Star.
London, England, 1810-02-28 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTAR r PROCEEDINGS. was wholly consistent with ITs safety. He had ditp
--- and ample faith in that consistency -.but now, when
HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY el. the Pope was, or was soon to be, the.subject of a fo-
In the Appeal " Kearney y. Beasley and Wife," Lori Redes- reign enemy, the Catholics would be solicitous to
dale and the Lord Chancellor delivered their opinions in support ' provide that the nomination of their Spiritual Magis-
of the Decree of the Court of Chancery in Ireland, which was Crary should not be an instrument against that Con-
finned with Xislo costs.
The Earl of MOIRA presented Petitions from the Prisoners stitution thet, had so long contributed their aid to
confined for debt in the gaols of Winchester anti Exeter, which support, and so king solicited the privilege to enjoy.
were ordered to lie on the table. I The Catholic may not think the mode of Veto the
,
On the motion of the Earl of LIVERPOOL, a Committee was best way to effect this desiiable purpose, but the
ordered to be appointed, for the purpose of considering the Re- .".
ports and Memorials of the Commissioners for the Improve- object was not 'the less ardently wished for because
ment of the Streets and Places in the neighbourhood of West- they disputed the best means of attaining it. Upon
minster HaU, and the two Houses of Parliament, and a Mes- ' some future day, he would take occasion to call the
sage sent to the Commons, desiring the communication of all solemn deliberation of the House, to sit in judgment
such reports transmitted to them, with the plans and drawings
j tli the - -,,t question of ' " • all the defenders

ipon great __ giving
of the Empire the same dear interests in its security ;
of consolidating our means as a people, by making
us an united people ; cementing our strength by a
snore universal diffusion of the privileges that made
us strong, aad extending the defence of our rights by
extending their participation. On that day he should
rest his arguments upon two great claims which he
would put in on the part of the Constitution :—First,
no religions disability :—Next, no foreign nomination.
Upon the common ground of those two principles,
he would take his stand ; for the present he should
say no more. He deprecated in the present stage any
conversation that could not embrace the question
fully, and that might go too far upon detached
points ; and upon the future discussion he trusted that
there would not be betrayed, upon either the one side
or the other, any heat or violence. This was a ques-
tion upon which transient effusions of ungoverned
warmth might inflict permanent wounds. Passion
and prejudice should keep equally aloof from its dis-
cussion. The soothing progress of time had imper-
ceptibly done much to heal, and change and recon-
cile—reciprocal good viill had been gaining upon re-
ciprocal recrimination. The question was a sort of
protracted marriage. Both parties were growing
wearied of asperity—they were learning to bear, with
one another's failings, to take the worse for the sake
of the better, and would soon have a common sym-
pathy in their sufferings and enjoyments. The Right
Honourable Gentleman then concluded with moving,
that the following Petition do lie on the table :
" To the Honourable the COMMONS of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembkd.

DISSENTERS.
Lord Viscount SIDMOUTH adverted to the re-
turn on the table of the licences granted to Dissenting
Preachers and Teachers, which, he had no doubt, had
made a strong impression upon their Lordships'
minds, and stated his wish to obtain more detailed
information upon this subject ; he therefore moved
for the return of the licences entered in the registry
of each diocese, and at the Quarter Sessions in each
county in England and Wales, from 1760 to 1808.
This motion being agreed to, his Lordship stated,
that he believed it to be the intention of an individual,
more competent to the task than himself, to bring
this subject under their Lordships' consideration; but
if that did not happen, he would himself call their
Lordships' attention to it in the course of the present
Session. He wished it, however, to be distinctly un-
derstood, that he strongly felt the right of every indi-
vidual to the freedom of religious opinion, and of re-
ligious worship, and that he would neither bring for-
ward nor support any measure inconsistent with a
wise, a liberal, and an enlightened toleration.

