unless these great interests died of a gallopping con-
sumption, they might in the end recover the effect
of these experiment.. But let no experiments be
tried on the Constitution. Protestantism was its life's
blond, as established at the Revolution, and with-
out Protestantism it must peti,h. He was not blind
to the state of Ireland, but Emancipation was not a
core for the evils under which it suffered. Under a
Protestant Lord Lieutenant, wise and prudent—under
'a Protestant Secretary. active and intelligent, Ireland
might yet prosper. Let time be given—let anarchists
be put down—let the law have its course—do that, and
Ireland mould ultimately prosper. If the Catholics ob-
tained what they sought for, he had no doubt that the
decline of the country would be as rapid as its prospe-
rity had hitherto been secure and progressive—(Cry of
,e Question 1.
The Duke of SUSSEX said he was a Member of
that Family which had been placed on the Throne in
conformity to the principles professed by the Noble.
Lord who spoke last. He concurred in those principles,
but be differed from the Noble Lord in the means by
which he would support them. He was anxious not to
'give a silent vote upon this important question, but to
state shortly the reasons which had induced him to
support it from the very earliest period at which his
attention had been directed to it. He would not take
up their Lordships time in proving that the benefits of
the Constitution belonged of right to all classes of his.
Majesty's subjects. These Constitutional rights were
called, in the great Charter of the country, the liberties
and free customs of the subject, of which no person
ought to be deprived•without the consent of his Peers.
They were frequently called the birth-right of English-
men, and were so recognised in the Bill of Rights. He
was fully aware that under peculiar circumstances there
might be good reasons for suspending the rights of sub-
jects, if any class of them should be known to entertain
principles hostile to the general interests and safety of the
community. Such general proscriptions must always
be looked upon with jealousy, and should never be OD-
forced without an absolute and overruling necessity.
By their very nature they were temporary, and in this
country, where civil servitude was unknown to the Co-
nstitution, they should cease with thecause to which they
owed their birth—(Hear).—lt was a itiaxinsof law, that
a wanton and careless restriction of the subject by the
magistrate was inconsistent with the Constitution. Even
laws themselves were so. if unnecessarily restrictive.
Paley laid down the maxim, that it was not so much in
the rigour as in the inexpediency of laws that their se-
verity consisted. The present laws affecting Roman
Catholics might have been necessary when they were
first passed. The question their Lordships had to con-
sider was, whether they were necessary now ? Some of
these laws, be it remembered, wetepaned in Catholic
times, and by Catholics themselves, which proved how
jealous they were of their liberties, and of any encroach.
meat on the part of foreign, authority. The Act of
Premenies itself was passed by a Catholic Parliament.
Times and circumstances bad greatly altered since the
period when the See of Rome set up such high pre-
tensions, and those claims were put forward which still
continued to be made anurgument against concession.
In those days people did not travel so easily as now, the
facility of communication between different nations was
not so great ; there was little commerce; the power of
the Press was not known, that power of which the world
stood in awe. which was the terror of tyrants, while it
!operated as the, guard and defence of the most bumble
individual. With such guards as those-against the en-
croachments of bigotry, bad they now any season to fear
the Papal ascendancy ? It was impossible not to see
that the spirit of the times had greatly changed. Noble
Lords might sneer at what some called the march of
intellect. Call it what they pleased, but be ?egg/tied
the change with admiration and pleasure; for, as the
lower classes advanced in intelligence and information,
pose of a higher order would find it necessary to make
a proportionate progress. There was little chance of
seeing persecution on the ground of religion once
.more rearing its head, and it was but justice to say.
that the Catholics alone were not chargeable with
such enormities. In referring to the earlier periods of
.the Reformation, the times of Edward the Sixth and
James the first. it was lamentable to. see Anabaptists
apd Unitarians butchered for the glory. and honour,
of Goa. Those times were. passed, move liberal
ideas. bad extended themeless to all parts of Europe,
except perhaps Spain aid Pottogal. The seal was
set to this, important change by the Congress of
Vienna, where freedom of religious opinion was.pro-
yidad for and for this the, Noble Duke of Wel-.
li.nstoa opposite molted the. thank, and gongratula.
bona of every liberal mind.. Was this nation to be
'Wag in the.rateer of liberality, they who, in former
times, when say. iodisidual of an country was sub-
jected to pacsecatioo on accoent of his religioosopisions,
were the firse,to afford him as asylum, where be might
freely panfuls his faith. and cumin bisindustty? To
.this liberel way of acting they owed;some floucishing
butocalloi at tads Istluitfeetuse, which were now a
sonmoof wealth: and seemed al if they were a blessiag
bestowed isy,Parsetuesoa for such a humane and.gene-
roos portcy. fie Ousted their Lordships would not re.
