Star.
London, England, 1827-05-03 00:00:00

0,2; ground his Hon. Friend could have said—" Wel
win not make any effort to enable your Majesty to carry
nn the Government as nearly as possible in the same
1,-,," The last 15 years had furnished an unequivocal
oof that the people were prepared to support a Go.
13,01 rnent founded on the principles on which this had
been formed. His Noble Friend (Lord Mansfield). who
bad last addressed their Lordships, had expressed his
ominsents with some degree of asperity but, at t e
sag lime, with some degree of obscurity. His Noble
.
Friend had said that it had been asserted, that the coali-
tion and unprecedented ; that he could
von was
not agree with that opinion. He thought that it was
„nom unnatural nor unprecedented; but he bad some
doubts whether it. was quite sudden. His Noble Friend
had assigned as a reason, that he had long watched with
suspicion the conciliation of parties opposed to them,
sod
the concurrence of those parties with certain mea-
sures; thereby intinuating that some petty intrigues had
been carried on, which he (Viscount Goderich) was sure
bad never existed. He knew perfectly well what the
Noble Earl alluded to. The measures in which these
parties had concurred were certain measures relating to
the internal policy of the country ; and he begged leave
to offer himself to his Noble Friend as the individual to
whom they were principally to be attributed. If these
measures were wrong, let him be blamed—let the
steps which he had taken be retraced—but let not
the blame be thrown on others. From the moment
in which the cessation of war allowed him to turn
his attention more fully to domestic affairs, and gave
him an opportunity of dealing with these subjects, he
had applied no what had been ignorantly called the
introduction of innovations, but which was in point
of fact only bringing back that policy of the country
which the war had necessarily broken in upon, and
which, notwithstanding the denunciations of his Noble
Friend, had received the sanction of the greatest men,
and, he believed, would be found to be practically be-
neficial to the country in the highest degree—(Cheers.)
But, whoever brought these measures about, he must
be allowed to state to their Lordships that his Majesty's
Government was not divided upon them.—(Cries of
"hear:') Every member of that Government was re-
sponsible for them, and he therefore felt very little un- ,
easiness at the manner in which his Noble Friend had
treated them. He was afraid that he had trespassed
too long von their Lordships--(Cheers.) He telt that
he had expressed. himself with too much warmth, and
with less self-pessession than he ought; but he would
yeomen) say, that when his duty coiled him to take a
part in the business of that House, in discharge of his
duty as Secretary of State, he should not despair of ob-
taining their Lordships confidence, because he relied
upon tne justice and the candour of their Lordships—
(Cheers). He was not placed there from any motivet of
personal ambition. He need not perhaps have said so;
bet he felt it a relief to his own mind to state, that if he
bad acted upon his own motives-i—motives altogether of
2 personal nature—he should never have been there.—
(The Noble Viscount was much affected, and their Lord-
ships evidently entered into his feelings.) He should
therefore throw himself upon the indulgence of their
Lordships, declaring that he aimed at nothing but the
honour of his King and the good of his country—(Cheers).
The Earl of MANSFIELD explained.
The Duke's( WELLINGTON, in explanation, said, that as
his Majesty's First Minister entertained an opinion different from
his, on a goatitis of paramount importance, he could not consent
tout in the same Cabinet with bun, and had, therefore, tendered
ha resignation.
Earl BATHURST assigned, as one motive which
had induced him to disconnect himself from the existing
Administration, the fact of his having ascertained that
certain individuals, formerly his colleagues, and on
whose judgment he placed the most implicit reliance,
bad resigned. The principle of the Earl of Liverpool's
Government, in relation to the Catholic Question, had
been one of neutrality, and every Minister of the Cabinet
was at liberty to vote as he thought best. He had ap-
proved of this system, which left the Government free
and irresponsible, and thought that an Administration
exclusively composed of friends or opponents of the
Catholics, was by no means desirable. When, in con-
sequence of the Right Honourable Gentleman's ap-
pointment, he understood that the country was de-
prived of the services of so great a number• of
his distinguished colleagues,.he thought he should, not
have been justified had he continued to act with the
Right Hon. Gentleman. In the present Administration
there were but three individuals who were supposed to
be adverse to the Catholic Claims. For these individuals
be entertained the greatest respect. He was fully sen-
sible of the great talents and.acquirements of the Noble
and Learned Lord who now occupied the Woolsack.
