Star.
London, England, 1820-11-07 00:00:00

of her exalted rank and situation, the necessity of addressing
your Lordships, bat that, in some form, the Protest of her Ma-
jesty will be admitted.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL thought, as this might be the
most convenient triode of her Majesty expressing her sentiments,
there could be no objections to receiving it ; and, to prevent its
being drawn into a precedent, some entry on the Journals,
stating it to be a special ease, might be made.
The LORD CHANCELLOR deemed it his duty to state to
the House, that the only way in which he conceived the Protect
could be admitted, was, not as a Protest, but as a representation
fetes her Majesz, instead of a personal Address
Lord LAUDERDALE begged to know from their Lordship.,
Whether, considering the context, that Address would have been
received in the House *apart of a speech without interrupticr. :
It was impossible that their Lordships could for a monser
think of permitting suck a violent attack upon their cliaracttr.
He found, that it was mid, in that Paper, that Noble Loris
cam" from the Secret Committee with minds biassed by a nu,s
of slanders. How could her Majesty, or her Majesty's
visors know, that all the evidence which bad been brought u.
fore the Secret Committee bad not bees laid before the !louse
This was one of the most direct calumnies ever vented against
the House. He, for toe, had sat upon the Committee, and he
declared before Goa, that, his opinion of the Queen's guilt
had arises from her owe defence. Was it possible that their
Lordships would permit themselves to be thus slandered? With
sit due respect towards the Illustrious Personage who was under
such circumstances in that House, and with every feeling of
delicacy towards her as a female, he could not help making
some observations upon the Protest she had thought proper to
present—so powerful was his sense of duty. He begged and
implored their Lordships to recollect their own dignity; and,
while they were permitting any statement to go upon their jour.
saps, to take care that it should not convey any stigma upon their
own character—(/fine, hear).
The Duke of NEWCASTLE rose. He had, he said, heard
some observatiops, intimating, that by an expostfacto live, souse
of their Lordships, who had been unavoidably absent, were to
be deprived of their most valuable privilege, that of voting.
Now he was determined to maintain all his privileges, and he
should do his duty conscientiously, without fear of consequencts.
Lord SOMERS said, he had not attended during the whole
of the investigation, in consequence of the intervention of sieve
unforeseen circumstances. The part be had not heard was
a small part, and his hearing not having been very good, he bad
removed to a situation near the bar, in order that be might come
to a decision upon the most impartial view of the evidence. Me
had to offer in excuse for giving his vote whittle having beard
the whole of the case, that at the commencement it had been
stated that the casual absence of Noble Leeds should net pee.
vent them from voting. Having saki so '*tech, he had to add
that there never was a case in which be was more firmly con-
vinced of the guilt of any defendant than of the *tilt of the
Illustrious Person who was to be affected by the XL He
considered. her guilty of the essential part of the charges spins&
her, and he taught it but jostles to 'the House to eats the
grounds on which he bad given his vote whist the =entre--
(Cries if " No, sso r).
; Earl GREY said, the question before the House was whether
'their Lordships should or should not receive the Paper pre-
anted to them—a question which had, nothing to do with the
Noble Lord's seithnentsfif the Bill-;-(Heer, hear).
Lord LAUDERDALE thought his Noble Friend (Somers)
joiliked instating the mends of his vote.
The Dike ot-ATHQL agreed in the *pion, that 'this was
Pet the exact time at ve 'eh to ester into a diacussion upon the
merits of the M.
Lord SHEFFIELD regretted that be bad been went dodos
part of the proceedings, but justified the vote be had given.
Lord CARNARYON said, the case was of such a nature;
that the absence of any Noble Laid for a tingle hour might
have been of, great importance. Mack however, in such cir.
cumeauces as those under which the Queen laboured, must be
left to the discretion of deb Lordships.' He wits aware that the
langutge of the Paper was, strictly speaking, objectionable, but
great allowance should be nude for the painfid situation in which
her Majesty was placed ; and he trusted that the greatest latitude
would be given. He should curtain!), have been much better
pleased if her Majesty had said, their Lordships had came to a
consideration of her case under circuMetanoes which rendered
At impossible that their minds should not be biassed—(Hear,
Arae).—He, at the same times me declare, that if he bad beta
on the Committee, he should* ten entertiJo st thought of voting,
convinsed, as be was, that such was human iisfurnity, he could not
but be an inadequate judge—(Hew)..—Had be been Counsel
farther Majesty, be would not have advised her to submit any
niece appeals to the House; and be 'veld not help expressiog
his surprise at the fact that some Noble Lords thought themselves
at liberty to come in a decision about the guilt or innocence of
their Queen, and at the same time to trample under their feet
the most vital principles of justice !—(Jfear, heor).—He cons
bussed the conduct of the Noble Duke (Nrereastle), who said
that an es post facts law had been made to prevent him from
voting. Unaccustomed to the forms of law, the Noble Duke
' bad, in the meioses discharge of hie duty, trenched upon the most
obvious principles of justice. Why, asked his Lordship, bad
the Noble Earl opposite moved; at' the commencement of
this proceeding,..that the House should be called Over? Why
was it that no Peer was allowed to vote by proxy? Was
k oat because no Peer was entitled to vete who did not per.
Aenally attend the investigation of the ease/ * Whet' the Noble
Doke claimed the right of voting without hearing the defeuce,
be was, in fact, claiming to vote by proxy ; it was to all intents
laud purposes the same thing. He remembered well the words
of dms, oble Earl opposite (Lord Liverpool); whoa be moved
the all of the House, be had said, • most emphatically, that be
trusted no Noble Lind would presume to give a vote on the case
who did not hear the whole of the evidence--(Nese). Noble
Lord =the Woolsack, too, had assented to the principle, though
be bad somewhat qualified its application ; be had said, that if
bonnet to be two or three days skean during the proceedings,
beilhoodd not coodder.himself justified. in voting male
11W—
hear)i—But did either of these Noble Lords ever cos-
tdophide that any Noble Peer who should be abieut, not days
but weeks, who should not hear one word of the defence,,
should come down and say, that he was net only ready to vote
for the girl, but for the severest Penalties which it captained