ject the pophoitioa now befits them. Some asked what
securities were -to be.given ? To, this he would say,
were their Lbasettips prepared to grant? If their Lord,
ships were disposed, as she ground of sancessinn, to pre-
pose any regulation -which limy bid saltight to ask, and
which the Catholics mien paat, be. did net think they
would be objected to. 4 144 Rev. Prelate who snow
the dense of the -deb.'. last. ohlwrodithat ii
securities were nietnti vilticksoaisLbe made secure,- hit
cola . see no sworn for -refiktiagitrktbe,,Gathobessrlass
they sought. 10,100 king Over tb•bisatespof thapeaiad. he'
rotund thilt a>~ 1703 p **S. Dpi)eiroa7s,Aect
Paved. Dr„ %Apart Wee. Wlilisteatithbiakmailitis
!ampule**. hirrevon OunibllitlahtfAkelb7 ROM*
Ca tholits tying orrocorly dominos* Ow basirtithea,by
410•401.10)1901* awe itsobeitlA

was to be placed in the oaths of Catholics, h would lr
quite useless to impose any more tests of that kind. It was
quiteobvious, however, that if they paid no regard to
the obligation of an oath, they might without further
trouble enter either House of Parliament. Nothing con-
tained in the Act of Union with Scotland or Ireland—nos
thing in the Coronation Oath, he contended, precluded'
their Lordships from doing this act of justice to their Ca-
tholic fellow-subjects. No person venetrated more than
he did his late Majesty, or was more disposed to pay
all duo respect to his opinions ,• but however great hill
veneration and respect, it should not prevent him from
discharging upon this occasion what he conceived to I
be a duty to himself, to his country, and to his
MAKIN. He supported the question from a conviction'
of its justice, and of its tendency, if carried, to tranquil-
lize and improve the situation of Ireland. He never
sought to make any proselytes to it, or to canvass in sup-
port of it. but. he felt convinced that it must be finally
settled. It most go on. To go back would he de-
struction. The Noble Lord who spoke last talked of
experience. Had they not tried the present system for
'8 years, ever since the Union ?—a Union merely
in name. In the present state of things in that coun-
try they were obliged to employ an army of 30,000 men,
and 5,000 police, and yet the Noble Lord talked of the
Constitution. He looked upon all that was going-osi
in that country, and the system which had been for some
time pursued there, as mere experiment, which could end
in noshing permanently beneficial One . bjection against
emancipation was the danger which would thence arise
to the confiscated property of the country. One of the
witnesses eiamined before the Committee upon this
point, being asked what he thought of the confiscated
property in the event of emancipation, said he thought it
safe. When asked why he thought so? be said he had
bought some himself, which he should not have done un-
less he thought it secure. Another source of apprehension
was the tithes. But what benefit could the Catholics derive
from the abolition of the tithes? It was clear.that if they
were removed, the persons who paid rent would not be
beneEtted, for a considerable addition would imme-
diately be made to the rent. He fully concurred with
those who thought that something must be done. In
conclusion, he could not but congratulate their Lord-
ships on the temper and moderation with which this
question bad been discussed. The subject had been
quietly and calmly discussed, and particuhuly by the
Right Rev. Bench, whose conduct upon. this occasion
most justly claimed the respect and •venetation of the
House. He should not trespass longer upon their Lord-
ships attention. Indeed, having been for some tithe suf-
fering under indisposition, he could not, even if he were
disposed, go at present into the subject at greater length.l
The LORD CHANCELLOR wishedst that early
period of the debate to state the precise grounds upon
which be felt himself bound to oppose the motion. He
concurred with the Noble Duke who had just sat down
in approving of the tone and temper in which the discus-
sion bad been conducted—a temper adapted as well to
the djgnity of that House as to the great importance of
the occasion. If that had been the first time the pies-
.lion was brought forward he might, perhaps, have
been disposed to vote for it. The Islob!e Marquis hsdl
proposed an inquiry with a view to further conces-
sions; but when he (the Lord Chancellor) recollected
that for the last twenty-five years the same subject had
been agitated again and again in Parliament—when
he recollected that it had engaged the attention of
the ablest men of the age—that propositions had
been submitted successively to Parliament which had
successively failed—be could not makoltaiis mind to
vote for a proposition, from which he could not hope
for any satisfactory result. lf, as he could not but an-
ticipate, the measure to which an inquiry was a prepa-
ratory step should be rejected, it would lead to a feeling
of exasperation on the part of the Roman Catholics,
which every consideration should induce the Legislature
o avoid. He knew too much of this country, and of
the sentiments of this Protestant population, not to be
aware that a measure of concession to the Catholics
would be receivefl with the greatest alarm, and would
probably lead to consequences the most fatal and de-
structive—(Hear). He would now remind their Lord-
ships old* progress of that question. In 180, a Bill
had been introduced into the other House, to accom-
Oil) the objects of the Noble Marquis's motion. That
Bill had been framed by a man of great intelligence,
—a man well acquainted with Ireland,—and was
supported by his Right Honourable and lamented friend
with the whole force of his power, his sagacity, and his
eloquence. It was also supported by the experience and
knowledge of his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord
Plunkett) whom he was happy to see sitting amongst
them that night, and received much assistance in its de.