With respect to the Noble Marquis (Anglesey), who
was understood to entertain similar opinions to those
of the Noble and Learned Lord, on the subject of
concessions to the Catholics' he could assure his Noble
Friend that he entertained for him great personal re-
gard. For the Noble Baron (Besley) he entertained
similar feelings, and must ever retain a strong re-
collection of his important services during the war,
as Chancellor of the Exchequer. The promptitude
and energy which he had then displayed, added to the
abundance of his resources, had been of the utmost ad-
vantage to the country. With such colleagues as these,he
could have felt no objection to act, had it not been for
the retirement of so many Noble Friends in whom be
was accustomed to place the greatest confidence. The''
Noble Earl then proceeded to advert to the singular
Coincidence which occurred in the resignations of so.
Many Cabinet Ministers, simultaneously—a coincidence
the more extraordinary, as it could not now be doubted
that it was accidental. There was no concert in the
steps which these Noble individuals took. The Noble
Earl concluded by re-stating that it was impossible he
should continue to hold office in a Cabinet so constitu-
ted as the present.
The Earl of WESTMORLAND said, that the sub-
ject had been so fully answered by his Noble Friend
who had just sat down, that it was not necessary for
him to trouble their Lordships with many observations.
As the grounds upon which he acted were short and
clear, lie would beg leave plainly and strictly to state
them. Before he did so, however, he bad a few short
words in answer to certain charges which had been
made against the late Members of his Majesty's Go-
vernment. They had been first charged with caballing
against the formation of the new Government, and
I.condly, with an attempt to inwade the exercise of his
fulesty's prerogative. Neither of these charges was
not against the las:, which was the most serious of
shear, they had to oppose lives spent in support of the
I 1 et prerogative against those who had devoted their
lira. to attacking it—(Heat, and laughter). Brit first, as
to the charge uf caballing ; now, that was an imvutation
which could be haidly met any other way than by a flat
contradiction, and an assertion that no such cabal hao
"I'Lcdt indeed, when he saw what had beet: effected,

he almost regretted the non existence of some such
cabal, for if there had been any, the unexpected occur,
rent* which was only known when the blow that it le-
velled had been struck, would not probably have hap-
pened. Every man of the late Government had, in re
tiring, acted from the impulse of his own feelings, and
certainly without the least attempt at forming any
cabal. The next, and as he had said, the most serious
charge against them, was, that they had attempted to',
overrule his Majesty in the exercise of his prerogative.'
But, first, he would ask, what. was the prerogative
which they bad attacked? That it was the King's pre-
rogative to appoint his own Ministers, no man could
ever doubt ; he had never yet, in fact, heard it contra-
dicted. At the same time, he certainly did remember
when a charge had been brought against a Right.flon.
Gentleman for having made such an attempt. Did,
however, the law of the prerogative ever go to the ex-
tent of insisting upon any Minister's services without
his own •consent ? If his Majesty were to fix upon
any man, would he be bound to support a reformist,
and a democrat ?—(A laugh, and hear). Was that
any part of the King's prerogative? He desired
again to know what there was unconstitutional
in a man's retiring from office, when he could no longer
hold it without a sacrifice of principle? And if every
one of those who now arraigned them had in their turn
related office under similar circumstances,where was the
consistency in circulating such a charge? When Mr.
Fox and the Duke of Portland, and other eminent men,
bad refused to join Lord Melbourne's Administration,
were they considered as having attacked the King's pre-
rogative? It was, in fact, the invariable practice of
public men to decline office when differences of opinion
arose between them. When Lord Wellesley was di-
rected by his Majesty to form an Administration, in
1812, Lord Liverpool had refused to serve under him,
partly because he disapproved of certain parts of the
Noble Marquis's public conduct, but principally because
of their difference of opinion upon the Catholic Question.
