Star.
London, England, 1827-05-11 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

TEM THE VTOILV, OP WEDNESDAY.
PARIS, MAT a.
The visit of the Emperor Don Pedro to Europe, of
which some Journals speak, will not take place.
The Nuremberg Correspondent contains, under the
head of frontiers of. Poland, some reflections on the dis-
charge of General Yermaloff from the Government of
the provinces beyond the Caucasus. This measure
is ascribed to the journey of General I)iebitsch, and
inferences are drawn from it favourable to the conclusion
of peace between Persia and Russia; for it is difficult
to conceive that, if it was intended to continue the war.
a man of such talents as General Yermaloff would be
:et aside.

The Representative Council of Geneva, in its Sitting
of the 2d of this month, adopted the law for the repres-
sion of the licentiousness of the Pass, by a majority of
Id 2 to IS. It will be again brought before the Council,
to be tevised in the Session of December 1830. We shall
take further notice of this Sitting, in which very
portant Amendments were agreed to.
The remainder of the Etoile 'is filled witt extracts
from the English Papers, and the debates in the French
Chamber cf Deputies, on the 7th May.

PROM THE JoURNAL DES DICEATII.
CIfAMBER OF DEPUTIES—Sneer or sue 7su MAY,
The Order of the Day was the commencement Of 'the 1
discussion on the Financial Law for 1828.
M. Larnes, in support of the project ofthe law—. Gentlemen,
Budgets of 500 millions Were presented with ansiety some forty
/ears ago: A deficit of 56 millions caused the liveliest alarms, and
was intimated with grief to the Stites General. If it had then been
announced that, France, after thirty years of bloody discord, after
thirty years of unexampled Nye', after the ravages of two foreign
invasions, would pay a of general contributions, between
two and ;hree millions of local taxes, and that they were paid with-
out constraint, and without murniur, what would have been the
astonishment f the Ministers; the Sovereigniand the Nadon? Yet
this phenomtnon, then hicredible, has taken place. Every year a
budget of near a ssillitvd is announced to u., and in caw of neces-
sity, no fear is maisitected yu diniatitling a second, to satisfy
former proprietors, and between SOO and 600 millions for a poiiir
dcal war; and all is demanded without any anajety. without pitying
frame, without doubting of her means or her seal, boasting atl:t
same time of her pies prosperity. Yet our soil, our climate ha
nut changed. The physical constitution of France has remained the
same. Whetter come these mysterious riche* by wh:ch the Go-
vernment profits with so much security and confidence? The
secret of there riches is visit to be discovered. It, consists in the
freedom of the. soil, the freedom of industrtmla one Hurd, she
enrancipation 5101 the faunlike. Bit this reason tike Utivenizikiat
•

Lord ELLENBOROUGH trusted his Noble Friend
at the head of the Foreign Department would allow him
to take that op.p rtunity of asking for farther informa-
tion relative to Portugal. At the moment of the deli-
very of his Majesty'. Message, stating that the Printess
Regent of Portugal had called for the assistance of some
Btitish troops, in pursuance of existing treaties, those
troops were on their way thither, and it was impossible
that any papers connected with this subject could be
laid befote .their Lordships; because it was necessary
that ti.e troops should be immediately sent, and there
was no time to call on their Lordships to consider the
grounds for sending out the troops. Admitting that
the Ministry had just grounds to call on the nation to
preserve the faith of treaties, still it was not sufficient
for t. -e Mini.try to come to such a decision without hay.
ing ascertaii.ed the justice of the claims that were made
on our assistance. That no information of this descrip-
ti•m ha a been laid before their Lordships, he attributed
rather to the disorganised state of the Government than
to any wish to withhold the information which it was its
duty to lay before their Lordships. The state of things
was now entirely different : then it might be trot
that the tang farderit existed—non constat that.it now
existed. The state of things was changed; the rebel-
lious army had been driven across the frontier, and did
not exist any longer. A new state of things had arisen ;
the most important fortress on the frontier had been en-
trusted to a regiment which had deserted, and the state
of Lisbon its-lf was such that it caused the return of a
body of British troops. It was impossible to look at the.
state of Portugal, if the information contained in the
public prints might be at all telied on—if there were
not as many falsehoods afloat in Lisbon as there had
been in London during the last three weeks—it was
impossible, he said, to 10,,k at the state of Portugal, if
the information circulated might be trusted, without
being under apprehensions that the British troops
inigh4 and, indeed, it was scarcely possible that they
s ould not be called on to interfere in dissensions of a
dianestic and civil nature. Under these circumstances,
he felt it his duty to allude to the matter, and to call on
hit Noble Friend to inform their Lordships whether it
lets the intention of his Majesty's Government to lay on
their Lotdships' table any additional information rola-
'reto the ewe of Portugal?
L•*d Vintuntit DUDLEY stated that it was not the
intention of his Majesty's Government to lay at present
slay additional information before their Lordships as to
thewithdrallal Ot remaining of the troops, it was cons