tails from the experiencetof a conveyancer of great legal
acuteness. It was supported by the brilliant talents of
Mr.Grattan, by the transcendent eloquence of his Noble
and Learned Friend to whom he had before alluded ;
and all these great authorities had expressed themselves
so strongly while it was in progress, that if the Catholics
refused to accept of the Bill, they gave it to be under-
stood that they could not feel themselves justified in
supporting their cause any longer. The Bill thus framed
and supported, went through two stages. It was coupled
with securities of 'such a nature as the Protestants of
this country had a right to expect. But no sooner
was it known to the hierarchy and priesthood of Ireland,
than they opposed it with all their influence; they pro-
nounced it a pernicious and destructive measure; they
declared that
,the Clergy would rather be led to the.
scaffold than submit to the conditions with which it was
accompanied; and Mr. O'Connell, whose name was so
often mentioned in those debates, had stated, that if it
patsed, the consequence would be a destructive and
bloody insurrection throughout Ireland—(Hear). Why
then, when he saw 40 much talent, so much knowledge,
so much wisdom, employed in framing a particular-
measure of relief—• measure which they thought the
best adapted to its object—a measure which they pledged
their characters to support—when be saw the manner of
its reception and the history of its fate, he despaired of,
the power of Parliament to concert any specific enacts
mart, capable of affording satisfaction to all parties.
--(Hear, hear). The next measure was brought fors
ward by his Noble and Learned Friend.' It bad passed
the other House of Parliament; but on its introduction
into their Lordships' House, though it never passed into
*Committee, its provisions were discussed on the se.
tend reading--every part of it was canvassed I and ht
will remembered the speech of his "Noble and Learsed
nand near him (Lord Eldon), who applied himself to.
the different clauses with the most acute and laborious
patiCularity. He was sure that his Noble and Learned
Fsiend on the othir side would alio*, with his usual
candour, that the provisioas of that Bill were. not units
factory- He next 'same to the Bill of 18115, which wee
brought forward by his Righ. t Hon. and hillaented Friend
(Mr: Coining): No sooner Mil itt1101,1149 Itelandtlsa
~
such a Bill was intecideced.'iluin the. same opposition,
,at as. saw iadignatiou, tha same whit .of distiginfo
k.faviont resistance was raasnfesto4 , uptight. 'ii
atit had marked the career of the first BM When that.
. . .Pa Inigic..lt was quay
.sat 0114%%! to *fir .41 ilabi " H ''' r•
Vai mums a show of smutty, bus nothing antsateetiat

After the fate of those three Bills, he could expect no.
thing from the present motion; and if nothing ~," to
follow the inquiry, Ireland would again he exatperated,
and' great apprehension and alarm would fall upon the
Protestant part of the community—(Heat, hear). He
would mow allude to a question which had been pot by
a Noble Lord, respecting the Revolution of 1688. The
Noble Lord had asked why that question was. alweye.
coupled with the period of the. Revolution I and be
seemed desirous of carrying the' establishment of the
'Protestant Constitution of England to an earlier and leak
popular period. The fact was, that before the Reerobve
tion the Catholics were held in check by the spirit of
Puritanism. When that passed away, on the restoration
of Charles 11. who was justly suspected of favour.
ing the Catholics, the Test Act was passed, by which
they, as well as the Dissenters, were excluded from
office. They had been excluded from Parliament be.
fore by the indirect operation of other Acts; but it oat
by the 25th of Charles 11. that they were excluded hog
dffice, and by the 30th of the same reign that they were
directly excluded from that House and from Parlia-
ment altogether. James 11. was known to be a Papist.
and his devotion to the cause had led to the Revolu-
tion, which led to the establishment of the Protestant
constitotion as it now existed. The celebrated declaro
tion issued by William detailed the laws by which
Catholics wile excluded from Patliament and from
office, and the various provisions
.of the Test Act;
and after stating the attempts which were made In
evade those laws, describe d the great object for
which he came, to be the enforcement of the execo.
tion of these laws, the preservation of the liberties
of the country, and the establishment of the Proses.
