Star.
London, England, 1820-02-22 00:00:00

WRITS BILL.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the second read-
ing
of the Bill for suspending the Writs to authorize
the Election of Representatives for the Boroughs of
Camelford, Barnstaple, Penrhyn, and Grampound.
Sir C. BURRELL expressed his approbation of
the course pursued by a Noble Lord on this subject,
in which he was confident he he should be joined by
the Country at large, and trusted that the Bill would
meet with the same liberal treatment in another place.
Mr. CALCRAFI' thought it quite disorderly to
speak of what fate the Bill was likely to meet else-
where. It was likewise impossible to tell it, what-
ever assurance the Noble Lord might give. The
passing the Bill, he conceived, was only likely to im-
pose upon the understanding of tke country, as if
all that supported it were in earnest with regard to
the great principle on• which it was founded. Be-
sides all the Boroughs were not under the same cir-
cumstances in the eye of the Legislature. The Lords
had examined evidence in the case of Barnstaple ;
but it was not likely they would pass a Bill relative
to Grampound, Penrhyn, and Camelford, on which
cases they had received no information. It would
be quite impossible, when the House should be dis-
solved, to have any evidence in that respect. He
was, 'however, far from approving of the circnm-
stances connected with these Boroughs ; but he
wished to be in earnest. He wished to see not
merely the Writs suspended, but all inquiries relat-
ing to them properly laid open and decided upon.—
He was of opinion that a better course of proceeding
in this case might have been pointed out, than that
now brought forward. It was not consistent with
the character and dignity of the. House of Commpns
to refer a question, involving its own privileges; to
the discussion of another branch of the Legislature.

