Star.
London, England, 1828-06-11 00:00:00

Ireland, as he felt particularly called upon
considered her situation most alarming, and
ulated to encourage us to make important con-
-- thus nature. Before we made such an erne.

et us have some security to look to, which

nwever imperfectly, serve as a guard to oto
mein from anything like innovation on the part
holics. In the very outset of the discussiom
been acquainted by a Noble Friend of his
rnsent would be given to the principle of se.
that, in fact, in the present posture of affairs,
e Catholic people nor •their Clergy were dit
)urchase concession at the price of securities.
y abundant documents had fallen into his
1, Many of which were printed, to shnw
the Clergy and the Laity sought for and
no less (and that nothing else would,
absolute, unqualified, and unconditional
tion, as it was singularly enough termed.—
) was their aim and object was clear from
lications, the manifestoes of the Catholic body,
. .

the Petitions which had bean 'Aid on their

s' table. Such, too, was the tone and spirit
irked all the recent resolutions of Catholic

e and other Meetings, as well in those where
presided, as in those where the priesthood took
n their proceedings. Such being the character
resolutions, supposed to be drawn up with
ion, it would be unnecessary for him to allude
o the inflammatory language and tone of intl•
which pervaded the speeches of their favourite

m occasions when such resolutions were pa•sed
number of those published docoments, it was
to refer to one within the recollection of most

wherein the writer, alluding distinctly to an
ed, unconditional conces►ion as the only one
of their acceptance, adds—" hi our humbler

and in days happily now gone by, wel
i the point of yielding in despair to the
of securities, and it was the opinion of
se of our best friends in and out of Parlia•

at we ought to yield it ; but a total alteration,
then taken place in the posture of our affairs.
was this to be attributed? Was it to the tone,
ration we bad preserved in our debates and
1 appeals ? or rather was not this alteration in
den owing to the threat which was held out,,
strong language which was used of late, and
feel jestified in saying has at length placed us
image round?" Can they, resumed the Noble
tore distinctly tell us, they feel themselves, by
a effort and conduct, placed in a situation to
ons the Legislature with a high hand, and by
atimidation and threats, that which has so long
hheld.? It was true the sword was not drawn
but were their Lordships disposed, in the face
rer of this alarming and anomalous nature, to
lie Catholic body, dins marshalled and or-