netted with negotiations now pendingfarid which were
not in a state to be laid before their Lordships.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH begged to inquire of his
Noble Friend, whether these negotiations were carrying
on with Portugal, or any other country?
Lord Viscount DUDLEY and WARD replied, at
we understood, that he could give no specific answer to
the question of the Noble Lord.
!RUSSIA.
Lord Viscount GODERICH moved an Address to
his Majesty, praying that he would be pleased to order
to be laid before their Lordships, a copy of the Report
presented by Baron Maliaihn to the King of Prussia,
in June, 1826, relative to the duties on British goods •
mad in June, 1827, relative to the number '
of Ships
which cleared out from the ports of Prussia.—Agreed to..
.21111 WSW ADKINISTRAiI N—CORN LAWS.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE rose to present a Pet•
*don against any alter ation in the Corn 1.•4 %VS. 1 intended,
said his Grace, to oppose the Bill now before us, esti*
when the Noble author of it Was in this Neese. 'lf I
were then of that opinion, • how much more strongly
wsust I be inclined to do so when tho.e.persons With
whom he was associated were driven f: orn the Goveris-
teem, and those checks and safeguards, upon which 1
might rely, are removed. It is, I think, the duty of
every honest man to cdtrie forward at thirawful
it is a duty which he owes to his King and his country,
to stand boldly forward and dispossess of power that
individual—l may, perhips, be it,ing a harsh term:—
but I can find none inure appropriate; I apply it, of
course in a political ience, but I.caanot designate him
other than the most profligate Minister that ever was in
power. I call on you all, my Lords, to come forward
and liberate his Majesty from the awful end tremendous
situation in which he is placed, and to overthrow the
most insidious and dangerous coalition that hid ever
entered into the head of any Statesman to project--
(Cheers.)—Thus much, my Lords; I felt it my duty to
say. I should be very sorry if I have not stated my
opinions as strongly as I feel them, and I am convinced
that in giving utterance to those opinions, I but express
the sentiments of every well•thinking man from John
o'Groat's House to the Land's End—(Cheers).
Lord TEYNHAM presented a Petition against any
alteration in the Corn Laws, from a parish in the County
of Buckingham, and gave notce that he would move
that the Petition be taken into consideration, in order
that the Petitioners be heard at the Bar of the House
against the proposed Bill. . .
The Earl of DARLINGTON said, that althoogh
himself in favour of the Corn Bill proposed to Parlia-
ment, le. had thought it his duty when going to the
Country, to inquire into the opinion of those whom it
ot concerned, and he found that it geoerally eon-
erred with his own. He did not in fact briery that
any measure had ever been introduced either in that or
the other House, in which a inore unanimous feeling of
approbation prevailed in the country. He would not
ray that it might not be improved by future alterations,
but under the present circumstances it was the best
which could be adopted. With respect to the course
which he had adopted in supporting his Majesty's
Ministers, he appealed to the Noble and Learned Lord
who lately sat on the Woolsack, whether for a consi-
derable time, when he sat on the other side of the House,
he had not approved the measures of his Majery's Mi-
nisters, and given them his confidence? He could not
help stating that he was astonished, and saw with great
regret the sadden and violent opposition which was
raised against the new Administration. There could
be but one or two causes for this opposition—either a
desire of office and place, or an intention to diet rte to
the Crown what Ministers his Majesty should choose.—
Both causes were, in his opinion, highly objeetiOisoble.
—(Cheers). He had but little personal knowlege of
the Right Hon. Gentleman now at the head of the-Go-
vernment, but he felt himself bound to declare, that his
confidence in it was much strengthened by the accession
of that distinguished Statesman. It was with feelings
which he could hardly describe, that he heard that
Right Hon. Gentleman alluded to in a manner not very
courteous, and certainly most unparliamentaty (Cheers).
The Noble Lord did not stand up as the advocate of
that Statesman—he was too feeble for such an under-
taking, but he stood there to vindicate his own-cha-
racter in having associated himself with the new Ada
ministration. The Right Hon. Gentleman at the head
of it entertained principles in favour of civil and reli-
gious liberty—principles on which the Noble Lord
acted for 85 years; what then could be more reasonable
than that he should rejoice that the Right Hon. Gentle-
man should hold the present elevated situation? He
had proved himself a great Statesman, and fully corn-
peteot to direct the foreign and domestic policy of the
country—(Cheers); The Noble Lord was sure that the
opposition to the new Administration which bad abso-
lutely commenced before the Ministers had taken their
places, was adopted rather with a view of =battening
the Government than of serving the country--(Cheers).
If Ministers pursued the course Which they. professed,
and which he believed they would pursue, he would
state before GOD, his country, and their Lordships, that
they would form the firmest Administration that had
ever existed, and one most necessary when the country
suffered under so many difficulties—(Cheers).
The Earl of H A REWOOD rose with great diffidence,
as having come late he did not know the point of the
discussion, but had merely heard from the Noble Earl,
who had just sat down, a warm eulogium on the preient
Administration. He was thus provoked to say some
things which he had not intended. For when oppro-
' brium was thrown upon those, who on the first face of
the late transactions did not approve of what they saw,
he thought it necessary to vindicate himself from the
charge of having lent. himself to a factious Opposition.
He felt almost reluctant to put questions to the Noble
Viscount on the Treasury Bench, onoccount of not hav-
ing given him previous notice of his intention, but be
was now, tbgetber with a large portion of the commu-
nity, ignorant of Whom the Government was composed.
The country had a right to demand that information.
When the extraordinary circumstance occurred of seve-
ral Noble Lords, long in possession of his Majesty's con-
ficlimee, suddenly resigning their offices, Parliament and
the country thought themselves entitled to some earls-
nation, and that oplabation bad been immediately St. en

