Star.
London, England, 1827-05-26 00:00:00

CORN LAWS.

'the Order of the Day for going into a Committee on the Corti
Bill, having been read,
Viscount GODERECH rose—lf he asked on the
present occasion for the patience and indulgence of the
House# he ass'ired their Lordships that he did not do
so through a mere matter of form, because, isseinpend4
ently of the intense importance of the question—in 4
dependently of the great interest which it was caku-
lased to excite among all classes—indeed, he might
(say, the vehement feelings, it not passions, with which
it was regarded by its friends and opposers opt of
doors—independently of the ardour with which one
chess viewed it as a measure of benefit, and of the ex-
aggerated danger Which; on the ether hand, its oppo-
sers anticipated from it—independently of all those
considerations, be could not but recollect in whose
place he now stood—(Cheers). If tty a visitation of
PROVIDEbt6 his Roble fri lend lately 011ie head of his
Majesty's Government. had not been renders:l unit le
to tall" part in their bordships' discussions, on liens
would havedeiolved due duty to explain the
principle
and dirty bf that Most important measure. .When Le

recollected the m years during which that'
Noble ant ed part :in the deliherst-
-I'o._ll at cesala—when e reeolllkted that he had'
ivegpritt endowed with a clearness almost peculiar to
himself to explain and simplify the most difficult and
"Complicated subject; and, finally, whenfie recollected
that no man within these walls claimed and ensqied by
his personal character as well al by his strength of
mind, a larger share of the confidence of their Lord-
ships.-.it was impossible that be shoeld not feel the
weight which this measure mustohave derived from his
advocacy—and the immeasurable distant* at which he
ins placed from him. This was the main reason which.
bad Compelled him to seek their Lordships' indulgence.
There was, however, one point Which afforded him
some encouragement, it was the deep aid sincere colt-
viction which he felt in common with what he knew to
have been the sentiments of that Noble Friend, that the
present measure was calculated to produce great ad-
vantages to all classes, and to none more than that to
which their Lordships belonged, and which looked to,
them for the protection of its interests. Whatever might
be the impression or doubts in the minds of Noble Lords
as to the policy of the measure, he felt a _sand
seine expectatioa that those prejudices would be over-
come, and that the measure would be suffered to pass.
He was the mote confident when he knew that his con-
victims was supported by those Noble Lords who had,
lately joined his Majesty's Government, ansthad given
their services to their King and their country, without
compromising their consistency, muck Ise the,dignity
of their character.—(Hear, hear.)—One AU all we were
interested in the success of the present measure; yet be
knew that much blame was attached to his Majesty's
Government, for having agitated the question at all.
And indeed many considerations bad arisen to prevent
his Majesty's Government from agitating it; but let
their Lordships recollect what circumstances had arisen
since 1815, and they would see whether it had been
wantonly brought forward, or whether it had dot rather
been propeiled by a course of circumstances over which
his Majesty's Ministers had no controul, and which ori-
ginated from that very class of persons who were now
the most vehement opponents of the measure. After'
tie Act of 1815 the ports remained closed till the 15th
of November, 1816. They were then opened, after
one of the worst' harvests ever known in this country,
or in the rest of Europe. They remained open from
the 15th of November, 1816, till the 15th of iFebruary,
1818. The harvest of 1817 had also been very indif-
ferent, and during the whole period, although the
ports were open, the price continued at to enormous
height till the 16th of February, 1818, when the aver-
age being below 80t., they were closed for three months.