, within the intimate pale of the privileges
astitation? Every Peer was an adviser of the
and was, by virtue of that hereditary rank,
) give his Sovereign such advice as might, in'
meat, be best calculated to uphold and main-
Protestant Government. In the same manner
ivy Councillor was officially bound to give his
nsel to his Majesty on affairs of State. This
ria ant their Lordships were bound in such eases
ise, and they should not forget that in the Ines-
alined to Ratlimelsat in 1815, when it was at-
to except Privy Councillors, the proposition was
considerablimajwity. They should not
hat on the present occasion they bad to contend
great power, and with great talent, perhaps as
I in its array as ever was exhibited within those
In addition to this array within, those who bad
d him had set op on their side of the question the
:y of Mr. Put, of Mr. Fox, and of Mr. Canning.
alents and eloquence had shed a lustre on, not
levy alone, but on the human race. Giving
great Statesmen and oratory all that tribute of
ion which even these persons themselves could
I, he begged to say that names were all on his
'ehr arguments were perfectly in concordance
s own. They were all on the side of security ;
isfactory security for the conduct of the Catho-
admitted to all the privileges of ibe constitution.
:cold be satisfied thee was no season to fear
ogee would _result to the &ate from this con-
,he might, perhaps be content to adopt the
,tion of the Noble Marquis ; but when these
tes say, we will give you no security, we will
rtdestend to treat with you even on the basis of
Ws, this' their Lordships must agree with him,
sty were in a new and altered position alto-
-(Cheers). It had been frequently said in the
, that Mr. Pitt was a decided friend to Ca-
emancipation, but he would remind them that
he spoke or even wrote, he only advocated the
of concession to the Catholics, provided it were
panied with such guards and securities as would.
it our danger to our Protestant Constitution aris-
tof the concession. In a letter published on the
t of the Catholic claims, and which seemed pub-
principally in order to give publicity to the quo-
he was now about to make, it was stated " that
ttholics would allow Ireland to be tranquillized,
must be on their own terms ;* in other words. we
:o be at their mercy. The letter added, " the
y of that Church might be supported by our Goa-
lent, and derive from it other pecuniary means,
ley must be placed under no restriction in cunse •
er that is, the Catholic Clergy would consent to
e its income from Government, but must remain
endent of the Government, which is to exercise no
5111 over it. He would not consent to a proposition
RS this, for though he would by no means advo-
hey should be subject to a contrail which would
I a pretext for denominating it a slavish controul,
'old be extremely desirous they should be placed
s instance, and under such altered circumstances,
th a wholesome and salutary controul. As Mr.
lever was the advocate of unqualified concession.
Cher was hissfriend, the late Mr. Canning, of whom
and judgment he could never speak without ad.
ion. Almost from the first period of being sc.
turd with that distinguished and enlightened states,-
he had been honoured with his intimacy ; and he
tad abundant opportunities of observing bow de-
ity strength of character and candid manly cow-
imukt4 the noble mind of- his deceased mend.
alth-ingh warm in advocacy as in friendship, Mr.
ing had neither, In the agitation of this question in
in 184 in in MI, even stated that be would
t what the Catholics solicited without full anti
e securities, Mr. Grattan also, in speaking pods,
if IMO, admitted that these securities were access
His Noble Friend too, on the eross•bench,
iighte might not have been called on v. express
'9OO his opinion of i this part of the subject, had
ledly icquiesced in the proposition that securities
Id be °Sven. Ha most.be hllowed to add to the
t
Duty of the deceased ornaments of the Senate tr•
n be had alluded,.the authority also of the living.
Apt* near -hi ' had..,cpytisesd !himself is
ct maw pa. the neetesisF. of tamer 'it& best pus

Bible. securities afforded for the

of the

Protestant Religion in Church ■nd State. AnOther
Noble Lord, the relative of the.late Kr, Fox, came

to nearly the same conclusion, He fortified by these
name. the opinions he had this evening advocated,
because he was afraid he should be borne down

by the great weight of talent which he anticipated
would be directed against that opinion, which it
would thus appear was also supported by great names.
He must be allowed to address himself to another topic,

on which their best feelings were so sensitive. A contrast
had been drawn between the condition of the Catholics

in this country of freedom and the Catholics 'under other

more arbitrary Governments, namely, Russia, Prussia,
and the Netherlands. There was no possible similitude
in the condition or situation of the Catholics in those

countries and in Ireland. There the Monarch was com-

paratively or altogether arbitrary, and it was only ne
cessary he should utter a single word, and all was ac-
quiescence to his will. N., person, even. in Russia, was
elevated to any Church dignity without being previously
submitted to the approbation of the Sovereign. Whilst in
Ireland, it was said that the enforcement of such a regu-
lation would produce the most implacable and unap-