t♦

by the parties, to the satisfaction pf tibe copetry and I
their Lordships. Whettioateettstreordinary circum-
stance arose iihmtte fottion of a Government, which
though preseriWtottitfhlic 'view, was not that Govern-
ment which via hereafter to detect the affairs of the
ntr the hblic and Parliament were as much en-
tat lunation from that side as they had been
from the other. Opposition to his Majesty s Govern-
ment was a thing which had never been usual to him in
life, neither should he ever form part of a factious op-
rosition, but would do what he considered best for the
interests of the country. The question was, whether
some offices of the Government were filled up or not?
To the eye they were filled up; but it was notorious,
that they were not permanently so. Then why notinform
the House on that subject ? How were they to know
whether certain differences might not exist in such a
Government not reconcileable with the interests of the
country ? If that was not the cue, why not declare it
at once ? He did not wish to press for an honied ex-
planation, but in what situation might it not shortly
stand? It Wes possible that the business of Parliament
should be got through without much difficulty, and that
at the time of its prorogation it should have had no
opportunity of pronouncing its opinion on the present
Government? He had not communicated his senti-
ments on this subject to one single being. He belonged
to no p itty, no faction in or out of the House. He had
said merely what floated in his mind, and had done it
without any view to embarrass or injure his Majesty's
Government. He had stated facts to the House, but had
stated them on behalf of the Noble Lords themselves,
and of the interests of the country.
Viscount GODERICH said. I do not mean to blame
the Noble Earl far want of courtesy. 1 do not corns
plain of his entertaining doubts as to the composition
of his Majesty's Government. But I think my Noble
Friend would have abstained Wad he been more accu-
rately acquainted with the circumstances which induced
the Noble Earl to address his observations to your
Lordships. If my Noble Friend had been in the House
during the interlocutory discussion which had been in-
troduced by the Noble Duke, and if he had heard the
Noble Duke repress his most unqualified disapproba-
tion of his Majesty's Government, and even his repro.
-bation of the individual whom his Majesty bad placed
at its head ; if my Noble Fiend had heard this, he
would not have thought it unnatural that a Noble Lord
who thinks himself justified in bes owing his confidence
on Government should stand up in his place, and,
avowing his opinions, explain his mesons for bestowing
his confidence. I lament that the question should be
discussed in this indirect manner ; and I wish, if there
tore any Noble Lords distrustful of the Government—
sod no doubt there are many, but be they few or many,
"they have a plain course be:ore them—it is their duty
to bring forward a distinct motion, and call on their
'Lordships to express a decided opinion—(Hear.) I say
-this is the Constitutional method ; and I was glad to
•bear the Noble Earl, the other night, give notice for a
motion, which would enable me to make a distinct ex-
, planation, and bring to the test of the approval or dis-
approbation of that House the conduct of the Admi-
•nistra ion. All I want is a fair war. If their Lordships
do not repose confidence in the Government, I only ask
justice, and that they would pursue the Constitutional
method of forcing on some question, by which the Go-
verament may be brought to a fair test. If it be not
saiisfactory—if Noble Lords should think we do not do
our duty to our Sovereign and the,country—if they
should think that, in becoming responsible to the King
and the country for all our acts, we are not entitled to
their confidence—l can only say that I shall how with
submission to their decision; but I object to the ques-
tion being agitated by these inteslocut ,ry discussions,
end I object to our being perpetually called on to plead
. and to answer questions, without any possibility of
bringing the question to a fair issue. I know the gene-
rous feeling of my Noble Friend so well, that I am sure
he, of all men, would be the last to support a factious
Opposition; but :et us not be baited, day after day,
witltoit our having an opportunity of bringing forward
any proofs that we are undes-oving the confidence of
the country—(Cheers.)
Tate Marquis of SALISBURY thought it was some-
what extraordinary that their Lordships should be called
on to express an opinion of his Majesty's Ministers,
while that Ministry had as yet performed no act by
which it could be judged—(Hear, hear). He looked on
the Administration with suspici,n ; it was made up of
Members who had declared they wished to go out of
office, and of others who had staid in office that they
might promote a particular question, which, it was un•
derstood, they had received instructions not to bting
forward as a Government question. Others, again, had
remained in office, as the best means of securing a Pro-
testaut Parliament and Protestant King; and all these
• were united with a body of men who Intd previously
opposed almost every measure they had brought foe-
ward. He saw these things with suspicion, and they
indicated, he thought, a change in the principles or in
the policy of those who remained in office. It was far
from his wish to have addressed these observations to
• their Lordships, if it had not been for the Noble Earl
who had caused the debate—(Hear, hear, and No, no).
He left it to the judgment of their Lordships, whether
anything said by that side'of the House had provoked
the d scussiun—(hear, hear,)—or which could justify
the a -foliation of such wordy as " factions" to toe Op-
position P—(Hear, hear). Net having had as yet the ad-
vantage of deciding on any one act f the Government,
. they could not be taxed with being a faction. He din
trusted the Minister at the head of Government, but
he could not on that account be accused of forming a
factious Opposition. He could assure the Noble Earl
that it was by so means his wish to suspect the motives
of any Administration which had received the appro.
batioa of his Majesty. In the ring he (the Marquis of
Salisbury) placed the most perfect confidence, and he
was convinced, that if his M.jesty saw that his wishes
had been disobeyed, or if he discovered that meatuses
were adopted under the mask only, and sot in the spi•
tit of the Earl of Liverpool's Government, he would at
once call on the country to rid him of sueh an Admi-
nistration—(Hear, hear). And if it was not for that
confidence which the country placed in his Majesty,
and the conviction they entertained of his firmness—
. (loud vies of " Oi der")—
The Earl of HARDWICKE rose to order. He did
not think that this sort of conversation ought any longer
to be continued ; there was no question now before the
House—he wished there had been ; but there was not,
and it did seem to him out of order to make such ob-
servations. The Noble Earl was proceeding, to expreu
his readiness to meet any question, when
Lord ELL EN BOROUti El interrupted h im,obser Ting
• that the Noble Earl was himself not speaking in order.
• The Marquis of SALISBURY resumed, and ob-
served, that he must be petmitted to say what was

r genera/ understood to be the opinions entertained as
to the motives and the conduct that influenced the
highest gunner, and what had there transpired—(Re-
iteired cries of Order). His Lordship (looking round
to Lord Ellenborough) then said, he should abttain
from pressing the matter further, but he could not sit
down quietly under the imputation, that had been un-
justly cast upon him by his Noble Frend, who certainly
was not a more loyal subject than himself, and who
could not fail in giving, if he felt it consistent with his
duty, his support to the Government. He was sorry to
fifiehimaelf comp Dined of by his Noble Friend forios-'
pecting in Administration which had been formed in
the most extraordinary manner. • - • •
The Earl of DARLINGTON, in explanation, denied
that he had used the word factious," as applied to
the opposition of the Noble Lords on the other side of
the House, though if he had done so, he could not but
think he should have been justified,when he recollected
that a Noble Duke, forming one of the Opposition, had
used a term so strong as that cf *, profligate Minister."
—(Hear, hear).
The Earl of LAUDERDALE said he did not kit
why any Noble Lord was not justified in alluding-to the
fact of his Majesty's having been advised to a particu-
lar course by his Ministry. He held, that his Majesty
must have been so advised on that subject. which hrd
been alluded to ; and, in that House, Noble Lords knew
of no act of the Sovereign that was not made through h is
Ministry ; that Ministry was, therefore, responsible for
the acts that were done. He foresaw many and unplea-
sant future discussions on this subject, if there were not
a clear understanding upon it.

The Earl of FALMOUTH said, that the Noble Earl
(Darlington) Was not justified in using such expressions
as he had applied to the Noble Lords who sat on his
side of the House. He would not ask th Noble Earl
why his views coincided with those of the new Admi-
nistration ? he would only ask him not to interfere with
these on the side opposite to his, and he (Lord F.) would
not interfere with his. He (Lord F.) would always
withhold his support from any Administration in which
he could not confide; and, upon many subjects, he could
place no confidence in'that which lit present existed.—
He thought that with this feeling he ought in his place
to declare openly and fairly his sentiments, and he trusted
he had done not in an improper or unconstitu-
tional way.

