Star.
London, England, 1816-02-21 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARr PROCEEDINGS.

h*allow HOME OP LORDS, FEBRUARY 20.
lb Elmo* Repeat from the Carnatic Commies
at Sheller by 2414% Partiboese.
..oaMain Anima Amounts fratrainthe East India House were
t2tiby Mr. Kingston, and from the Commlssloser• of
astmluster-teldge by Mr. Swinberne. These accounts were
ordered to be on the table.
*ere beard respecting the Irish Appeal, N Hancock
.
Lens," and certain legal questions arising thereout referred for
OWeasiwions of the Learned Judges, who were in attendance.
_. Lord ROLLE presented a Petition against the Insolvent
palate km, and briefly adverted to certain Inconvenlencles
ISM& were alleged to have arisen from its operation. .
Lord REDRoDALE observed, that, a general law upon the
object ems far petrel* to the former system, of having re-
morse to t mp.rary Inscilvent Debtors' BiW front year to year.
He sieaaad aware that some inconvenience might have arbeu
Rem the delegation of its powers to Magistrates at the Quarter
liallons, who appeared to administer the law in question rather
orlon the principle of the former Insolvent Bills than accredmi
to the provisions of the General Act. Perhaps this wig& be
amended to advantage, and he understood a Bill either was, or
would be soon introduced into another place, for the pwpose.—
The Petition was ordertdto lie on the table.

I was

The Naval Courts Martial and the Glen Dudes Has passed
through Committees of the whole House, and were reported
without any amendment.
The Freehold Estates liability, the Cochineal Importation, and
Lard (lowers' Indemnity BUle, were brswght up from the Coin-
moss by Sir S. Rossua.r and ethers, and read the first time.—
Adjourned till to-morrow.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
A new Writ was ordered for the City of Carlisle, in the room
of Mr. Fiwerrv, deceased.
Petitions were pawed from seven Parishes In Berkshire,
sweat the Kennet and Avon Canal Silt
•-11 Peehien Imes de Conine of tAgricultama of that County, prayingliirserief, was presented,med,alli
and ordcr.d to Won the table.

Mr. LYTILILTON presented a Petition from the Inhabitants
of Wolverhampton, against the Capper Local rokens, which in
that town had become almost the only drcelattng medium.—
Ordered to lie on the table.

Sir O. CLE RKgave nod ee that to-morrow week be would
move for leave to bring in a Bin for the better preserving unifor-
mity in Weights and Measures.
The Freehold Estates Bill was read a third time and passed.
The House went into a Committee on the Tonnage Dudes
Aet.—Tha Resolutions were agreed to.
The Bank Loan Bill was read a first and ordered to be read a
second time to-morrow.

KI.NNZT AND AVON CANAL.

Oa the motion by Mr. C. DUNDAS, for the
second reading of the Kennet and Avon Canal Bill,
Mr. LOCKHART contended that there was no
Parliamentary ground for the measure, which was
only an effort on the pan of the Shareholders to in-
crease their rates and. tolls. It would be unjust and
mischievous to authorise these persons to levy a sum
of money upon the public, because they merely assert
they have laid out a large sum themselves, and do
not receive sufficient interest for it. This, if a fact,
was a subject with which the House had nothing to
do any more than with any other speculation of in-
dividuals. He moved that instead of di now," the
Bill be read a second time this day six months."
Mr. DICKENSON also spoke against the Bill ; it
was an attempt to impose a tax upon 'the buyers of
one of the necessaries of life, the coals conveyed by
the canal.
Mr. C. DUNDAS supported the Bill. The ori-
ginal shares of £4O only produced 151. to the old
iproprietors, though the Company had expended more
than 581,400,000. The uncle, taking had, in his. *pi-
nion, not even the fair protection- afforded to the Ca.
ledonian Canal, which was supported by Govern-
ment. He suggested a Committee to investigate the
subject.
Mr. PEEL strongly opposed the measure on the
same grounds as the preceding speakers, contending
that the public had no benefit from it. If this prin-
ciple were established, the Proptietors of every Canal
in Ireland would have the same right of appeal, as
there was scarcely one of those Canals that afforded
a shilling of profit.—(Hear, hear, hear).—It was
proved by the documents that. the Concern was in a
flourishing condition.
Mr. NEVILLE (who supported the seven Pad-
doss) supported the Amendment.
Mr. PROTHEROE was also against the Bill,
and accused' the Company of a breach of faith to-
wards the Bristol Dock Company.
Mr. GORDON opposed the Bill. Its principal
Object Was to acquire a coal monopoly.
After a few words from Mr. PRESTON, the
House divided, when the Bill was lost by a majority
of lb to 17.