The price then rose again from the cessation of the inapor-
tationiand the ports were re-opened till the lsthFebruary
1819. The harvest of 1818 had been abundant every
where, and yet in spite of its productiveness, the ports
were kept open by a small fraction of twopence. The
quantity of corn imported Was very considerable, and
a large and most inconvenient proportion of it took
place between the 15th of November, 1818, and the
15th of February, 1819. What was the effect of these'
circumstances on those who were most interested in the
results ? It created the utmost dismay, and filled them
with hostility against the very principle of that Bill of
1815, which they now looked upon as the palladium of
their safety. The most strenuous efforts were made to
unite into one focus all the discontented agriculturists,
and, through the medium of what he might call an
agricultural Parliament, they bad came to an unquali-
fied resolution of condtnenstion against the principle of
the Bill of 1815, not only as not calculated to promote
the ends for which it had been passed. but as ptoduc-
tive of the direct reverse; and they had laid doarn the
principle of a permanent admission of Foreign Corn,
subject to a duty. Thus did the amicultutists at that
period clearly speak their sentiments against the mea-
sure of 1845, and thus did they take the first step to-
wards the alteration now proposed, so that they could
not justly complain. In 1819 so strong was the gene-
ral feeling that his Majesty's Government must take the
subject into their hands, that questions had been put to
ascertain whether it was their intention to do so? At
that period, however, no Ministerial interference took
place. But the agricultural Parliament was not inac-
tive. In 1819. 1820. and 1821, it procured a mass of
more than 1,200 Petitions, all complaining in the most
unequivocal manner of the principle, and condemning
the Act of 1815. Was not this a strong indication of
the agricultural mind on that subject? This was
fore the restoration of a metallic currency, and at teat
period his Majesty's Government thought it inexpedient
to comply with the object of the Petitions. But in
1820 all that anxiety about the law of 1815 continued
in its full force, and a motion was made in the other
House for a Committee of Inquiry, on the grounds
laid down in the petitions. It had been his lot at the
time to oppose the motion, but the Government had
been unsuccessful, and the Committee had been carried.
It was limited, it was true, to the question of averages,
but it was clear that further resistance was impos-
sible, and in 1821, when the proposition had been
renewed, his Majesty's Government felt it impracti-
cable to refuse, and the Committee was granted. And
right it was to grant it, for in the state of mind of the
parties concerned they would not have done their duty
if they had resisted investigation. It was the result of
this inquiry which had led to the adoption of the prin-
ciple of the present Bill. The Report of the Committee
condemned directly that of the Act of 1815, and a
clause was introduced in that Report, which though it
was not thought expedient to carry it into effect at the
time, aimed to a future alteration in principle. In 1822
the Committee had been revived. •It had not dissented
from the opinions expressed by its predecessor, though
it only introduced as a practical measure a certain mo-
dification of the law of 1815. It did not say, however.
that either that modification, or that law itself, wereto
be considered as the permanent and established prin.
ciple of the Corn Laws. It confirmed. on the contrary,
the principle laid down, and suggested a-change merely
as a step to a greater alteration. The country was still
under the laws of 1822; or rather under the Act of 1815,
for until the priced wheat attained eighty shillings per
quarter, the former was not to enter into operation.—
And how could it now possibly come into operation
unless the intolerable pressure of a price of 80s. should
be ir,flicted for sir weeks upon the count!, ? No man
could think of such an infliction without dismay. When
he bad moved the third reading of the Bill of 1822, a
Member of the Agricultural Body, and one of those who
possessed most esperience had risen to give his parting
malediction to the law. He might therefore appeal to
• bit authority in support of the change now proposed.
• Neither was is the Agricultural Body alone who had
petitioned as the time, other interests had sent up nume-
rous Petitions, and on a question affecting the subsistence
of the people, could the Government have turned a deaf

!ear ? ro taking the subject into consideration, they had'
done-therefore nothing but what wis their duty. instead
bf unnecessarily and 'wantonly tampering with the ques-
tion. Many circurnstanses had taken place, which
greatly changed the situation of things from what it
was in 1815. There was amongst others, the altera-
tion in the currency. In 1815 the Bank Restriction
Act was in force, and in 1819 the utmost pressure was
felt by its repeal, and the return to a metallic currency.
But was that pressure to be compared with the mischief
which would have resulted from the continuance( f a sys-
tem,whicls would never have been establi,hed,had it been

apdt 'ibis to anticipate all its consequences ? He hoped
and trusted, that it would be the last time that this
country would purchase temporary ease at Abe sacrifice
of so much principle, and so much public benefit—
(Cheers). Great stress was laid on the amount of taus
tion. But what was that amount at present, compared
with what it was in I 815? At the latter period the
whole charge for the Unfunded Debt and Sinking Fund
was 47 millions, whilst now it was no. more than St
m 'lions, making_ a redaction of thirteen millions in
twelve .years. There had been besides between twenty
and thirty millions of taxes reduced since the was, and
that reduction had operated, and was intended to ope.
