Star.
London, England, 1817-04-01 00:00:00

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calamities, and had taken some measures to soften
and reduce them—(Near, hear). He hoped that the
Administration would not satisfy themselves with
merely passing Bills to coerce the people, who were
writhing in miseries, and tormented by their wants
into acts of violence and rebellions relief must be
afforded, and the necessity was too urgent to admit
of further delay—(Hear, hear). He expected some
considerable good would be effected by the Commit.
tee which was now sitting. on the finanees of the
country. He expected their labours would be most
salutary in their effects, affording relief to an extent
which would be felt as an earnest of the intention of
Ministers to make every personal concession to alle-
viate the public sufferings—(Hear, hear). He would
again repeat, that he should expect from his Majesty's
Ministers a speedy, present, and effectual alleviation
of the national distress. A complete abolition of
every species of suffering cannot be rationally hoped
for at once, but every means should be taken for ac-
complishing that end. The eyes of the country. Sir,
t directed to us with an indescribable anxiety for
what we shall do ;_may I hope they do not look to
ns in vain—( Hear, hear)? After expressing his sin-
cere regret at the much-lamented indisposition of the
Speaker, the Right Hon. Gentleman trusted the
recess would be much improved by Ministers, and
he could have wished, for the sake of the Speakees
ill-health and the opportunity which Ministers would
have had for examining into the resources of the
country, that the adjournment had been longer.
Mr. CANNlNG.—Ministers, he could assure the
House, were disposed as much as any class of men
could be to attend to and relieve the distresses of the
country. At the same time, he thought the Right
Honourable Gentleman who had just addressed the
House, had excited the hopes of the country ton
much by the delusive prospect that during, the recess
Ministers could accomplish the complete removal of
public calamity. If the Right Honourable Gentle-
man meant really what he said, then he had imposed
a very hard task on Ministers. On the part of Go-
vernment, he was at liberty to say, no exertions had
been' *wanting to ameliorate the condition of the
country, and he hoped they might be able to give at
least a partial relief. Besides, such high expectations
as the Right Honourable Gentleman held out could
only lead to disturbance, instead of preventing it.
High hopes often ended in complete delusions, and
it was therefore belt r to be moderate.

Mr. PONSONBY.—" Sir, I have been not by any
means understood by the Right Honourable Gentle-
man who has just spoken. Sir, you and all who heard
me must know, that 1 did not in the slightest degree
intimate that it was possible for Ministers at once to
remove the causes of the public calamity; and I
must say, Sir, that no one step has yet been taken by
Ministers for the accomplishment of that great object
(Hear, hear. hear) The Ministers have coerced, but
not relieved the prople"—(,Hear, hear. hear.) •
Mr. BROUGHAM—On an occasion like the pre-
sent, he should have been the last to presume to ad-
dress Vie House, or to detain them one moment, had
it not been for the few words delivered by the Right
Hon. Gentleman on the other side. That Right
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) had imputed mo-
tives and put words in the mouth of his Right'
Hon. Friend (Mr. Ponsonby), for which there was,
no foundation in truth. Never had it.,. been within
the walls of Parliament a speech more moderate in its
tore, more conciliating in its nature, and mote cal-
culated to.do good, than the speech which his much
arid justly respected Friend (Mr. Ponsonby) had de-
livered. He (Mr. Brough.m) was only sorry that* his
Friend had been too sanguine in his expectations of
what Ministers would do, as he had not the slightest
hope of what they would do, when he remembered the
manner in which the Finance Committee had been
appointed. The origin of tharCommittee was too
well known to be ever forgotten by the country.. To
what was the appointment of this Committee owing ?
Was it to any anxiety on the part of Ministers to alle-
viate, or even to really consider the distresses of the
country ? Alas! the painful experience of every one
in the country taught them the contrary—(Hear,
hear).—He remembered well the cause of its being
appointed. That cause was the wish expressed by
bis Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Ponsonby) that
a Noble Friend of his would revive his motion last
year respecting the State of the Nation. This wish
had extorted from Ministers the appointment of this
Committee, and but for this wish it never had been
appointed—(Loud cheering front She Oftpotition Benches).
Here he could not avoid taking notice of one clause
which Ministers, in their immoderate and unprece-
dented hurry for Legislation, had procured to be in-
serted in the Bill, which had this day received the
Royal Assent. The clause he alluded to was the one

