Star.
London, England, 1821-03-21 00:00:00

111
of

d Austria by the proctoction of rite papies for which
belted moved; but he should vote for his motion,
as the object of it was to assist in the dissemination;
d libertY-
The lion. Mr. WARD wished oar neutrality to he
dear ead decided; not only physically, but morally ;
and he also wished that our opposition to the plans
dew Holy Alliance had been more clearly and po-
sitively expressed from the beginning. Thennost tau-
& position for England to have taken was skulking'
is the rear of the Allied Sovereigns. Affection to
ar own la
ve part
liberties should have made us
take a decisive part in favour of the Neapolitans.--
What bodiless had these Sovereigns to call upon an
independent Sovereign to give au account of the
'Constitution he had given his subjects? They might
*well have sent for George IV. to give an account
silt the government of his nation ; and then sent him
gbick at the head of 100.000 Cossacks, or Pandours,
stn destroy the Constitution of this country—Wear,
400,—What these Sovereigns considered legitimacy,
'vas treason by our laws. Our Sovereign reigned by
the consent of his People ; and therefore the King of,
bond was no lit associate for these Monarchs—
(Hear, hear).—How could the Autocrat of all the
Rossi= complain of Military Despotisms, he whose
whole Government was a Military Despotism—so
much so, that when he sent for an algebraist, or any
other learned man, lie would give him military rank,
and clap two epaulets upon his shoulders—( Hear)._
Wasthisthe man to be afraid (in conjunction with his
good brother of Austria) of a military despoti an to
be established by the Lawyers and Laz.u-oni of Na•
pks?--(ifirear, hear.)—The question was not whether
the new Constitution of Naples was good or bad, but
whether they had a right to make a Constitution for
themselves? The Emperor of Austria was a task-
master in Milan; and, therefore, he wished to become
the invader of Naples. He was afraid the oppression
d his Government would be seen mote strongly in
the North of Italy, by the freedom of the South. He
believed that the best and wisest men of Italy be-
logged to the Carbonari—(Hear, hear).—The Aus-
trian iron yoke in Italy could never cease to he hated
throughout Italy. All that could be said in favour
d the Emperor of Austria was, that he disliked a
Ccestitution established by the Carbonari of Naples,
because he was troubled by Carbonari in Milan. It

ns absurd to think otherwise than that the whole of,
civilised Europe would soon o')tain for themselves a
mitigated form of Government—(Herr).
Lord J. RUSSELL wished to know, if the Noble
Lord considered that them was any Treaty on the
table which pledged us to guarantee the possession
of Lombardy and Venice to the House of Austria.

Lord CA 'fLERE AG II said, that possession was
gearanteed by general treaties.
Mr. CANNING was unwilling to protract the de-
lee one moment longer than was ab olutely neces-
sary ; but he felt it a duty, standing in the situation
is which he did, both to himself and to the House, to
sate his opinions upon the question under discussion.
He had no difficulty in stating, that with respect to
the order upon which the Note of Sir Wm. A'Court
was founded,' he not only took, but claimed a full
share of responsi'aility, and for the justification of that
Order he was content to appeal to the country, to th
world, and to posterity. The Govenunent of this
country having determined to preserve a perfect nets-
tsality—a neutrality not only of word, but of deed—
he should have considered them the basest of man.,
kind, if, when they had reason to believe, as the Noble,
Lord had stated, that the safety of the Royal Family.
wasendangered, they had not distinctly, declared dratl
the preservation of that perfect system of neutrality
would depend upon the safety of the Royal Feeaily.
The gallant General who btought forward .this sno-i
has had thought proper to allude to the.eonduct nil
this Government at the c..nmencement of the war

