The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1852-07-20 00:00:00

THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT
DECLARED BY MR. DISRAELI.

On Tuesday last, Mr. Disraeli, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and his colleague in the representation of
Buckinghamshire, Mr. Dupre, dined with a numerous
body of their constituents at Newport Pagnell ; and as
everything which emanates from the former gentleman is
at the present moment of importance, as shadowing forth
the intended policy of the Government, of which he is a
conspicuous member, we are induced to quote some of the
most striking portions of his speech on the occasion. Mr.
Disraeli vindicates his opposition to the measure of 1846,
which he still considers to have been of too violent a
character, injuriously submitting the agriculturist to com-
petition with the foreigner, without providing any alle-
viation of the onerous taxation which British industry has
to sustain. He regards a return to Protection, however,

in
as impossible the present temper of the public mind ;
and, admitting that a ss. duty would furnish an important
source of revenue, he considers that it would not per se be
a protection to the British agriculturist. The remedy for
the present sufferings of that class is described in the
following passages :

" Now, gentlemen, it has sometimes been said that the
policy I wish to pursue has been of but limited compass ;
that it referred only to the burdens entailed upon land by
our system of unfair taxation. Well, gentlemen, in the
first placA, if there are any particular burdens on one
cless which the rest of society do not bear, I say, as a
matter of principle, that there ought to be redress.
(Hear.) But I utterly deny that at any time I have told
you that proper measures of redress were solely or wholly
to be got by any advantage which might arise from the ad-
justment of particular burdens entailed by local taxation.
Three years ego, in this room, I advised you to take that
particular grievance into your consideration, and to work
it out, because your claim for redress was founded upon
justice. (" Yes, yes.") And because justice would be
sanctioned by the great body of the country. (Cheers.)
And what has happened since I thus advised you proves
that my advice was a good one, for many gentlemen in
the House of Commons who did not represent agricultural
constituencies voted for the motions I brought forward on
the subject, because they could not withhold their ap-
proval of what had the high sanction of national justice
for its support. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I have not
told you—l do not tell you now—that this would give you
a sufficient, or that this would give you the chief, means
of redress. (Hear, hear.) I say no. It is in reviewing—
it is in adjusting—the whole system of national taxation ;
it is in placing this system upon a just basis that the pro-
ducer will find that justice which the consumer—which
every fair and upright man—could wish him to secure.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the old question was simply this—
You said it required a system of legislation which would
secure to you an artificial price. You were always taught
to believe that in raising prices you would find redress ;

and, in my opinion, it would have been very wise not ma-
terially to have destroyed the old system. (Hear.) But
there is another view of the case—another view of your

position—another means by which you may obtain
redress—and a means mare practical than recurring to the
past—which is beset with infinite difficulties. It is not
to increase prices in order that you may have a fair remu-
neration for your toil ; but it is, gentlemen, to reduce the
cost of production. (Immense cheering.) Now, that is
the sound advice which the agricultural interest must act
upon. (Hear, hear.) You are told that it is one of the
necessities for the prosperous condition of England that
the bread of the people should be cheap. Well, I say take
care that the producer of that bread shall be able to pro-
duce it as cheap as possible. (Loud cheers.) Now,
gentlemen. you will find, if you adopt that view of the
case, that you who are occupiers of the soil will more gra-
dually get the feeling of the country in your favour, and,
at the same time, more perfectly secure compensation for
yourselves. It is, as I have said, in reviewing the system
of taxation which exists, and in the adjustment of that
system, that the cultivators of the soil will find that com-
pensation which they have a right to expect from the ab-
rogation of that law which gave them artificial prices
(applause); and I say, in accordance with the spirit of
the age and with the temper of the country, let your
produce now be raised upon the cheapest possible prin-
ciple. (Applause.) But, then, it follows you must not
allow your native produce to be shackled by laws which
hinder the producer from competing.with foreign countries.
It follows that in the new principle of justice the culti-
vators or the soil shall no longer remain the only class
incapable of receiving a fair profit for their industry. It
follows you must take care that the same justice be done
to all her Majesty's subjects. (Cheers.) And lam well
aware, gentlemen, if the question be viewed in that light,
and if taxation shall certainly be placed upon a new prin-
ciple, I am convinced we shall be able to bring forward
measures of relief which will receive the sympathy, and
approbation, and support of all the various classes of this
country."