.When Mr. Canning had himself at various times refined
to take office, where, he (Lord Westmorland) asked, was
there a.breach of the prerogative? Was there in 1809,
when he quitted office with Lord Lohdonderrj? Was
,there in 1820, when he again retired? He bad always
considered that it was permitted to public men either
to accept or recede from office, according as they
thought their services could be rendered useful to the
public. Having relieved himself and those who had
acted with him on the late occasion, from the two
charges which had been brought against them, he
should shortly•state the.grounds of his conduct. The
first letter which he bad received upon the subject of
the Administration, was for a re•construction of Lord
Liverpool's Government, to which he most readily
gave his acquiescence; but he thought it likewise
proper he should know how matters stood respect.
ing the policy of the new Government, • and who
were the parties charged with office under it? And
upon these points he confessed that his mind was left',
in the same state of blindness as-the Noble Duke's near
him; for he had not learned from the letter which was
transmitted to him, nor from his recollection of the
previous practice, that the King's nomination of any
man to form an Administration must be understood
as ipso facto making that man the chief of it.—
Certain he was, that it was not so considered when
Lord Liverpool and the Learned Lord near him were
appointed to form the Government of the year 1807.
He thought that upon a reference to the correspondence
of that day, it would be seen that Mr. Canning had him.?
self asked the very same question of Lord Liverpool.,
who told him that the chief and every other part of the
Administration was open toarrangensent. The answer
to the letter which he had received on the late occasios.l
which letter did not state who was to be the Chief, was
of a conditional, not a positive nature. His reply was
simply this, that if the chief of the new Administration
were to possess the same principles as Lord Liverpool,
that he should be happy to give him his best support;
but if the reverse were the case, he should not do so.
He knew the differences which prevailed respecting the
Catholic question, into the merits of which he was not
,now about to enter, further than to say, that be his
kopinion right or wrong, his sincere belief was, that by
,yielding it they would cause great public mischief and
misfortune. And with the prospect of a Cabinet favour-
able to the measure he could not connect himself, for
then he knew his solitary vote could be of no service
with thewhole weight of the Government working against
him. Again he declared there had been no cabal, and
that the resignations had been accidentally coincident,
and the very first he had known of the extent of their
occurrence was on the evening when it took place, and
by a communication from the great man himself. He
had served his Majesty many and many a year ; and no
man was more proud of it than he was, while under
the guidance of the late Administration; but he had
resigned office when he found he could not longer be
of any use to his King and country.
Lord MELVILLF said, that although it had been
stated all the late Ministers were engaged in the sup-
posed cabal, and implicated in the same alleged con-
spiracy, yet some kind of difference had been made in
'his individual case. Now, for himself, he could declare,
upon his honour, that since Lord Liverpool's illness le
had not had the slightest communication upon this
business with any of his colleagues. All he could tell
was this, that his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Huskisson)
bad called upon him on the Wednesday to say, that
Mr. Canning had then received his Majesty's com-
mands to form a new Administration, upon the prin-
ciples of Lord Liverpool's, bottomed upon the same
Cabinet, and comprehending the same individuals.
His answer was, that he should be happy to serve
with such an Administration, provided no pledge
was required from him upon the Catholic Ques-
tion, and that he was left to the exercise of his own dis-
cretion and judgment on that subject. But it was not
untli.the next day he had received a communication
from Mr. Canning, to whom he then-stated that he had
remained in total ignorance of what was doing re-
specting the Administration until Mr. Huskisson had
informed him on the preceding day. His Right Hon.
Friend (Mr. Canning) then told him what had occurred,
and he certainly left him (Lord Melville) under the im-
pression that he would have been able to form such an
Administration as he had described. Was there any
thing like caballing in his conduct with regard to this
business? It was on the day after that he had heard
of the resignations of Mr. Peel, the Noble Duke, and
the Lord Chancellor. Indeed, he had understood
from Mr. Canning, who had expressed at the time
the greatest regret for the circumstance, that Mr.
Peel would rt,,t remain in office under the new
change. It could not have been expected that he was
to embark in a new Government, without knowing
the Members of which it was to be composed.
