Star.
London, England, 1821-02-22 00:00:00

' at the ortiggie of the Neapolitans, and could not
but anticipate from it eventual success, provided the
people were determined to persevere. He looked at
the event as one of those mysterious transactions by
which Pitovt DENCE occasionally worked out the i'ree-
dons of mankind !—(Load cries of" Hear r )
Mr. WILBERFORCE condemned the principle
which appeared to him to have been laid down by
his Noble Friend (Lord Castlereagh), that no reform
• in the Government of any country could be legiti-
mate, unless. it originated with- the Monarch. The
principle was -unnatural and absurd, and should
always meet his decided opposition. With respect to
the argument of his Noble Friend, that no one party
to the Holy Alliance would be permitted by the
other Powers to make any territorial aggrandize-
ments, why, it was very well known, that they had a
way of taking each a slice !—(Hear, hear ! and a
Ipgh).—lf this were the case, the liberties and inte-
rests of England would be at stake, Ile admitted
dila signal deliverance we owed to our union with
these Power> ; and therefore, perhaps, the Noble Lord
was justified in speaking to them on the subject of
Naples with more mildness and diplomatic civility
than could be expected from a Member of Parlia-
ment, speaking of such transactions in his place. We
were not in a situation to enforce our remonstrances;
and it was only by economy, a diminution of taxes,
and a restoration of the Sinking Fund, that this
country could be made great, happy, and formidable
again—(Hear, hear).
Lord CASTLEREAGH explained.
Mr. S. WORTLEY thought that, under all the cir-
cumstances, it would be better for the House not to
divide upon this question. His great reason for rising
was to protest against the doctrines contained in
the State Paper put forth by the Monarchs; for in
such a Tribunal he saw danger not only to Continen-
tal Europe, burro the British Constitution. The call-
ing an independent Monarch to'answer before them,
for giving his People a Constitution, was an act of
tyranny, which, as an independent Member of Parlia-
ment, he was hound to protest against and reprobate.
Colonel DAVIES denied that the Carbonari wished
to revolutionize other countries, for they refused as-
sistance to the people of Foote Corvo, in that Papal
States, when they wished to revolutionize themselves,
and they, in consequence, returned to their allegiance.
Mr. TIERNEY would have agreed with his Hon.
Friend, that on this occasion it would have been de-
sirable to avoid a division, had it net been tar the
Circular of the Noble Lord having been put on the
Journals, but that circumstance called on the House

for a decision. The Noble Lord in his speech bad
talked a great deal about the neutrality of this coun-
try, but he (Mr. Tierney), feared it was only a neu-
trality talked of, but not existing. Now, he meant
nothing uncivil to the Noble Lord, but he certainly
should be glad to see the remonstrances themselves—
(Hear), because the statement of the Noble Lord con-
vinced his mind, that in his spftch of " neutrality"
there was not over much of " sincerity."—(Hear,
hear). It appeared extraordinary to him, that in the
situation in which Ole country stood with respect to
fareign Powers, the dignified attitude she took on
this occasion was that of strict neutrality---(Hear,
hear). The Noble Lord declared—" I, the English
Minister, cannot do anything ; but I state to you,
Prince Metternich, that I wish for you to do some-
thing—(Hear, and lafg,hter). I cannot act, for the
lest reason in the world, because there are Ministers
ere who, for some reason or other, are averse to it.
But if I were you, I would raise an army against
these Carbonari, and proceed to attack them." And
this he (Mr. Tierney) was sure must have been the im-
pression made on the mind of Prince Metternich,
The Noble Lord had taken the greatest pains to con-
vince the House that his sentiments were most de-
cidedly hostile to the Neapolitans, their army, end
the Carbonari ; but he felt that he could not concur
with those Royal personages, at the Congress, with-
out adopting their principles, which, however, were
utterly reprobated. Nothing gave him (Mr. Tierney)
greater pleasure than the two speeches which had
that night been delivered by his Hon. Friend behind
him, and his Hon. Friend opposite (Messrs. Wilber-
force and Wortley) which contained many honest
English sentiments. He was happy, when Sovereigns
raised themselves into such a Congress, to find Gentle-
men not connected with that (the Opposition) side of
the House, ready to avow such honourably indignant
feelings and sentiments.- The Noble Lord, on all oc-
casions, spoke of the blessings of the Peace that had
been conferred on this country. By the Treaty of
Vienna, the situation of the whole of the Powers of
Europe was settled ; of whom, this Country formed
one, France another, and there were three others.
Now, if he understood the Noble Lord rightly, he
stated that those three Power; informed the other two
that they were about to do something of great im-.
penance, and then a Congress was formed, to see
how it could be best done, or bow best avoided.--
He further stated, that the Ministers of France and
of England went to this Congress, without powers
to enable them to prevent or to accelerate the per-
formance of this act. It appeared, that they had
only a seat in the Gallery, to be spectators of what
passed below—(A laegh);---and the moment it
was settled that the army should march, " strangers
were ordered to withdraw."—(Much laughter).--
Was that the dignified attitude of Great Britain?—
(Hear, hear, hear). The Noble Lord said, all. his
object was to prevent war ; and he expressed his as-
tonishment at the change which had taken place in
the sentiments of the Gentlemen opposite, who wished
him to take a course that would have led to war.
His (Mr. Tierney's) opinions were not at all changed.
Nothing he dreaded more than war. He would not
enter into a discussion on the finances of this coun-
try with reference to their unfitness for a state of
-war ; but he would only generally say, that every
hour be lived satisfied him more and more, that al-
most under any circumstances we should endeavour
to preserve peace. But peace wits not peace, with-
out honour; peace was not peace, if purchased by
the degradation of England ; peace was not peace,
if they did not hold the Commanding station they
ought to hold, should it be necessarytoa to war—
p unsidcrabk chtxriag). (Here Lord Castlereagh said
something in a low tone.) He (Mr. Tierney) did
not hear what the Noble Lord said, but he 'saw by
his manner that there was something with which be
was unacquainted. Now, that was what he wanted
to get at-0 laugh). If this motion were refused,
the House would be placed in 'a most extraoldi-