THE KING'S FREROGATIVE.
Lord Viscount SIDMOUTH alluded to a subject
which had been under discussion on' the preceding
evening, as to whether the King's consent was neces-
sary upon Bills touching the Royal Prerogative ? He
conceived it to have been admitted by their Lord-
ships, that in Bills of this nature the King's consent
ought to be obtained in some stage of their progress,
but in what stage he conceived to be still a matter of
doubt. Notwithstanding what was then said, he
thought that there was a material distinction be-
tween Bills affecting the proprietary interests, and
those touching the.prerogative rights of the Crown ;
and he had great doubts, whether in the latter the
consent of his Majesty ought not to be obtained pre-
vious to the second reading. He did not mean, how-
ever, to give any specific notice upon the subject, but
upon the production of any Bill affecting the King's
prerogative, lie should move for a Committee to search
for precedents, in order, that previous to the discus-
sion upon the Bill, a decision might be come to upon
the point in doubt.

" We whose names are hereunto subscribed, on behalf of our-
selves, and of others his Majesty's subjects professing the Roman
Catholic Religion in Ireland, humbly beg leave to represent to
this Honourable House,

" That we your Petitioners did, in the years 1805 and 1808,
humbly petition this Honourable House, praying the total aboli-
tion of the penal laws which aggrieve the Catholics of Ireland.
" We now feel ourselves obliged, in justice to ourselves, our
families, and our country, once more to solicit the attention of this
Honourable House to the subject of our said Petition.
We state that the Roman Catholics constitute the most nu-
merous and increasing portion of the inhabitants of Ireland, com-
prising an immense majority of the manufacriring, trading, and
agricultural interests, and amounting, at least, to four-fifths of the
Irish population; that they contribute largely to the exigencies of
their country, civil and military ; that they pay the far greater
part of the public and local taxes; that they supply the armies
and navies of this Empire with upwar is of one-third part in
number of the soldiers and sailors employed in the public service;
and that notwithstanding heavy discouragement', they form the
principal tonstituent part of the strength, wealth, and industry of
Ireland.
" Yet, such is the grievous operation of the penal laws of which
we complain, that the Roman Catholics are thereby not only set
apart from their fellow subjects, as aliens in their native land, but
are ignominiously and rigorously proscribed from almost all situ-
ations of public trust, honour, or emolument ; Including every
public function and department, from the Houses of Legislature
down to the most petty Corporations.
" We state, that whenever the labour of public duty is exacted
and enforced, the Catholic is sought out and selected—.where ho-
nours and rewards are to be dispensed, he is neglected and con.
temned.
" Where the military and naval strength of the Empire is to be
recruited, the Catholics are eagerly solicited; nay, compelled at
least to bear their full share in the perils of warfare, and in the
lowest ranks; but when preferment and promotion (the dear and
legitimate prize of successful valour) are to be dkubuted as re-
NOMINEES. wards of merit, no laurels are destined to grace a Cashofic's brow,
Robert Williams, jun. Esq. Thomas Creevey, Esq. or fit the wearer for command. .
CATHOLIC PETITIONS. " We state thus generally the grievous condition of the Roman
Mr. GRATTAN rose to present to the House a , Catholics of Ireland, occasioned solely by the fatal influence and
operation of the penal laws; and though we forbear to enter into
Petition from divers Roman Catholics in Ireland. It greater detail, yet we do not the less trust to the influence of rea-
was a prayer for constitutional privileges. It ap- son and justice (which eventually must prevail) for effecting a full
plied for those privileges through the constitutional I and deliberate inquiry into our grievances, and accomplishing our
,
organ—it sought for a legitimate object, by lcgiti-
effectual relief.
We do beg leave, however, most solemnly to press upon the
mate means—it was right to encourage communion attention of this Honourable House the Imminent public dangers
between the people and their representatives—it pre- which necessarily result from so inverted an order of things, and
served that mutual understanding that was so r.eces- so vicious and unnatural a system of Legislation—a system which
nary to the maintenance of mutual cod will. When
has long been the reproach of this nation, and is unparalleled
g
throughout modern hristendom.
last he had the honour of addressing the House in And we state it as our fixed opinion, that to restore to the