with France. lile had stated Holy, that the instruc-i
lions then given were 'of a different character from!
those which we had green to our Minister at Naples,.
red that a proposition for direct interference, when!
the safety of the 'Royal Family of France was me-
wed, was received by his (Mr. Canning's) friends
an only with caution and distrust, but with an ad-I
inission of the danger and impolicy of interference.
Bet surely the circumstances under which that pro
position was then made, were extte.nely.different from
t
the present. Such an interference was then opposed,
because we had no physical means of following it up,'
sod it might therefore have created the danger which,
we had no means of averting. But if Paris had Weal
sated in the ocean instead.ef the Seine, could.there
be any doubt that we should then have
.given
functions to secure the safety of the Royal Family
of France, and that those instructions would have
been unanimously approved, as-well by the side of the
House which.epproved, that which discouraged
a similar proposition under different circumstances?
GOD be thanked, there had been no occasion to act
Von the instructions given with reference to the
Royal Family of. Naples, andshat the prudence and
discretion of our two Public -Functionaries had not
been tasked .on this occasion. He must .say, how.
ever, that if those instructions .had not .been given,
end circumstances had arisen undermehisils they insight
have been roideredneteessary, it would have,been an
indelible stain upon the Councils of this count'''.
With this single exception, m stated in the note.of
William...L'Coart, it seas -the opinion,of diis Ma-
jesty's Government, wisest ,(Mr. Canning) was a
Member of it, and he had no doubt :that that opi-
nion remained:unchanged (though bis own responsi-
bility had -ceased, and 'he, of .course, possessed MO
means of :knowing -thelaet), thatt peffect -neutra-
lity should be observed--anontireadssence from any
ficticipation in.the pokey or councils of she
a en impossible:for any one who had:beard the-de-
bate of: to-night, .andmhoihad:listeaed•to the speech
oldie Honourable:and gallant Geste:tali to doubt that
lbe policrintenckchto berecomaiaaded to:this coon-
wag war—(No, no,feass liseOppositiosußetcha).
nic House was machfoller novrthan wassvhea
the Honourable land gallant General had made his
11011011 I bat hetwoald appeal to :the eandidopinica
of any man who. :heard him, -whether :the Rea.
"led pliant -General .hard not, in 'terms, advised,
it not a war, at least an armed negotiation?—,and
1...11/kitler' he had not declared, that in the ev.entof the
riansef such armed negociation,.this &Pantry:would
Mraad to inter the beardless of war in such a came?
wfie o the lion. and.gallant General brought forward
If action for the production of a. Paper, the contents
of
__which were known to .all mankind, he would ask,
wilal'oras the meaning of a perseverance in debate,