Lord ELLENBOROUG U observed, that if the Noble
Earl opposite fe't surpri e at the sudden and violent
disposition to oppose, which had sprung up on his side
of the House, he ought to allow the Noble Lords w,ho
had not changed their seats to express their surprise as
the sudden and violent disposition of those who had to
support his Majesty's G-veriunent. The Noble Earl
had now discovered that the Right lion. Gentleman at
the head of the Treasury had, tot thirty. five years, en-
tertained the same poli.ical sentiments as himself. It
was most extraordina• y that this dic.overy should have
been made se late, or that at this eleventh, or r then,
thirty•fifth ,heir, the Nt.ble Lill should have first'
thoeght of supporting Ministers. The Noble Egli con-
tended,
that the servicet.of his Noble Friends had been,
transfrred in the most disinterested manner to the
other side; but it was yet too early to claim the praise'
of disinterestedness, It was known that the present
Government was a provisional one : that all places
were not yet fill-d up, or all the good things given ;
some time must therefore be allowed to elapse before
the question of disinterestedness could be settled.
With respect to ti e Noble Lords who had resigned
their placer, and the alleged attempt to dictate to
his Maj -sty what Minister he sh •uld choose, he
agreed that his Majesty had the undoubted prerogative
to select his Minister; but lie would say in language
equally strong, that it was not less distinctly the 141-
doubted right of Parliament to express and r.cord its
opinion of such selection and appointment, and of those
Ministers themselves. WAS it not not.. ricus as the sun
at noonday, that persons had submitted to hold offices
till fitter individuals were found to take them ? And
how was the House to express its opinion of a Govern-
ment when it did not know of whom it was really com-
posed ?. The qu stion put by the Noble Earl was the
first step toss a:ds m eking such a muti tn. What end
would it serve to postpone inquiries? That those offices
would not be filled up till Parliament was ready to
separate, or. had separated, and that the change would
be do e in the dat k, when it would be impossible for
either House to eapre.s an opinion. This might be a
very convenient Course for cettain individuals. It
might be very convenient that all notices of motions
s'scutd be withdrawn and no measuies proposed. But
if this were convenient for individual!, it was most in-
convenient for the country. Oae year would thus be
lust to her, for the first measure of his Majesty's Go-
vernment was, in fact, not to propose any measure at
all—(A laugh.). It was, therefore, nectssary to wait
before expressing an opinion, tilt it should be seen what
Government would remain, and whether that most ex-
traordinary, he would not say coalition, but, accession
to a Governm-nt which had constantly professed prin-
ciples directly opposite, should stand. He said directly
eersite, for lie had thought hitherto that there was some
difference between a Whig and a Tory—between Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Fox; but it appeared that this had beets a mis-
understanding, and that Noble Lords had suddenly die.
covered the truth. He should wait to see whether that
accession had proceeded from a strong sense of public
duty, a pert.' et ffisiateiestedness, and a sacrifice of pri.
vate feelings ; or from a common vulgar case of willing
political seduction, oily remarkable for being carried
on with a little more regard than "usual to the forms of
ordinary decency.
Earl SPENCER could not refrain from saying a few
Words in reply to so unjust an attack. He was willing
to give the Noble Lord credit for his motives, though
he seemed disposed to grant none in return. The Noble
Lied had a t ight to placebis confidence wt ere he pleased,
and he (Earl Spencer) also. As long as his Majesty's
Government would profess the opinions which it now
professed, and act upon them, it should have his confi-
dence and his support. It was well known that, for a
considerable time, the Noble Lords then on the other
side of the House had approved of the most material
measures of the late Government. Oa the only one on
which they differed (the Catholic question) he then ex-
pressed the sentiments which he should continue now
to express, that he did not think the empire would
flourish in peace and prosperity till that que.tion was
sealed—(Hear). When the King had been deserted by
a large portion of the Administration, he had exercised
his right, as a Member of Parliament, to look at the
Government which should succeed, and when he saw
that portion of it which he had always supported, and
wished to support, remaining in dice, he had felt him-
self guilty of no inconsistency in giving it his support.
It was said to hate been formed on the principle of
Lord Liverpool's if it were meant on jhat of di-

'tided aromfittrent, it was one of which he could
i.otappeove, As he had experience of the evils which
it created—(Heart. in Lord Liverpool's Administra-
tion it was known that a large portion of it, with that
[-Nobleman at its head, were hostile to the Catholic
Claims; but now the reverse was the case, and he had
only joined those who entertained the same opinions
on that great question as himself. He repelled the
imputation of vulgar and sordid motives. He did not
charge the Nuble Lords who had retired with any im-
proper motives. They had a right to act as they had
done without being questioned for it, and they had nu
Occasion to enter with so much alacrity into their defence
as they bad displayed.
Earl GREY—It is not possible for me, my Lords, to
abstain from saying a few words upon this *object, be-
cause I assure your Lordships with the utmost sin- ,
cetity, that nothing can be so painful to me a to find
I
myself in a situation in which 1 must explain those dif-
ferences of feeling that have separated me from the
friends with whom I have acted throughout the whole
of my political life, and for whom, at this moment, I
entertain the sincesest affection. Before, however, I say
one word about those differences, I must distirctly dis-
claim any participation in the opinion th..t there is the
slightest necessity for us to wa,t the progress of time,
in order to be fully convinced of the purity of theirin-
tendons. On whatever reasons they may have founded
their conduct, whether thole reasons may appear satis-
factory to me or not, I am certain—as certain as of my
own existence—that in tak ng their places on that side
of the House (to which I regret I cannot accompany
them), nothing but the most perfect disintetestedness,
the most sincere conviction that what they did was an
act of paramount duty, can have influenced their con-
duct—(Hear, hear). To differ from suds men at all
times, but esp;cially on such an occasion as the pre-
sent, and with such a conviction as I entertain of the
purity of their motives, must be painful in the extreme;
and the pain occasioned by that difference is such, that
the agitation which I feel at this moment alm tst de-
prives me of the' power of addressing you. I sit here
now. I have sat here for twenty years, with at least but
one exception. I have not forfeited my right to retain the
seat; but though ranked among those who occupy the
Opposition Benches,l beg not to be cla[sed as one of those
who ate now forming au opposition to the Government.
I entreat that the N[tble Earl who ope led this debate
on the other side of the House will not attribute to to e
any of the motives which may be imputed to those whim
he has designated as a fa:tious Opposition. I beg to
state here, that I am not in opposition at all, the dis-
tinction between me and the Nobly Lords who.sit near

me being that I do not remni.) here in opposition to the
Government. bet do not go over to them, because I do
not see certain principles carried as far as they might
be—pritscipler, on which the Government might consii-
trite those grounds of confidence *MA I consider it
absolu ely'necessary to see &chiefly and dearly esta.
blishtd. before I pledges myself to support the present
Administration. It has been sometimes •aid that at.