rate, to the benefit of the cultivators of the soil, in order
to enable them to bring their commodities ata Junket
with leu risk. Their Lordships ought nor to lose sight
of the great change which had taken place: and no
man could say that the question of taxation had nothing
to do with the subject, or if he said so, he ran counter
to what was stated in every Petition noW lyiog on their
Lordships table. The question was not between pro-
tection and no protection ; it regarded only the mode
and extent of protection to be granted. The present
measure was not the fruit of abstract, dry and un-
tried theories. It was quite the reverse. It was the
law of 1815, which was the gteatest innovation till then
effected, for it had introduced the principle of prohibi
tion, which had never been fully admitted before. The
present Bill was a recurrence to that ancient system
under which agriculture had flourished for more than
a century, and by which it had been raised to a pitch
which transcended the whole world together. It was
not fair, therefore, to say that it was the work of some
cold blooded theorist. If that was the principle on which
he (Viscount G.) proceeded, he should be guilty of an
act of suicidal folly; for he would be destroying him-
self with their Lordships and all his connections. What
who'd they all h... without agriculture No ; if the
measure now proposed was the mere speculation of a
cold-blooded philusop'.er, he should not be found
amongst those who advocated the change. He was sa-
tisfied, therefore, that instead of being deserving of re-
proach,his Majesty%Gove nment were enti led to praise,
for having brought the question under the consideration
of Parliament. His Lords' ip wished to shew, that the
law which it was proposed to alter involved conse-
quences prejudicial to all the agricultural classes. Iti
exposed them to an endless succession of alternate pro-
hibitions and unlimited importations, and thus made it
impossible for the merchant in foreign corn, and the
grower of home grain, in know exactly in what situa-
tion they were likely to be. The very fact of placing
the importation price high gave a corresponding stimu-
lus to all those who wished to avail themselves of the time
when the ports should be open, as the law now stood, for
three months,so that foreign corn might then pour in lake
a torrent without any limitation whatever. All the Pe-
titions presented in 1819 ascribed the distresses of the
Agriculturists to the quantity of foreign corn which had
rushed in_from the 15th of N4v. 1818, to the 15th F.b.
1819. Their Lordships had therefore a practical proolof
the evils of that system, to guard against which the pro.
sent alterations were proposed. It might be said that these
objections had been met by the Act of 1822. He con
tended that it was no such thing. For in fact whet was
that law, supposing it to have come into operation, and
the ports to be closed till Corn reached the average
price of 705.? They would then open, and Foreign
Corn would come in at a duty of 17s. for the-first three
months. The object of this was to check immediate
importation. But how would it have that effect? The
price of Corn abroad might • be fairly calculated at
thirty shillings per quarter; ten shillings mote must be
set down for the expenses of bringing it over, which,
with the duty, would make .57.. per quarter, and this
at a time when English corn sold at 70s Would this
afford any protection to the home grower? A duty of
thirty or forty shillings might indeed check imports
(but that would be against the principle of the law),
whilst one of seventeen shillings was totally inopera-
tive. The Corn Law of 1822 had therefore introduced
no other improvement than that of lowering the impor-
tation price from eighty to seventy shillings. Another
course might have been to impose at all times a high
permanent dutywithout any average or calculation what-
ever. But if a high duty could be borne %hen the price
of corn was low, it would become intolerable when it
should be high. A different mode was to give the Kong's
IGovernment the power of altering the duty according to
circumstance;; but this would be putting in the hands of a
Government a power to dabble in every article creating
great interest in the country, which might beabused.
Should such a Bill be carried, it would be impossible
for the Government to act under it, and it must be re-
pealed almost as soon as passed. If a fixed duty was
not adopted, there was nothing to look to but a gra-
duated scale of duties, and that was the principle of
the Bill before the House. By the law of 1815, some
of the duties fell according to the price of corn from
245. to balf-a-crown. This was too sudden a transition.