and a divisions, if it iris intended to divide, btu to
take the sense of the House, not upon the preduetion
.of a Paper, selpich for all practical purpoees was in
the, possession nf the House, but upon the sentiments
and opinions by, which the production of that Paper
_was supported? The division of to-night was, in I
effect, a division for peace or war. His voice was
for peace, and the means of preserving peace were
ueutrality—(flear, bear).—He heard some Gentle-
man suggesting a qualification of the Honourable
and gallant General's expression ; but what was the
difference iu effect between a declaration in favour of
war, and of an armed and menacing negotiation?
Did the Hon. and gallant General propose such a
negotiation without intending to push it to a war, in
the event {): its fajlure? Much had been. said of the
change of character which this country bad under-
gone since former times, but he believed, it never
yet presented such a picture of degradation as it
would do, if, after assuming a menacing tone, it re-
tracted its pretensions and slunk back i nto, peace,
when negotiation should be found to fail. If be (fir.
Canning) knew himself, there was no man in that
House who was disposed to view with less distrust
an extension of the principles of freedom and good
government throughout the Continent of Europe.—
Ile was not of the niggardly opinion of some persons
in this country, who congratulated themselves on
their own freedom, not so much from the positive
blessings which they enjoyed, as from their contrast
with less happy mesons. He grudged not the parti-
cipation of those blessings to other countries. With
respect to the course which the Neapolitans had taken
b asserting their indepenJeace, he must be justified
in not looking hack too scrupulously to the past, but
not in stimulating them against the Allies. He might
look back and pardon, hut he would not look for-
ward and incite. He trusted he should never arrive
at that cool contemplation which enabled the Hon.
Member opposite to talk of the murder of Charles
the First as of a lawful act—(Hear).—He hoped no
degree of liberality, no respect for freedom, would
ever induce him to look back on such a transaction
with any other feelings than those of the horror and
indignation, which it was calculated to excite—
(Hear).—He was sure that if be could bring himself
to.entertain such an opinion in his closet, be wbuld
never utter it in public ; he was quite sure that he
would never utter it in that House, and still less
would he proclaim it to a nation struggling for in-
dependence—(Hear).—ln GOD'S name let not this
country stand forward in pointing out such a course,
as this as the high road to freedom. Whatever,
might be the policy of giiing or withholding our
aid, the suggestion of crime was at least one of
those aids which we might best withhold—( !leer ).
Supposing that Naples were, on the faith of our al-
Lance, to embark into this war, could them be con-
ceived anything more degrading, more shameful to
this country, than that we should withdraw our as-
,sistance and desert her at any period of that war?
Away then with the doctrine of an armed negocia-
tion, it would not only be disgraceful, but treacherous
on our parts to propose it, unless we were prepared
at once to blend our fate with Naples—(Hear, hear).
He would ask the House whether it would be justi-
hable in Ministers to embark the country into such
a question without a determination at once to go
through with it; whether they ought to enter into
such a contest, not from interest but merely from
.qnspath) ? He would ask any Honourable Member'
to point out in our history any instance of our having
retired with honour from any war into which we had
entered from such motives?—(Hear). In Spain, it
was true, we -had done something like this; and if
there was any part of his political life in which he
gloried, it was that period in which he N+ as one of
those who advised, in the face of danger, and when
,that country was writhing under the fangs of the
enemy, that England should lend its aid—(Near,
liter, hear). But did he condescend to argue that.
that was not a question which ought not to be ad-
hered to for better for worse—that it was not an al-•
Hance which could not have been broken off without
breaking our honour? Spain was the theatre of Bri-:
tisk. power and of British valour—(Hear, hear).--
He called upon any Honourable Member to say.
'if during that contest he had flinched, if he had;
been oue to listen to any compromise—(Hear, hear).;
His argument had always been, that, leagued as we
were, it because us to continue war even to a state of
exhaustion, it Spain could not be liberated without use
(Hear, heaq—Was it to be said to the Government.
loch had so aihered to Spain, that we were afraid of
dicspots, and fought only for slaves ?—(Hear, hear).
Helueuntained, that there were, upon his, side of the
question, hearts that beat as high for liberty aithose
.who were loudest in its.praise; but he could not in-
dulge in the exercise of such a feeling at the expense
of casting an indelible-stain upon the country ; for he
maintained that it was a delusion, a mockery, to at-
tempt drawing a distinction between an armed nego-
tiation and a declaration of war—(Hear, hear).--It
lead been observed, that this was a great crisis, in
which there was a struggle between the monarchical
mid the democratical principle. He admitted that this
was .a great-crisis, and that there was thoughout the
world a great struggle between Monarchy and Demo-
cracy: it was, in fact, a struggle similar to that be-
tween the new.and old opinions, previous to the Re-
formation. in that:struggle, Queen Elizabeth, who
ashelii.qp as thegreate.st Sovereign of this coun-
try, 'had supported the,cause of the.lieformation.--
?Queen Elisabeth was !praised for her excellencies by
anauthoewho.wes.favourable to her opinions, Rapin.
This.author, however, spewed that Elizabeth acted
-.lnoireqpon. her:interests than her,private feelings. He
shewed, that that Princess, potwithstanding the mai.
sacre of St. 13artholonsew, which ,was in violation of
.the Treaty of.Blois, had subsequently become the
godmother .of.dse infant.son,of V,harles the *Ninth, in
.whose.Eeign that-massacre bad been committed.
.She
bad done this tan .at a time when she was an encou-
rager and ,protecter of the Hugonots of France—
(Hear).—tLee them not too. hsastil y asperse the motives
of any!Power. Whatever he thought of the Paper
signed by the 'Allied , Sovereigns, and .whatever be
might thi4 of the difficulties which attended.the pro-
aent situational ,N,iples (upon which point he was ROrk
au, iciently,infornsed), but Sitre he was', taking Owl
Allies OR the one, hand, and the Neapolitans-Po the
other,. we were, net.at this moment prepated to eater
inr,o the contest. Ili ithe urged: that.the ss!pent strug-
gle is .sinai bar sm. that of the . Reformat/on, then he
called Mx* Otem itoroasiier. wbat.tb4 Omni% WIS.
Reformation was. If it was urged that their duty led