It was precisely upon that ground he stood. He

estithated highly the talents of his Right Hon. Friend'
(Mr, Canning), but he confessed he did not think he
could form an efficient Government, such as the exi-
gency of the country required, if stripped of his old
associates. He had stated his opinion, that he would
not be an adequate substitute (and he stated it without
meaning to convey the slightest offence) to carry on the
same prudent, able; and useful superintendence which+
Lord Liverpool had, and that the remaining.portion of
the Government would, notwithstanding the splendid
talents of his Right Hon. Friend, be unequal to the ta,k
of governing this country. It had been• very properly
said, that this was not the place to review any thing
which had passed in the interior of his Majesty's Go-
vernment, but he could not conceal the opinion which
he had formed, and acted upon respecting the late
change in the Government. He had had for 20 years
tbe honour of being permitted to approach his Ma-
jesty, and at his age, perhaps, he ought rather to have
retired than remained in office. His only now
was, to ascertain whether he had not a right to see'
his way through the proceedings of the new Adminis-
tration, and whether there was any impropriety in his
expressing a disinclination to act with what bettered
would prove to be a weak Administration. He had re-
tired with those among whom he had been long accus-
tomed to act, and be was not conscious of having done
any more than he had a fair and perfect right to do in
the guidance of his own conduct—(Hear

The Marquis CAMDEN said, he solemnly repelled
the charge of cabal which had been made against the
ex-Ministers, and declared that he had seen nothing re-
sembling it in their conduct. From the first to the last,
so far from there having been any cabal, there had not
even been, so far as he knew, a communication. This
explanation, given from the quarters best able to afford
it, would, hp trusted, give satisfaction to every body.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY acknowledged I
that fte bad teceived the greatest marks of the Royal
favour, and felt deep resentment at seeing himself yen ,
down by unfounded insinuations in the newspapers.
ile-Would state the grounds of his resignation. He was
acting Ambassador at a Foreign Court, when a Noble
Duke (Wellington) arrived with fuller powers, and as-
sumed his functions. He had told the Duke distinctly
that he would not go round about to state his opinion
even to his Majesty, but that he had not the least confi-
dence in the Right Hon. Gentleman who was then
Secretary of State for Foreign„ Affairs. He had pre-
dicted that that Right Hon. Gentleman would sever
rest satisfied with the place he held, but would con-
trive to place himself in the end at the head of the
King's Council, and above all his Colleagues...—
When he heard that the King had really appointed
him as First Lord of the Treasury, he had reminded
the Noble Duke of his former prediction. He told his
Grace that he humbly hoped that his resignation would
be accepted by his Majesty, as it was not in his power any
longer to serve the Government. He declaredlhat he was
no oracle ; but he had thought for some time past that he
perceived principles creeping into Lord Liverpool's Go
vernment which he felt firmly persuaded would end in
the complete alteration of its character. Had they not
in fact seen all its principles overturned? Look at
our diplomatic relations. On reading the speech of
the Right Hon. Gentleman on the Portugal expedition,
he had seen that it was so diametrically opposite to all
the diplomatic relations which were adopted by a r4oble
and revered relation of his, that he had determined in
his own mind from that Moment not to support any
longer those principles of Government which then pre
wailed in the Councils of the State. At the close of

the war, our relations both at home and abroad were
founded on principles to which that speech stood in
diametrical opposition. It overturned every principle;
it set at nought almost every political relation of that
Noble relative of his. All the triumphs of the war

were given up. With what feelings must the army be-
hold the displacing of the illustrious Duke put at the
head of it after the lamented death of the Duke of
York, under an order which carried his pretensions
to that situation to the highest possible pitch?—[Here
-the Noble Marquis read the order for appointing the
Duke of Wellington Commander-in-Chief.'—Good
Goo! what a situation were they placed in! Suppose
that infatuated expedition, as he must ever call it, failed
of -its object, or that we were plunged into a war in
consequence of it, with what grace could the first Mi•
nister go and ask that Noble Duke again to draw his
sword to save Europe, after the publication of that
correspondence, which shewed plainly that he did not
want him ? He defied any man to say that he would
I not have acted in the same way had he been treated like
that Noble Duke. Must they not regret that the country
was deprived by that correspondence of the services of
that Noble Duke? It was not for Mtn to praise the
exploits of that Noble Duke. which were now handed
over to immortal fame. He referred the memory of
their Lordships to that glorious day in which the fate
of the empire was wrapped up. But for the success of
the Noble Duke, effected by his extraordinary powers of
mind, perhaps they would not have been sitting there.
Whatever the House might do, he would not compro-
mise the Catholic Question. A Noble Marquis, who had
been the chief supporter of it in that House, mig'it, if
he thought fit, leave his situation on those (the C pposi-
Lion) benches, and sit down opposite, to sty port—
what? Lord Liverpool's Government I Would he, or
would any Noble Lord, dare to tell him that they would
take one step in favour of the Catholic Question ? Then,
what would the Irish Roman Catholics think of it ?