nary situation. A paper was laid on their table, re-'
ferring to another, containing sentiments which every
man must abhor ; and yet they were told that this
Isot a case which called for further information.
Noble Lord said, that the Treaty of Troppau
could not be considered as containing the definitive
sentiments of those Powers, because it was a mere
private communication ; and be Went on to state; that
the Allied Monarchs felt the strongest desire to pre-
serve peace, and did not seek aggrandizement. But
why should he not believe that private and confiden-
tial communication, as well as be believed the Note
of the Noble Lord? For his own part, he .believed
that Paper, which had been styled a confidential com-
munication, to set forth the real ideas entertained by
those three Powers, and by their Ministers. The No-
ble Lord said, he would not interrupt the harmony
that subsisted between him and those Powers. He
believed the Noble Lord : because be believed there
was not only a Congress, but a Cabinet of Sovereigns,
for Europe; and, no doubt, they agreed very well—
(Hear, hear).--Indeed, he had been told, when some
fears were entertained of a change in the Admi-
nistration of this country, that " remonstrance was
made by a foreign Court on the subject."—(Lord
Castlereagh inquired where it was to be found!')—
The Noble Lord knew very well that he {(Mr. Tierney)
could not produce it; but he also knew that there was'
a mode if stating opinions, on matters of that kinds'
which put it out of his power, and perhaps out of the'
power of the Noble Lord, to get at the document.
There was, he believed, great fear at the time that
the Noble Lord would not remain in office; of course
the best efforts were made to keep him in, and the least
he could do for that assistance was to give Prince Met-
ternkh a turn (Laughter).—He considered Prince
Metternich a very wise and good man, who did the
best he could for his Government. Under these cir-
cumstances, his firm conviction was, that the Noble
Lord approved, in his heart, of the conduct of Aus-
tria. Thin he disapproved of the principle, he also
believed, because, if he held any other opinion, he
would be unworthy the name of a British Minister.
Mr. ROBINSON defended the conduct pursued
by his Noble Friend, who laid the paper on the table
of the House, to shew that, whatever might be the
proceeding of Austria, this country could not in any
sense be described as a party to the transactions in
Italy. The Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded to
some stories of Prince Metternich having expressed
a desire that the present Ministers should remain in
office. This was quite new to him. But he bad
heard a story rblative to the sentiments which Gentle.
men of high consideration in this country entertained
with respect to a celebrated individual, now in a
remote quarter of the globe. And certainly it could
not be surprising that Prince Metternich should feel
considerable alarm at the prospect of a change of
Ministry, which was to release Bonaparte from the
island of St. Helena, On this subject, perhaps, a
remonstrance might be made.
Mr. TIERNEY hoped that, as there could be no
doubt that he had been personally alluded to by the
Right Hou. Gentleman, the House would indulge
him with an opportunity of offering a few remarks in
explanation. He had no objection in the world that
the person with whom he had held the conversation
alluded to by the Right Hon. Gentleman should be
called to the Bar of that House—(Laughter)--and ex
amined as to what passed on the occasion. It was
true that a conversation had been held by him with
a distinguished person, and he understood that on its
being reported to the Emperor of Russia, he bad in-
curred the displeasure of his Imperial Majesty. He
really was not aware that so insignificant an indivi-
dual as himself was capable of drawing down the
disapprobation of the Emperor of all the Russias
but he trusted that the information of the Allied So-
vereigns, respecting the affairs of Naples, was better
founded than this story about Bonaparte. That a
conversation did take place he would not deny, but.
the story was, that he had stated in this conversation
that were he and his friends to come into office,
they meant to bring Bonaparte tom England I--
(Laughter).—Now, if any Gentleman in that House
believed that he at once made two such statements
to a person whom he bad never seen before, they
must have a very extraordinary notion indeed of his
gossiping propensities. He hoped the Emperor Alex-
ander would think more kindly of him in future,
when lie was assured that he (Mr. Tierney) had rio
intention whatever of letting Bonaparte loose upon
him. He understood the Emperor, on being informed
that this was a joke, bad said he bad heard that he
(Mr. Tierney) was much addicted to the vice of
I joking, but that such a joke as this deserled to be
punished by the Knout!—(Much laughter).—lf the,
person who had circulated this story would be so
good as to say in his next dispatch that it was all a
joke, he would undertake to joke no more on that
subject—(Hcar, hear).