As to the prospects of Lord Derby's government being
able to carry out this policy, he proceeds :
" Well, I say, gentlemen, it is, in my opinion, the duty
of a Government to redress the grievances under which
the agriculturists have unjustly suffered. I say more, it
is their duty to do so, if they have the opportunity ; and I
say further, it is their duty to meet the electors of the
country, and to ask from them the opportunity of effect-
ing this redress. (Cheers.) And what are our prospects,
gentlemen, of success in that particular ? If I thought
we could only obtain that redress by a continuation of
support from the counties of England, although I might
think the case abstractedly a just one ; although I might
feel that being just we should not refrain from doing that
which is founded in justice, yet I: could only do it with
regret ; under such, circumstances I might shrink from at-
tempting the great risk of conciliation. (Hear, hear.)
But as far as I can view the appeal which my Lord Derby
has made to the nation, I see no evidence that only one
class—the agricultural class—is about to give its sanction
to such views. (Hear.) I see some of the greatest
towns in the country (A Voice—", Liverpool") eagerly
and zealously advancing to give IA the opportunity of
bringing forward these measures, and that they believe
such remedial measures to be just and necessary. An hon.
friend had just mentioned Liverpool, and Liverpool is the
greatest port of England (cheers), much more extensive
than London. But this decision of Liverpool is not un-
accompanied by others equally startling and satisfactory.
The city of Dublin (cheers) has done the same ; and I
have learned within these last few hours that the great
manufacturing town of Belfast—the Manchester of Ire-
land—has returned two members to support the Govern.
ment. (Loud cheers.) And if I take the other great
ports of the country—Dover, Greenwich, and Plymouth
(cheers)—l find the same result."
The alternative which is now before the country—the
maintenance of the Derby administration or anarchy—is
described with a force of eloquence of which Mr. Disraeli
alone is master :

" It is my firm conviction that the government of Lord
Derbywillinect parliament in the autumn with an absolute
majority. (Cheers.) To me that is not a subject of
doubt. And the ministry shall, therefore, no longer have
to meet a hostile parliament, or be restrained in its policy
by an overpowering opposition. We shall meet parlia-
ment prepared to do cur duty, under a firm conviction
that the country will steadily support us. My hon. friend
(Mr. Dupre) has referred to the position in which the
country would be placed if the government did not suc-
ceed. Gentlemen, I will not conceive the alternative ;
but at the same time no one can be blind to the fact that
the opposition will create its organisation upon revolu-
tionary principles. (Hear, hear.)_ Happy was the pre-
science of Lord Derby when he told the Whig opposition
that the pear was not ripe last year. (Laughter.) The
whigs were in office. They have shown us their character,
'and their policy has been received with universal scouting
by the country; and they cannot, gentlemen, attain to
popularity again, except by calling to their councils the
Jacobin clubs of. Lancashire. (Loud laughter.) But I
feel, gentlemen, that the present government is necessary
for the preservation of the English constitution ; but the
future institution of the opposition already peeps from its.
shell and developes its horns, and from that shell the
opposition cannot emerge except enveloped in the shrine
of sedition. • (Continued laughter.) A change in the
institutions of the country will be the condition of its.
success • and you must indeed be false to all your profes-
sions—false to that high spirit which Englishmen have
ever shown—false to the traditionary association of your
country, if you suffer an opposition, founded upon such
principles, to govern this nation. (Cheers.) Well, then,
gentlemen, when we meet in the. County-hall on Friday,
I want to know if you will support the principles and
practices which I have so feebly detailed ? (Loud cries
of " Yes, yes,") Will you be prepared to say, "We
shall have justice done to the soil—(" Yes, yes")—we
shall have our legislation conceived in the spirit of the
age—(" Yes, yes")—which is the spirit of justice."
(Cheers.) Will you be prepared to say, "We will have
the Protestant constitution of this country preserved, not
with the sectarianism of bigots, but with those who believe
that Protestantism is the only safeguard of English
liberty." (Loud cheers.) These, gentlemen, are the
issues before you. Be prepared to fight against those
difficulties and compunctions which an unwise andeccentric
opposition may create, and in the ancient spirit of the men
of Buckinghamshire, which has congered in times that are
past, and which now, I believe, will carry us on to that
higher triumph which yet awaits us. (Loud and repeated
cheering.)"

COMPLIMENT TO A CANDInATE.—The whole of the
expenses incurred by the Conservative committee at the
recent contest will be defrayed by subscription, Mr. Par-
ker, M.P., not having been called upon to pay even the
legal expenses of the election.—Preston Chronicle.

- -
TREATING AT THE LATE HULL ELECTION.--The
Hull Packet of Friday states, that the amount of one
tavern bill for refreshments supplied during the late
election, and paid on behalf of the liberal candidates, was
no less than £6OO.
ELECTION PETITIONS.--It is p anticipated that a larger
number of election petitions will be resented in the
forthcoming session than for many years, and doubtless
many seats will be exchanged. It is rumoured that an
eminent Queen's Counsel has already received 25 retainers.
—Globe.

IMPROVED UNDERSTANDING WITH BRAZIL.—The an-
nexed is from the private correspondence of the Daily
News, of Saturday, under date of the 15th ; and just
brought by the Tay :—Senhor Paulino, the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, had notified to the Chambers that Lord
Malmesbury had withdrawn the offensive and hostile in-
structions given by Lori Palmerston to the British crui-
sers to follow vessels they suspected of being engaged in
the slave trade into the rivers and ports of Brazil, and
thence take or even cut them out by violence. This an-
nouncement had given satisfaction, both in and out the
Chambers ; and hopes were very generelly entertained
that the Brazilian Government would reciprocate the con-
cession by sending powers to the Brazilian Minister in
London to put an end to the unpleasant relations that
had so long prevailed between the two countries by eon•
eluding a new slave trade treaty with England.