STATR OV AORICULTUBIL

Mr. WESTERN, after a tew observations, which
we understood to relate to the business before the
House, and bis preferring to have the subject dis-
cussed after the call of Mondiy night, postponed
Ibis 'motion on the State of the Agriculture of the
Country, to Thursday senisiglit, the 29th haunt.—
He also moved for au. Account, of all Monies re-
ceived as Poor' Rates, in the several Parishes of

INCREASZ or SALAMI&
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to-'` hove for an le-
count of the Salaries received by the Commissioners
and other Officers of the Board of Customs and Ex-
cise of London, stating if any., or what augmenta-
tion bad beennmade to the same, since the Ist of Ja-
nuary. 1815.
Mr. BROUGHAM, before the question was put.
wished to be informed whether any augmentation bad
heen made In the salaries 'of Officers of the Excise
~osiloo/ed sty board revenge cotters. aurd if so. under
Iwhat authority Also,. whether there were any
Treasury minutes or correspondence on the subject
of increase of salaries between the Treasury and the
Officers of the Boards at Customs and Excise, pre-
'lions to the Ist of January, 1816
Sir CHARLES MONCK wished to know wbe-
titer any augmentation bad been made to the salaries
of the Officers of the Navy Board?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
did not see how such questions as these could tie
answered, without his giving offence to those Gee.
denten whose interrogatories of a similar kind he
bad declined answering already.
Mr. HO RNE R.—Although Ministers refused to
give information to simple questions, on the plea of
their privilege to withheld it unless demanded by a
motion, he would suggest to them to stop in their
mode of proceeding, and prevent the repetition of
such questions, by coming down to the House at
once with an account of all they had done in the way
of the pledged retrenchment, and what they had
daily been cutting off since the pledge was given, in
order that the public might know if they were really
redeeming the pledge or not.
Lord CASTLEREAGH deprecated this mode
of perpetual questioning. His Majesty's Govern-
ment, as. the Honourable Member might or ought to
know, had a ditty imposed on them by Act of Par-
liament. to render Such accounts to the House by
the 25th of March. Instead, therefore, of the public
service being benefited by such questions, as to not
only what had been done, but what was likely to be
done, or in contemplation of doing. the Honourable
Member must feel that they can be of no utility
whatever. They seemed to have come down to-day
with all their questions reduced to nothing ; and he
Hurt it they were ieclioed to press far such
general information by motion. according to the
practice of Parliament, that they would at least put
their questions in such a shape that the Public Offi-
cers could understand them. The Honourable Mem-
bers ought to know, that those offices to which they
had directed their questions were by no means sine-
cures; but the persons holding situations in theta
had more heavy duty to perform, and were more in-
volved in the collection of the revenues than any
others whatever. His Lordship 'teen deprecated. at
some length, such a mode of coming down to Par-
liament to ask perpetually such questions as it was
discretionary .on the part of Ministers to answer. He
would ask any experienced Member whether this
practice was not now pushed beyond all example
Unless it were kept within proper bounds, is could nut
fail to embarrass instead of facilitating the public bu-
siness. The general regulation that had been made
compelled his Masty's Government to lay such ac-
counts before the House at a proper time.
Mr. HORNER replied. that the object of the
questions was to enable the House to step in time to
prevent an increase in the public burdens; if they
found by the answers of Ministers that it was their
intention to increase the salaries of Public Officers,
instead of reducing them. If this interference were
not made, and when the Accounts were presented,
it should be found that the salaries had been increased.
each holder of a place might come and say, like
Lord Arden, this income is my freehold.—(Loud
cries of Hear, hear.)
Lord CAS fLEREAGH having said a very few
words which seemed to imply an affectation of activity
on the part of the Gentlemen opposite,
Mr. HORNER rose ag fin, and observed with
much warmth, that the Noble Lord talked in a very
unusual tone—such a tone as he was sure the House
had not been accustomed to hear; and he drought
there WAS no Member who most not tee), that in, a
season es this, when the whole of the people were
ground down to the earth by the pressure of the pub-
lic burthens, such language was intolerable. The
Noble Lord, night after night, held such language
as the House ought not tohear—(Hear, hear, hear,)
and such as was quite uusuitatile to his skim-
tion Oa one night the House, or he should
rather say the people, were insulted, by being accused
of 44 • their ignorant impatience for a relaxation of
taxes l"—(Hear, hear, hear.) He repeated the Noble
Lord's very words. Even in the di •ion upon the
Treaty, when he bad taken upon himself to answer,
in all his metaphorical solemnity of language, obru-
tions by anticipation, which he could not know wool.'
ever be made, he talked of the money of the country;
and to-night, when it was urged to chew what evi-
dence there was of any disposition on the part of Mi.
nisters to redeem the pledge given by the Crown re-
specting retrenchments, they were told that there was
an Act of Parliament to cause the production of a'.
counts of salaries by the 25th of March, and that it
they wanted premature information, they might put
their questions in writing, in the shape of a motion.
The Noble Lord knew too well the practice of Par-
, liament, not to be aware that questions to Mini-
, suers across the table could not be put in writing,
, It might well be supposed, —Gent the language they

..,.
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I.

...