He would rather vote kir an Address to the Throne :
this would prove that they were in earnest, and
would afford a specimen of what the House meaat
to dd with respect to places so circumstanced.—
, There seemed to be surprise Manifested at his
Making this proposition, as if they were thereby to
throw themselves and their rights upon the Crown ;
but,he did not think the principle was open to such
an objection. If the measure was to be by a Bill,
that Bill must have the assent of the Crown before is
tould pass into a law ; and, besides that, it must .
depend upon the concurrence of another branch of
the Legislature, whether it was to be allowed to come..‘
to the Crown for its assent. This was giving that other
branch an unnecessary power of interference with
the rights and privileges of that House. It had beefi
held by grave authorities in Parliament, that with rt.:.
sped to suspending Writs, the House shottlerathet.
rely updn itself, than call upon the assistance of ano-
ther branch of the Legislature. The step taken* •
Ministers, of a premature dissolution, prevented arc'
investigation taking place in a regular war, and,
upon oath. Under such circumstances, he saw no
course so eligible as that of Addressing the 'Throne '
to suspend those Writs. His opinion upon this sub-
ject was supported by a book of great authority—
Hatsell recommended such a mode in all cases of •
suspending and superseding Writs ; and unless he
(Mr. Calcraft) had some such authority to rely upon,
he should not have thrown out the suggestion;
strongly as he was convinced of the propriety of it.
As to the principle of the Bill, it had his most de-
cided concurrence.
. Mr. C. WY NN expressed his surprise at the sug-
gestion made by the lion. Member (Mr. Calcraft) ;
such an Address as that which he proposed, was
calculated to overthrow the Constitution and whole
frame of Parliament. It would be a distifict :admis-
sion, that the Crown had a right to suspend ail writs,
or prevent the issuing of them altogether. This was
not a new idea, he remembered that it made part of
a plan of Reform, which had been proposed some
time ago, by a society, called the Hampden Club.
By that plan the Crown was called upon, on its own
authority, to suspend writs for certain places, as the
plainest and simplest mode of rectifying the general
system of Representation. But persons th::t p:opo-
sed such things could know but little of the comzi-
tuticui of Parliament. The fact was, that the power
of suspending, writs had been long since claimed and
exercised by the Crown—and it did take upon it to
discontinue sending writs in many instances. Par-
liament at length took up the subject, insisted the t
the writ was a writ of ritiht, which :he Borough
could demand. Upon this principle it acted in the
case of some Boroughs, so treated by the Crown,
one of which was IVendover. The unjust assump-
tion of the prerogative was obliged to give way :
the places-which the Crown had stript of their fran-
chises, were ordered to elect Representatives ; and it
was on this memorable occasion, that John Hamp-
den was, for the first time, elected a Member of Par-
liament. It was his clear opinion, that no subject
should have his tight taken away, without. the con-
sent of King, Lords, and CommonS. He Would go
as far as any man in the maintenance of the just
rights of the people, provided they were not exer-
cised beyond legal bounds. The House had a right
to demand of the Speaker, as its officer, to issue writs;
but it could riot in the same way, order the Lord
Chancellor, when the authority of the House was
suspended by dissolution; but a subsequent House
of Commons might impeach. It was not the Lord
Chancellor that issued writs to the Boroughs, but to
the Sheriff, ordering him to issue his precept to the
Boroughs, to return Members to Parliament. He
contended, that it was not necessary for.the passing
of the Bill to suspend the writs, that the. Boroughs
which it affected should have been proved guilty of
bribery and corruption. It was sufficient to strew
that the House of Commons had thought it neces-
sary to adopt a measure far regulating the elective
franchise as exercised in those Boroughs—to warrant
the necessity of that measure, the evidence was quite
sufficient. The Honourable Member concluded by
referring to the evidence, as proving that if actual
corruption was not proved, enough was shewn to
manifest an implied condition, inconsistent with a
fair exercise of the elective franchise in the Boroughs
affected by the Bill.
Mr. MARRYATT said he concurred with the
Noble Lord (Lord John 'Russell) in thinking it 147
cessary that corrupt practices in Boroughs ought to
be punished in an exemplary manner; but 'then evi-
dence ought to be clearly furnished, and the House
ought to proceed upon it in a deliberate and grave
manner. An Honourable Member had given notice,
in the first instance, of a Bill for suspending the
Writ for the Borough of Camelford. There appeared
to be a very great discordance in the evidence before
both Houses ; yet now it was thought proper that a
Bill should be introduced, by which all were to be
involved in a sweeping sentence. In one respect, he
could not approve of the conduct of the Noble Lord
who had introduced the Bill: in the first instance, he
had included three Boroughs; but afterwards, by the
suggestion of an Honourable Meniber, he had added
the fourth. If it were wrong to include the fourth,
in the irst instance, it would not be right now ; but
he had given up his own deliberate judgment. to the
suggestion of another. The Honourable Member
then remarked upon the probable effect of the pu-;
nishment already inflicted upon one-half of the vo-
ters of Grampound. They and two Members of the
House had been convicted of bribery and corrup-
tion, and punished with great severity. The effect
of their rigorous sentence would in all probability be
the suppression of improper practices at Electioni in
that Borough. . It was not likely that any person
who wished to become a Member of that House
would expose himself now to the visitation of such a
penalty, with -the example before his eyes. Indeed,
if he (Mr. Marryatt) were to be asked, where, at the
ensuing Election, there was likely to be found the
utmost purity, he' would lay his hand upon those Bo-
roughs—(A laugh). The Honourable Member cone
eluded, by observing, that a House which was so to•
nacious of its own rights and privileges, ought not
to suspend or abridge those of others upon light or
insufficient grounds.
Mr. BROUGHAM expressed a doubt with re-
spect to the propriety of acceding to the Motion of
the Noble Lord, which doubt, be said, was founded
upon the great importance of the measure. It re-
quired but little sagacity to fiu4 out that they could
not enter with the calmnesi and deliberation that it