tempts have been made to dictate to his Majesty upon
the exercise of his prerogative in the choice of his Mi.
nisters ; and my Noble Friend opposite has advanced
that charge against those whom he has described as in
opposition to the Government. I have tteard with some
degree of >u pti.e, many things said upon tbat sui,ject ;
and I most observe that my Noble Friend beneath' me
put that matter upon its right ground,when he said that it
was the undisputed and indisputable right of the King to
choase what Ministers he I leafed ; bat tha', over the ex-
ercise of that undisputed right, there did exist a controul
as there does over ether acts of the Royal Prerogative,
and that controul is vested in the Parliament ; so that,,
if the Parliament does not feel that the Ministers of the
King's choice are such as deserve their confidence, they
are exercising only on their part that right which, in
the best times, and by the most wise and most virtuous
statesmen, has been frequently acknowleged—that of
remonstrating with his Majesty on that choice, which
appears to them prejudicial to the country. Although,
therefore, the choice of Ministers is an absolute and
undisputed prerogative of the Ciown, yet it is not be-
yond corittoul ; and in stating the-prerogatives of the
Crown, let us not forget, my Lords, what are the pri.
vileges of the people; and that if it. is the prerogative
of the Crown to appoint the Ministers, it is equally the
p-ivilege r f the people to express their disapproval of
that al pointmeat. Far these ;cations, I think that those
who have declined to enter into the service of an Ad-
ministration of which they disapprove, have been per-
fectly justified in their conduct ; and this I think to be a
rule so clear and so sacred, that I thick they have only
bees wit's; in 'Offering querions to be put to them
upon-it—(Cheers). I am glad to find, from these marks
of approbation. that what I have stated is assented to.
Then, what are the objections entertained by persons who
might fill the vacant offices of the Government, but who
have declined to do so? There may, my Lords, be many
objections. I have heard a treat deal said upon this
subject, which I confess I do not precisely understand. I
have heard of objections arising from personal, useari'ng
thereby unjustifiable feelings. I do not think that
meaning ought, in all cases, to be affixed to the word.
When I am called on to enter into the service of an
Administration, I am called on to pledge myself deeply
to commit my character and 'honour ; and if I see that
the person who influences and directs the Adnainistra-
lion is one to whom I cannot safely commit myself, I
am bound to decline engaging in the service, as I do
not feel that security for my honour and character which
a full confidence in the head of the Administration alone
can give me. In that sense of the word, a personal ob
jection may be the soundest and the best objection that
tan be entertained, andto claim the right of questioning
lany one upon such objections, is, in my idea, a most.
improper, and I will add, most unconstitutional dogma.
I have said so much, as I am not interested between
the parties who formed the late Administration (if I
may so speak) and those who constitute that which
now exists; but I think it right to put this matter on
us propet, fair, and constitutional grounds, and to
vindicate for public. men that free right of scams, of
which to deprive them would be most mischievous and
unjust—(Hear, hear, hear I). I again declare that I
form no part of a factious. Opposition; indeed, I form
no part of an Opposition at all; on the contrary, if
there are any peraons in this House to whom my prin-
ciples are more decidedly opposed than to any other,
they are those to whom I have lately heard professing
themselves to be the opposition to the Government.
Not only do my principles prevent me from wishing,
but they will induce me not to do any thing that
may promote their return to power. Having said
this, if I should be asked why I do not support the
present Ministers, I must answer by repeating what
I set out with saying, that I cannot see in their con-
duct those grounds of confidence that would entitle me '
ao give them consistently and consciestiously the pledge ,

of my support. I hare heard that this
is likely to promote the accomplishment of that
question, which, like my Noble Friend (Earl
I consider to be one of paramount importance, and
'full and decisive, and satisfactory settlement of obi
I believe wish him, to be necessary to the peace and
curity of this great kingdom. That alone, host,
will not secure the peace or happiness of the -
I own that, in my opinion, the Government has been"
changed as not to afford any hope of an arrangemrog
more congenial to the interests of the people of that
country. Ireland has long laboured under disabilities
and ditqualificatiosas which are a disgrace to the
'stole, and which cannot moth longer erat ins
question of Catholic Emancipation has been paced
over from time to time; but, until that great work
is begun—until that great question is carried, atij
set at rest, all other sotempts to tranquillize he,
land must prove inefficacious. To those ion 21a
opposed to that question, I am firmly and most de,
cidedly opposed. To those who sappart it, I am, so
far, as firmly and decidedly determined to give my
cordial assent co-operation (Cries of " Hear, bta,,,i
from the Opposition Benches). But the main ginund
of
toy objection is this :—I do not perceive in the print
Administration those principles which could itidoce
me to support them in their engagements tri.on great
public questions; and upon this head I feel it necessary
tins have some clear and definite understandiug. I ail
not ose of those who wish that a stipulated condition
&add be made wit's Members of Parliament in another
place, or with Noble Lords its this; but I do say that
the engagements understood to be meted into betviem
Ministers upon the great question of Cathniic Emit.
apation, and others, of min-r, but still of great imps.
Lance, are of such a nature as to induce me nutty
Place trust or confidence in the existing Admitustra•
tion—(Hear, hear, hear I from the Opposii ion Benchrib
We have been told that the present Administration has be,
formed upon the principle of that of which Lord Livtrpolsra, fie
heed; b luaust confess, with a Noble Friend below me, that I
am seta his It esdentand precisely what that priori* was, 0,4
it to am apposition to the Catholic Question, or did it Mein that
tint esesdon was not to be brought forward as a Goveranteat
quipast If such be the case, I must observe, that I fed beto4
in sower an Administration so !,ftnposed, and I
.1107 ca gift

. -
thealito state whether such be or be not the fact? It has beta sit,
that although that question was not to be brought forward u
OuVirriammat question, it might still receive the support intridie!!l
of those Members of the Administration, who are in (avows( c
This language bas been held by many Noble and valued freaks(
mine. I remember the time when those Noble Friends, eh ha,
held such doctrines, would not have felt satisfied with such or,
ditions—(Hear, bear, hear from the Opposition benches). Mg
would have felt themselves bound in honour to adopt anathema*,
because they would have perceived that this perniirioo to wo
lodividually, as they pleased, was no privilege whatever, fide
under the Administration of my Lord Liverpool or of any use
person—( Hear, bear, bear). Is it, then, that the Catholic Queen
le oat to be proposed as a Government Question? If it be, thaw
ties the question so far as lam coneerned—( Hear bmr) in 1101
I rook • decided part upon that question. I then mind
tempts to modify it or place it in abeyance ; and nothing on
shall Induce me to agree to the arrangement proposed in tie
sent Administration with respect to it. I feel, as a citizen ofa