peaseabledisatection ; and were a Bill for that purpose to
pass the Legislature, it would ensure the breaking out
of a dangerous and bloody insurrection. The Prussian
Monarch also had the power to restrict the nomination
and appointment of the Clergy ; and none, in fact, were
appointed without the intervention and unction of the
Royal authority. With respect to the restrictions im
posed on the Catholics of Canada, in these respects they
were. as lawyers would term, astringent as they could
possibly be, although there was such a disproportion in
the numbers of the two religious persuasions, that there
was the less reason to apprehend-any danger as likely
to arise in that part of our dominioqs. The allusions
made to the condition of the Catholics in these countries
had been introduced into the discussion to give a colour-
ing favourable to the case of the Catholics of Ireland. He
should be sorry to let any thing illiberal escape his lips
while on this important subject, yet he thought none there
would deny that the Catholic body would gladly take
every opportunity that presented itself to increase and
disseminate the ii.fluence of their own religion. it was
said the Catholic religion had undergone a great change.
Were we sure of it, before we adopted that liberal sen-
timent as a practical axiom ? Look to the experience
of the last ten years. Observe the language they now
held, and compare it with that of previous periods.—
Compare it with that language and spirit which dis-
played itself in the reign of James 11. when the Legis-
lature itself was perverted to the worst purposes. Never
was there a tyranny more arbitrary, a proscription more
dangerous or unfounded. Without trial and on mere
rumour-8,000 persons were condemned, and their pro-
perty and estates confiscatetf.Whente recollected those
times, and those acts of the Catholic ascendancy of
James's reign, and compared them with the violence
and intemperate spirit manifested in the present
,day, he felt more than commonly anxious their
Lordships should look at the proposition with cir-
cumspection and caution, nor suffer themselves to be
abated by their too easy credulity. With reference to
some transactions which involved the character of the
Catholic religion, as.exemplified in some persecutions,
that took place some twelve years ago on the Continent,
it was singular enough to remark that those who were
the most eager advocates here for the Catholics, were
those who looked on them in those transactions
with the greatest dissatisfaction and suspicion. With-
,out security, then, be could only anticipate the
possibility of similar results to those which had
occurred before. Yet. at some of the public meet-
ings in Ireland, these orators, and indeed some,
not of the most intemperate, had stated that the
proposition of securities was only to be met with scorn.
These were amongst the strongest reasons, therefore,
that he felt be could not accede to the proposition of
' the Noble Marquis, because be thought it unlikely to
terminate in any beneficial result. Their Lordships
would now see that in what be had stated he had en-
deavoured to fulfil the pledge with which he had set
out in the commencement of his speech. He had
stated at length the grounds on which he then felt he
could not concede. He confessed he saw the difficulties
of the question, although he could not say he as cleirlj
saw his way out of them. The proposition now made
was. to admit the Catholics without restriction into the
Legislature—into all and every office and into a
full participation of civil and military power. Did
they believe, when they had conceded all these points,'
they should be able to stop short there ? Little must
he know of the disposition of the Church of Rome to'
aggrandise itself, and obtain a supremacy in all things,
and in all States,. who could induce himself to think
so. He felt it necessary to say, he was not encou-
raged to hope even thit tranquillity would ensue as a
consequence of all these important concessions. In
two years after there sere new, demands; the elective
franchise being granted, then was claimed a right to
sit in Parliament; and from that period down to the
present time new demands had been urged. If it were
said that the Catholics would be satisfied with what
they now asked, he would answer—look to the past;
arguing from the nature of human passions, and in
particular from the character of the Roman Catholic
religion, he would say that it was quite impossible
they could be satisfied—it was quite impossible they,
would stop. But did they say themselves they would
be satisfied ? No such thing : they avowed that.
they regarded these conce,sions as merely prelimi-
nary to something more—(Hear). A Right. Rev. Pro-
late had referred so the declarations of the titular Bishop
of Kildare. If he (the Lord Chancellor) could consider
Dr. Doyle as an insulated individual, speaking merely
his own mind. he should entertain little apprehension
upon the subject. But when he found him supported
by political societies and associations in I•eiand—when
he found that be was looked up to as their guide and
director. he must consider that the sentiments he uttered
were the sentiments of the Catholic body. Dr. Doyle
said, in clear and distinct trims, that though Catholic
emancipation might do much, it only led to ulterior
measures which were required by Ireland. There
las not merely a Catholic associatioe, but various
Meetings of it e same completion in every part of
Ireland. That they entertained a bitter enmity against
the Protestant Loth, no man could doubt; and that,
they looked to the accomplishment of something
more than thie measure promised must he obvious.
—The manner in which they spoke of the Pro-
testant Church and its Prelate, was indicative of their
feelings. It was e the Protestant Bishop" of such a
place. With these opinions, could he (the Lord Chan-
cellor) be justified in supporting the motion. Let the
Catholics be emancipated—make them the concessions
they Asked--.-grant them this boon for the sake of tran-
quillity.; but let it aot.be. expected that that will stop
.theta. It .was because he.entertained a different opinion
upoa.this.point that be came to the conchision, that
* was 4 wise measure of policy to. expose the Pro-.
CeSi4lli Lasablishment to the utmost danger—unless he
las preprinti to grace a Catholic supremacy in Roland,
.tc !coeliac* .COM(Ot to Cabo* Exmoeipecies.. We,