It offered so many advantages to fraud that it was
scarcely possible to resist the temptation, unless a gra-
duated scale were adopted, by which a certain quality
of price would be produced. He wished to avoid mis-
chief as much as possible, and he always shought that
Corn Laws only involved a choice of positive evils : for
what man could say that it was not an evil to interfere
with the subsistence of the people ? But feeling it ne-
cessary to take away from the grower the full benefit
of a high price in a time of scarcity, it was equally ne-
cessary that be should be protected against-tire opera-
tion of a Very low price. It was not requisite for him
to examine all the items of the B II : its principle was
clear, and would speak for itself. He should only
touch a few points, and amongst others, the extrava-
gant apprehensions which were entertained of the pot t
of ()Jess i—apprehensions which appeared the more
extravagant the deeper they were looked into. Much
bad been written, and pamphlets bid been published,
to discuss that question, and the late Committee bad
shown, by the nature of its examinations, the jealousy
and fear with which it viewed Odessa. But for all these
feelings there was not the slightest foundation. What-
ever might happen with rennet to Dantzic and the
North of Germany, any apprehension on the side of
Odessa was wholly visionary. lie was surprised indeed
that any alarm should be entertained by any one wbo.

recollected the circumstances of distance; the naturea
the navigation, and the climate connected •ith OJessa.
It appeared in fact by the evidence before the Commie
tee, that to obtain a cargo from that place it was neces
sary to send a ship from this country, and that the
voyage there and back would take eight months. Now
would any man in his senses, with a market daily vary-
ing, enter into such a speculation? Why, he could not
be paid unless he got a scarcity price. Besides there
existed a regular demand in the Mediterranean on
OJessa for all the - fit for sale, and the consequences

_corn_
of the English trader meeting the Italiao on that market
would be, that the low price would immediately disap-
pear. Equally exaggerated were the fears entertained
by individuals of an overpowering importation from
the British Colonies in North America. A few years
since a Bill had been introduced to give additional faci-
lities to the trade in coin with those colonies. This Bill,
be conceived, was founded on a good principle, for why
not encourage our own fellow subjects-•-tho>e who spoke
our language, who were imbued with the SAM
principles, and had proved their loyal attachment at
the hour of danger by arraying themselves and bleed-
ing in defence of their King and coutrry ? Why
not treat them as we did Ireland,or at least like brothers?
He did not say that the objections then started arose
from prrjuaice or hostility to our colonial fellow sub-
jects. They arose chiefly from the fear that the American
corn might be poured into the home market through
Canada. What was the effect of the measure ? In the
course of the first year 90,000 quarters of corn had
been imported from Canada, and its thelast year only
26,000. The danger from that loaner was therefore
also imaginary. He trusted that their Lordships would
not reject the-Bill because they might fancy they saw
in it consequences as le likely to be teal zed as those
iespecting Odessa and Canada. Some doubts were
entertained as to the period at which the duty should
be paid ; but in this he thought that no other principle
could be followed than that practised in this country—
that every articl • of foreign growth or manulacture
be freely warehoused. This was at once a wise and a
valuable principle ; for it had always been an impor-
tant object to tender this country what it was now he-
come—the Emporium of the Commerce of the World!
To depart from that principle would be to deprise the
State of one of the most valuable supports of its inter._
nal strength and external power, and to strike a molt
fatal blow at the root of its prosperity. If corn were
not warehoused here, would it not be warehoused on
the opposite coast, by Holland, the Netherlands; Mat
France? and would not As importation be as rapid-as
if it lay in bond on oar side? To abol•sh the war,
housing of corn in this country would be to lase an
portant adva' take, and not to give any benefit what-
ever to .those whom it was wished to protect. If it
should be intended to exclude the warehousing of corn
altogether, that Would be to go against the principle
of the Bill, which had been voted at its second reading.
and to endeavour to do that by a side wind which
it would be fairer and mote honourable to attempt
openly. He• now had only to press upon their Lord-
ships the propriety of a candid, fair. and temperate
discussion. It was tine, that their Lordships might
naturally consider them elves in a certain degree as the.
Representatives of the Agricultural class, and that war
no reproach to them. It was consistent with the Con.