State, that I cannot do so; ind I feel equally bound netted. e,
by the oath whkk I, ask Privy Councillor, have taken, to die
the King to the best of my knowledge and ability—(Hear,
This is to. of the reasons why I cannot give my support, to
present Administration, pledged as they are to a son of mum
to that.which I in my conscience believed to be the greatest
time/ all thus: which have of late agitated the couotry; but
I say this, I confess that I am ready to give my most ardt

zealous support to any .sterrnek dater direct or indirect
has lon its object the advancement of that question—(He;
Another paint has been urged, as to the similarity
present Administration to that of Lord Liverpool—l men ,
diviskes of opinion in the Cabinet upon this question. it Mika
said that the majority of dime opinious are favourable to tkeahs.
lic Question • but what coofidence can I have In this. whet I es
a Notate Lord holding a high, the highest place ill the law, ladju
seining immense patronage, decidedly oppaped to that questioa? I
see that the standard of opposition to that question lies turn nisei,
and therefore I cannot pledge myself to a general support at a Co.
vernment so constituted. I say this, because I do not oe (ha
emend of confidence which et.uld direct my opinion. but whet my
Noble Friends must have seen ere they lent the aid of their poWif.
ful talents in support of the Administration. I have. it is use, bus
told that the greater part of the great Officers of the Crown in la
vourable to Catholic Kmaucipation. To thia I answer, you mot we
for evidence. It is possible that some of these officers may adman
that question with great effect; but when I see, and that, tot
high and influential quarters, symptoms to the contrary, I feel jcw
tilled in again saying, that I, at lease, must wait for evidence. Be
the question does not stop here. I ask, Is there or is there not itch a
engagement amongst the Administration as that I have described? if
It does exist, will the Noble Lords deny it ? if It dues not este, sal
they state that fact ?—( Hear !) If there does exist such a pidp,
in what situation is the Right Hon. Gent. placed? He cannot brie:
Catholic Emancipation forward as a Government question, and nt.
in hie advocacy of it, he must bring with him such an acees+aasf
force as cannot be resisted—(Hear, bear !) I have heard of con-
spiracies upon this occasion, but I cooks', without jab* many
way with them, that I am unable to give my cordial idPrrt to
the present Government. I am prevented from doieg ia ey
my sense of duty as a consistent public man—l am produll
from doing so by my conduct in 1807—by my coodect
1809, and by the statement which' I wrote and signed is int
—All these prevent me from adopting an, cant* male °°'
that which I now feel it necessary to pursue—(Hear, bear!)-1
have been told, amongst other shatters, that a great reason for j 4
lig the Right Honourable Gentleman in the Aklmlnistration bele
formed was the system of foreign policy which he has lately pat.
wed—(Hear, bear, bear.) How this came to be set afloat, or nub
whom the *notion origivated, I cannot say ; but so it is, that a no
trust' has been drawn between the Right Repeatable Gotham
and his Cdtleagem in aloe. Foe myself, I must declare, that I
am altogether unable to me upon what grounds this preference
given ea the Right Honourable Gentleman, or why any liberal
nets of the late Government shoeid be ascribed exclusively
to
•hina—(Hear, bear, from doe Opposition beaches.) Let w
a moment inquire into the grounds of this preference. Tle
Right Honourable Gentleman quitted once in 1809, upon oho
group& it is not at this moment for me to say. He returned ear
tidily to ogee in 1814, and soon after he becathe President of tie
hoard of Cootroul, In which office he continued until 1920, Ass
he again left (Ace, declining to take any part against the late Quota
(Hear, bear.) Now, during therarbois course of the Wit Hex'
Gentleinates public career, there Is net any man who has Ices ap-
proved of his public moduct than myself ; sod I therefore asiothe.
cher I eoeld with hoomr—wllether I could, without a sacrifice
of personal feeling and personal character, give my PPP" t°
the Administration of the Right Honourable Gentleman.—
:Hear, hear). I thought then, and' I- think still, that the BO!
Honourable Gentleman deserved no exclusive praise for any there!
act Of the late Administratioo. Wu it to be supposed, that 6,1,
Colleagues would have allowed themselves to be dragged tits a°7
measure proposed by him, in which they themselves did not per.
reedy concur? Things went on in this way for a time, and tr/
some alterations were made; but It will be found, urn WOO ":‘
the history of the country, that they arose more from the aurae
time and circumstances than front any exertion er support
, part of th I
e Riht Honourable Genman. Fun, let nu tak n'74
America. was one of those whore
recommended and ,
the recognition of the independence of that country; and it any o°•"_,_
existed on the subject, it was that the recognition of the, i"`'`-
pendence had been too long delayed-4 Hear, hear). But if theft'
' Rey of that measure was to be learnt from a speech, published by Me
Right Hon. Gentleman ; and if we are to judge from his statement
the reasons which dictated it, then I say that the Right Hon'
Gentleman's speech is deserving of the greatest repreheusim-:"
I say tins, because I find that be connives at the invasion of SP°
by France—and why ? Because he looked elsewhere for a security
against the effects of that invasion. And where did the
Honourable Gentleman loek ? He looked to the benefit to be dr
rived to tl.is country from the separation of South Amer IC3 6.0!
Spain. In that speech the Right Honourable Gentlesnoo.etot"'
Matt he had called the New World into existence, in order to de'
teat the policy of France with respect to Spain. From this it ap
?eats that the Right Honourable Gentleman, looking only to some
kneficial commercial intercourse between this country and not"
tmeriea, was ready to •Offt aside every feeling of astir"' ir
.std stational independence. In • that speech of the Eight 0°