Awn tg interfere. tteti be *anti th# thit Werr
an unfaithful Parliament if tbe_y allowed themselves
to be led by their feelings to ace in oppoSition to the
true interests of the country. Such a feeling Would
lead them to the brink of a most dangerous preci•
pice—it would Czpose the country to a danger ilotn
which they could not easily escape—(Hcnr.
He conjured Gentlemen to look to the little help
which they had to ride out the storm therbselves be-

fore they volunteered to bring any other Power into,
port—( Hear, heel).— But would the Hon. and galH
lant General who proposed this motion go to war in'
'order to establish in Naples the British Constitution.?
Why, it was whispered at home, and pretty loudly
too, that the British Constitution was good for very
little—(Hear, hear, and a lawgh).—Yet still the gal-
lant General would say—" Come, my Merry men all,
let us fight for the establishment of the British Cou-
stitution in Naples"--(Laushiag).--f
al-
lowed
ie might be
to have his doubts in his closet, and if asked,

he might perhaps be of opinion, that the British Con-
stitution, which was of slow growth in this country,
could not be expected to flourish very speedily in
another. Let the Neapolitans have their own will,
and let us not be so pedantic as to suppose that there
was no salvation without the pale of our own Con.'
stitution—(Hear, hear).—He doubted much whether
we could either by example, or by controul, or re-
monstrance, bring the Neapolitans to the standard of.
our Constitution ; let us not suppose that we were
to be the protectors of every other Government; let
us not enter into the romantic and foolish spirit that
we sore to be the regenerators of Europe, or that it
was for us to point out the different modifications of
Government which ought to exist in every country.—.
Let it be remembered, that our interference with
strangers was viewed with jealousy ; and before we
did so interfere, let the cost attending it, as well as
the real interests of the country, be attended to. Let
us act with neutrality in the strictest sense of the
word. He, for one, would watch with a jealous eye
any deviation from that neutrality. The plank upon
which we had to cross the stormy and tempestuous
wave, was short and narrow ; attempts might be
made to bear us &n it to the right and to the left,
yet he trusted that we should still preserve a steady
and undeviating course, and perhaps the period might
arrive when we might be called upon, with unwasted
strength and undiminished resources, to interfere in
those stormy and agitating feuds which now threat-
ened other States—(Hear, hear).
Sir J. MACKINTOSH rose for the purpose of
removing those obstacles which the eloquence of his
Right Hon. Friend had thrown in the way of this
'question, and which were calculated to prevent the
House from viewing it fairly—( Rear, hear).—After
the very able and eloquent arguments urged by the,
Hun. Member for Bossiney (Mr. Ward), it was unne-
cessary for him to enter at any length into the details
of the question; indeed, he found it impossible to
add anything, either in illustration or argument, to
what had fallen from that Hon. Member—(Hear).
—lt was not his intention to follow the Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite (Mr. Canning) through all the
various topics upon which he had touched in the
course of his speech. He must, however, at the out•
set, disclaim the imputations which had been thrown
'out against his friends, for feelings and opinions
that had been attributed to them, not a single
one of which they entertained—(Hear, hear).—He
must repeat, that it was not his intention to follow
the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) in his
various clew-sive wanderings, or in his panegyrics
on that Government of which he had recently been a
Member. It appeared, indeed, as if that Right Hon.
Gentleman had opportunely been withdrawn from
the Administration, for the purpose of giving him an
opportunity of panegyrising his colleagues, and of pro.
nouncing eulogiums on the Government—(Hear).—
It was not for him now to say whether the Right
Honourable Member and his Colleagues had con-
ducted themselves as they ought to have done in the
course of their general pclicy. He could not, how-
ever, help admiring the ingenuity with which the
Right Hun. Member (Mr. Canning) had avoided the
main body of his Honourable Friend's (Mr. Ward's)
argument, attacking only a parenthesis here and a
parenthesis there. 'The Right Honourable Member
had, in fact, only gone to the minor details, instead
of controverting the main points advanced by his
Honourable Friend (Mr. N%'ard). He (Sir James
Mackintosh) would not, at that period of the even-
ing, go into the details of English history in support
of-his argument. He felt that a man was not tiied'
at all who was not fairly tried. And above all, he
felt that a King could not be fairly tried where his
enemies were his accusers and his judges. Indeed,
he felt that such a trial was only a mockery of jus-
tice. Neither would he enter into a vindication of
the spotless purity of the reign of Queen Elizabeth.
The Right Honourable Member..had, in speaking
of the reign of this Princess, guarded his expres-
sions, with his usual dexterity, against all attack.
He (Mr. Canning) must, however, have learned since
his arrival in this country, that whatever might be
the difference of party, or the shades of opinion in
that House, there was but one feeling of unmixed
abhorrence entertained towards the proceedings of,
the Holy Alliance—(Hear, hear). Their conduct was
similar to that of the Holy League of France, under
which every atrocity was committed. He trusted,
however, that no chord in that House would vibrate
to the praise of such Despots--(Hear, hear). The
Right Hon. Member (Mr. Canning) said, he was a
lover of peace, and, in order to maintain it, he had
conjured up an .imaginary party to whom he attri-'
buted sentiments which had never been advocated,
but which had been always disclaimed, by his (Sir
J. Maekintosh's).side of the House. This had been
for the purpose of triumphing over the real opinions
oldie .House.. lie would, however, refer the Right
Hon. Member to what had been said by the Hon.
Member for Bossiney. That Hon Member said, he
.wished that we should live in peace, and, in order
to preserve that peace, he wished that the British
.Government had spoken louder and more strongly
upon the Neapolitan question,-(Hear, hear, kepr).--
It had been urged, that when once . the flame was
kindled, it would be impossible to see where it would
end. The policy of this country would,so to involve
the whole of.italy in war, to,prodige terror atur
Nurope, and ,perhaps eventually to iorOlve
this county), in the contest. •Was it not hard to sup-
pose, that a remonstrance with other nations would
of necessity involve this Anstey in svar ? .s.o.tch a
thing had never bees heard of in the history of na-

