Star.
London, England, 1829-10-21 00:00:00

11'ECESSdRY 1

Previous to the " counter-revolution" there were two
causes operating to drive the Protestants out of Ireland ; and they
were doing their work effectually : these were the persecuting spirit
of Popery, and the discouragement' they suffered from land pro.
prietors. The former was the natural result of the Popish doc-
trines ; and, considering the relative numbers of the parties, could
only he averted by strict combination, perpetual watchfulness, and
much personal peril; or (as peaceful and industrious people would
prefer) by seeking other settlements, untainted with religious ran-
cour, and undisturbed by religious feuds. The second evil was
the result of a griping covetousness and a shortsighted policy in
landlords unacquainted with their true policy, and ignorantly
teaching at the shadow of an income magnified beyond its sub-
stance by the deceitful medium through which it passed, and the
appearance of a domination which was soon to elude their grasp,
and leave them powerless. Irish landlords wanted a large rent-roll
and a large registry to increase their domestic luxury and to extend
their Parliamentary influence ; slaves in mind as well as body
were the commodity they sought in exchange for their acres ; and
the highest bidder for the rack-rent and the supplest disposer of
his vote was the aurest dealer for preferment and preference. The
pour Papist, like the hungry Gteek, could do any thing, as long as
it se►ved his turn ; and it was his policy to turn out the Protestants
who stood in the way of his present purpose and his remote pros-
pects. The Papist could vegetate on roots—could dwell in a hog-
-I.ty—could sleep in nastiness, with his four-footed fellow-lodgers—
could go ragged or hare, and see his children naked, and his wife in
tatters, without any sense of indecency. Ignorant himself, he cued
nothing for the education of his family ; and, broken in spirit by
the mental tyranny of his Church, he felt no degradation in sending
them to beg, to supply the occasional deficiences of his miserable
message. Such tenants could well afford a high rent fur their hohl-
ings—becauseetbey could add to the fah value of the land the
amount aburacted from their wants and their cemfons. What in
other hand► would naturally or necessarily go to the mason, the
shoe-maker, the weaver, the tailor, and schoolasaster, from their's
found its way into the landlord's pocket. When. with all this self-
denial. the demands of the landlord (or, perhaps, more properly
speaking, the middleman) exceeded even the power of abstinence
and beggary to supply, there remained the vote, the only market

commodity of the wretched and servile pauper, and this being long
since covered with a premeditated artier (premeditated on both
sides), was at the absolute disposal of the master of both soil and
slave. Now, the Protestant peasant was and is (thank Gob and
the free institutions of Protestantism for it) the reverse of this ab-
ject and supple boor. The Prot rat knows the just price of his
industry, and the share which it entitles him to of the produce
which it raises. He knows that if be labour he should live, and that
not the mere animal existence of a pack-horse, fed to sustain his life
for the purpose of prolonging his toil, but as an intellectual being, ca-
pable of improving his moral condition and bisworldlycircumstances;
and possessing a right, not only to enjoy the current advantages of-
kis industry, but to advance in the scale of society, if he have the
power and the will. The Protestant must, therefore, have a good
and a cleanly house, a comfortable table, with an occasional joint
of butcher's meat, or poultry. His furniture and bedding must
be sufficient and decent. He must be able to clothe himself and
his family respectably, according to their station ; and he will
have his children educated. These demands must be satisfied 'ere
the Protestant can pay rent ; he therefore will not take ground
at a rate which, after deducting the landlord's stipulated claim.
will not afford these essentials ; nor will be, in the exercise of his
constitutional rights, blindly subserve the interests which offend
his conscience. 'fa a short-sighted and griping policy such a man
was not an acceptable tenant. He could not pay the rack-rent;
and, not willing to promise what he could not fulfil, he was driven
from the field of competition by his more unscrupulous rival. It
was not because the Protestant was a bad tenant that the Papist
was preferred, but because the latter could promise, and sometimes
contrive to pay, what the former could not. It was not because
the Protestant made a bad use of the elective franchise that the
freehold was in preference conveyed to a Papist; but because the
former claimed a right to think and act for himself, which the
latter was known to be incapable of doing. But then no allowance
was made in either case for the security of payment or the fidelity
of attachment, and it was discovered too late that a high rent-roll
produces but a small income, and that the vote which is at ano-
ther man's bidding may be transferred from one master to another.
The Papist was subtle, and supposed to be submissive. The Pro-
testant was independent, and was called sturdy. He would not
be a slave, and was consequently deemed unfit to be a servant.
What, therefore, he could not get at home, he determined to seek
abroad, and finding neither personal safety from persecution, nor
sufficient encouragement for his industry in Ireland, he sought
peace and prosperity in a distant land, which will soon bring him
an ample return for the intelligence and exertion be expatriated
with him. Such was the state of things in this country previous
to the passing of the " Inroad Bill." That one of the evils is in-
creased is evident, from the Increased catalogue of atrocities which
oar criminal calendar exhibits. That the other is in some degree
diminished by the sense of mutual danger, and perhaps the ex-
perience alt. fatal consequences, we hope, and are inclined to be-
lieve. Be that as it may, however, one remedy has been proposed
which we think likely to be of the utmost benefit—namely,
the system of Protestant colonisation. This will provide not only
the means of living comfortably to our neglected Protestant
brethren, but will also provide a security against persecution in
the mutual aid and co-operation which the inhabitants of them
will derive from their situation. A virtuous, intelligent, and en-
terprising people will be preserved to the community, and peace
and increasing prosperity will justify the wisdom of the promoters
of this benevolent undertaking.—Dublin Evening Mail.