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0,

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required, in that statf.of the Seuion, upon the dis-
cussion of a principle which involved no less than a
change, in the constitution of Parliam2nt,as it_went
to disfranchise certain Boroughs, and transfer their
elective franchise elsewhere. This Bill had noecer-:
tainly all that effect; it did not go to the transfer-
owe of the elective right, but in some measure it
,as to produce disfranchisement. As to the Bo-
!eeehs included in it, there was no evidence to affect
:iiree of them; yet it was required that their greatest
should 4:put in abeyance. It was allowed
:.eat a case was not at preseqt made out to authorize
e! actual disfranchisement, and it was, hardly fair
to suppose that it was right to disfranchise pro heec
lie did not see why the plenarty of these Bo-
hs, in the next Parliament, was to prevent the
prosecution of the subject. He thought it
-ettld be more proper that these Boroughs should
present in the House by their attornies, when the
et question of their political existence came to by
• •••eared,lie disapproved of an Address to the
•••vir on such a subject. If, after an Addresq, the
.•,vn could suspend the Weits, it was ackno:v-
.e.!eed that it could do so before; as an Address con-
eleed no ;ight on the Crown which it had not be-
;.ee, and it might do so with nut any Address, ex
•::r9 lie (Mr. 13rougham) could not agree
wan an Ilonouhrbie Gentleman in supposing that
the punishm.mt which had been lately inflicted upon
some Electors, and others, would have the effect of
making these Boroughs, or any one of them, inuna-
cal.ce and pure. lie would take that opportunity
to discharge what he conceived to be a duty, in sug-
testing to the Home the propriety of its clemency
being exercised towards an unfortunate individual;
who, in the sixty-ei:Jah year of his age, had been
sentenced to two years imprisonment for corrupt
practices in a Borough. Such a punishment was
very sever e. At the same tine that the crime was
o:,c against morality, the constitution and privileges
of that 11,use—although not exceedingly rare—this
was not like an ordinary case, in which the Crown
could pardon of itself. As the prosecution had been
ca:eied on by the direction of the llouse of Com-
nuai. i:s privileges were involved, and the Constitu-
teeial Advisers of the Crown would not in that case
ireeieerc, ualess the !louse expressed a desite that
cierneicv shroll.! he extended..

Mr. s.e.IRI.ETT thought it would be delicate for
llouse of Commons to interfere to induce the
Cr:sr:a to remit a sca:cncc Nviikh the Coutt of King's.
lip :ch had imposed. The Membeas of that House,
sh.Nild be the last to appear disposed to treat
le•:ity such offences, which they were out of
doors but too generally suppo,ed to vic•a• with fa.
votir.tiilc eyes. He was himself not prepared to say
I:l.ft the sentence was to) severe. Though offences
or Ili.; kind mi:;ht in some instances gain the Cross,
in others the Crown, the Court of King's Bach
well always to chew a severe float to .such of-
Laces. lle felt reluctant to make there observations,
Lcause he had (he would not say the mistortuney
occasion to appear as advocate for this individual.
.-`.l._er having done his duty on that occasion, how-
ever, hi., connexion with him ceased. •