ceedings in the case—when we logic at the conduct
of those who paws ago should have manifested a
protecting care for the person and character of the
Quash—when we look at Hanoverian Ministers and
German thietes and picklocks ; at the Milan Com-
mission ; at 'the agents and hirelings of that Com-
mission ; at tilt subornation of witnesses against hit
Monfart—when we recollect the abstraction of a
witness pending the 'trial ; the refusal to have a
Conspiracy enquired into till after its victim shall
have suffered.! When we look at all these things,
we say,-Let not the Country believe that any act
whatever, as connected with this trial, may not be
attempted by the persecutors of her MAJZSTY.--
When we look at all this, and take into our consi-
deration the interests of the country, which are now
put in jeopardy by every step In these proceedings,
we say, that nothing car. save the country from these
evils but the voice of the country, powerfully ex-
pressed by the legal means which the People still
possess—namely, by Petitions—strong, but respectful
Petitions to his MAJESTY and the House of Commons,
praying that the due administration of justice may
not be violated by the passing of an Act unknown
to the laws, and subversive of the first principles of
British jurisprudence. This right the country still
possesses ; and this right, it is believed, will be 'acted
upon Cis now actually preparing to be brought into
action] from one end of the kingdom to the other.—'
We have only to add, that not a moment is to be lost.
HOUSE OF LORDS, NOVEMBER 7.
FROCAEDINGS OF THIS DAY.
TRIAL OF HER MAJESTY.
The Loan Csuilicawsa took his seat on the Woolsack a few
minutes before ten o'clock, when Prayers were read by the
II Bishop of Baum, and the list of Peers Called over.
The Earl of LAUDERDALE observing that the bar was
prepared as if Counsel were expected to attend, and that Mr.
Gurney, the short-hand writer, was seated as during the exami-
nation of witnesses, wished to know the reason of such pre-
parations.
The LORD CHANCELLOR ealled do Mr. Quarme, the
Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, and inquirei by whose order
the bar had been prepared ?
Mr. Qvaana.-0 My Lord—l cannot inform your LOniship ;
on my coming into the House, I found the bar in the state it
now is."
The Usher of the Black Rod, Sir THOMAS Trawnwr, was
then called to the Bar, and he stated, that the Attorney-General's
pert had intimated, that the Attorney-General world attend
at the Bar, in consequence of which, he had ordered it to be
prepared.
The LORD CHANCELLOR wished that every Officer of
the House should understand that, in future, no such prepare-
' liens should take place, unless by an order of the House.
Lord DACRE then rose to present a Protest from her Ma..
jetty, and said—My Lords, since I came down to the 4lome
this morning, a Protest from her Majesty has been pat into my
hands. Not having taken any shun in the debates oo this pain-
ful and important iluotion, and entertaining, u I do, strong
initlngs on the subject, I ought perhaps, to make eomeapology
he now addressing your Lordships. But my opinions, my
Lords, were not influenced by what has passed at the Bar of this
House. My objection to Bills of Pains and Penalties for acts
long since committed, was so strong, that no evidence that
could be brought forward would, in my opinion, justify re-
sorting to such a measure. Having had this Protest placed
in my bands, I will mike one or two observations upon is.—
Whatever opinions I may have had as to the nature of this pro-
ceeding, I concur most cordially in the first part of her Ma-
jesty's Protest, that her acknowledged prosecutors have voted
against her on this trial. I know that prnedents may be found
for such votes, and it is left to the ipdividuals themselves to de-
cide on the propriety of prosecutors acting as jurors; but the
country will form an opinion upon it which it is not difilculs to
anticipate. Her Majesty further complains, that some of the
parties who have given their voices agaiost her, have not attended
the trial 'doting her defence—(Hear, hear).—l will not say they
had no right to vote, if they could reconcile suck an act to
their consciences. Her Majesty then protests, before Goo, that
she is wholly innocent of the crime laid to her charge, and de-
clares that she will abstain from all further appeal to your Lord-
ships, reserving to herself the further vindication of her charac-
ter in another place. I now, my Lords, will read
THE PROTEST.
di The Queen has learnt the 'decision of the
Lords upon the Bill now before them.' In the face
of Parliament, of her Family, and of her Country,
she does solemnly protest against it. Those who
avowed themseles her Prosecutors, have presumed
to sit in judgment upon the question between the
Queen and themselves. Peers have given their
voices against her, who had *heard the whole evi-
dence, r the charge, and absented themselves during
her dffence. Others have come to the discussion
from the Secret Committee with minds biassed by a
mass of slanders, which her enemies have not dared
to bring forward in 411 e light.
" The Quessf does not avail herself of her right
to appear before the Committee ; for to her the de-
tails of the measure must be a matter of indiffer-
ence; and, unless the course of these unexampled pro;
should bring the Bill before the other branch