should tboreby be giving the C'etholics power to ctipport
their further claims—those claims would be urged, and
we must grant them ; and the.' adieu to the Protestant
Church of Ireland. if any Noble Lord could bring his
mind to this conclusion—that the C itholic religion
should be predominant in Ireland—then he (the Lord
Chancellor) could understand his argument. and that
Noble Lord would act a consistent part. But it was
because he (the bind Chancellor) loved the Protestant
Church of Ireland, and considered it as a bulwark of
that of England, that he could not consent to the demo-
lition of the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland. He could
not, therefore, grant this intermediate step, which could
have no other tendency than to accomplish an object
which he deprecated. He hoped the House would ex-
cuse his having occupied its attention so long—(Hear);
he could not see his way oast of the difficulty : would
to GOD he did! and he must therefore vote against the
motion of the Noble Marquis—(Cheers, and cries of
44 Question").
Lord PLUNKETT addressed their Lordships in sup-
port of the resolution. He felt satisfied that unless the'
present question were dispose.] of in some satisfactory
manner, there could be no hope of the tranquillity, or
the prosperity, or even of the safety of the country.—
He had listened with the utmost attention to the debate
as far as it had gone, and he could not help saying, that
he felt great disappointment and regret at the speech
of the Noble and Learned Lord by whom he had been
preceded. He regretted that he should have taken it
so absolutely for granted, that no securities would be
given, for if time were given to consider of them, he had
no doubt but that an arrangement might be come to.
Not a single word, however. had tallest from the Noble
and Learned Lord intimating that he would agree
to the Emancipation of the Catholics it securities were
offered. He was anxious to state to their Lordships
the reasons which induced Lim to thiNk chat danger
must ensue if this welt question were to be left
longer in its present uosettlea state. ll* was well as-
sured that their Lordships must feel a sense of shame
when they reflected upon the manner in which they had
acted towards Ireland. They would feel that some'
atonement was necessary to that unhappy people. They
had acted cruelly towards that country, for she was in
possession of a pure religion—a pure Christianity un-
defiled by the errors of Popery. England forced her
own religion upon them—her own Catholic faith with
all its errors, and without consulting their consciences
made them vassals of the Pope. From the time of
Elizabeth down to that of William and Mary, the
Irish Catholics enjoyed the privilege of sitting in
Parliament, though on doing so many of them took
the Oath of Supremacy. The Act •of William
and Mary was the mutt of stern necessity acting
at the time, and not calculated to be exercised
beyond the emergency which caused that enactment.
For a period of seventy years they pursued a policy
which drove the Irish Catholics to the last extremity of
poverty and ignorance; but there is a point where op-
pression must end, and the reformation in the condition
of that portion of the empire was the result of a feeling
of shame and of dilatory justice, operating, at last, upon
the minds of the oppressors. By the Act of 1793, all
disabilities as to the enjoyment of property, or filling of
offices, were done away, except that of sitting in Parlia-1
meat. They gave to the Catholic' peasantry the right'
of electing Members of Parliament, while• they denied
the Catholic Aristocracy the right of sitting in Parlia-
ment—(Cheers).—Still the system of policy was benefi-
cent, and under this beneficent system the improvement
of Ireland was actually miraculous. The Noble and
Learned Lord next adverted to the Union, and said that it
was impossible to deny that at that period hopes had been
held out to the Catholics to induce them to consent to

