Star.
London, England, 1827-05-03 00:00:00

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that the present Administration was to be founded on
the same principles with that of Lord Liverpool's. The
Administrations are materially different; that of Lord
Liverpool was founded upon the principle of supporting
•
. present laws—that of Mr. Canning is founded upors„
k.:*-ii„, '.:Ns-W4principle of changing them. It is well known to
. your Lordships, that Lord Liverpool was opposed to the
Catholic Claims, while Mr. Canning is one of their most
able and zealous partisans. It is also evident, that the
. Government cannot remain neutral upon the question,
and in proof of this, I refer your Lordships to Mr. Can-
nig's speeches, in which he says, that the infl ience of
the head of the Government must be paramount. I
have been accused of ingratitude towards his Majesty,
and of aspiring to the situation of Primt Minister, and
that, in consequence of my disappointment, I threw up
the command of the army. These charges are absurd.
Every or.e.who knows me is aware, that my being
Prime Minister was out of the question, and no man
ever spoke to me to whom I did not express the same
opinion. As to the other, is it likely that I who raised
myself to that high situation —I say raised myself; not
because I forget the assistance I have received from the
Noble Lords at my side—not that I forget the assist-
ance I derived from the gallant officers and soldiers vl'ho
fought under me—not that! forget, most of all, the gra-
cious favours of his Majesty—still, I say.l raised myself,
because whatever favours may have been lavished on
me, or whatever support I have received, I should not
1 ' have been raised to that situation if I had not done my
King some service. Bearing in my mind these cireum-
-1 stances/it is little to be supposed, that when brought into
the situation which I recently held—when called to the
cemnnnd of my old friends and companions--when I
had again an opportunity of recommending to the favour
of the. Sovereign, those friends and companions, for the
rewards which they undoubtedly deserved—it was, I
say, little to be supposed, that I should lightly, or on
insufficient cause, resign an employmentbso congenial
i
to my habits and my wishes. I need noti I trust, as-
'sere your Lordships, that I am most sincerely anxious
lo set myself right in your minds, on a subject that so
nearly affects my feelings and my charactq, at the same
tithe that I am fully conscious of my inability to address
• thif House in the manner that I ought to do, and with
the effect that I earnestly desire. Still I am not without
confidence in receiving for my actions a fair and im-
partial interpretation; and I the more readily indulge
this hope, when I recollect that not one of my colleagues
with whom I communicated—not one man to whom I
spoke on the subject—entertained the slightest doubt as
to the course that I ought to pursue; they felt to a man
that I was.placed under the necessity of tendering my
resignation: We have been accused of forming a con-
,
' spiracy fbr the purpose of embarrassing the councils of '
the Crown. - My Noble Friend, the Chancellor for the
Duchy of Lancaster, was amongst the number of those
who, at the same time -with myself, sent in oor resigna-
tions—though he has since been induced to return to
the service of his Majesty. (Hear, beat, and laughter).
Trim Noble Loid, if there was a conspiracy, is as open
to the accusation as I am; nor could rounds for such
a charge have Wasted without his privity. Now, I call
upon that Noble Lord to come forth, and state,whether
or not there were any such proceeding on out part, or
any intention of the nature implied, with reference to
the formation of 'a new Government? My Lords, I
have no fear of contradiction on that point from him.
It has been asserted elsewhere, but, whatever quarter it
' comes from, I hesitate not to pronounce it a foul
falsehood. (His Grace then read. the letter which
he had addressed to his Majesty, tendering his re-
signation, and proceeded to say)—When I retired,
I did so under the full persuasion that it would be
impossible for me to remain in office consistently
with a sense of public duty—in fact, that, filling
,
the office of Commandeisin-Chief, I must be in ,constant
communication with the Ministers of the CrOwn, and
even with- his Majesty himself—that no change could be
made in the constitution of the army, in the nature or
objects of its service, witliout that mutual understanding
and cordial cmoperation, which, in circumstances such
as my relation to the present Government would neces-
sarily plate me, it would be visionary to hope for. The
House knows, that the supreme direction of the army is
necessarily4ested in the Cabinet—that the army at pre-
sent in Portugal could be continued there, or withdrawn,
at the pleasure of his Majesty's advisers—that in Eng-
land, in Ireland, and in every other place where our
troops are stationed, no order coeld be issued in refe-
sl rence to them contrary to the opinions and views of the
responsible advisers of the Crown. Could I, then, in
such .an Administration as it *was proposed to form,
4. continue so to act as would become a public toile-
t tionary ? Could I, in common with such colleagues,
follow in the footsteps of that illustrious and le-
i mented Predecessor, whose example it was my pride
to follow? and, satisfied am I now, that if that
1 Personage had survived long enough to hold the
situation of Commander•in-Chief, up to the time at
i which I retired from it, he would have done precisely
as I did. Again, I would repeat my convictiom'—and
one very consolatory to my feelings it is, that, in offer-
ing fny resignation of the two offices in question, I had
acted in full conformity with what I think myself jus-
tified in assuming avduld have been the conduct of that
illustrious Personage, if placed in similar circumstances.
My Lords, when I did submit to kis Majesty my resig-
nation of those two offices, I did so in consequence of
Vie communication which I had with the Right Hon.
Gentleman himself, and I wish the letter which I wrote
to him on that occasion, to be fairly examined, and this
I do in the fullest confidence, that no ground of offence
can be derived from it, for the object of it was nothing
i more than to learn who were to constitute his Majesty's
Government, and who was to be placed at its head.
Here I may take occasion to observe, that I had a con
venation with the Right Hon. Gentleman, in which he
I stated, that cne of the plans submitted to his Majesty's
I consideration was, to call the then Chancellor of the
Exchequer to this House, conferring upon him the
office of First Lord of the Treasury, and this he stated
as one of the modes of keeping men together ; but I had
• no difficulty in expressing my entire persuas'on, that no
scheme could be devised less calculated to produce the
effect contemplated, namely, that of keeping a Go-
vernment together. Coupling this communication with
the letter I received directly from the Right Hon.
G:ntleman himself, was I not justified in inferring, that
he, at the time he addressed to me the letter in question,
• was not at the head of his Majesty's Government? At
one time a negotiation, the recollection of which must
.
be in the minds of many Noble Lords, took place, and
in which a Noble relative of mine, now Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland, took an active part. On that occasion, my
Noble relative waited of a Noble Earl, and a oble
Baron, for the purpose of stating that he had been
commissioned by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent
to communicate with them mid other eminent indi-