:titration that the Aristocracy of the country should be
connected with the land. But lie would not do thexa
the injuaice to suppose that whilst they gave support,'
protection, and he would admit, favour, to the agrictth
to ists,the'y would be insensible to the claims and interest;
.ei other classes. It would be a libel on their Lordships
edit avoid be a libel on English Gentlemen to say that
they were actuated by selfish motives. He should dis-
charge his duty with-the full conviction that the course
which he proposed was the one best calculated to pro-
mote the interests of all classes of the community. He
never would have advocated it if he had looked at it in
a different point of view. Other interests were low
watching attentively the course which their Lordships
would pursue, and they had just claims to the consi-
derate attention of the House. Their Lordships were
aware of the degree of distress and calamity which bad
passed over so many classes of the community. Never
had it been more heavy, and never had it produced
fewer complaints. This was a subject on which the
pissions of men might be excited, but he could say of
those for whose interests he claimed their Lordships at-
tention, they deserved it by the fortitude and resignation
with which they had borne the privations to which they
had been exposed—privations which he did not, and
which it would be wrong to ascribe to the existing
Corn Laws. To those laws no portion of the distress
could be fairly attributed ; but he was convinced that
the success of the present measure would promote the
real and permanent interests of all classes of the com-
munity.—(The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst
enthusiastic cheering.) •
The Earl of MALMESBURY said in rising, that
though his Noble Friend had not been long a Member
of that House, he probably knew his (the Earl of
Malmeshtiry's) sentiments on the subject before them,
by the discussions of the last two years. On no occa-
sion had he displayed anything like party spirit—
(Hear, hear). He agreed with the Noble Viscount that
it was not to be considered as a party, but as a great
inational question—(Cheers). He should discuss it as
such. With respect to the coalition before him, he
should express no opinion as to its nature. The bicker-
ings and heart-buraings of the present day would have
passed away and the individuals themselves would have
mouldered in their graves, when the effects of the pre-
sent Bill would be still felt, if it passed; for such he
kwas convinced, would be the result of a departure from
the principle of the Corn Laws. He regretted that the
absence of his Noble Friend (the Earl of Lauderdale)
should have prevented the Resolutions which had been
prepared from being proposed ;" but as they were not
before the House, he should oppose the Bill on its prin-
ciple. He considered that the measure was really
dated from 1825, when the President of the Board of
Trade _made his celebrated speech in favour of free
trade, and intimated that it might be extended to Corn
as to any other article. He (the Earl of NI ilmesbury)
was not a stickler for any particular system : be would
have consented to alter and amend the existing °Ai to
almost any extent. Nothing, in fact, had been done in
1822 by letting that clause remain, which prevented the.
Act from coming into operation. Why had it not been
repealed? His Noble Friend had omitted to state what
had happened since 1822. The Noble Earl then sheaved
that for several years the average price of Corn had
Rented between 565., 665., and 515.-9 d., and had never
given a fair price of 60s. He did not lay the fault of
.these low prices on the system itself, but on those who
had tampered-with They were partly the fruit of,
Mr. Peel's Bill, which had done much mischief. till it
liras repaired by another Act. The Canada Corn Dill,

.lso had done harm. It was true that in the sem*/
year the importation from that quarter had decreased
from 90,000 to 26,C00 quarters, but that was no rote
to,. the futsfre. The importation of corn from Ireland,
which in 1887 was only 45,000 qparters, had in lug
increased to 569,000, more than ten times its original
amount ; and that from Canada might do the same,
the country was productive, and cultivation would in.
crease. It was true that its population was not .equ.l to
that of Ireland, and that was one reason why hearoida
not encourage Canada versus Ireland. Should our pre.
sent difficulties with the United States be removed, Ca.,
nada, who now exported to the West Indies, might
then be cut off from that branch and send us Ingle
supplies borne. The Noble Earl then described the prod
raises given by the Earl of Liverpool in 1826,that or thing
should be done calculated to affect the agricalttnistse
and complained that at ter the* assurances,he had notomy
admitted all the bonded corn, but had allowed 500,0*
quarters to enter, for the relief of the manufacture%
whom he had said that he would leave to the charityof
the public, to whom he had not appealed vain ; fur
those who had most held out to them the hand cfcharity,
were those very landowners who were so unjustly as.
sailed. The next measure was the only proper one, he
meant the issuing of an Order in Council for admitting
oats and grain as wanted ; for he thought a perfect sys-
tem might be established if it Were possible to admit
foreign produce by instalments, cr in limited qu4ntitiek
Suppose, for instance, the average to be taken monthly.
if in September the price was 665. let the law allow au
importation of Corn not exceeding 300,000 q.larters.--
If on the lit of October the average gill was 66i. let
300,000 more quarters berintroduced, and so on. lit five
months as much Wheat Might thus be ad sited as
would secure the country against a scarcity aol the
market against a glut. He complained that the present
Bill was a complete Money-Bill, thus bearing on its boot
the motto—Noli me tangere, the purport of which in that
House was well understood. Ile also objected to the
as a commercial Bill, because it contained a reciprocity
clause, and when corn was wanted it must be had, and
there could be no reciprocity. He should not object to a
remunerating price of 60s. but he did not th nk it.e pro-
posed scale likely to produce it, taking its departure as
it did from the vet/ point which it was wished to secure.