respecting the meetings to be held in Palace-yard by
the Inhabitants and Electors of Westminster. That
a regulation was necessary to prevent seditious and
unconstitutional meetings, he was persuaded there
was not one among them would deny—(Heer, hear).
The Meetings at Westminster (he meant in Palace-
yard) had been charged with being,disoederly. and
they were therefore now to be prevented. The wis-
dom, however, of those Legislators who had enacted
this clause, would be found to be perfect folly, and
Indeed he could aunre the House there was every
probability of a Meeting being again held in Palace-
yard before the Houses of Parliament met after the
adjournmeot..- (Hear, hear.) He would not, how-
ever, be surprised if such a Meeting should be stig.
nsatised as acting in contempt of, and disobedience
to the !awl; of Parliament, and loaded with all the
epithets which Meetings friendly to the cause of the
people were. But however numerous such a Meeting
might be (and it was not for him to say that it woulsk
be well or ill attended), he must say that it mists', in
perfect-consistency 'with the clause, severe as it was,
Which had just been enacted, be held—(Hear, leer. )
The Bill, be it remembered, had been hurried throng
the Hotise in a manner, to say the least df it, most
uoprecedented in either House of Parliament, yet not-
withstanding the wisdomul those who framed the clause,
there were several obvious flaws in this very 8i11...
In the clause which had been passed it was declared,
46 that it shall not be lawlul for any person or persons
to convene or call together; or give any notice for
convening or calling together, any meeting of per.
sons consisting of mere than filty, &c. for the pur.
pose or on the pretext of considering of or preparing
any petition, complaint, remonstrance, declaration,
or. other address to the King, or to his Royal High-
ness the Prince Regent, 'or to both or eitheef of the,

Houses of Parliament. for alteration of matters in
Church or State." This umiak mighty plausible,
and might, to many who did not consider the sub-
ject, appear a very formidable barrier in the why of
these meetings, but in fact it was none at all; for in
the first place he begged to saye that this clause did
not prevent the people of Westminster meeting on
any day they chose, for the purpose of petitioning
his Royal Highness the Prince Regent for a removal
of Ministers--(Leted cheerio: freas the Opposition benches)
To be sure, the clause said, that no meeting should
be held, Ike. for addressing his Royal Highness the
Prince Regent foe an alteration of matters in Church
and State; but he toofessed he had yet to learn what
connection there was between Ministers and the mat-
ters of Church and State—(Loacheffistg.)—Ministers ,
were, to be sure, in a certain sense, belonging to pie
State : but would any man say they were so far iden-
tified with the State as to become part of it ?—Who.
ever the individuals might be whom the existing
Ruler of the Country might select for his Ministers,
it was still evident to every man of common sense,
that they by no means were o the State." It followed
therefore. of course, that the meetings could be held
in opposition to this clause. but not in violation of it.
Another thing well worthy of notice was, that this
clause prevented such Meetings from being held on
either of the days on which Parliament or the Courts
in Westminster Hall met. To-morrow, therefore,
these Meetings might be held, for to-morrow neither
Parliameat nor the Courts of Law meet, and what
was to hinder them ? A third remark on this singu-
lar clause would, be was confident, shew the House
its grass absurdity. It eracted, that no such Meet-
ings were to be held within the distance aif one mile
*4 from the gate" of Westminster
Hall. Let the House
mark the expression—" from the gate of Westmin-
ster Hall." This Was really very good, but were its
provisions duly considered ? It was very true they
could not meet within a mile from the gate of the
Hall, but where was the law prohibiting them from
meeting within the Hall ? (Load cries of Hear, hear.)
The Houses of Parliament had agreed to debar them
from meeting a mile distant from the gate of the
Hall, let in defiance of this mile, the Electors could
meet within half a pistol shot of the doors of both
Houses of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Such were
the absurdities of one of the most astonishing Acts
which had ever received the sanction,of a British Le-
gislature. Such was the wisdom displayed in this
most extraordinary and unparalleled Act. (Cheers.)
While lie, in the discharge of his duty to the public.
brought these gross absurdities into notice. merely for
the purpose of 'hewing the folly of the Act being so
hurriedly passed through the House, he trusted he
should not be the means of Ministers adopting any
new measdres on the subject. Enough, yea infi-
nitely more than enough, bad been done by Mini.
sters to direct the attention of Parliament and the
country from the long, the ardently desired measures
of economy and reform. (Cries of Hear, hear, hear.)
Yes, he repeated, no exertions had been wanting to
divert the attention of the country from those much
looked for retrenchments, which we had been taught
"to expect. He, in the name of his suffering country.
implored and intreated the House no longer to ai:ow
such efforts of Ministers to engage them. He im-
plored them to remember the duty they owed to them-
selves, their country, and to justice itself. Much
had our country borne, many were the sacrifices she.
had made in the cause of freedom, and surely pain.
NI was the thought that such sacrifices were to be
rewarded by her being stripped of every thing like
liberty, and by no gumption being paid to her com-
plaints—(Neer, hear).—During the short recess, he
begged most earnestly to impress on Ministers one
consideration, namely, the absolute necessity of taking
no measures whatever with respect to Spanish Ame-
rica. Freedom, sacred freedom, was the birth-right
of man, and to rob him of that right was to rob him
of hit all ! He trusted that his Majesty's Ministers
would not interfere even in what was called a media-
tion between Spain and Spanish America, but pre-
serve that neutrality which became British Legisla-
tors. The Learned Gentleman concluded an ani-
mated speech, by imploring Ministers to remember
what they owed to themselves and their country, and
not to amuse by false or delusive hopes—(Losid cheer-
ing front the Opposition Benches).
Mr. BATHURST argued, that it was impossible
for Ministers to be more anxious than they had been
for the public welfare. He admitted that every faci-
lity had been given by Ministers to the inhabitants of
Westminster meeting, and these opportunities of
meeting bad not been kept secret. The malignancy
of individuals had induced Government to resort to
those measures they had adopted, and he trusted
Government would be believed when they asserted
that it was with great pain they were forced to exercise
such powers as the Hone had committed to them.
Mr. CURWEN—The speech delivered by his
Right Honourable Friend (Mr.'Pensonby) bad been
perhaps one of the most moderate in its tt aver, spirit
and tendency, ever delivered in Parliament. The
House was now to adjourn for the short period of
`two weal% and he trusted the Members would part
in peace. Much, infinitely much, depended on the
character of the House, and the opinion in which it
was held by the Public. Every man who loved his
country, every man who saw the state in. which that
country was placed. was aware of the indispensible
necessity toe Retrenchment and Reform. The loss
the country had sustained by jobs, pensions, QQ
and sinecures, was great; but the loss it should sus-
tain in public opinion would be infinitely more, were
it to thew itself indifferent to public feelings. -
Mr. PONSONBY said, he should treat with the
contempt they deserved, those assertions respeetieg
his wishing to excite disturbance, by exciting too
great hopes.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT said, from the system
which bad so long been followed by Ministers, it was
impossible to hope bad any real intentions of re-
lieving the country. The Right Honourablersentle-
man (Mr. Canning) had charged his much-respected
Friend (Mr. Ponsonby) with exciting hopes which
would never be realised. Such a design had never
entered into the mind of his Friend; and he could
say, that be was firmly persuaded little was to be
hoped for from that Committee appointed by Minis-
' ter& One great,step to afford relief, was certainly
doing every thing that could be done to keep up the
spirits of the people, and to prevent them from fall-
ing into despondency. This certainly was the best
means of doing them good. But while be wished'
most anxiously, as indeed every true subject of his.