that measure, which hopes had never since been ful-
filled. The Irish Catholics, by making those claims,
showed their sense of gratitude for what had already
been granted to them. It was the necessary consequence
of the station to which they had been raised. What
would their Lordships think of a Catholic who would
say, " I am thankful for what I have got, and am con-
tent; I know I cannot get into PArl,ament, because I am
not trustworthy, but I am content?" Such a person, be
should say, was a most base hypocrite, an unworthy
wretch, who proved himself by this very speech un-
worthy of that which had already been given to him—
(Cheers). Why, he would ask, should they be content
to lie under such an imputation as that they were un-
worthy to be admitted to place or power? Hi. Lordship
nest alluded to the exclusion of Catholic Peers from
that House, and said, that it was shameful that the de-
scendants of those who had obtained the great charter
of their freedom, should be so far degraded as to be
kept from his hereditary privileges on the ground of his
religion. He had always done his utmost to moderate
the feelings of the Catholics, but he had never advised
them to refrain from struggling for their rights. His
advice to them was—for their own sakes as well as for

that of the country—" never cease." The whole Ca-
tholic population of Ireland were embarked in a com-
mon cause, and were liable in a moment to be excited
by a few persons who. held the command of Ireland.
Where was the fault ? The fault was with their
Lordships—for those persons had no other com-
mand than what they exercised by their talent
and their zeal upon a people suffering under in-
juries' inflicted upon them by this country. What,
then, was to be done? go back or go on?—Go
back ! Excellent remedy, if it could only be adopted.
Make war upon their own resources, and at the end of
such a hazardous enterptise find themselves, after suc.
ceeding,exactly where they began,with just the self-same
monstrous evil staring them in the fa' ce.They must aban-
don such an idea--to recede was imposvible.-to stand still
was equally impracticable, and they must go forward.
It was a must extraordinary thing that the name of a
statesman who always advocated this measure, and who
had quitted his late Majesty's Councils because he could
loot succeed in carrying it to a successlul issue, should
be made the watchword of those who were opposed to
the measure, and celebrated in their orgies, as it he were
the patron of the opinions they acted upon—(Cheers.)
The Noble and Learned Lord next alluded to the let-
ters which passed between the late King and the late
Lord Kenyon, and said that the personal representatives
of that Noble and Learned Lord were not justified in
publishing those letters.
Lord Kammon here rose. and attesnpted to explain, but he was
interrupted by loud cries of Order.
Lord PLUNKETT proceeded, and commented at
great length upon the construction of the Coronation
Oath, arid on the opinion upon that subject conveyed
in those letters, contending that that construction was
erroneous, the Coronation Oath not binding his Majesty
to oppose any alteration in the existing law as regarded
the Homan Catholics. He Was of qpinion that it was
dangerous that theCitholics should have communication
with a foreign power while their Clergy were wholly un-
controlled by any power in this country. This was an
existing danger, and not tine groving out of the pre.
sent measure; and he fur one should be most happy
should* the Noble and. Learned Lord (Lyndhurst)
hereafter set about fortnin'g a* plan of securities, to give
tDix,utatost assistance towards alining so dangerous a