He then :hewed by several returns and calculationsout
of Mr. Kelly's work, that even the highest priced bleep
cora, with all the expenses of bringing it over, and the
duties, could sell in the English market for 535.61.
which would ever prevent the native growers from ob.
raining a price of 60s. He objected to the scale cf re.
duction, by which the duty was to decrease tam shillings
when the price rose only one. Ile wished that the re.
duction should be only of one shilling up as high at
seven shillings, after which it might diminish in the
ratio of three shillings, till it expired altogether. He
contended that Odessa might inguence our market by
throwing upon it the whole produce of the Baltic coos.
tries, which used to be Conveyed to those parts now
supplied by Odessa. He objected to the warehousing
system as applied to the Home Market, and only
approved of it for re-exportation. He stated that
the average price of British grain in the last fire
years of the war, was 995. per quarter. During
tilt six first years of peace it went down to 765. and
during the six last to 565. sheaving a depreciation of
landed property in seventeen years of full forty fors
per cent. He therefore had a right to call upon their
Lordships to save that kind of property from complete
destruction. He then Mewed that agriculturists had
the Parochial Clergy to support, and recommended that
Scotland should be included within the averages. He
then concluded by moving as an amendment, Thai
the House resolve itself into a Commitee that day
ithree months."

The Earl of ROSEBERRY thought that there vete
errors on both sides of the opposers and advocates of
the present system, but was disposed to support the
Bill now before their Lordships. The first point to
which he should call their arention, was the assump-
tion, that it was a great hardship to force the poorer
orders to eat dear bread, and that their condition
would be improved, in the same proportion as the prices
of corn was reduced. If the price of food was per-
manently reduced, assuming that the, supply and de-
mand of labour continued the same, wages would be
lowered in proportion. Thus the manufacturer would
not gain, while the agriculturist must have his coodi.
tion decidedly deteriorated by the vast importation of
foreign
.grain. The second principle adopted by per-
eons who advocated the new system—. 2 principle which
he considered erroneous, because pushed into an ex-
treme—was, the farmers and landlords were as deeply
interested in having the prices of corn low, as the rest
of the community. The entire proposition, he thought,
was unsound ; he did not believe it was true, that the
vendor of grain was interested in the cheapness of the
commodity; at the same time he admitted, that farm-
ers were more interested in obtaining an advance ea
the price of corn than landlords. He should not
trouble their Lordships with one other doctrine on the
same side of the question, which he considered
equally erroneous, it was the proposition, to.plsce
a large portion of the population in a state entirely
dependent on the foreigner for a supply of corn,
that would be to produce that commodity at a
cheaper rate than if the entire population were obliged
to depend upon the supply afforded by this country.
This would be placing a large body of the people at
the mercy of the foreign grower, and would, no doubt.
be disadvantageous to the supply which could be
brought into the markets. He had troubled their Lord-
ships with some doctrines adopted by one side, which
he considered exaggerated, and of which he disapproved.
He would not detain them long with remarks upon
some opposite opinions, equally erroneous in their nature.
It could easily be proved that the existing law was oily
to be maintained by constant relaxations and changes.
By the law of 1815 and 182'2, 3,318,000 quarters of
foreign wheat had been admitted into this country.
This fact proved that the exclusive system could not
have been maintained. Having taken some of the es•
treme points upon both sides, and endeavoui el to refute
them, he was at liberty to say that he thought 'LA
the Bill which was now before their Lordships had
this advantage, that it stood between both extremes, and
was calculated to benefit all classes of the community—
one branch of which could not suffer without onotner
being sure to suffer in its turn. One advantage had been
derived already horn the very introduction of the Bat
Which had conciliated the animosities previously existing
between two interests, that aught not to be separaied--
the agricultural and commercial classes. He was sorry
to be obliged to say that these classes had been set in
array against each other, but he confidently hoped the
present measure wool) have the effect of reconciling
them. Alter taking a view of the various bearings 01
the question, he distinctly *rosiest his opinion, that if

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