' -a-

!F.-77

field, that they had it in contemplation to increase
the public btarthen.-.- (Hear , hear, hear!)--and this
was sufficient ground why Members should pot be'
stopped in their inquiries. "I am sure, at least, Sir,
(said the Honourable Gentleman, eddressiog the'
Speaker) that we shall not be stopped by von. If
the Noble Lord refused to answer, the public would
know the reason. We had been told from the throne
that there was every "disposition to retrenchment;
lint every do's :experience proved, that instead of
retrenching, Ministers were actually increasing sala-
ries. If he heard from the Treasury that the Offi-
cers of the Tax Board had received an increase of
salary, and that an application had been made from,
the Commissioners of other Boards for the sameiimr-
pose, he had a tight to inquire whether Ministers bad
such an augmentation in contemplation or not ?
Lord CASTLEREAGH appeared inclined to te-
ply ; but there being a loud crrof " No, not Spoke,
spoke!"—
Mr. VESEY FITZGERALD rose and defended
the Noble Lord against the chine of having used
language that could be construed as insulting to the
people. He alleged that the Honourable Gentleman
bad made assertions that Government.had been em-
ployed in unnecessarily raising salaried, 'before there
were any proofs that could authorise such opinions.
He would take upon himself to say, that his observa-
tions were unauthorized by any thing that had been
said in Parliament. He apologized for troubling the
House; but said he could not remain silent when his
Noble rased was precluded from making a reply for
Mr. TIERNEY said it had been his misfortune to
have been many years in Parliament-he said, his
misfortune, because be had grown old in it ; and he
would declare, that the questions put to Ministers
were such as be had never heard any former Mini-
sters, even at the time Mr. Pitt was in the plenitude•
of his power, refuse to give answers to. The Hens(
only wanted to know the fact, whether entail silo.
ries bad been advanced or not ? When answerecoeld
not be obtained to such simple questions as these, it
might well be supposed that the delays were made
from improper motives. Even the Chancellor of the
-Exchequer, who, if he had not fallen into strange
company of late, might be expected to answer with
his usual suavity, was now as reserved as the rest.—.
(Laughter.) He would now shape a motion to the
purpose, and would beg the Clerk to write it down,
for " an Account, :hewing, according to the best
judgment-of the Officers in the Public Departments,
how much sooner than the 25th of March a Return
could be made, stating, according to the directions of
the Act of Parliament, what increase or diminution
of salaries had taken place, and that the Return be
made to the House by each of the Public Offices."
The SPEAKER observed,, that it was by no means
the custom to dictate motions to the Clerk of the
House, except in any case of disability or infirmity
out the part of the Mover. The practice was for
Gentlemen to bring their motions ready written.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT urged, in proof of die
lax effect resulting from motions for Accounts, that
an Address was agreed to on the 20th of April inet,
and renewed on the 24th of Map. for Accounts vela.
live to the Court of Session in Scotland, bat which
were not produced by the end of the &SADA, though
a single day would have beta sufficient to repose
them. This sheered that it was easy to orders but
not so ensy to obtain.
Mr. iI'IERNEY apologised that his motion bad
arisen frau the conversation that had taken place.
- We understood it to be put and agreed to. He
moved tor an account of the number of troops bonne
and mustered abroad, from 1786 to 1799, with a
view to ascertain what was the actual strength of our
foreign garrisons at any of these periods, as deemed
necessary for their security in time of peace or war.
After some conversation with Lord PALMaturroN,
he fixed the periods from 1166 to 1791. The mo-
tion was agreed to.
Sir ROBERT HERON•had a question to alt.
very different from any which Ministers had heard
that night. He bad heard a report, and he believed
it to be true, that our Ambassador at Lisbon was
about to return ; that a frigate had been appointed to
bring him back; and that the same frigate was to
carry out another person as his succestor in the
embassy
Lord CASTLEREAGH had no difficulty in as.
tisfying the Honourable Baronet. The Embassy to
the Court of Lisbon bad terminated as soon as it Was
ascertained that it was not the intention of the Prince
Regent to qnit the Brazils. No subsequent appoint.'
ment whatever had taken place, either as Ambassa-
dor or Minister of Legation.
Sir CHARLES MONCK moved, that monthly
rettirns be presented of all British troops maintained
in garrisons abroad.—Ordered.
THE LATE CARDINAL YORK.

Mr. PONSONDY said he had heard that a public
monument was ordered to be erected in Italy, to the
meat-ry of the late Charles Stuart, Cardinal York.
He wished to know if this were fact, by whom it was
ordered, and by whom to be paid for ?
Lord CASTLEREAGH said the fact certainly
was so. Perhaps the Right Hon. Gentleman did
not know the situation of the Gentleman in question
at the time of his decease. He was the last remnant
of that unfortunate family, and had been plundered
of his little property by the French, at the tune of
their invasion of Italy. For some years pan his
Majesty has been graciously pleased to allow him a
*Than pension, which rendered his latter days com-
fortable, and for which he was overwhelmed with
gratitude. He had given directions in his will, that
the Collar of the Bath and Order of the Garter which'
he possessed should be returned, and that certain pa-
pvrii ?elating to the family on the throne of these
realms, should be sent to that family, as a mark of
his deep gratitude. They -were accordingly trans.
=Cued to the Prince Regent by the Cardinal
his Executor, who declared he should be most grate-
ful, it his Royal Highness, in his liberality, would
be pleased to assist him in erecting a monument to
his frirml. It w.is under these circumstances that
tile Prince Regent, in his accustomed spirit of libe-
rality, had given directions for a moderate sum of
money to be paid to the Cardinal for the purpose in
question.
Mr. YONSONBY Mid, what he now heard made
it a very different thing from erecting a public monu-
ment to a Prince of the House of Stuart, by desire of
the Ltlglish Government, and at the expease of die