Mr. JOHN WARD thought that the decision of
the House to-ni&ht would depend much on the con-
fidence reposed m his Alajesty's Ministers. The Gen-
tlemen opposite, who professed. to entertain no such
confidence, might vote for the motion ; but he could
not see how those who retained confidence in the
Noble Lord could nevertheless support it. If the
motion were carried, he should say that the Noble
Lord was pronounced by the House unworthy to re-
tain his office, and therefore he, for one, should vote
against it. He agreed, however, with his Learned
Friend who bad introduced this subject with a dis-
play of eloquence which he would not presume to
praise, that the late proceedings of the Allied Sove-
reigns formed a .precedent dangerous in its conse-
quences, as it was unwarrantable in principle (Hear).
The march of the Austrian army towards Naples, and
the steps preceding that movement, he looked upon
as the most alarming circumstances that had occurred
in Europe for a long period of time. He did not deny
that cases might arise to justify the interference of one
State with the internal government of another; but
in such cases, if they ever occurred, the most urgent
necessity must exist; non-interference was the prin-
ciple—interference, the exception—(Hear, hear). It
was truly an awful phenomenon, that Europe was at
present called. on to contemplate—a Tribunal of So-
vereigns, instituted for the avowed purpose of con-
trolling the conduct of other States, and that not oc-
casionally, or on any particular emergency, but per-
manently and systematically (Cheers). He appealed
to all who now heard him. if this was not a novelty
In the history of the world. If the .tyranny oC the
Holy Alliance was thus to be planted over all Europe,

' the European nations had no reason to congratulate:
themselves on their escape from the French Revolu-
tion, or from Napoleon Bonaparte. Ages on ages!
might arise before there appeared another individual
like that astonishing man, who, in the pursuit of his,
ambitious and despotic views, exhausted all the se'
sources of possibility. He was a man such as could
be exrected to arise only once in a century ; but
the Sovereigns assembled at froppau were produc-
thins of every day, and every country—(Loud Cheers),
and therefore there was no hope of any end to their
system of tyranny—(Loud cries of Flefr, hear).—
The dominion of Napoleon had been attended with
a certain splendour which invested it with dignity,
and had prepared the way, as far as despotism could
prepare the way, to a better state ; but this new
system of despotism was all gloom and 'hopeless 1
darkness—(Hear, hear).—His Hon. and Learned
Friend bad, with great justice, compared the princi-
ples of the Jacobins in 1792 with those of the Sove-
reigns at Troppau. The French at that time at-1
tempted to proscrjbe monarchy, which we considered,
and which he hoped would ever be considered, a va-
luable part of our Constitution. But what were the
Allied Sovereigns doing ? They were endeavouring
to proscribe liberty, which he trusted was a part not
less dear to us—(Hear).—This was not the hasty act of
revolutionary demagogues, but the stern and delibe-
rate act of statesmen who had publicly proclaimed a
crusade against the liberty of Europe—(Cheers)—and
whose purpose was as immutable as it was deliberate.
If this country was safe from the maxims of the Con-
gress, it was safe only because it was strong. Let
no man deceive himself on that point—(Hear, hear)
—for, from the avowed principles of the Congress,
it was clear that England must be to them an object
of aversion and hatred. If they were endeavouring
to trample on all freedom, with what eyes must they
look on a Constitution framed on those very princi-
ples which they had proscribed, and which they were
attempting to 'put down by violence!—(Hear.)—He
could not but think that this system was a cause for
rendering our connection with these countries less in-
timate. Austria, it was well knovin, had reaped the
] victories of Marlborough in for Mer times, and she
would also reap the more recent victories which had
been achieved by the blood and treasure of this coun-
try. She owed es at present £l6,ooo,ooo—(Hear)
—and he was sure it could not be proposed to the
people of England, under existing circumstances, to
assist her even with the smallest subsidy, or to abed
one drop of blood in her cause.—(Cheers).
Mt. BROUGHAM did not rise in expectation of
adding any thing to what had been said by the last
oTaker' but to express his hope that the Congress
Laybach would not consider the vote of the House
tonight as a vote is their favour, since the vote of
to-night decided nothing as to the conducvand acts
of that ' The Hon. Member then adverted