tent faith. A meeting of the Lords and Commons took
place, a Convention was assembled, when these laws
were again considered, etici declared to boa part of the
Constitution. Up to that period it was clear that though
Catholics were excluded from Parliament and from
office, they were not excluded from the Crown. Out
then a preamble was attached to the Bill v f Rights itself,
declaring that from that Period the Crown should be
held only by a Protestant. Then it was that the
Protestant Government was for the first time established
—(Hear, hear). So that there never was a complete
establishment and union of a Protestant Church and a
Protestant State till the Revolution—(Hear, hear). He
Would next allude to the Coronation Oath—not to
show that it stood in the way of any legislative provi-
sion_ but to show that the Constitution was strictly
Protestant. Those who had framed that Constitu-
tion,—those who had suffered and persevered in the
cause—were amongst the greatest statesmen and
lawyers that ewer this country had produced. Under that
system we had long lived happy, illustrious, and pow.
ertul—(hear)—and though he did not say that it should
never be altered, he would say that it should not be
altered without full demonstration of the necessity of
change—(Hear, hear). In twelve years after, a new
settlement of the Crown took place; the new settlement
was of the same character—it confirmed the same acts.
At the period of the Union, there was another confirma-
tion of the same system. Thus he answered the ques-
tions of the Noble Earl, and thus he had proved to the
House, that a Protestant Church and a Protestant Go-
vernment was not completed till the period of the
Revolution. Wbat change had taken place in the
position or condition of Ireland which required that
the conduct of this country should be altered towards
the Catholics of Ireland? Perhaps it would be said
that they were now in the hands of persons of a
temper not to suffer the Catholics of Ireland to be trifled
with. It was too true there were now some persons in
Ireland exercising a sway and authority which was al-
together unknown to the Constitution, and little relished
by the Protestants of this country or Ireland. They
demanded tor the Catholics of Ireland admission to
seats in this Protestant House—they demanded admio
sion to offices of State—rendering thereby this Houses*
longer a ProtestantHonse of Peers, and the Government
itselt no longer a Protestant Government but a mired
House of Peers, and a mixed Government—in Oat Catho-
lic. partly Protestant. Times, however, and circum-
stances had changed—(Loud cheers from the Oppo-
sition Bench). From whatever quarter those cheers prco
ceeded, he would answer the appeal by reminding those
Noble Lora, that when the question was first agitated
Ireland had its own Parliament, and it was notorious that
the' influence of a few, very few, individuals returned•
the whole Commons of Ireland. The case was now
uidely different—the power had changed hands, and
the elective franchise in almost all cases was vested in
the Catholic body. Indeed, that they were aware of, and
even boasted of that overpowering influence in the state,
was but too obvious from the tone their orators and pub-
lications assumed. In his opinion, and exercising the
best judgment he could on the :object of their de-
wands, he did not think that making these con-
cessions now demanded would have the effect of
composing and tranquillizing a country so circum-
stanced as Ireland. He had remarked, that for the
last seven years, the priesthood and the Catholic
hierarchy had so increased its influence and authority,
that it was now more effective, and exercised a more
unrestricted contronl than ever it had exercised in pre-
ceding periods of our history. This influence he firmly,
believed would be only confirmed and strengthened if
the concessions demanded by the Catholic Body were
now obtained. Such was that influence, that arbitrary
controul exercised over the whole of the Catholic body
even now, that no one dared or presumed to raise his,
voice against that sway exercised by the priesthood.
Not even Mr. O'Connell, whose influence amongst
that body bad occasioned him to be denounced
ss
the leader and demagogue of the party, could me
.
his voice with impunity against their wishes or their.
fiat. If even this great advocate of their cause dared to
raise hii voice against the sway so exercised, or trenched
on the privileges or power of the Catholic priesthood.
be was called to a strict account, compelled to sehnots
to prostrate his opinions and himself with all his weight
of popularity, before this potent body of men, and
forced to sign an open recantation of his error—(Cheers.)
As long as this sort of religion continued to be the se:
ligion of Ireland, it was vain to expect any efforts of
this nature could ever succeed in calming and compeo. •
ing that agitated country. And would it be right.
under such a state of things, to grant to theb
Ca"'
tics of Ireland that species of concession which was'
in fact substantial power ? Look at the situation to,
which the question stood ! The population of Ire-
land was, although neatly 7,000,000 of souls, el:
most altogether Catholics ; these were led by a band
of active, sanguine, ambitious men, exercising a sear
over the public mind, and over individuals thernseilveo
not as recognized by or connected with the State,
andt
happily for the interests of this country, hitherto unex-
shTled—(Cbeers).—lt was an evil out of which.. we
.very bound some how or other to extricate ourselvea..
rut, looking at the effect of former concessions. on sh:-•:.
nnovating spirit of the Catholic leaders and the Codicil .
tieratchy, he thought it was impossible that we could
ver extricate ourselves from the difficulty .by adopting
the Noble
...g I
arvis near him.' Adverting to the 5.4.
e, or. esoure-Psoposed by the motion of

H 4