BUOUGHAM, in explanation, said, that he
did oot speak lightly of the offence, however he
might commi,erate the offender.
Sir JOSE PH YORKE said, that though he thought
the ca,e of Sir Manasseh .Lopez a hard one, he could I
not aho but feel for his friend, Mr. Swann, who had
only been found guilty because he had done an act
of kiodnesi. He had lent a man 1...-20 on account of
his necessities ; when tile Election approached, the
man offered him his vote on condition of his cancel-
ling the debt. Swami told him he was such a ruf•
flan he would have nothing to do with him. The
man told him he should not have the money, but
might have the vote. When the contest ran hard,
Swoon's frends advised him to close with the man's
proposal, and Mr. Swami was induced to do so, and
the draft was cancelled. The man was cunning, and
said, that when the draft was cancelled he must have
it. or his wife otherwise would not be persuaded the
debt was at an end. This the good-natured Swann
,!!:?,glo) also consented to, that the wife might be at
rest as well as the man. But this came to the oppo-
site party, who immediately cried out—" Here's
bribery !"—and so his Honourable Friend was con-
victed!---(A
Mr. HARVEY said that Gentlemen, at the very
close of Parliament, seemed anxious to impress upon
the Public nothing so much as the sympathy which
they entertained towards those who violated the most
important and sacred of constitutional rights. He
suiTorted the Bill.
Lord CASTLEREAGH said that he should cer-
tair,ly vote for the Bill if it came to a division,
though he did not think that it was absolutely neces-
sary, as the next Parliament could pass enactments
relating to what had happened in these Boroughs on
former occasions, notwithstanding an intermediate
exerci'e of the elective franchise. A i facie case
'gas made out against the Boroughs. lie thought,
however, the Bill went somewhat further than the
precedent set in the ease of the Borough of Shaftes-
bory, as it went to suspend the writs for an hide&
rhte period. However, he did not think it very im-
portant, and would give it his support.
Sir .J. MACKINTOSH said a few words in sup-
port of the Bill. There was clearly a plaza fad e
ca-,e rivide out on which to ground it, and there
would be abundance of evidence to warrant the dis-
franchisement. He did not think the case of Shaftes-
bury was accurately referred to by the Noble Lord.
Lord CASTLEREAGH thought the Shaftesbury
co‘o much stronger than the present, as in that case
the Lerds had obtained from that House a copy of
the evidence token before a Committee upon the
ender t r examine such evidence before the
Act referred to by the Honourable and Leaarned
(;eioleirom was arrived to.
Lord j. rtussLLL said that the premature dis-
ation ci Parliameot made a ha.ay measure neces-
*A. y. As to heavy punishments for bribery he did
'l.l think that they would ever establish purity of
etc-,ohm. 'The only effectual plan was to disfran-
C.:•,f at,d corrupt Boroughs, and transfer their
foo.c!.he, to more populous and opulent places
v! ,Hi wine not" represented. Wherever there were
:I rallolv Electors to be !blind, there would al-
'' .00 he men bold enough to corrupt, and others
.ro:laieialy poor to make the temptation irresistible.
1•eo,on who tempted was undoubtedly the more
able of the two. The Elector was frequently
a ; CrnOrt of no education, and was (tot aware of the

. .
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crime which he committed against the Constitution:
but it was ant so with the person who offered the
bribe ;he had not the same ignorance or necessity to
plead. As to Mr.Swann he couldonly apply to him
the well-known line—

" Bora avis its terris,-nigroque simiUmi 4gno !"-(A lanes).
Mr. BERNAL supnorted the NIL •
After which the Bill was read a ,second time, a_
ordered to be committed to-morrow.
Oa the motion of Lord PALNizitsmiN, the Mutiny Bill was
read a first and second time, ind ordered to be committed to-
morrow.

SUPPLY.
On the motion of the CHANCILLOR of the,Encrttnurit, the
Order of the Day was read for the House going into a Com-
mittee of Ways and Means: and, on the motions of the CHAti-
CFI.I.Oa of the' EXCMIRQUta and Lord PALMIRSTON, there were
ordered to be referred lo the said Committee his Majesty's dost
gracious Message, the Army Estimates, and the Civil
.Con-
tingencies.