Were they to take the will for the deed ? After all those
outward and visible signs of Government favour, were
they to get nothing? He would rather see his country
tranquillised. He eulogised the speech of the Right
Hon. Secretary for Home Affairs, which would do him
honour as long as consistency should be preferred to
inconsistency, or honesty be distinguished from disho-
nesty. He would have preferred seeing that Right
Hon. Gentleman at the head of affairs with a clear un-
derstanding that the Catholic Claims should be altoge-
ther excluded, to the present arrangement, the contri-
vers of which would certainly deceive both the Catho-
lics and the King, and, what was worse than all the
rest, their Royal Master—(Laughter). They saw two
Noblemen walk over to the other side of the House to
support Lord Liverpool's Government; one of whom
acted,—might he say it ?—almost as Attorney-General
to the late Queen. He was no oracle, nor a man of
eloquence, but he trusted he was a man of sense. He
did not go to a bookseller's to have his speech reprinted, I
and if he were to do so, he would not retract one sen-
tence of that which he had now uttered. He again
owned hi, gratitude to the prerogative for the favours
which he had received from the Croon, expatiated on
the changes which had been made in the policy of his
departed relative, and felicitated the Noble Lords who
had resigned, on the honour, more enviable than that

of their ineeetsors, follow them into their
retirement.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, be should have been cen
tented with listening to the explanations which had been mada,
if it had not appeared from the Noble Marquis who spoke last, that
the illustrious Duke recently at the head of the army, was supposed
by some to have been dismissed or forced from nific,-. It appeared
to him that the Noble Duke had abandoned office willingly ; but
at all events he did think it too hard to visit upon the Sovereign the
loss of his services to the country. If he was to receive the expla-
nations made that Wight as a correct representation of what bad
taken place, he must say that so far from there having been any
thing like conspiracy or an over-disposition to secret com ets:Am.
tion amongst those Noble Lords who had seceded from office be
could not conceive how the public business of the country had beets
carried on by men who appeared never to hold communication with
each other at all. When the question upon which they were acting
was no less than one in which they considered the fate of &stria
to be involved, he should have thought it highly meritorious in those
Noble Lords not to have lost an hour in assembling to deliberate
upon the consequences of the step they were about to take. In his
mind, it was rather a reproach than otherwise that they-had not
acted in concert, or that they had not at least met together, and
given to so important a subject its due deliberation. The Noble
Marquis who spoke last, u well as another Noble Marquis who
preceded bins, and a Noble Earl who in the early part of the discus-
sion bad weed a quotation from the Atli-Jacobin, to the nature of
that which had been given to the new Government—had
sided is no very reserved terms, if not to himself persoinally, to the
casein* if those . persons with whom he commonly acted. The
N.M. Marquis here Insisted upon the disinterested motives which
bed induced bins and his friends to support the Administratioo,
and went into a review of their recent acts to shew that they were
piled by the same principles now acted upon In the Government
he to our foreign policy and commercial regulations. We
arbMwidged the valuable sinless of the Right Honourable Geo-
=who lately filled the Ake of Secretary of State for the
Department, and stated that the grounds Which had in.
ducal him to resign that Dike, were to bins (the Marquis of
Lowdown) the principal grounds upon which he gave hit support
to the present Administration. He had thought it his duty to look
at the state of things, not with reference to persons, but with retch.
dime to those great measures by which the prosperity of the country
was alone to be secured. By the situation in which he was now
placed, he had not deprived himself of the right to maintain
his opinions as freely as ever he had done. He was as much at li-
berty as ever to bring forward that question to which the Noble
Marquis had alluded ; but he should never advise the bringing it
forward but under such circumstances as would he likely to pro.
mote its success, and at the same time ensure the tranquillity of the
Empire. Whenever he should feel it necessary to bring forward that
question, his object would be to aid, and not to injure it. These
wete the grounds upon which he gave his support to the Govern..
meat, and they were consistent with the primetples upon which He
bad always acted. He was confiding its men with whom he held a
common opinion upon the great political principles which bound
public men together; and when proposals came to Mtn front such
a source, with the information that they came at the command of
his Majesty, he was bound to give them his most respectf el good-
deration—(Cheers. )
Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, he fully acknowledged the
efficacy and importance of the principles on which the Eight Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Canning) had acted ; but it had happened in the
result that the Right Hon. Gentleman was not able to inspire sufib
dent confidence to ensure their being carried into effect. As a
proof of this, he need only refer to the last war by France againft
Spain, and contrast the events of that contest with those whicb bad
happened in the Administration of the Right Hon. Gentleman'/
predecessor, the late Lord Londonderry, who had successfully
opposed all attempts of the French Government to interfete with
the affairs of Spain. There were only two principles by whit&
foreign policy could be regulated : the one was confidence...
