Star.
London, England, 1821-03-21 00:00:00

"tomb Piefilermight serve as a piketelWell'hcOmr-
mission of that crime Which an ninsehe desirous to
avert. The instructibbstent to Ltd Gowerwere he,
the same-spirit. He was desired '44 to take cite to'
express himself in a magnet- cenforileable•t&the seed-
talents of Parliament, and especially not to neglett
any opportunity of declaring, that while his Majesty
meant to observe the principles of neutrality with re-
gard to the internalgovenerent of France, he did not
thereby abandon that solicitude which he must ever
feel for the perional safety of the King and Royal
Family of France.' Such was not the language of
war, but of sensibility; of generous sympathy ; and
the proof .of it was, tl:at a war did.not take place in
consequence. It did not begin even after the execu-
tion of Louis XVI: Until theNatiorralcot nvesition had
proclaimed and confirmed hostilities. Another speech,
by Mr. Pitt, on the, same subject, was completely
in aeccirdancet—e Whatever Might. be the feelings
of indignation and abhorrence at that act, be should
bYnn Meant hold out those feelings as a ground of
hostility ; for it was not his wish to propose a war of
vengeance:" he added, that " notwithstanding the
Geverninent had been obliged to decline all cow:lu-
nication acknowledging the Convention, it had still,
left open the means of accommodation" (ikar, hear).
He would put another hypothesis to the Noble Lord,
layieg the fact out of sight, for the moment, whether
the King of Naples had or had not sworn to preserve
the Constitution; it was this, whether, supposing the
King of Sweden, or of Spain, or any other King or
Mince, had taken an oath to maintain a Constitution
which he afterwards invited foreigners to overthrow,
it would be possible for this Government to interpose
to protect him? Whether, if the axe of the law fell
open him, Great Britain would nnsheath the sword
of vengeance? He (Sir Robert Wilson) maintained
that such a step could not be taken without in-
fringing on the rights of independent nations—(Hear,
hear, hear).—it was the more necessary now to come
to a decision upon this point, because the Circular of
the Noble Lord, which was to explain everything,
explained nothing ; and because it had been so far
mistaken, that the Allies had asserted, that though
Great Britain did not engage in the war, she acted
with an uniformity of principle and identity of views.
The Allies ought now, though late, to be told that
Great Britain would not act upon any such gross mis-
understanding, but held in abhorrence the doctrines
so newly pi omulgated at the law of nations (Hear).
It was made a matter of charge against the Neapoli-
tan People, that they had adopted the Spanish Con-
stitution : but what were the crimes that it had corn-
.mitted ? Spain for eighteen months had existed under
it ; and in Naples its provisieits had been the cause
of no commotions. Anetria asserted that the majo-
rity of the people were discontented under it. Did
the zeal and enthusiasm they had universally dis-
played afford any proof of this statement ?—(- Hear,
hear).—Next, the Holy Alliance maintained that the
Carbonari were the root of the evil. Count Nessel-
rode maintained that they Were " aJt impious sect,
disregarding all the rules of morality and good order."
In the same spirit, a Noble Lard in another place had
asserted, that the Carbonari had taken do oath, not
only to disobey the laws of than, but of (ion !--( Rear,
hear).—This, however, had been a charge. of old
standing ; it had been Made against all,Refotmers,
even against die primitive Christians—(Hear, hear).