re
:tinAedeoainr: :ahns;apestwt
dent;lret:lPn:l andll:e:it'll:Coo:ha, e enddOte ree rtts
.16:
in arrangemrnt
people of that •
oder disabilities •
ice to the Legib
gee erst. Tf4
m been •
hat great work
1 tarried, an,(
'ancptillize Ire.
those oh) 24
' and
irt it, I am so
,ed to give aga
f " Hear, hear"
rosin ginund of
e in the present
i could bidet
eats u•,-.01 great
feel it necessary
Landing. lam
'aced condition
lent in another
I I do say that
rd into betwero
..athniit
of great impnr.
duce me not to
rig Admintstras
ab ion Benchn),
nitration has be,'
I Liverpool was the
below me, that I
".""Pk Ina Did
or did it mem that
4 as a Gamete
r, that I fed bend
I now call upon
? It hat Wow&
ought forward u t
support individicfy
are in foaled
valued Trio d„(
o Friends, why hue
fled with such to.
sn benches). Any
dopt atiodurests
perntissioo to we
:e whatever, tithe •
loot or of any coke
e Catholic qualm
? If it be, thus.
ear boar) in lan
then reaaredatlas
d nothing cm urn
ropoied in the pre •
is a citizen of a kw
lotuid not Is do
we taken, to ulna
ility—( Hear, hest). ,
ay support, to tY
a son of mintier,
e the greatest is •
country; hut
iy most ardent ad
or indirect ;whit
similarity of the
epool—l now it
cation. It Lesbos
arable to the Colts.
In this, whes I es
ib the law, audio
that quettioa? I
ion has peen rind,
al rapport Lit a Cni•
I do not ate the
ohm. but tilich my
aid of their pow.
awe. it is out, boo
r the Crown in fa.
WIT, you mum wit
!Seem may advscan
e, and that, us
ontrery, I tains
for evidence. Be
if there not tun a
have describrd?ll
dues not elm, till
exit such a pkdp
? He cannot brig
it question, and ye.
Lich an acres•ion ef
'aye head of con-
hour joining m any
cordial isnot to
front dad is by
—I am prowl
r any coodset
id signed is ISM
otb.r course the
(Hear, hear 1).4
rat reason for nil.
Millstream helm
he has lately pr.
r set afloat, or sib
s it is, that a no•
stable Gentians
it declare, that I
this preference M
✓ why any tibial
red ezeluiwdy rs
sea.) Let ss fie
preference. Tbt
1909, upon wkg
He returned re-
! President of tie
i until 1940, Win
nst the lee Owe.
I the Welt He.
3 who has 110 'P-
haeton ask,,orbe•
ithout a sacrifice
we my suPP"""'
lie Gentleman ?
I, that the liighc
the for any bbstil
uppmed, that kis
dragged rots toy
elves did not Fer-
n time, and dog
urn inquiry into
ions the Osage into
or support on the
let me take so**
and approved of
r; and it any Wale
ion of did lodes
r). But if the pee
is published by the
tom his statement
the Right Had.
t repreheutioo.-.
invasion of Sigh
here fora security
re did the Rigid
r benefit to be de
th Ameria free
;mittens°. stated,
, in ordar to de
From this it Ir
ting only to sane
sultry and Santis •
or nautical Oft°
the Bight