English nation. VATs had turned wit to he the ease
he should have thought it tilstluty to make a motion
the subject.
Lord CASTLEREAQH, in answer to another
very brief question from Mr. Tierney, said, there
very limited sum, out of the contributions paid by
Franck, had been appropriated for the conveyance
back to Italy of the pictures and statues seized by the
French, and that a small portion of this money was
to be paid, in the first instance, towards the monu-
ment.

itasvuzn buses.
On the motion for resuming the debate on the
question of the Address,
Mr. LAW began by descanting on the brilliant
successes of oar anus by sea and find. But however
splendidly these might appear, he trusted the House
would never lose sight of the policy by which this
country bad always been actuated in her relation to
France. We were a grand maritime nation, and
it
had always been deemed a duty in our Statesmen of
former times, to preserve and insist on our maritime
rights. If therefore the Home should think they
saw in any of the stipubitions, any thins that affected
the Maritime interests of this 'gauntry, he trusted
they would notfail to express their opinions Sources)?
did this feeling of our right prevail us every clarion*
war we had entered into against France, that it had
always been our object to raise a continental war
against het, in order that we might bear our undis-
puted sway on the Continent, and capture the colo-
nial possessions of the enemy. With this view, it
had always been eur policy to be in close alliance
with the Ruler of the Netherlands. The union of
the Netherlands with Holland was an innovation
which he could not 'prove. The Heine, however,
had been Called upon to admire this arrangement, as
part of a legacy left to Europe by a great Statesman
now no more. Notwithstanding this, so far was he
from admiring the union in question, that he could ,
ly view it as pregnant with calamity. The !uni-
tary force of the Netherlands could, in war, exceed
100,000 men. It was not then to be supposed more
than 50,000 would be kept on their peace establish-
ment. These, occupied with the care of the strong
places, eighteen in number, which they would have
to maintain, would throw upon England alone the
burthen of defending the country. Austria and
Prussia could not be expected to take this duty off
our hands. At present,'n hik the minds of men were
agitated against France,-.Prussia might be likely to
exert herself on any important occasion, but when
the feelings now excited shall have subsided, it was
not to be supposed that Prussia (speaking with refer-
ence to the situation in which she stood with respect
to France) would be always disposed to act such a
part. The Netherlands then could find no ally but
England, and the consequences must be, this country
would have to bear the expense of two peace esta-
blishments, one at home, end one for the defence of
the Netherlands. With these views, he could not
but look on the annexation of Belgium to Holland
with the most anxious alarm. Better terms might
have been obtained, it appeared to him, from the com-
manding situation held by this country in the last
year, after the betas of Waterloo. He (though aware
bow dangerous it was for those who disapproved of
what had been done, to suggest what, in their opinion
would have been a wiser course), did not hesitate
to say, be should have been better pleased, had Ai-
mee been given to Austria ; had the :south of Ger-
many extended its frontier to the Rhine ; had Prussia
gained an accession of territory opposite her fron-
tiers,
and bad the Netherlands been indemnified by
the cession of a part of the Department of the North.
The indemnity which this country had gained be
considered of little value. It was but a paluy pay-
ment, which would not exceed the annual value of
our Property Tax, at five per cent. It would not
cever the expense of the sacrifices made by the coun-
try in the last year. The pecuniary sacrifices impo-
sed on France formed indeed that part of the Treaty
which he viewed with most pain. These, in the
first instance, punished equally the innocent and the
guilty—those who had conspired to disturb the peace
of Europe, and those who had pursued an opposite
course. At the same time he considered the sums
thus levied tended to keep up the military spirit of
the people, as every Frenchman, when compelled to
pay for the maintenance of a foreign army, would.
feel that he might as well contribute to the support
of an army of his countrymen. This feeling being
thus kept alive, when at length the foreign troops
were withdrawn from France—when the Allies would
be attending to what more immediately interested
them—then, France would rise in terror before them,
unsubdned by those, who had overrun her territory,
and remembering only the injuries she bad received,
she would seek but to revenge them. and England,
from her engagements to defend the Netherlands,
would be the power most exposed to this re•action.—
The Treaty he held to be impolitic, since it caused
England to be regarded as a new military power on
the Continent. and, of course, it could not be one of
the greatest magnitude. All through the Treaty he
thought be could trace the successful exertions 44*
influence of Russia. The arrangements it contained.
all favoured her policy. The Treaty went to furnish
England with perpetual military occupation en the
frontier of France, and left Russia at leisure to form
plans, inconsistent with the security and repose of the
rest of Europe. It bad been said that those cessions
of territory which he and others wished to have been
demanded of France, would not bare been granted
by the french King. He, however, could not believe
that Louis XVIII. who owed his crown to England
—who reigned but by our sufferance. would have
dared to refuse what Louis XIV. had offered to con-
cede. He believed Ministers had bad other motives
for not demanding the cessions in qtiestien, than those
arising Irons an apprehension, that Louis would have
resisted them. He believed they bad been restrained
by personal feelings for the royal family of France.
They had failed to urge this point from an idea, that
it it were premed, the Kin would lose whatever hold
he might have had on theTeelings of the French peo.
ple. Much had been said of the glory acquired by
this nation, in having been made the rallying point
of legitimacy. He for one was disposed to uphold
the claims of legitimacy —but when these were pushed
to the extent of forcing, flovercign on a people in
opposition to their wishes, he could not bat view
Mich a principle as the bane of mankind, and as cal.
*elated to produce the greatest evils • that could
afflict humanity. Under all the circumstances of the
we, be could not give the address his support.