country must do, to repenas any and every appear-
ance of improper conduct, .be could not help saying,
that if ever in the history of Parliament there was a
Session wherein the people had condocted themselves
with'more propriety than another, it was in the pre.
sent—(Near, hear.) And be would ask, how had
this been shewn ? They had sheers how much they
loved and valued the British Constitution by their ap-
peals to both Houses of Parliament for redress of
wrongs. Promises might be made by Administra-
tions, and coercive measures might be used, but this
would not, because it could not, repress effectually
the tone of public feeling—(Hear, hear, hear.) Let
the House shew the people that it felt fee and would
relieve their sufferings, and then good might be ex-
pected, but till this was done hope was exercised in
vain. He was glad to see the glorious sacrifice which
a Noble Marquis (Camden) had made for his coun-
try, and he could only sincerely lament that the ex-
ample bad not been followed by others. He lamen-
ted the delusive hopes held out to the country by Mi-
nisters, and could only say, that public expectation
was trifled with in vain, unless other measures were
adopted—(Hear, hear.)

EXTENT&

Sir M. W. RIDLEY wished to ask when the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (the Chancellor of
the Exchequer) would take any means to prevent
the evil or correct it, of extents in aid ? and he would
ask another Honourable Gentleman (the Solicitor-
General) whether it was true that the Chester Assizes
had been postponed tor ten days, in consequence of
the Chief Justice being specially retained ?
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said, he was not
' aware of such being the case, and indeed he was to-
tally ignorant on the subject, but he did nut believe
' nor think the story was Idunded in truth. He was
perfectly unacquainted with the appointments of the
Honourable and Learned Gentleman who presided
at Chester, and the places adjacent, and in consequence
of this, he could not say one word on the subject.
Sir M. RIDLEY—The Honourable Gentleman
moved Inc leave of absence to the Attorney-General,
who is Chief Justice of Chester.

The SOL I C ITO R. GE N E RA L said, he believed
the Justices of that district were on their way to the
places where they had to preside.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
said, the consideration of the Events in Aid wits
postponed till the return of the Lord Chief Baron
from the Cireuit, and also in consequence of the ill-
ness of another Judge.