behalf of the Catholic claims, he had then stated that I Catholics of Ireland a full, equal, and unqualified participation
the Catholics were willing to accede to his Majesty of the benefits of the Laws and Constitution of England, and to
the right of Vito on the Catholic nomination of their
withdraw
which drawall the privations, restrictions, a
rictirot them in their
nandvexatious
country, e;
Lions Bishops. He was sorry to say, that he could not now become oppress,
ameasure Injure,
not an
merely expedient, but absolutely tie-
now affirm, that such were the sentiments of the Ro. unary—not only a debt of right due to a complaining people, but
man Catholics of Ireland upon that subject. Whe- perhaps the last remaining resource of this empire, in the preset.
ther be had misinformed the House, or the Catholics vation of which we take so deep an interest.
" We therefore pray this Honourable House to take into their I
had been guilty of retractation, was a question which
most serious consideration the nature, extent, and operation a
he should never agitate, it being his fixed principle the aforesaid penal laws, and by repealing the same altogether
never to defend himself at the expence of his country. to restore to the Roman Catholics of Ireland those liberties so
The admission of the Catholic to a participation in long withheld, and their due share in that Constitution whit*
strheyrip commo. n with their fellow subjects of every other thl•
ought necessity
the rights enjoyed by his Protestant fellow-subject, he
uon contribute by taxes, arms, and industry, to suede al
defend.
had always thou a measure of imperious ,
originating in wisdom, and founded upon the public .‘ And your Petitioners will ever pray, &c. &c."
good. He had, however, at the same time thought, 1 The C HANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUEIit
and uniformly thought, that the investiture of a fo- said, that though the Right Honourable Gentle:xi*
reign power with the unqualified and arbitrary right bad deprecated any further discussion at present, he
of nomination to any portion of our magistracy, was, could not forbear making one or two observationi
in itself, an objection that circumscribed the liberality upon what hld fallen from the Right Honourable
of many, and had shaken the confidence of more. Gentleman. However fortunate those humble efforts
This objection might perhaps be removed, certainly bad proved, which he had made in resisting the
be modified. He thought it ought to be modified, claims of the Roman Catholics, it did not appear
for putting it broadly, it was calculated to awaken from what had fallen from the Right Honourable
apprehensions of injurious consequences to these Gentleman, that his motives in resisting those claims
realms, and more particularly if looked at in reference had been at all connected with those principles of bi-
to the present situation.ef the Spiritual Head of gotted intolerance, which had been so liberally im-
the Ronan Catholic Religion. The Pope was, or puted to him ; for it was clear that had those claims
was likely to be, a French subject--it was desirable, been granted, they would have been granted upon
it was indispensible that the nomination of the Spiri- principles utterly inconsistent with the safety of the
tual Magistrates of so great a portion of the comrnu- Constitution. It did appear, that whatever difference
nity should not be at the controul of the common of opinion had prevailed between him and the Right
enemy. In saying this, he spoke the sentiments, the Honourable Gentleman
_upon the abstract lineation,
wishes of the Roman Catholics of Ireland—their that that Right Honourable Gentleman was or opi-
optnion in this respect was notorious and decisive—they nion, that certain great and important provisitiiiiwere
were unanimous as to the object—they differed only indispensible, in order to guard the Constitution
as to the means, and if the majority should ultimate- against the danger likely to result from that. co,nces-
ly disapprove of the measure of Veto, he thought sum. . .IIL Right Honourable Gentleman 'had at
that it behoved the Catholics to provide by some 1
a tted the danger of giving the RomaTt ca.:
other mode equally efficient, and not equally ti:tt obnoxi- C
what they sought fin $ or,' if be 14 n
i. osfiOy
r
oils, that no grounds be left for those gloat:4llp*. did he speak of the necerssky of a reniliy
hensions of insecurity, resulting fiOni iteeding to. peared then, that they .both w the danger, th9ogh•
their claims. if Wan- be repeaitett• stbsoluteirinctint- .they did not agree as to ,bestsneans ctf
bent upon the Catholics-wadi:lft sod* other mock, 'against. that danger. Het alpigface.,:b" , .
since they could itoillei..thati;tck:sttesr, -That the, bear no further cargo 4 tf 411PAOliete: • '
admitting them fdEthiliYifileei %Flfficf ebistitution. Oisitlemanlimself, wtho h tin •so