..,

TILE QUEEN.
On the motion that the Speaker should leave.the
Chair,

Mr: FLUME rose and observed, that befOreilie
Speaker left the Chair, he was anxious to obtain-So:the
information upon a point, with regard to which he
had, on a former-evening, felt it his duty to pUt a
question to the Noble Secretary of State, to which
question he had received a very unsatisfactory an-
swer. He meant with respect to the situation of the
Queen. If there were any subject which more than
another interested the feelings of that House and the
Public, he believed it was the condition of this illus-
trious personage. For what was that condition ? It
was clear, from recent occurrences, as well as from
the language of the Noble Lord, that the Queen was
not only unacknowledged, but that it was apparently
determined that she was not to be acknowledged—
Every loyal man must witness such a course of pro.'
ceeding with great surprise and regret, and there-
fore he was astonished to see that many loyal and
constitutional Gentlemen in that House seemed dis-
posed wholly" to overlook the subject. He by no
means intended to express any doubt of the disposi-
tion of his. Majesty to act with fairness and liberality
upon this or any other occasion, but he must say that
he was extremely surprised at the course which his
Ministers scented inclined to take. Was it proposed,
he would ask the Noble Lord, that the dissolution
should take place without making any distinct pro-
vision for the Queen ? It was known, that the Act
by which thirty-five thousand pounds a-year were
granted to her Majesty had expired upon the demise
the King,- and was it now intended to leave her
unprovided for ? In what situation was it meant
that the Queen of England should stand? Was she
to be left as a beggar on the Continent, or' was she
to depend for her subsistence upon the mere bounty
of some person or persons in England ? He main-
tained, that as Queen, she was peculiarly entitled to
the attention of that House, and that something de-
finite as to the means of her future provision, should
be immediately stated. The answer of the Noble
Lord, on a former evening, was so indefinite and
unsalisfaCtory upon this subject, that he felt himself
called upon, by a sense of public duty, again to bring
the qtiestion under the consideration of that llouse.
He was quite sorry to see the manner in which the
Queen was treated. Why was not an Address of ,
Condolence and Congratulation voted to her Majesty ,
upon the demise of the King; and upon the accession
of her husband to the Throne, as was the case with
regard to the Queen Consort of George 11. ? Upon
what ground was the Queen passed by altogether
upon this occasion, or why was her Majesty's name
omitted in the Liturgy ? He did, he must confess,
expect a different course from Ministers. But her
Majesty was so completely slighted, that it was quite
unknown to the Public in what manner she was here-
after to be treated. If the Queen were to land at
Portmouth to-morrow, there was no arrangement
or understanding how she was to be received, or whe-
ther she was to meet the marks_ of recognition and
respect usually evinced towards the members of the
Royal Family, or how the public functionaries were
to behave towards her Majesty-. These were cir...l
cumstances, with regard to which. Fome explanatpn
should be given to the Hots;.e ondithe couvrf, and,
he called upon the Noble Lord. to give that
expla-
nation in definit..: terms. He asked the Noble Lord,
how the wedded wife of the Kin.g,:wisto be treated,
or whether as a husband in private life was bound
by law to provide for the subsistence of his consort,
the Queen Consort was to have any settled provision ?
It was, no doubt, discretionary on the part of the
Noble Lord to answer his question, but he expected
an answer as a matter of courtesy, but still more in
order to satisfy the public mind. He did not mean
to say that the Queen was likely to be altogether ne-
glected, but he must observe, that it was due to the
rank which her Majesty held in the Constitution, as
well as to the character of the country and the claims
of public justice, that the means of providing for the
maintenance of her dignity should .be definitively
fixed—that she should not be left dependent upon
mere bounty; and, that as she lived separate froth
her husband, some distinct provision:should be made
for the adequate support of her•exalted station.

Lord CrcSILEIItAGH said, he thought the an-
swer which he had given the Honourable Gentleman
on a former evening would havedieen deemed quite
satisfactory. If the Honourable Member had waited
for the motion which his Right Hon. Friend the
Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to submit, he
would have seen that no distinct provision was to be
voted for the King, any more than. for..the High Per-
sonage to whom he had alluded, but that a sum was
to be voted from the Consolidated Fund, our of which
it was intended to make provision for that High Per-
sonage, as well as for the general purposes of his
Majesty. Here the Noble Lord took occasion to ex-
press his regret that any attempt should be made at
present to press into discussion in that House the very
delicate question adverted to by the Honourable
Gentleman—Wear, hear, hear!)—as such discussion
was but too likely to create a 'ferment in the country, •
while it was calculated to give pain to the Illustrious
Personages more immediately interested—( Hear,
hear)—lie had curly to add, that the Honourable
eiltleman might be fully assured that the High
Personage to whom he referred was by no means
likely to experience anything like harshness or inat-
teation—(Lond cries of Dear, hear).
Mr. I-lUME observed, that his wish was to have a
distinct provision tor the Queen, at least equal to that
which she enjoyed under the late Act of Parliament.
• Lord CASTLEREAGH stated, that such provi-
sion was intended to be granted out of the sum for