He (Sir It. Wilson), however, :eight justly apply to the
Catbonari what had been said of the stories of old—
Naar lads benignior, MAT anemia& handrail*. The
Noble Lend would answer, no doubt, that they had
been guilty of assassination: it was true, and it must
lit admitted that all history proved, that assassination
was the weapon employed by the oppressed i it was
at once the surest and the most uncoutroulable, fa-
ciliNs
trniversos aspens lam siiigithss imperari. The
Honourable Gentleman then went on to notice facts
that had formerly come under his own observation,
:Lod, within his own knowledge. The Emperor of
AAaria had desired him on ode aceasion to lose nn
opportunity of declaring that nothing should induce
him to trespass on the independence of Lombardy ;
but no sooner had Prince Eugene signed that unfor-
tunate Treaty, than the lust of dominion returned ;
and it was demanded, in the first instance, that die
kingdosi% of Italy should be annexed as a province to
the Austrian Empire ! With regard to the occupa-
tion of Naples, he could give the Noble Lord (who
seemed to derive all his knowledge from the Minister
from Vienna) some information. The military occu-
pation, and even vassalage of Naples, and of the
country north andacest of the Minch), was an in-
alienable part of the plan of the Allies. They knew
how important that position was for Murat, who had
beim able formerly to keep in check the Armies of
France and Austria. Another part of their project
Was, to take and keep possession of Ancona, as a tete
de Pont, for the lodgment of stores, without danger
of interruption to the line of comMunication. The
Noble Lord was probably ignorant of this part of the
scheme, and he did not seem tote aware that Naples
had annually paid no less than Svc millions sterling
to Austria. Of course the Emperor would not be very
willing to relinquish so large a tribute; and this and
all the other reasons ought to have jndtteed the Noble
Lord to interpose his authority to prevent the mills
tary occupation of Napkt--(Hear, hear).—Let it not
be forgotten that the Austrian's were to hold not only
the capital but all the fortresses, not for one but for
six years ; and having once established themselves,
was there any chance that they would ever Vtilenta-
nly telinOiih.their bold? Was !the Noble Lord so
indifferent to his living and posthumous reputation,
as to admit the Russians as well as Austrians into
Italy and Sicily, as the Allies of America, who had
long indulged the project of establishing a station at
'Syracuse? In all'that he had said, be bad spoken,
of what was to be feared, not what was to be ap-
prehended ; for the Noble Lord would yet live to
see the beacons that summoned freemen to arins,
blazing on every height, and streaming over val-
leys hitherto obscured by the mists and darkness
of tyrannical government !—(Hear, hear, hear).--
The knell of despotism 'had been rung, and Goo be
thanked, by the hands of the Despots themselves!—
(Chars).—'they had succeeded in subduing and de-
grading Poland ; but when they inkaded the South,
they had exposed themselves to conquest and degrada-
tion. Napoleon, -ire this-respect, bid sinned against
the spirit of the age, and fell—(Hear, hear).—Happy
would it bet& the world if the, :Mee atrocious at-
tempt 'ever met with the -same- disastrous result—
, —(Hede).--AS to a"war its Which thh'ciiuntry might
be involved,. he should be ashamed' of that country

Pi nce seemed
Resentt r e3of;
If it did not dbntent to TOM:b every sacrifice; and,
like one of the most celebrated nations of old,
ondtroitittoselffeatilL4ost
Idiereaao,dietedayultenThite
Naples had already done himself immortal
aad he would need no other protection than thenjour'
shy and ,coorage which Ibis wn beavery-
would inspire-((.freers).-Ile concluded by moyi-r
for " An address to the Crown for the 'Alter of ol
W. A'Court to the Duke de Gallo, dated the filth ',;
February; 1821, with the instructions from this Go.
vernment on which it was grounded."
', Lord CASTLEREAGH would not occu
time
4of the House in alluding to much of whpy tht
at but
fallen from the gallant Officer, nor would he allude
to the rich repast of private conversation which bi
had, for the first time, heard of. He would confine,
himself to the'more immediate object of the motio
musta
air
ber
W.
aAd e.O foorurt s°m
he must e.porti
re.
obYfhjecicht. helnpre presumeddthseumnote
mark, that it was not political violence that was al
ruded to, but violence of a personal nature. No two
individuals more proper for their situations mad
have been selected than Sir W. A'Court and Sir G.
'Moore. Violence to any of the Royal Emily nom
be equally deprecated by all. At the time of the
French Revolution, there was only an emulation*
generous feeling, and could any exertion of poweroi
the part of Great Britain have saved the unfortunate
King of France, Mr. Fox would have been the first
to have lent his most zealous aid-(Neat,
the danger went-to the extinction of the 'Loyola;
mily, it must, at the same time, to the destruction of
all the relations of peace and amity with that
try and us. The gallant Officer had extolled de
principles of the Carbonari, and stated that the
mations had arisen from the principles of despeno,
but he (Lord Castlereagh) might rather retortion;
gallant Officer, that assassination sprung from
Conspiracies-(Hear, hear). As Ministers had talig
measures to protect the safety of the Royal Palley,
he could state that. Sir W. A'Court had received era,
knowledgments from all ranks; arid more satisne.