state of things, and checking this ietereourss with a
foreign power—(Cheers). He had 'now tdXpotegrie to
their Lordships for having trespassed so long upon their
attention at so late an hour; but he trusted the impor-
tance of the question would be a sufficient 'excuse for
his doing so. There was, however, one topic upon which
he should say a word before he sat doe n. The Noble •
and Learned Lord by whom he had been prectJed-had
said, that he should oppose the motion, because the Ca-
tholics had offered no securities, and were unwillidg to
give any. Now he (Lord Plunkett) had not a doubt
but that the Catholics would give any reasonable
securities which might be required of them. They
must not regard the sentiments promulgated at the
Association, as being those of the great body of the
Catholics, and at all events they should remember that
they were not legislating fur the purpose of pleasing
particular individuals, but with a view of promoting
the general welfare and prosperity of the country. (The
Noble Lord then sat down Amidst loud cheers.)
The Earl of ELDON rose to offer a few observations
which he considered necessary. The lateness of the
hour would not allow him to detain their Lordships
long. He had abstained from addressing the Hose at
an earlier period, in spider to afford other Noble Lords
the opportunity of expressing their sentiments. Having
in the course of a long professional life obtained abun-
dant proofs that the Roman Catholics could not be ad-
mitted to the privileges of the Constitution, he still
maintained his opinion on the subject, and must vote
against the Noble Lord's motion. He had been laid
down in the first part of a Noble Lord's speech as an
enemy to Catholic Emancipation ; but, notwithstanding
the taunts of those who differed from him, be should do
his duty, and say—
.. Be just and fear not."
The Noble and Learned Lord begged in the first instance to be
allowed to advert to an accusation against him of having treated
the late Mr. Pitt with disrespect. " I should feel much" (said
Lord Ridon) "if I could really be supposed capable of speaking
ill of that great man. I knew that great man—be was my friend,
and I plead guilty to the charge of having annually met with his
friends to commemorate his memory. I deny for one that it was
ever the intention of myself, or those who assisted at the commemo.
ration, to make tile of the name of Mr. Pitt in opposition to the
Roman Catholics. I knew that Mr. Pitt had the most intense desire
to relieve tie Roman Catholics of England and Ireland, ifbe could
do it consistently with duty and respect for the civil and religious
establishments of this country. Having bad the opportunity again
and again of knowing him, and being anxious to ttgulate my conduct
in order to act in conformity with him, I endeavoured to learn
from him what securities he expected from the Roman Catholics.
I was assured that all relief would be given that could be given with
regard to the safety of the civil and religions establishments of
the country." Having said this, he begged their Lordships to
consider what was the motion before them. It was presented to
la eat in a way the most extraordinary with respect to the
Manner is which it bad beeln treated that he ever remembered.--
The proposition was this:—The House had to determine that itt
was expedient to consider the state of the law affecting his Ma-
Joey's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with
a view to the final adjustment of differences, and the safety of the
Protestant religion. This they were called upon to decide, whether
it was expedient to enter into this large and general question ? The
.Noble and Learned Lord asked what had been the proceeditigs in
.the House for the last 25 years? By slight retrospection, it would
appear that they enjoyed a Constitution which bad excluded Roman
Catholic► from seats in Parliament and high offices for nearly a
century and a half, and when a proposition was made some years .
since to repeal the laws which kept out Roman Catholics, it was
met by a negative. The House thought twenty-five years asp, that
those who proposed to relieve the Roman Catholics shouldproposo
a specific measure, in order that they might know what was to be
done. The House had front time to time seen a series of Baia, all .
of which had been rejected. The House had been hooestly.dlsposse
to consider all. the projects submitted, to them ; but in tie preseng-,.
instance they were called upon to adopt at once a complicated pro.'
position which some years ago they had thought proper ta.reject......
According to all Parliamentary proceedings, the course then Adopted.
was irregular; but he should not confine himself to the queition in •
lisat point of view. He should again advert to history to prOve
bow dangerous it would be to entertain the proposition. The !table
iod Learned Lord observed that be had been described as an alma-
nick maker when he referred to history ; but he could not object to
dot designation, when he recollected that the great Lord Sitees
bad said on one occasion, that he should be taken for an almanack
maker in consequence of his frequent albasions to historical facts.
' Their Lordships should remember that this great point, so hopes-
tent to the Protestants of England, rested on Acts of Parliatoenr
passed to afford them safety and protection against the Acts paierst
in the reign of Queen Mary. When Elisabeth came to the throne
twenty-one of Mary's Acts were repealed, and a new Oath of Su.
prernacy was sanctioned. Roman Catholics refusing to tate it were
guilty of a premunire. The history of the Act of Supremacy and
Allegiance was related by Lord Hale. It was found that persona
belonging to the Roman Catholic Church owed an allegiance to
another Power out of the Realm, and therefore the Oath of Supre-
macy and Allegiance was passed. It had been said that it was net
necessary at the present day, but experience proved the contrary.
Dr. Doyle was asked, whether if a person in confession was to state
to him that he was about to commit treason, he should consider
himself bound not to discover that treason? The Doctor said,every
person knew the Roman Catholic Clergy were not to communinte
what was told them in confession. If such persons were to be
admitted to the privileges of the State, what security would
there be for the Protestant religion ? Lord Hale said the Pope
of Rome bad nude great distinction between things of a tem-
poral and spiritual nature. Things which were temporal had
been made spiritual, and therefore it was necessary to have an
oath of allegiance, and the declaration against transubstantiation.—

