Star.
London, England, 1826-12-13 00:00:00

towards Spain is this : you have not done enough to rouse
the English ; you have not done enough in merely
equipping Portuguese rebels, and in enabling them to
invade Portug 41, and carry destruction into her cities ;
yoy have not done enough in combining knots of con-
spiracy*, whom pat first engaged to disperse, but whom
you carefully re-assembled till they returned with Spa.
nish arms to plunge into kiodred Portuguese bosoms.
Ail this, in the Hon, Gentleman's opinion, gives us no
just cause of interference; we must not stir upon this.
No, styli the Hon. Gentl‘man, in order that peace may
be maintained throughout, I will call upon you to
make a declaration of war. (4 laugh.) This is the Hon.
Gentleman's contrivancefor keeping peace. The more
clumsy contrivance of his Majesty's Government is
this :—We have seen enough to shew to the world
that Spain authorised the invasion, or meditated the
destiuction of Portugal, and- we say to Spain, " Be.;
ware; we will avenge the cause of our ally, if you should
go into actual 11-militias; and, in the meantime, we will
take a more effectual course; we Will frustrate your
put pose." The House will judge between this course
and the gallant and chivalrous object of the Hon.
Member, a hie)) is, to wait fur the tented fieldand listed
battle for the purpose of preserving peace : :the House
will decide whether the course pursued by his Majesty's
Miniiters, is not more wholesome than the Hon. Mem-
ber's project of letting aggressions ripen till they may
be mowed down by the scythe of a more magnificent
war—(Hear, hear). It has been complained that no
Papers have been laid before the House; so that the
facts which call for our interference might be made as
notorious as the noon day sun. It should be remem-
bered, that if this course had been taken—if an act of
unmistakeable hostility on the part of Spain had
been demonstrated by Papers laid on the table of
the House, Spain would have been precluded from
that lean penitenties which I was desirous to leave
to her. I did not, wish to cut off all means of re-
treat—to drive Spain into a corner from which she
could have no escape. I hope I have sufficiently ex-
plained the reasons why I understated the case against
Spain. It -is difficult, with the knowledge which Go-
vernment must in such cases possess, to know what
exact portion of it should be meted out, in order to shew
the necessity of a measure, without hazarding the ex-
posure of too much of its details. I know not how far
I have succeeded in this respect ; but I can assure the
House, that if the time should unfortunately arrive,
when details may become necessary, it will be found,
that it was not for want of evidence that the statement
has been defective. An Amendment has been made
upon the original proposition, and it has been justified
by a reference to a declaration which I made some
years ago; when I stated, that it would be exceed-
ingly onerous for this country to engage in war—
which declaration has been supposed to be incon-
sistent with the measure which I now propose.—
The difference between the two cases upon which I
ground the difference of conduct, is, that in the one in-
stance I maintained that war was to be avoided, when
we were not obliged to engage in it; whereas, in the
present. case I say, that artless it can be averted by sea-
sonable demonstrations on the part of this country, war
cannot be avoided. I do not, therefore, change my
opinions as to the desirableness of peace, nor do I the
less deprecate the necessity -of war; but I say that in
the former instance; thotigh in the opinion of some res-
pectable
.persons in and out of Parliament it might
have been politic to embark in war, my argument
was, that we were not bound by any engagement of
good faith or honour to engage in war—that our
choice, in short, was free, and, being free, my choice
was for peace. My argument, at die present day,
is, that vie have no choice—our faith is engaged;
our bonodr is pledged; and, with all the same predilec-
tions for peace which I then professed, I maintain that no
course is left to us on the present occasion; but that
which is dictated both by honour-and policy, to maintain
the faith of the country, and to fulfil the national engage-
ments. An Hon. Gent. on the opposite side of the House
(Mr. Baring) seemed to intimate that we ought to adopt
the expedient of allowing the Patriot Mina to rush
into the contest, and by that means obviate the effect
of the aggression upon Portugal. Believing, Sir, as
I do, that such a measure wt uld entail the heaviest
calamities upon that country, I cannot consent to give
it my countenaLce. In the first place, the Foreign E-
nlistment Bill—an Act, whether useful or not, I do not
now stop to inquire—was passed in this House at the
instigation, and after the repeated entreaties of the Go-
vernment of Spain itself, and was intended to operate
closely in her favour. In the Lett place, the whole
conduct of Spain, in her present differences with Portu-
gal, has been directly opposite to the spirit of that Act,
and has gone to do directly against Portugal, in her
struggles,those things which shemost earns s ly implored
this country not to do against her, in her contest with
her subjects—(Hear). In this very condition would
Spain have been in the year after 1819, when the
.Foreign Enlistment Act was first passed, it we had then
thought prof:kr to withdraw from her that protection
whic,h was undoubtedly afforded by the prohibition in
question—and in precisely the same manner in which
Portugal turns upon her, might she then have turned
upon us., But although I think a retaliation in this
way upon Spain might be perfectly justifiable, under
the circumstances in which she is placed, I do not think
we ought now to carry it into practice; and I have in
the course of the observations it has been my duty to
address to the House, rather sought to avoid, or to
adumbrate, that part of the question, lest 1 might even
raise a hope, or create as appehension, that any such
Measure was contemplated. (hear.) I think too, that
by seeming to subscribe to sash an arrangement, under any circum-
stances, we will deprive our resolves of that character which they
would otbeetrise bear—a character which, whenever, if ever, our
aggreosions are jet loose in the ihape of war, must render them, •s
an Had. Gent. has observed, of the most tremendous description.
As a war therefore of character, as a war of opinion, I repeat that
I should be sorry to have recourse to such i mode of aggression.
There is another point touched upon by die lion. Gent. (Mr. Ba-
ring) in his speech, upon which 1 wish to say a few words. With
that speech, however, I beg to observe I find no fault; on the
contrary, I think the Honourable Gentleman has by it afforded
his Majesty's Government a very able suppnn, expressed in terms
as fair, handsome, and reasonable, as I could possibly have anti-
cipated. The .point to which, however, I particularly allude, is
that in which he calls our attention to the present occupation
of Spain by the troops of France, and intimates the propriety of
calling upon that Power to withdraw her Army of Occupation.
Now. however, the withdrawal of that Army might be in other
reopens and at other times desirable, I cannot allow that it at all
affects the pre,ent question. Ou the obutrary, I most sincerely be-
lieve that the exertions of France are directed to the preservation
of ecistivreaties; and it is my conviction, that if the army was
wiredrawn, the situation of affairs would not be remedied; while,
in a moment of such excitement, party r..ge would re-assume
its desperate violence, and that elass, avowedly the least in
ottoihets,would beyond question become its victims—( Hear, hear).
Whets, however, it is hated that the situation of this country in
the atm of Eiseopeis altered, when it is said that the occupation of
Spoilt by France has loweqed the power of F.:salami:. and raised the
entulitimi of France,. I lips the assertion a dechitd denial. The