. , . ..
itietit. WO ii t 4 be for 4 *mot iielitTeJ, that if
Franco and England had in the first instance coati
Aimed their councils, and remonstrated against' the
sietirnlitiaticHt of the Allied Sovereigns, that those
councils svotild be despised, and that both those gong-
tries must neceswily go to war Were France and
Great Britain sunk so low as to be tleolso by the
_4l,Rie.d Sovereigns ?—(Cheers).—Was it fiir this that
we boasted of heving set all Europe free? Was is fbr
this that we had fought and bled, loth in Spain and
OP the field of Waterloo? (fiear,hcar).—Did all our
Imaged and hard-urged conquests come to this
as lest, that any remonstrance of Great Britain must
yain, unless we were at once prepared to go tsa
wilt in support of our opinions ?-..(hear, help-, ftej.
He was pf a different opinion. He would affirm,
.103
that an early remonstrance on the part of this coun-
try would have prtilhecedlbe desired effect, and the
sccomi alternative would have been totally unnecel•
nary. Adverting to what had been said in an early
stage of the debate, the Honourable and Learned
Member observed, that it was unnecessary to defend
our having British ships in the Meditertanean to tc-
ceive the Royal Family of Naples. Yet it should be.
recollected by those who asserted that England might
to be the asylum for the oppressed of all nations, that
they who said so had been for seven years the advo-
cates and supporters of an Alien Bill—(Cheers)...6..
He, too, admitted that this country ought to be an
asylum to persons of all countries; but then we ought
to act impartially. Now that he was upon this part
of the' subject, he would ask a question. Was not
the King of Naples conveyed in a British ship to ap-
pear before that self-constituted, tyrannical, usurping,
and insolent tribunal, the " Allied Sovereigns?'-_
Did not the whole country read with horror Ind de-
testation the conVersation of the Dukc de Gallo, first
with Prince Metternich, and next with his master the
King of Naples Fq—(Hear,lstar.)—Could it be doubted
that that unhappy Monarch was coerced by the Al-
lied Soveleignso—that he was their infatuated victim,
allowed to spells not his own, but their sentiments?
—(Hear, hear.)—After the forced Declaration to his
own Minister, he was next made to issue a Declara-
tion, saying, that he bad sworn to maiotain a Consti-
tution which he had not freely 4ranted—that he had
been a slave among his own subjects, and that be was
only free among the Monarchs of Laybach!—(Hear,
hear.)—This was a doctrine totally destructive of the
monarchical principle in Europe. The Noble Lord
(Castlereagh) had, on a former occasion, said that he
did not agree with, but that he could not condemn,
the principle upon which the Allied Sovereigns
acted. But what said the Emperor of Austria S?—
He totally differed from the Noble Lord (Castlereagh).
He said that England was in perfect accordance with
the principles of the Holy Alliance, but that circum-
stances of weight prevented their co-operating with
them—( Hear, Hear!)—There was a total difference
between witnesses. They had all heard the speech
of the Noble Lord, and they had all read the Decla-
ration of the Emperor of Austria.—[The Right Hon.
Member here read the words of the Declaration in
French, commencing 4 Des circonstantes particuliera
At les plus graves,' &el From this document it was
clear, that the Noble Lord and the Emperor of Aus-
tria differed materially in their statement, with re.
spect to the line of policy adopted by this country.
His Right Hon. Friend had, at an early period of his
argument, adverted to some observations made upon
the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He wished his Right
Hon. kriend had quoted better authority than that of
a French refugee (Rapin.) He would set against
, that authority the words of one of our greatest Eng-
lish writers, no other than Lord Bacon himself, who
mentioned, as one of the greatest glories of that
1 Princess's reign, that she protected the Protestantsef
. Holland and the Refugees of France—(hear, hear.)—:-
. Thus the attack against Elizabeth fell to the ground-:-