the other, force. If the confidence was once list, it was by
force only that the advantage which it carried with it could
be regained. That the Right Honourable Gentleman had lost
the confidence of Foreign Governments, would not be doubted;
and that force had become ne:essary to restore the balance bf
power, was too evident. The strongest posts of Spain were now
occupied by a French army,and it had been found expedient to in-
troduce an English armed force into the Peninsula to regulate the
tottering equilibrium. The other foreign relations of the country,
, though apparently more peaceable, were hardly more satisfactory as
far as the measures of the existing Government were concerned.—
Under Mr. Wallace's Administration. and under that of the Noble
Viscount (Lord Goderich), who had appeared for the first time to-
night, those measures had been proposed which had been since eat
ried into effect, and the credit of which (such was the fortune et
the Noble Viscount) had been claimed by others. In 1844, he (Lott
Efienbeecigh) supported a motion for the earlier recognition of the
States of America. He had since learned, although he bad then no
notion of It, that it had been contemplated by the Government, and
that this measure had formed one of the subjects in the conference
at Aix-la-Chapelle. It was, however, impossible not to see, that
whatever might be the intentions of the present Government, it
possessed less power to accomplish thole intentions than the Go-
verement which bad preceded it. It was impossible not to see that
it had sustained such losses as wholly impaired its weight and use-
fulness. The loss of the Earl of Liverpool, who possessed the re-
spect and esteem of the country to a degree hardly ever before ac-
corded to any private individual, was not to be supplied. The loss
of the Right Hen. Gentleman (Mr. Peel), who was entitled to, and
enjoyed the confidence of, the whole nation, must be as deeply felt
in the Government as it was deplored elsewhere. It must be lortg,
Indeed, before any one who should come to fill his office would
bring with him so intimate an acquaintance with the practical
nature of its duties as would enable him to carry into effect
lbe extensive and useful reforms which the Right Honourable
Gentleman contemplated. The frank and manly declaration
which that Right Hun. Gentleman had made last night in the other
Howie, had done him immortal honour, and would be remembered
with admiration as long as mankind understood the distinction be.
twee consistency and inconsistency, between honesty and dia.
beneety. Another loss which the country had sustained, was in the
ancelden of the Noble Duke, lately at the head of its military do-
pertinent'. Not so much because the army term deprived of his ex-
perience and knowledge, as because the Cabinet and Councils of
the country had no longer the benefit of them, and had thus lost
what he considered its great moral strength. The Noble Duke
was the only person in the Cabinet who was able to maintain the re•
laden' of this country with the other Governments of Europe with
that force and utility which knowledge and personal weight gave
beyond mere diplomatic negociatious ;and this no man who knew any
thing of foreign policy would hesitate to acknowledge; and everybody
must regret that such a tone had been assumed in the correspon-
dence of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) with the Noble
Duke,as made it impossible for the latter to hold his office upon terms
which were contistentwithhis reputation. He (Lord Elienborough)
concurred with his Noble Friend (Lord Londonderry) In the senti-
ment be had expressed of uncompromising hostility to the Govern.
meat as It was now composed ; and be added to it one of sincere
and ardent devotion to the Catholic cause, which no party feeling,
no
inducement should ever induce him to abandon or neglect,—not
even the inducement of displacing an Administration in which
he had not the &lightest confidence. He would not even be
induced to attempt any thing to the detriment of such an Ad.
ministration if he thought that at the same time he should do
any thing detrimental to that question. He did not at the same
time hesitate to say, that be thought that Administration was so its.
*ions to the country, that to support it would be impossible ; be.
mug seek support could not be reconciled with the oath of personal
duty and allegiance which he had taken. With respect to the Ca-
tholic Question, he would say, that no man who knew the Right
Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, would believe that
he would raise hopes which be did did not mean to realize. Every
body knew that the question could receive no assistance from any
man at the head of the Government unless he had actually the means
of carrying it; and, for his own part, believing that the Right Hon.