tion had not been expressed for our neutrality them
for the care of the Royal Family. The conduct of
Government had no connection with that of torsiga
Powers, and the instructions had been sent out tofli
William A'Court before the result of the delibera.
tions at Troppatt had been known. The declaration'
had been made without concert, and without the
knowledge of the Powers assembled at Troppaa. fi
September, when information had been received that
danger might possibly threaten the Royal Family,
specific instructions had been sent to our Commandos
on that station, guarded, hoo ever, cautiously agaiast
the possibility of abuse. In this measure we stood
alone, and were wholly separated from the policy*
the Allies both at Troppau and Layhach. He trusted
this House would think no ground had been laid for
the production of the document in question. At tie
close of the revolutionary war, Austria had conquered
Naples; when, instead of setting up the claim of coo.
quest, she immediately recalled the legitimate King,
and disbanded half he:- army, allowing the Napo&
tan army to be re-organized.-Esir It. IVnaos across
the table.-With an Austrian General at their head.]
He went to bed as good a General as any in Europe,
and in the morning found he was no General at all.
He had seen a letter from the Emperor of Austria
to the King of Naples, in which he said-" My army
remains at Naples for your service; take care what
you are doing; you are surrounded by troops who
were lately opposed to you. I hope your mild sway
has reformed them ; if so, my General has orders to
leave your territories in ten clays"-(Hear,kar, deo).
-When this was the case, he thought the gallant
General was not justified in making those stammerer;
which must necessarily produce inflammation. The
gallant General had, on this occasidn, stood forward
as a sort of evidence in favour of the Carbonari: he
had acted as a kind of amicus curia, to defend dam
from all attacks-Wear, hear).-He seemed to via
us to adopt their system, which was so perfect that.
it mutt purify the political and moral atmosphee
of the world-(Hear).-His argument seemed wk.
if their principles produced so many blessings, why
should we not have Carbonari here ?-(flardeer.
from both sides the House). He could neverilmea
to such a project until he found that benefits wee
rather to be expected from secret sects and tonailiao.
tions, than from open and avowed Governmesso-
He looked upon secret sects and conspiracies to he
opposed to all good government, and be had steer
known anything but evil to spring from them; 3sa.
notwithstanding all the gallant General said, be
would ever feel it his duty to oppose them--(Haff
hear).-The principles of the British Constitnrioa
justified him, he conceived, in denouncing a& Sh•
sociations as ruinous to every order of society Obi
hear).-The object of the Carbonari evidendfurd
subvert all the Governments of dtaly, as record,'
by the Treaties on their table ; and to have somege'
neral system, by which all the Governments of lta!f
should be consolidated into ore mass, contraryta the
.
system which now existed. If Gentlemen qfm!
were favourable to this general system, it was il!rLi
them to give the country notice. It did not sbaM
his opinion of those Gentlemen; but it misfit shit!:
Government and the Parliament should boadeL"
taking advice which was mixed up with such
. desa
.a
of noxious ingredients--(Lasighter). He could_ n
feel the *anent General's enthusiasm ;--he c0111,.7
credit his prophecies ; and he would repeat to ~71
what lie had said the ether night, that Attall',
no idea of 'breaking its Treaties by which she 1";
bound, or of making inroads on the territters_::
other States. This being the fact, when hate
the gallant Officer endeavouring uuer hi,
ment on so important a point, he would eta
caveat against such statements, and declass
honest man that they were unfounded-W:O4
conclusion, the Noble Lord stated his iat
meeting the motion With a direct negative- sir
Mr. A'COUILT defended the conduct of hff
ham A'Court ; and asserted that his Note d°
de Gallo, declaring the neutrality of Gras
was received with acclamations by the
Parliament.
that. Mr. C. HUTCHINSON said, he hoped -
"-,_
campaign against the Neapolitans would be
kat.-
struction of the Austrian Empire-(Hear'
He did not believe that there was a country
rope which did not view with disgust and Na
to Na,::
policy of this country with respect Oht
did not know how tar his gallant Frkind coma
G4.llcm
3054 his object of freein
g Naples (red,