. . . .
which his Rigl4l Hon.. Friend the Chancellor of the
kichetrer proposed to Move.
Mr. ITER NEY declared hit -Unwillingness to vote
.any sum for the Queen, until some explanation should
be given or premised, as to the rumours which had
gone Abroad with respect to
.her conduct and cha-
racter..npon the Continent; He agreed with the NCl-
ble Lord in thinking this a very delicate question to
be discussed• in that House. But by whom was it
brouglifinto discussion? Why, by Ministers them-
selves, who; although they deprecated this discussion
at present, held out she prospect of some such dis-
cussion at a future (Here Lord CASTLEREAGH in-
timated his dissent). ----" Then," said Mr. Tierney, " I
mistook the Noble Lord; and that mistake is an ad 7
tional reason with me for resistigg the proposed
Grant." So it seemed that there wasiO be no discus-
son at all upon the conduct of the Qileen; after all
the world had heard about that conduct—Wear,
hear..9L—Yet it would appear that her Majesty was
not to be recognized. He would ask the Noble Lord,
whether anything like recognition had taken place,
or was meditated ? Was the Queen yet aware of the
death of the King, or of the situation in which she
stood in consequence of that event? Had any com-
munication been made to her Majesty upon the sub-
ject on the part of his Majesty's Ministers ?—How
came it that the name of the Queen was omitted in
the Liturgy ; or what was the reason of that omission?
—(Hear, hear!)—These things required explanation.
But, from the whole of the circumstances connected
with this transaction, as well with regard to his Ma-
jesty as with regard to his Consort, he had no hesita-
tion in stating, that the King had been betrayed, or
the Queen had been insulted—(Hear!)—As au honest
Member of Parliament, he felt himself called upon
to make this declaration. He was not actuated *by
any party motive or personal prejudice whatever, .
but he would repeat, that in this case, either the
King was betrayed or the Queen was insulted—
(Hear, hear). He had heard of rumours with regard
to the behaviour of the Queen, which, if true, could
leave no'doubt that she was totally unworthy to oc-
cupy the Throne of England, and if so, the King
was surely entitled to the same justice that the law
granted to the lowest subject in relieving him from
a degraded connection. This was a discussion into
which he entered with the utmost reluctance. He
was fully aware of its delicacy, and he could not
advert to it without pain, but he felt that he must ,
do his duty. He bad heard of a Commission having
been sent to the Continent, in order to collect evi-
dence as to the misconduct of the Queen ; and was'
it possible that the Noble Lord, with evidence in his
pocket to spew that misconduct, could attempt to
apply to that House for any grant of public money
to an unworthy person? This was really a case of
such a nature, as that House was bound to sift to the
bottom, and if the rumours in circulation were true,
justice should he promptly done to his Majesty;
while on the other hand, if these rumours were mere
calumnies, no time should be lost in vindicating the
character of the Queen. One party or the other must
have been grossly ill-treated. But when, hewould ask,
were the rumoured discoveries made with regard to
.the misconduct of the Queen ? Upon the death of the
,Queen, about twelve months ago, the Liturgy was al-
tered, and on that alteration it was directed that the