Gentleman had no such means, he looked upon the question as
given up. It was clear to him, and he believed to others, that
some deceit was to be practised. Either his Majesty, who had per-
mitted this Administration to be formed with the understanding
that the Catholic Question was to be given up, was deceived, or the
hopes held out to Ireland that the new Administration was to ex-
tend to that country the peace and tranquillity which the carrying
that Question could abase bestow, were wholly fallacious. Nothing
had advanced the Catholic Claims so much as discussion, end
yet all discussion was now to be abandoned. Asa friend to that
cause, be would oppose the Administration, because he thought its
existence was fraught with deadly injury to the cause ; and if
be were sot friendly to that measure, be would no less strenuously
oppose an Administration in which the Flew Lord of the Treasury
would be employed in digging a mine, that he would spring as soon
as the favourable moment arrived. He could see no advantage in
the junction which had taken plate, and be took this opportunity of
giving to kis Noble Friend (Lord Laosdown) that advice In public
which be had before given him in private, to aseertain,before he took
once—if it were his intention to take office at all—the opinions of
his Majesty respecting the junction, and particularly respecting
the Catholic Question. His Majesty would not deceive his Noble
Friend; and when his Noble Friend had ascertained his Majesty's
sentiments, the Howse would also be satisfied, because they knew
that his Noble Fliend would sot deceive them. Without this as-

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sumac*, he wu oblig9d to repeat to his Noble Friend and to. tit-
. Howe this caution, that they should sot trust all thestatetneuts
which had been made, and which he believed to be no other than
delusions. lie was glad that the observadoos be bad made In the
eatly part of the evening bad produced the present discussion, and
the tun and satisfactory explanation of the Noble Lords hasty In his
Majesty's councils; and he was quite widened- that no one would
suppose that the questions he had proposed were meant in an un-
friendly manner.
The Marquis of ANGLESEY Way addressed their Lord-
ships. He said that be had been in the habit of supporting the late
Administration because he approved of Its principles, and that, al-
though in office, be reserved to himself the right of withholding that
support from the present cue if he should not have the same reason
to be satisfied with its measures. He remained free as the air he
breathed. It was his intention, In the coons be should take, to do
all la hie power to support the The what he and that, let
bins net be understood to mean that the Thome had been attacked.
He multi/Italy my farther, with respect to the &Ice be held, that
whenever any arrangement could be made more conducive to the
Vlblie good be Amid be ready to retire. As to the reflection which
had been cast apes him. be should not condescend to meet them with
the slightest notice • theses if it were necessary he could Mee that
his conduct had been diametrically opposed to the interpretation
which bad been put upon lt.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained.
'TM Sari of WINCHRLSRA said, that as peried of the poli-
tical Wary slop the Revolution of Ms country could at alicempare
with the era. It was idle to contead that in the prepos.
tiresaeoalitlas which bad lately been funned, some of the parties
had not compromised Moir poll/est prim/pies; tither one side or
dal ether had smile& their censisteecy,—be would add their
bonenty.—andtbe country could hest judge by comparing the cha-
racters of time wboresigeed their places In the Cabinet with these
by wisest they were succeeded, se to which side the weight and
credit of consistency were due. The Noble lad yeti contrasted
the characters of the ex-Minister, with those who retained their
places, and them individuals who. bad succeeded to new appoint-
manta ; and, with reference to Mr. Caaniog, be concluded by ob-
serving, that consistency in hiss was never observable. Mobilise
an/ the love of place were the pivots of his wimple political life.
The Petition was then remived. and the House adjoins& at a
quarter past ten o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the Chair • tow minutes before 4 tea**.
A number of Petitions were preowned niggard to Private lib
•
before the
Several Private Bills wen pased,and abets passel through
• rewind's stages.
1110111 OCIIIALL SILL.
The adjourned debate on the modes of tent W. =glar.
adding three Meinben to the Committee cm the New
was resumed,. when a COMPOPllitiell of coast length took place, le
which Mr. Poynter, Sir R. Wilson, Mr. Litdeten. Mr. Herne, asd
several other Members took part. The :nodes was negatived.
General HIPPS resented a Petideefteas Scarborough against
eke Reciprocity Duties Bill.
Sir RONALD FERGUSON presented a Foibles from
Ris-
eardine, praying for Relief for the Shipping .Merest.