It was not until the 50th of Charles the Seemed that Peers were
excluded from seats in that House unless they took the Oath of
Supremacy, and made the Declaration against Transubarantiatiol.
He asked their Lordships to consider whether the di.tinctions
recommended by the Noble and Leaned Lord would not bring
into that House Roman Catholic Peers, and into the Commons
Roman Catholic Members, and destroy all the protection which
the law had given Protestants against Roman Catholics ? The
Noble I.ord bad appealed to the House, by saying, what must
be the feelings of the Duke of Norfolk when obliged to walk
out of the House. He (Lord Eldon) could only say in answer
to that appeal, that if the King bad come to their Bar before
he went to Westminster to be crowned, it would have been
the duty of the House to tell his Majesty that unless be took the
declaration and oaths prescribed by the Constitution he could de
nothing there. It had been said that nothing was to be found in the
Coronation Oath which could force the King to refuse his Assent
to the repeal of certain Acts. Lord ,Kenyon had said it was the
duty of his Majesty to consider whether he could .00nseientiousiy
give his consent to any Act brought to him by Parliament. If the
Act should be one that toueited his Majesty, conscience be could
not give the Royal Assent consistent with his Coronattoti oa.th,
The King certainly was under a strong obligation to refute his
assent to such a measure. The Bill of Rights required his Majesty
to be in communication with the Church of 'England, and would
not admit of his marriage with a Roman Catholic. It was eatab.
lished by law, that they must have on the Throne a King who was
in communion with he Church of England, and that the Coostitu-
tion must be Protestant. In addition to the law which established
those things at the Revolution, they had the Act of Union with
Scotland, in which it.,eas expressly enacted that no Roman Catho-
lic could be elected to Parliament, or become au elector. All the
enacunents to which he had drawn the attention of the House re-
quired consideration before they attempted to make the proposed •
alteration. The want of a specific object justified the Noble and
Learned Lord in withholding his assent to the motion. He thought
the proposition could not be adopted consistent with what they
owed to the Protestant Church and the Throne. The House could
not with due regard to their own interest, and that of the public; .
eater into such au inquiry as the Resolution called fur.—(The Noble
and Learned Lord sat down amidst loud cheering).
At this period of the debate a Peer was taken ill, and some con- •
fusion was the consequence ; but the Noble Lord soon recovered. •
The Marquis of WELLESLEY said the Resolution
had his entire and most cordial assent. The Noble Marquii rounded
that assent on a solemn conviction, resting on the state of Ireland.
The laws which it was proposed to repeal, instead of seenriog , tier'
peace of Ireland, endangered the welfare of that put of We t
It had been hi. nut to watch for years over that unhapyy • pper::
he bad no hesitation in saying that the observations he bid Item-giva
made iu thkt House had been confirmed by all he had see!, #s-,tipo
discharge of his duty. All he could do, with the greatest co-ogeradma -•
for the benefit of Ireland,had been frUst4ted over and overatain.lisjo
the baneful influence of this questionoperating.es it did In every part.
of the country. He called upon their Lesidships not to agree to any..
distinct proposition, but to agyit to a hoolutiem which pledged them
to consider by what means tdey could best produce the prosperity
and concord of Ireland, best strengthen the etOtestant Establish.
mein, and most 'effectually. promote , the welfare and harmony of
all chases of his Majesty's subjects. The fact was, and ft was a.
fact admitted by the Noble Lord upon the Woolsack, that -grnat,