THE EVEN.

kit STAR.

LONDON•

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1820.
TAE FUNDS.
PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAT AT 074 E O.OIOOE
Bank Stock 214-4lper Cent. *educed 671 II 67 674
S per Cent. C 1414. 68i 67f 63 67 j— per Cent. 76i 76
4 per Cent. $O 1-5 per Cent. Nivy 100
Long Anni. 17 7-16—India Stock 221 444—Bonds MC pr.
New Anna. 671--izeliequer Bills es. ss. pie.
Dumdum 2j als.—Ossia. for Account 68; 67{ 68.

THE QUEEN.

Considering all the means that haVe been em-
ployed against the Quesx by her Manurry's enemies,
the division of yesterday, in which the majority for
the second trading of the Bill of Pains and Penalties
vas only Twenty-eight, may Le held as a triumph
on the part of the Illustrious Accused—or, in other
words, as a defeat of the prosecutors. A majority of
only Twenty-eight in the Hottse of Lords, the attend-
ance of Members being full, has ever been considered
equivalent to a defeat of the Ministers of the Crown;
because, in that Assembly, the personal influence of
the Ministers, the presence of their friends, the well-
understood wikhes of the Sovetustcni, and the power
of patronage, are generally known to be more imme-
diately operative than in the House of Commons.—
In fact, remove from the numbers on the side of the
majority the names of the Members of the Cabinet,
of their immediate relatives and connexions, and of
the Members who formed the Secret Committee, and
whose judgMent in deciding upon the evidence ad-
duced at the Bar must, from that previous examina-
tion of ex-parte evidence, have been most injuriously
warped—remove these names from the side of the
majority, and the majority and minority will quickly
change places.
In none of the Courts acknowledged by the Laws
of England would it be permitted that the Grand
Jury (the Secret Committee) should, with minds im-
pressed by a secret'ex-parte trial, where no explana-
tions were had, no counter-testimony received, no
witnesses cross-examined, subsequently mingle with
the Petty Jury, and mislead their fellow Jurors by
their own impressions, incorrectly formed but firmly
preserved. The principles of natural justice would'
demand the absence of the Queen's accusers, the
principles of our own law would equally require the
removal of the Secret Committee wbo placed her.in
a state of accusation.
There is yet another way bf viewing this majority,
equally satisfactory to the QUEEN, and still leaving
to the country a power to boast that some virtue re-
mains among our Nobility :—Of the Irish Repre-
sentative Peers, 11 were for the Bill, and six against
it five : of the Scotch Representative
'Peers, nine were for, and two against the Bill—ma-
jority, seven: of the Bishops [yes, of the Bishops 13
.It, were for the Bill, and one against it—Tutal of
these majorities, 23, which constitute no part of the
English Nobility. Add to these nine Cabinet Mi-
misters—that is, nine mho could not vote in favour of
the QUEEN without voting against themselves—and
the aggregate will be 32, which, being deducted
from the nominal majority for the Bill, will leave a
majority of four against it !
And, again, it is held as an axiom in our Courts,
that where a doubt prevails, the accused shall have
the benefit of that doubt—a doctrine which even the
QUEEN'S enemies admitted in the course of these pro-
ceedings. Let this doctrine be applied practically in
the present case, and her MAJESTY stands acquitted;
for can it be said that the High Court of Parliament
entertained no doubts on the case, when, notwith-
standing all motives called into operation, no fewer
than 95 out of 218 of the Jury—or Judges—or Pro-
secutors—or by whatever other name they may be
called, were against the Bill ?—ls this anything like
the unanimity required in an English Jury ? No—
nor will Englishmen ever acquiesce in the justice of
any infliction, settled in the same manner,- and by
the same means, as a Turnpike or a Canal Bill !
But, in addition, we have to remind our Readers
that the House, or at least certain Members in the
House, stand pledged to compensate the injury done
to the QUEEN'S case by the abstraction of a witness,
by the Agenu for the prosecution—pending the Trial!
Is this to be given by a per centage, deducted fruit)
the majority? When it is recollected that the exa-
mination of this witness stood connected with proofs
for the defence, that d conspiracy existed