CATMOUIt
The Marquis of CH ANDOS presented a idedloollteni the View
and Parishioners of Olden. in Becks, against Cade& BalliMlllo.
don. The Noble Lord said, that with a Catholic Priem MOM
ha mold sot pot faith in the Government for resistance Is es Oa.
tholic Claims; and he was con/dent, that if that tmestita was
curled, an inroad would be made in the Protestant Constitution, to
which, as long as he lived, he would never consent—{Hear, bear.)
Mr. HUME said,he could tell the Noble Lord that it was asi
In the power of any Prime Minister to change the Constitution of
this country. He wished the present Minister success in his MOW
sores. and was satisfied be would not propose any in opposition to
the feelings of the people ; but the time was coming, when the
people of Ragland would not refuse en equality of civil rights to
their follow-sobisot--( Hear, bear.)
Sir CHARLES BERNELL hoped no ?dinkier would props*
Catholic Emencipedon, without adequate protection to the Pro-
'lntent Establishment..( Hear, bear).
Mr. BRIGHT said, the country looked with dismay on the pro-
gress the Catholic Question had made, by the late change in his
.Majesty's councils; and he was coolant they would speedily err
press their feelings. He was satisSed the Catholic Question had
little to do with the miserable state of Ireland, and was convinced
,the Catholic Tension must always be unfavourable to civil liberty.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT said, eke degrodadrin of the people of
Irgleed had grown sot of their proscription frees the Conaluitiess.
This was his donee convictioth which bid grown with his years,
and bad followed Min almost to the grave. And till the body of
the people of Ireland were admitted to all the benefits of the Ow
stltutino, ibeir discontent must increase—(Hear, bees).
General GASCOIGN said, if he understood the Hee: Intone
:aright, all the evils of Inland were to be attributed to die want of
. Catholic Emancipation; ope of the most extraordinary assertions he
had ever heard made In that House.
Lord kiILTON aid, though the removal of Catholic disabilities
would no: remove all the evils of Ireland ; yet these disabilities had
been the cause of the evils. The opinion of the people of England
had net prevented the Catholic Question being carried ; it was the
state of the Cabinet that prevented it.
Mr. 4. D A WSON said its, change of the Cabinet was not such
as to give hint the slightest hope of carrying the Catholic Question
till it should have made further progress in the minds of the periods:
of England. There was ample proof of the loyalty of the Catholics
to the House of Brunswick.
Mr. DU NCOM B said, he was confident the people of England
were against the Catho:ie Claim a.
Mr. SEY kIOU It thought there would be no danger of all the
talents of the Government inducinethe people of England to cos-
sent to the Catholic Qrestion.
Mr. PO RfklAN would submit to Hon. Gentlemen whether It
. was proper to attgpipt to inflame the public mind by raising a No
Popery cry ? If they were of opinion that the Catholic Question I
wee that which should decide who should be the Minister of the
, those who entertained that opinion ahould being the gees-
. don fairly befire the 11. ruse—( Hear, bear).
Mr. O'NEILL said the Catholics of Ireland would readily as.
qulesee in the decialuti of Parliament on their claims.
The Petition was reed acid laid on the table, and, after a short
disclaim, ordered to be printed.
GHT presented a Petition from the Shipowners of
Ball, complaining of die present state of the Shipping Interest.
The Minutes of Evidence taken before die East Retford Election
Committee were laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.
. • Mr. HEATHCOTR preseated a Petition from the Shipbuilders
of Hull, for protection to the British Shipping.
. Mr. 11Ubili moved for various Returns relative to the Officers
placed on liala.pay since the year 1814, with the increase skim that
period, and why the same was anowed.t—Ordered. The nab Cles.
Boman also moved, for a Return of the Commitments to the pot a
Ikidewell, in Edinburgh, in the year ism &es—Ordered.'
Mr. HERMES moved for a sew Writ for the ;Joker*, of
Roblin, in the Coons of Mr. Plunket, called to the Hoeft of Peers.
The third reading of the Postage Bill was postpolled until this
day ae'rmight.
The sober Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
. Howse adjourned at HALF-Fast Sea O'CLOCE.

PRICE OF STOCKS
pant Stock 2113 202*
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4 par Cent. New
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4 per Cent. 1826, 271
Long Angulo 15.16

AT TWO O'CLOCK.
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Ditto Bonds 71 71
Old Annuities
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Dank for Account
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Comb for Atet.ll2l I
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SHARKS, TWO O'CLOCK.
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FOREIGN FUND
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BRITISH AND FOREIGN
Provincial Bank of Ireland IC

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