Princess of Wales shouli be distinctly prayed for.—
Yet, on the late alteration of the Liturgy, the name
of this illustrious personage is left out. The disco-
covery, then, of the alleged misconduct must have
been made within the last twelve months, or whence
the • difference between these two periods ? Why
was she to be publicly prayed for as Princess of'
Wales, whose name was to be altogether suppressed,
when she became Queen of England ? Now the
question was brought before the House and the
Country, it must not be blinked, and he, for one, had
no hesitation in-saying, that if the Queen were really
guilty of the rumoured misconduct, no quibbles of
law, or quirks in evidence, should prevent justice
from being immediately rendered to the King. But,
ion the other hand, if the Queen were calumniated,
he would have her character completely vindicated,
~and all her rights asserted and maintained. Butnn-
sil her character was re-established, he could not
conseut to vote her- a penny of the public money.—
While the Noble Lord called her merely that "high
Personage," instead of recognizing her as the Queen—
while all Italy, nay, all Europe, was filled with ru-
mours of her guilt, and of official inquiries about
it—while her name was omitted in the Liturgy—
while she was not acknowledged, he could not agree
to vote her the means of maintaining herself, until
the reasons for such extraordinary circumstances as
he had recited should be satisfactorily explained.-
The thick cloud that covered this case must be re-
moved—the deep mystery in which it was involved
must be unravelled, before his mind could be satis-
fied as to the propriety of the proposed grant. He
had every disposition to do justice to the Queen ; and
no one would, perhaps, go farther to support her
right, when her innocence was established. He had
no personal koowledge whatever of her Majesty. He
never received—he never expected any favour from
her. His object was to have her case full,/ explained,
from an anxiety for justice, and from a solicitude to
maintain the moral dignity and high character of the
Monarchy of England.
Mr. BROUGHAM observed, that if his Right
Honourable Friend, who had just sat down, felt so
peculiarly the delicacy of discussing this question, he
hoped the House would, for various reasons, give
him credit for feeling that delicacy even more. He
could not, indeed, enter into this discussion without
pain, but he hoped the House would indulge him'
with its attention for a few moments, and the more
so, as he differed very materially from the views of
his Right Honourable Friend upon the subject. H,e
concurred fully with his Right Ilonourable Friend
as to the importance of the question alluded to, but
he felt, he apprehended, still more than his Right
Honourable Friend, the difficulty and the delicacy
which that question involved. There was no di!}-
culty, however, in his view, in that part of the case
upon which his Right Honourable Friend had so
.much dwelt, because it did not appear to him a mat-
ter of any importance whether the Queen were re-
cognized or not by any of the means recited by his
Right Honourable Friend. For whether
.her name
were inserted or omitted in the Liturgy, or in any
act of Council, she was constitutionally and indisput-
ably Queen Consort. Being indeed the wedded wife
of the King, the moment he succeeded to the Crown
she was re ipse Queen of England. Upon the demise