Congress.
to the probable contest between Naples and Austria ;
for a war, a great and glorious war, in defence of
Liberty, he thought inevitable, though be hoped there
was not the most distant chance ofour being drawn
into it. Of the commencement of this war be could

argue little favourable to Naples, but of the' final
result he could have no doubts; for even if
in the North, the Neapolitans would rise in the
South; and if put down in the South, thaspirit of
resistance would revive in the Nortb.--(Hear, hear).
With respect to the feeling of the Holy Alliance
towards this country, he hoped. it was not such as
his Hon. Friend had described it; for, though they
disliked our Constitution and forni of Government,
yet then were always well inclined towards our sub-
sidies. The Hon. Member concluded by again ex-
pressing his desire that the House should divide, and
that however the numbers might appear, it should
not go abroad to the Holy Alliance that this House
had expressed any approbation of the conduct of the
Congress at Laybach.
Sir .1. Macznirosn replied; apd after a few words in expla-
nation from Lord Carrasasaon, the House divided—
For the make - "- - - 125
Against it - - - 194
Majority against the motion ---69
Mr. Baovcaax said, on account of the approaching com-
mencement of tie Circuit, be should be obliged to postpone his
Bill on the Education of the Poor, till after the Holidays.
Mr. Tammy in the absence of Dr. Lushington, postponed
the motion for the %removal of Mr. Ellis from his situation as
Master in Chancery till the Ist of March.
The remaining orders of the day were disposed s 6 and the
House adjourned at One e'Cloclk. •

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1821.
THE FUNDS.
PRICE or STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK :
3 per Ct. Reduced 7354 per Ct. Cons. 7254
Si per Cent. 83 1/4-.-4 per Cent. 91% %
.5 per Cent. Navy 106% ih 447-- India Stock 229
India Bonds 41s. pr.—Excheiuer Bills 2s. ss. ps. pr.
Consols for Acct. 72% MI.

Mr. HASS communicated to the Gcnaemen of the
Exchange this morning, that the payments on the
Omnium which the Bank. took in have been post-
poned as follows :

SO per Cent. to be paid 15th April.
50 per Ditto Silk May.

The details of the public business transacted yes-
terday in Parliament and the Courii of Justice, oc
copy so large a space in our columns to-day, that we
have not room left for a single. observation. Sir
JAHKS MACKINTOSH'S motion for certain Papers re-
ferred to in the Circular Dispatch of Our Govern-
ment respecting Naples, has, after a long and in-
teresting Debate, been negatived by a majority of
194 to 125.—1 n the Courts Mr. O'BRIEN has been
acquitted of the charge of being an accessary to the
seditious and treasonable practices of die noted
Franklin; and Mr. HUNT, of the Examiner, has been
convicted of a libel on the House of Commons.

The Paris Journals of Saturday and Sunday arri-
ved yesterday after our Paper had gone to Press, so
that we were only able to state in part of our im-
pression, that they neither confirm the reported pas-
sage of the Fo bj the Austrians, nor contain anT fur:

tiler accounts Eicin Madrid. It appears, licmit
that every preparation has been made for adraia...
on Naples, and of the ultimate certainty of
event there can be little doubt.
French Five per Cents. Saturday,