Mr. DOUGLAS strongly opposed that dismember-
ment of France which' had been recommended by
Gentlemen on the opposite side cf 'the House.—
France would 'more have resented die loss of Alsace
and Lorraine than all the demands which had been
'made by the Allies. Shi could not have forgotten
the lou of places which bad producejl so many of
her most distinguished characters in modern times,
lit a few years. Those who were taking such a
eeurse as the Honourable Gentleman opposite had
recommended, ought to bear in mind that that
would have been permanently to punish the innocent
with the • guilty. He approved of what had been
' done, as the sacrifices called for were both partial
.and temporary. He also approved of the Treaty, in-
asmuch as it held out a boon for repentance, and
I gave France a prospect of regaining that greatness in
peace which she had lost in war. He defended the
powers with which the Allies had thought it right to
entrust the Duke of Wellington, and maintained the
restoration of Louis was necessary to effect the total
action of the system of Bonaparte. Considering
Ltstr
Treaty to give security for the present, and peace
kik the future, he should vote for the address. ,
Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY said, that as he could,
not possibly give his sanction to the Address, which
went to give unqualified praise to such a peace as
that which had been lately concluded, and to the
cures on which it had been founded, he could
not give a silent vote on the present occasion. He
conceived he would not discharge his duty as a Mem-
-1 beT of the Legislature, did he not take the present
opportunity of expressing his disapprobation of most
of the measures on which the late peace had been
founded. The question before the House was too
=and important in its nature to be passed over
y. It involved considerations of the most vital
importance to a free people. The Noble-Lord (Cas-
dmeagh) who had opened the debate, had put two'
great questions before the House. The first was, the,
right which one country had to interfere in the in..er.
sal policy of another; and the second,,whether, un-
der any circumstances, one country would be justi.
led in such interference. He (Sir S. Romilly) would
not enter into the abstract question, whether, in some
certain cases, such interference would not be justi-
fiable; but on the general principle, and on the cir-
cumstances under which this interference had been
used, he was prepared to meet the Noble Lord. He
(Lord Castlereagh) had triumphantly mentioned the
case of the triple alliance which had been concluded
in 1717, to support the Protestant succession in Eng-
land, and the succession in France, as it had been
established by the Treaty of Utrecht. He had also
alluded to the quadruple alliance which had been
concluded in the next year for the same object, and
he bad observed, that such internal interference, as
he called it, was sanctioned by the Whigs of that
day ; but would the Noble Lord make no distinc-
tion between an alliance formed for the purpose of
forcing a King on a people against their expressed
will, and one which had only for its object the gua-
ranteeing a succession which had been already esta-
blished by the consent of the two nations to which
the allusion had been made ?—(Hear, hear ) —There
was no analogy whatever between the two cases 1
their object was as distinct as any two things could
be. The Noble Lord bad exulted in the two cases
which he had cited, with as much joy as if they had
been the most appropriate ; but he (Sir S. Romilly)
could not avoid remarking, that this exultation was
one of those short-lived—those five-minute triumphs
which he had, a short time back, taxed the Gentle-
men on the opposite side of the House with enjoying
—(llear, hear). —The Noble Lord had, in a strain of
irony peculiar to him, charged the Whigs of the pre-
sent day, with having acted on principles quite din.
tinct from those of the ancient Wi.igs ; but if he (Sir
S. Rol:0111y) were disposed to recriminate, he might
fairly charge the Tories of the present day with'
having gone from that line of policy which had been
pursued by their ancient predecessors of that name.,
The Noble Lord, however, had not ma4e out such a
case as would justify him in asserting that the diffe-
*fence he had described existed between ancient and
modern Whigs, the cues mentioned were by no
means analogous. The question at present before
the House was not such a one as had been acceded
to by ancient Whigs; it was not whether one coun-
try had a right to guarantee-the adopted Government
of another, but whether, under all the circumstances.
which the case of France embraced, one country had
a right to choose the Sovereign of another, and to
place him over it, against the will of the people of
that country, by open force ? (Hear4hcar.) Not w ith.
-standing ell the disclaimers which had been used
against internal interference, this was, in fact, the 1
question which was then before the House. It had
been objected by several Members of the House, at
the commencement of the late war, that it was en-
tered into, and carried on, for the purpose of sup-
porting the family of the Bourbons ; and this had
been constantly denied by Ministers and treated as a
calumny of their intentions. He very well remem-
bered that when an Honourable Member, whose death
was so deeply and justly regretted, and whose loss.
wits generally felt on several occasions, but p.ittieu-
larly on such as the present, when that lamented
man (Mr. Whitbread) had asked the Noble Lord
opposite (Castlereagh) whether the report of the
issuing of a proclamation by the Duke of Welling-
ton on his entrance into France, in which he declared
that he had come to restore the Bourbons, was cor-
rect ? that Noble Lord declared that it was not, acrd
that the circulation of such rumours was only intended
to calumniate the Government, which had never enter-
'skied such intentions as had been ascribed (to them.
It had also been expressly mentioned in the Declai a-
tioll made by his Majesty's Ministers in explanation
of the lith Ankh of the Treaty of Vienna, that al-
though the several Contracting Powers -had invited
his Most Christian Majesty to become an acceding
party to the Treaty, yet, nevertheless, it was nut their
(the British Ministers).intention to go to war forth,
purpose of establishing him (Louii) or any other
ruler over the French nation contrary to their own
wish..—.{Here the pion. Member read part of the
Declaration to which he had alluded.]—He would
Contend, from this circumstance, and from what since
happened, that it was then the intention of Ministers
to support the Bourbons ; but of course they did not
think it politic at that time to explain their real object ;
they had a particular and favourite measure in view,
and if they accomplished it by duplicity and decep.
thin of the people it was well, 'provided they did ac-
complish it..—(Haer.)--iThe letter of Earl Ctanearty, J