of his father she,. in fact, became as lawfully tu)cl
rightfully the Queei as her husband became the
King of this country.. Her title, thin, .did not di-
pend upon-any words in the Liturgy; or upon ant.
act of Council; or upon any expression which a
[Mt-
nister of the Crown thought proper to eitiploy in that
House. Such things, indeed, had no effect whatever
upon the rights of the Queen ;—they were as trifle
light as air,' and could not operate in the slightest
degree to impeach the title of her Majesty. Nor 'tai
it in the power of that House, by any vote it thought
proper to pronounce, to impeach that title. So much
as to the tit& of the Queen, and now as to the pro:
posed vote of provision for the maintenance of her
dignity. That provision was, it appeared, to be mad
out of the general sum for which the Minister wiR
about to move, and if that sum were sufficiqnt• tei
afford this pro Vision, in addition to all tht other of,
jects of the grant, that must, he apprehended; serve
to answer the purpose of those who were solicitoui
for the adequate supply of her Majesty. Out of the
propbsed grant, • the proportion which would be re-
quisite to make good to the Queen the loss of her
late revenue of thirty-five thousand pounds a-year;
would be, furnished, and that arrangement was, at
present to kiss mind, quite satisfactory, for he could
not rest upon mere technical objections. Then, ai
to, the rumours-to which. his Right Honourable Friend
had alluded, and which were imagined to cast a
cloud of suspicion upon the character of the Queen,
he totally disregarded such rumours. He would;
indeed, refuse *his ears
,to every thing like rumour;
suspicion, or insinuation, so long as her Majesty
remained Queen Consort. He would listen to no
tales about inquiry or Commission, nor would he
allow the rumoured result, or any rumoured in-
; quirt' to have the slightest effect upon his judgment.
But if anything in the shape of a distinct charge
against the Queen should be brought before that
House, he hoped he should be 'found to act as be-
came an honest Member of Parliament, by pro-
' nouncing a fair decision, not only between the par;
ties immediately concerned, but with regard to the
public interest, which the consideration of such an
important question must necessarily involve.. Ile
trusted he would be found, in such a case, ready to
do equal justice to the Queen, to the King, and rf,
the Public, with a due regard to all the national and
constitutional points naturally belonging to such an
investigation. But till some specific charge ihnuld
' be submitted to that House, he was determined that
his lips should be sealed upon the subject ; but he
must say, that( injustice to the high Personage al-
luded to, he thought that no opinion should be ex-
pressed upon her conduct merely on the authority of
rumour. If any charge should be preferred, he beg-
ged it to be recollected, that this illustrious Personage
was not remarkable for any slowness to meet accu.
sation, nor for any difficulty to prove her innocence.
Remembering, then; her alacrity on the subject of
.former charges, it was but candid to give her credit
for equal alacrity to meet any charges that might
hereafter be advanced, and for equal facility, too,
in confounding her accusers—( Meer, hear, hear!)
—But the question which his Right Honourable
Friend , had thought proper to discuss, was of-
such an important character, that he hoped Gen•
tiemen would at all times feel the propriety of
considering it with calmness and temper. That
bound up as-that question was with the feelings of
all the Royal Family, he trusted no appeal upon the
subject would ever be made to any turbulent pas-
sions out of doors (Hear, hear, especially from Lord
Castlereas and. those who sat near him). Such an
appeal, indeed, upon such a subject, could not be
too forcibly deprecated at any time, because its
only effect would be the radical subversion of the
principles of justice—(Hear, hoar, hear). But espe-
cially under existing circumstances, an appeal of that
nature must serve to raise a ferment in the country,
and to have the names of illustrious personages
dragged through the mire of every hustings through.
out the empire (Hear, hear, on the Ministerial benches).
If any discussion of this important question should
ever arise in Parliament, its character was ample
guarantee for the examination of the subject with
justice, moderation, and candour; and deeply inte-
rested as he must be in the question, from profes-
sional considerations, as well as from his duties as
Member of that House, he would enter into the dis-
cussion with a full confidence of an eqeitable result.
Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that he had not in-,
tended to address the House again upim a question
of which the House must feel the extreme delicacy,
. and ho [rose only for the purpose of thanking the
; Honourable and Learned Gentleman for a speech
which did equal honour to his head and his heart,
. and which must have carried conviction to all who
[ heard it. His Majesty's Ministers had not lost sight
. of the inconvenience which might arise from a lapse
[ of the provision which had been made for an Illus.:
[ trims Personage, and it was their intention to submit
• a suitable measure to the consideration of the House.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee
of Supply.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
proposed a Vote of £400,000, towards satisfying stich
Annuities and Pensions as would have been paid out
of the Consolidated Fund, in case the demise of his
Majesty had not taken place.
Mr. TIERNEY said, that if he understood the
Right Honourable Gentleman's proposal, it' was to
enable the Crown to make good all payments out of
the Civil List, in payments from the Consolidated
Funds. Now the Civil List recognized no annuity to
the Queen. An annuity had been granted to her as
Princess of Wales—and Princess of %Vales there was
now none. Unless, therefore, the word Queen were
introduced, her Majesty would not have one sixpence
of income unless by the bounty of bis Majesty's
Ministers.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
then moved for a sum not exceeding £50,000, to
provide for such expenses of a civil nature as did not
form a part of the ordinary charges.—Agreed to.
INSOLV,NT DEBTORS BILL.
On the motion for the second reading of the Imo!.
vent Debtors' Bill,
Lord ALTHORPE said, that he wished Gentle-
men to consider Well the objections to this Bill, which
were, the claw compelling Debt,' s to take the be.
ne6t of the Act, and allowing the Creditor to come
upon the Debtor for after-payment of his debt. • For
his own part, he considered the first as one if Ylie
greatest advantages arising from the Act; for he did
not think it right that the Debtor should derive every