"Doable Gentleman, dine was Moth to Inspire me with re.
,poet; but I must say, that there was also in it much to la-
si' me with a very different feeling. The Right Hoocierable
Grntleman took to himself all the credit of having called the
Colonies of South Ametica " into existence." Bat how stands the
ant 7 Why, we Sod that the acknowledgment of the independence
of South America did not take place until two years after the late
occupation of Spain by the French—until after the perpetration of
an act as the part of the French Government, which I do not hesi-
tate to pronoence more base and oppressive than any committed
evenly Napoleon himself. The occupation of Spain took place in
ages, and the South American States were not acknowledged by
this country to be independent until 182$—(Bear). And thee, my
Loads, I say that the Hight Honourable Gentleman's assertion,
w out he called those Colonies into existence," was a vain and an
adic bOl4--(Cbeers irons the Opposition Benches). They were
oiled into existence by their own exertions—they were called Into
existence by the example of the United States of America—
/bey were called and nurtured into existence by the united wishes
and encouragement of the people of this country—(Hear, hear!)
The people of those Colonies had so far advanced their own causes
that it was impossible their final independence could be much longer
delayed. Having said so much as to my own opinions upon the
ssbject, I shall now take leave to call your Lordships attention
to what she Right Hon. Gentleman says himself upon this occasion.
*11." solo be, " L allowed France to occupy Spain, was it neces-
sary tint we should blockade Cadiz? I say no. I look another way
for compensation; I look to another hemisphere; and if France
occupies Spain, I am resolved that it shall not be with the posaes-
nen of the Colonies also. I called the New World into existence in
order to redress the balance of the 01.1"—(Cheers from the Opposi-
tion). Let us now see what was the language held by the Right
Hun. Gentleman to the Spanish Minister upon this very question.
Ne observes to that Gentleman, in his Note of *sth March, 1855.
"The separation of the Colonies in the New World from Spain
is neither our work nor our wishes; events have occurred in
whieb Great Britain took no part, but which caused the sepa-
ration of Spain from her Colonies—a separation which might
have been prevented had our advice been taken In time." And
yet this was the nun who had " celled the New Wutld into
creation;" and observed, that s'ahough he had allowed France
quietly to occupy the Spanish territories, It must not be with
the possession of South America. In another part of this di,.
patch, and a very long dispatch ft was, the Right li.mouurable
Gentleman says, " I he undersigned has it in command from
the King, to offer his Majesty's kind offices, for the purpose of
bringing about an amicable arrangement between the King of Spa&
and those Colonies which had separated from him." Now, after all
these statements on the one side and on the other, I ask your Lord-
ships whether I can fairly place any confidence, either in the blight
lints Gentleman, or in the Government be has brought together?
Sly doubts are not of recent occurtence, but still I must say, that[
singular coincidence of opinion with me has arisen even this very
day. Not very long since a Noble Friend of mine (Lord Elko-
borough) who sits below nut, asked sonic questions relative to
the Expedition to Portugal, the answers to which confirmed
an opinion I have lung entertained. I was as ready as any to
advise the Expedition to Portugal, and was wining to take my
share of the responsibility attending such advice; but I felt thee,
as I did hefore, that had we acted with spirit and with sound po-
licy, we might lave prevented France from obtaining that infieenm
which she obtained by her invasion of Spain. It was boldly and
sweepingly asserted by our Government, that " come what would,
we were determined not to interfere with the incupation of Spain ;"
bat, at the same time, we described into be a most improper and un-*
justifiable course on the part of the French Government. This course,
as it observed, was pursued, although it was admitted, even by the
Right Hon. Gentleman himself, that had we vet our faces against
the ambitions policy followed up from the Court of Louis the
Founeenth ; had( we adopted that poliejt which led us into a
long and bloody, but an ultimately triumphant war, we should.
have easily prevented this aggressioo. Taking these things into my
consideratioo—viewing, ail I do, the conduct which the Right Hon.
Gentleman has pursued, both with repect to Spain and Portugal—
I must confess that I feel no ground of confidence in his councils;
and further, that I think them very doubtful. Again, upon the
general foreign policy of the country, I feel called upon to state,
that I place no confidence in the Right Hon. Gentleman's Admials-
ninon. Let those who differ from me upon this point shew me a
single act calculated to secure my confidence upon the subject. We
lave been told, too, that, the Right Hon. Gent. is to be supported,
because be Is the friend of civil and religious liberty. As to
religious liberty, I think I have already somewhat fully explained
my opinions of his notions upon that subject. J do sot doubt the
Right Hon: Gentleman means well towards religious liberty; bet
I Must say,thin the course whicisheendthom who have timed with'
him have taken, I. ealeulated,ro injure rather than to lamerfit Mar
gust cause Whiclabe. teens to have so much at bearte--( Hear, hear !)
We have bend even within the last few days, that the Right Hon.
Gentleman meson to oppose the Test and Corporation Acts, upon
what erounclof right or reason L am at a loss to conceive, unless,
inked, he means to oppose a troublesome, and, as I can it,
a melees ,Act—unless it be, as be says, fee the better oppor-
tunity of supporting the Catholic Question. But how the Catholic
Question is to be benefitted by this course of proceedinp-thow an
opposition to certain set of Protestants is to benefit the Catholics
I utorpit pretend to say, unless, indeed, the Right Hon. Gentleman
means to say that he wishes, to °open the claims of this, chin of
Protestants in order to unite then In a body with the Romin Ca-
tholics, aid induce them to make common cause in the prosecution
of their general claims—{Hear, hear.) So much for the religiose,
liberty which the Right Hon..centleman appears inclined to extewi
to the country. Permit me now to say a few words as to the
liberty which he wishes to extend en the country ; and I must oh.
serve in the outset, that I never heard sof OM' more prepense
rum than that obeervation„ 'looking as I do to the political career
which the Right Honourable Gentleman has pursued for the lost
fire-and-thirty years. In making this observation, I do not al.'
ludo to Parliamentary Reform ; because I know that It has beat
enju.tly and unfairly stated that my Noble Friends on the other
side wire pledged to that question. It has often been agi-
tated in this House ; but I do not recollect at this moment that
my Noble Friend (the Marquis of Lanstlowo) has ever ex-
pressed a decided opinion upon it. There is not in the Home
any man who stands higher in my esteem than the Noble Mar-
quis; s,.d I am anxious to do him this jostler. If the Noble
Marquis was a friend to that question, he was so on the most
just sod moderate principles, and might fairly be looked upon as the
most moderate et all Refornaers--(Hear !) For myself, I do not
see that there exists such a decided opinion in this country upon
the question of Parliamentary Reform, as to make it a sine quo non
on the part of any Gentleman to take office. I, for one, have my
own opinions upon that question ; my Donlon upon it have never
changed; I bore always thought that a Reform ought to be gra-
dually and temp. .rattly brought about, in order to meet that which
has lately been denominated " the march of mind." This has been
my opinion, and for this I have been called.merahor to the great
Cause —(1 icor !)And yet,my Lordoineular as it may appear, the very
persons who so attacked me, are those who hold epinious precisely in
salon with mine upon this question—(Hear, bear). Your Lord-
ships have been here told, and you have read elsewhere, that the
Bight Honourable
.Gentle.nan is the friend of Civil and Religious
Liberty. My Lords, we have, within the last few years bad enatted
wane laws which greatly infringe upon the liberty of the subject,
and greatly curtailed that liberty. Let me ask your Lordships if
there be any one of them Acts of which the Right HMIs Gentleman
hat not been a powerful supporter?—(Cheery from the Oppositioa).
Now I have as uniformly opposed those modem, and if it le nswant
to he contended that the Right Honourable Gentleman wham
to change his opinion., the matter might easily be set
thcoe
ciell4
doubt. Let my Right Friend, in either way, only in nee
a motion for the repeal of that odious and detestable Aci—an Act
which I consider the greatest inuringement of the liberty of the
Press. I mean that Act which makes the second commission ea
political libel transportation fur a certain period. Now this is a
matter capable of instant proof. Let my Noble Friend (the Matilde
of Lanulowit) only bring torward a motion for the repeal of thisAct,'
and he will find in me a ready and scalene. supporter ; but I fear
that he will, at the same time, and in the Right lion. Gentleman an
able and zealous opponent—(Cheers front the Opposition benches).
Upon the groueds which I have just gone over, your Lordships
will sec that it is impossible for me to lead Noy aid and co-operation
lathe present Ministry—(Cbeers from the Opposition). I must sow
declare that my situation in this Homo is most petplezing. I And
myself without any political connection of any kind ; and I feel the
strongest regret at being obliged to differ from those friends, with
*bon' I have been an long and so uniformly in the habit of acting.
ttfrli those Noble Lords I, to a certain extent, have the pleasure
agreeing ; but that agreement does nut diminish the pain I
twist being separated from those with whom I have acted during
the whole course-mf my political life—(Hear, hear). I take no
Slit in the Opposition. I form no part of it because the prin.
°Ott it minus are from mine, wide as the Poles asunder.
hear, hear.) I cannot, for the reasons I have already stared,
the Administration; but I pledge myself that I shall upon
every occasion give them my most strenuous support whenever I
ns tsrer with them in principle--(Hear, bear.) Your Lordships
tint I am sure, do me the justice to believe, that in taking this
Ibiale lint not raising the standard of party. Those who have
have
my Parliamentary conduct for the last few years must
~.tnt observed that I have been gradually withdrawing from public
and that however anxious to benefit my country, I have to
til'tt that 1 am Cot as *seal able to take a part * her Councils.

I am not now ao active as I have bee‘. Lcannot now suad public
bullies' and lit out debacle, as was fOmetly my eastern.
" NOR ead►m est setts, non men*"
My wish has been, and still is, to comae bete and give my vote upon
any question which I think or importance to my country—(Hear
I do not wish again to embark In that troubled sea, which I have
during my whole life navigated, Goa knows with how little success;
but I have the gratification of kouwing, that, in every act of mime,
I have had the satisfaction of an approving coosciynce—(Hear I)
At the close of the Nubia Lorin speech, a number. of Noble
Lords left the HOLM.

Goan wars.
Lord REDRSDALR said that he was desirous of postponing
until next week We Resolutions respecting the Corn Law's. The
Noble and Learned Lord took the opportunity of expressing his
hope, that although to tlseCorn llHLaudto other measures of his Ma-
jesty's Guiernment he might feel It to be his duty to give his oppo-
sition, it would not be supposed that he did so from factious or ins-
proper motives. He trust.'d thatthe whole tenor of his Parliamentary
conduct would spew that he was notliable to suck an imputation.
Viscount GODRRICH deflated, drat from him the Noble and
Learned Lord would never hear any such Imputation. That was
not the way in which he (Lord Godericb) was disposed to meet
lair and honourable ariument and opposition—( Hear).
After some further conversation, Lard R&OZIDALII dud Tuesday
for his motion:—Adjourned.