oftt;e Gth of M.
to the same ear
shortly after the
had made Duero
to take the Tre;
as its basis. These
, to Lord Clanc.
the Allied Saver,
were immediar
!sister to this
would read some
had been then
ted any passages
sent question, •
'would correct
read several ev

Allied Sovereigi
rations, and all
have already g'
substance, ilia!
answer to the
Bonaparte, hui
declaration of I
in hostility with
from choice by
Treaty with '
its

observance;
Treaty which
ever much (licit
of Louis XVI
steps to place
th.lit using chi
wish to interl,
tion in the eh,
cessary for the
not have a nir
was incompat
Itomilly) did
the mysteries
not hesitate to
understanding
luded, he WOI
which he had
literal meanie
the Allies to h
in the appoint
(Hear, hear, fry
able. Member
to ante to thi
he (Sir S. R(
planation whit
in the Dech
no other. 'l'
part of the i
French nation
they were by
of their Sovereli
Bonaparte, an(
wished to make
and it was
cilitated the
even after
nation coul(
He did, not meal
in favour of
a struggle soul,
which the lives
sacrificed, if
the understani
dared, was c
supporters of
sal liberties.—k
which had been
of the Allies
but he won(
what had shit.
who had made
bringing Lot-"
armed turce,
that force, on
of its people,
Allies had
and had onl:
held, for thi
more effectu
then content
their condth
count of the
and dangers
established ;
a coalition of
acting in the
against the
conjunction
the King of
The same re,
of the one, ma'
the other.--(
what is now
rence WAS RV
essential to
should pause before they gave tie
votes to such a principle, and reflect,
established,' it may hereafter be used for
tion of some of their dearest privileges. (.
Atteight•hereafter be objected by a pant'
reign Sovereigns, that the freedom of
was allowed in that House, the liberty
or any other dear privilege of the
against the welfare of their several States,
might claim their abolition from an
narch, who, having such a precedent
would not hesitate to comply with the
faithful Allies, when it was proved to be 10.
neral security.—( Hear, hear, hear.) I.,lett
Noble Lord himself seemed to hint at
rence, when he spoke of the principles of
termed modern Whiggism, ,and of the
which the Members of the House should
foreign Princes.—(Hear, hear.) The
then took a view of some arguments which hati°
advanced in favour of the late Treaties, bid 6°°,
others, that the French nation felt grateful ty
terference which had been made in their intefolai,
cerns. • He denied that the French were milk'
that interference: on the contrary, they dttestedo
by whom it was made, and the family for vhce
had been made; they disliked the terms nt the Tog
and 'wedld observe them no longer than Oafs"
able opportunity offered of getting rid of the
(Rear, hear.) It would be recollected, that the°
Won on that interference, .at least as far at eer,
the invosion of France, which Louis biota
,been obliged to give to the Chamber of Der°
was most unfavourable to it. He said to theasi,l
if be governed any other nation than France' 0