offered ceedings .
against her MAMTT (but which the House, in its
of the Legislature, she will make no reference what- —4l4:ll4chtrt—llethtirtglit , this
lore of justice, refused to inNire into), will it be de- was Ilotisecoultarnot mil Lo much,
ever to the treatment experienced by her during the any strict rules of practice.-in favour of the accused party.
pied that the deduction for ihis injury Des, an injury . •
last twenty-five years. He saw nothing so informal in tie Protest; as should re-
not yet redressed, though promised to be so should vent its being received. The contents of it, as far as
44 She now, most deliberately, and before Goo, respected matter of fact, were strictly true; 'they were such as
be at least at the rate of fifty per cent. from the Mi
they would soon -
asserts, that she is wholly innocent of the crime laid la: thewi hod ir Lordships, stlz as the whole country, tonstenfeel;
for,
se
wfuhliecoref..
nisterial majority? to her charge; and she awaits, with unabated confi- numbered the judicial character of their LotdsWps would never
Will Ministers still persevere in pressing this Bill
dente, the. final result of this unparalleled invests- :fin- KPIPY that high situation which it l!ti'heretofore wain-
through Parliament ? Many think, that for some
gation r The LORD CHANCELLOR- explained; that •he had no
time they have felt at least an equal anxiety to get The LORD CHANCELLOR..—I appeeeeod,
A. thatid.dace:".....g_ 1 teliacilatttt•hterce/!lviPeai gstythsehoPateisttaville thweintfil"bnen7fitootifleirt;;
themselves white-washed, in some way, by the vote en
42 toor thea Dlrudina"of
this maestros, rnactilhe
perm:lw'
who Is
the
01,-01.----tie I his doubt
thatdoobast was
all Assdartoesstitefropwropeherr'snma¢d6..;,e of the thing, lie
the second reading, as to gain any other object what-r...,, containing ghat
ever, and that they will now contrive sOnle- means to Bill hoe a right to be._ personally heard. It Is, therefore, for she had farther co say in her behalf, it might be accepted; but
asou Lordships so madder whether this Protest tit° iv received that to prevent its forming a Vreiudicial precedent, it would
strangle it in the Committee, as none cannot believe it
the A of the Individual: as I we lilac 2, .be properutoter the reception of it on the Journals In these
possible that Ministers, on such a small majority as -‘ g‘', words.— Mwithstandisig the exceptions which the it
may be received, but that as a Protest it cannot. I might take to the contents of the Protest, yet, wider the tira:
Ma-
they have obtained, and with such I strength of opi- Lerd DACRIL—My Lords, I awn swam of alni.4llßegliy funittawei of the case, they consent to receive It as bet :se
nion opposing them against this tremendous and pointed out by the Learned anti .Nahlo Lord on thelftolooki ex representationagzhat her kfijusty hes farther to
truly radical 13i11, will attempt to carry it through but as it is admitted that her Majesty may be beard personally, l.` DACRI saw no cot;ecjerten peo in eon. baps made
Parliament, Nat, when we look A the whole pro- Tow I.4xdsbin Igo ow/ "44 not *lb to pray On a rif*Weslss the Jettnelf.