" And, like the baseless fabric of a vision,
" Left not a wreck behind .
There was another argument of the Right Hoe. Gen-
tleman which he should just notice, not on account
of its force, but its misapplication. He asked, and
with an exulting air, why do you give your support
to Governments which do not intend to take, as the
model of their freedom, the British Constitution
This argument was founded in an utter misconcep.
tion of the doctrine of himself (Sir James) and his
Hon. Friend. Their only doctrine was to support,
not the Government of Naples or its Constitution, of
which he was no great admirer, but. the independence
of Nations--(Cheers),—which had been assailed by
this violent,, unprovoked, and most unjustifiable at-
tack of the Allied Powers on Naples—(Hear, hear)
In this proceeding the Holy Alliance had been guilty
of the same offence as the National Convention of
France in the year 1792, when that Power endan-
gered the independent rights of the People ty a sys-
tem of aggression, of which, the overt acts then were
the seizing upon Belgium and Savoy—(Hear, hear).
Thus had the Allies violated the laws of nations,
disturbed the security of States, and made peace and
war a question of policy and prudence with every
nation in Europe (the Honourable and Learned Gert,
tleman sat down amid loud and repeated cheering).
Sir ROBERT WILSON replied briefly, and re-
capitulated his formefstatements. He denied again
that his object was to induce Governmmt to act in
the spirit of an armed negotiation, which was to ter-
minate in war. He wished to .see the British Minis-
ter interfere in a way that would not have provoked
hostility, but ensure peace—( Hear, hear, hear). He
denied that the Carbonati had given any ground to
the charge made against them by the Noble_ Lord
(Castlereagh) of encouraging assassination. Their
principles or their ccnduct indicated no such system
of political morality. There was no necessity for biro
to vindicate them from such a charge, their own con-
duct gave it the most satisfactory refutation—(Hear).
In this eventful crisis of their country, they had plo-
jested wisely, executed bravely, and communicated
a great plan of domestic freedom, with'equal vigour
and moderation—( Hear, hear).—The Carbonari
were no longer a secret society, their principles were
diffused throughout Italy, and there was scarcely and
balian.to be met that Was not of:that society.
could not allow the Right Honourable Gentian=
(Mr. Canning) to say, that recent events• proved
there was a great war between the monarchiC4
and deroocratical principles throughout Europe.
It was not the regal and popular Bower that were in
conflict, but the principles of Arbitrary and Rept-.
,sentative Gorernment—(llear,heer).—Tbese were at
Tar4off..AAA Riot Always continue so, until the•.civil
, rights of the People were secured, as well as the pie•

':a