•
44, to his Maty's a
ifect. It Would mlfr
he arrival of Bonapirteli'N. uCta
'nut..., of peace to th.,,,„"at% "Pie
%:aty of lb 14, in it, '07"."41, he'
h
These overture, had be14..P411- . the'
:arty at Vienna, to take trin rat at
iovereigns on them, ▪ use
ttely given, and sent back • 1 au
gceo:
ime passages fro, the 0.,1;„Li creed,
1 given, and he hoped, er'
attracts rntitheCoetusil
beforerll
a; ni eddlhtesl::::cp
cultur
eat it:
tsir:o *
the Noble Lord opp,,,itefl- 404 that
d
: him. [The linnotadlJle‘i,,‘
:iilgintis on that OCCISion, IZ'ar 7:1
e overtures which 1W htC111:.
iiimßli.nothnthrdiaTlep.heyaltb"ntcorleoleetaeniir:dt(daStcercllii'Sn:jele4llit.ti'47lT-rt4db,,,,'164:114-I.'" reed,
t the 13ill of March. Til--
)tit necessity. "I'llat metro, I.
..1
e, he having already brokea Sr.
a had been male in 184,
icir general feebly, be di
VIII. They would not ti..t*
ii
e him over the Piench pe " •
)eie own influence. That
he security of Europe, thatril
Y •
i
atible with that seeuri.y
fare►au
ioj
nntc:otwdvoiieppft rhir otethtmhteeli:nerdt cßtittoi Julia) bErergst::: ilo:(lAufzet:,ttin:4l:lk; F
to assert, that if any nun
ig
ouldred thepaut th Papers
i''
t,nst7elleic:ronbikei, en
t
d then given. He wouhi laicals
ing that it was not then the ink:
interfere in tie internal rol.;4o!ii ;
iintment of any one patient',
from the Tre‘uury Bench).—Tile
✓ w!lo cried hear, would cane
he House the cause of his eitlitet
Lomilly) should still contend that I
aich he had given of the weeds
laration, was their literal mennill
The conduct of Ministers, inn%
: war, implied no other. Tht
on bad understood it in thaw, 1
y no means to be dictated to smile.
Pereign, provided that Sovereign .
and from this opinion every ..
take common cause in getting rile.
this understanding which 414
e progress of the Allied aray; t -
the battle of Waterloo, the
tld •have nude a great cup
mean to say that it would not liana
• the Ahies; bur it was certaiothe 1
couli and v.,uuld have been mak,.
yes of some thousands might but
f they bad not been prevetued from.
toiling that the war which lied has
I only a war against Bonaparte mei
of his system, and not agninatitirg
( Hear, hear.)—Such was the opt
seen generally entertained of tit
s, even so late as the battle of IF .'
tld ask, whether, 'alter the esprit&
nee passed, after having seen Moe
ade such apparently candid defier
nig XVIII. in the train an Ira
e, and placing bim, by the Assiar
DR the throne el France agaizst the
le, would it nut be jtiOy said
intended to act so front the
ly assumed the moderate tone thus•
he purpose of carrying their intuits
tally into execntiou ? The Hoe.
idcd, that Ministers deserved cerat
let in these transactions, not onlyn
eir abstract injustice, but for them
room precedent which they had • •
; fiir he would ask, what was to
of Sovereigns at same future period
he same manner with an English
e liberty of his people, is which teei
t with the Allied Powers, bad acted
France against the liberty of his
arguments which are now urged iris
may, with the same force, be used
—(Hear, hear.)--It may be thee •,
nv so boldly asserted, that such
accessary for public security, thick
D the general welfare ;—but the•••
se before they gave the sanctisad
ich a principle, and reflect, thatif
, it may hereafter be used for the
to of their dearest privileges. (HAW
ereafter be objected by a junta of 01.
reigns, that the freedom of speech
d in that House, the liberty of the •
her dear privilege of the cotton •
welfare of their several States, sail
en their abolition from an Englia
0, having such a precedent before:
hesitate to comply with the wishes.
(lies, when it was proved to be for tte,
.rit y.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Icafed,
d himself seemed to hint at such'
:n he spoke of the principles of whit.
bdern Whiggism, ,and of the cautioo.
Members of the House should slier!
inces.—fikar. hear.l The Hon. Ma'

Let
y
e by

ley •
nts,
dty
asity
-

1 otl

...

.'

_

• •
;kr attnisrancr., he would- have been re.
/704 to despair. Was it then probable that the
I le would be less satisfied than their' King
had more reason to be displeased than he bad,
there was not a time when the Collectors of Taxes
alb amongst them, for the purpose of raising
rise earns by which the foreign army that governed
was was to be paid, that they would not curse fo.
,ira- • terferen Freend that family fur which it was
The ch nation had also another reason
reeled.displeased, they had been despoiled of the
be „
one couection of pietnres, and dbtwitl3standing
that had been said of the justice of this measure,
'could not approve of it. The Honourable Mem.
e then instanced the case of Austria, who had got
osession of the liberty and independence of Venice
Idle same means by which France became pos.
pied of the Corinthian horses. They were the re-
fs of the same war, and yet, though Austria boast-
lobe strict justice of having the horses restored on
ir part of France, she did not feel herself bound to
Ise back her possession of Venice.—(Hear, hear).—
the general view of these Treaties, and from the
erous precedent which they went to establish, he
W oppose the Address that sanctioned them.
or. it. WARD contended, that the conduct pur-
by our Government was perfectly consistent
•,, the wisest policy. After Bonaparte had been
down, the great object was, to erect a solid and
Government in France. The first and greatest
• of all was, a put him down but he denied that
*ge had ever been g
iven nthat Louis XVIII.
at be restored, provided it could not be done
• tly with the wishes of France and the safety
Lope. He denied, therefore, that there had been
thing like duplicity zo France in the conduct of
Allies at Vienna. It was another question,
Louis XVIII had been placed on the throne
France against the will of the French people. He
.tended, and he believed, that the majority of the
nib people, not armed and not Jacobins, winked
the return of Louis ; and when he did return, he
received with acclamations. It would have been
„fauna with common sense, and with justice,.
the Allies to say to Louis—"" Go back to Ghent,
wait there till we can ascettain whether the peo-
will elect you as their King " He had been on
Throne a short time before, had been driven
y by a Jacobin military force, and when that force
put down, he had a right to come back again.—
t the year 1793, when the question respecting the
• of interference in the concerns of France,
&cussed in that House, the opinion of Mr.
ke was, that the neighbouring countries had a
to abate the nuisance then existing in France,
~which infected the whole vicinage of natioas.—
Byte observed at the same time, that the case
Poland had nothing to do with the question, be-
. the transactions in Poland did net affect any
country, He contended then, that our Go.
had a right to interfere with and endeavour
imoy another Government. when the latter
. • in itself the seeds that must produce the
.inolution of all other Governments. Without en-
tering into the question of legitimacy, he would
met to the argument of a young Member on the
.tber sided the House, that a King was a fair object
(choice, although lie might not be popular, when
• bgidmacy nu founded on hereditary right, and
• utterable with true policy"; but it was his firm be-
. tbat if the military and jacobinical spirit were re-
-. Louis XVIII. ascended the Throne in conse-

oil thi
orq 1.11
,nti
I Fran

ing,
be I
e.

i so
4;I

C191:111
;:tanct

awe I(
lycaz
very b

n
i ai
en

r, Aar.'
iuni

ism of the free choice and wishes of the people of
ram He was ready to admit, that the people of
France did not rejoice in tht paying of contributions,
kilt believed they rejoiced in the abolition of the re-
a nooary Government. The Hon. Gentleman
aspoke last, bad talked of the danger likely to
a horn combinations of different countries against
- country, and the future consequences to our
country. To this he would say, that the cons.
non in question was one of self-defence and rte-
y; that such another combination was never
yto happen unless there should be an equal ne-
ty ; end that England would never have OCC 4-
10 dread such a combination. It wos not an at-
kon the people of France, but an eff )rt to sup-
iss a dangerous part of a vicious and restless body,'
i •binical army, which, if suffered to exist, woulkl
a let the world be quiet. As to the conduct of
Allies respecting the works of art, he fully coin.
in the sentiments contained in the Duke of Wel-
lton'i'letter ; it was necessary to read to the
en a great moral lesson ; it was necessary that
iheirld see and witness their humility. When
las in France, the people he conversed with would
believe that we had ever gained a naval victory
them ; they seculd not believe that Count de
was taken by Lord Rodney. It was necessary
they shoild see the works of are, of which they
palled other nations, taken away and restored,
Weir nghtful mire's. It had been said, that the
y provided no security for the Netherlands.'
ail the wars that had oaken place for upwards of
musty, these countries had constautly been the
tof attack with France. They could not de-
themselves, nor could Austria or Spain defendi
The reason they were so defenceless was—
of their being at so great a distance from the
of their Government ; and the best arranxement
that of placing them under a strong Govern-1
on the spot : the Netherlands,' therefore, were
to Holland, and the whole kingdom, with the
lice of allies, would always be competent to its'
defence. There was a powerful union in Ger-
which would be always ready to act in the de-
af Belgium. In whatever way he considered
hole Treaty, there was subject for congratula.,
lad for praise to the Noble Lord, for having, in
of the deliberations, contribu:ed so largely
him safety of Europe—an object for the at.,
tof which there was now a more solid pro-
tium ever had been before in any period of his-
In short, he never in his life gave a vote with
. willingness or pleasure than he did on this oc-
io support of the Address.
.ELLioTr said, in the discussion of this
he should strictly confine himself to ten or
Kilns. lie never entered on any subject with
. Pain than the present, on account of his being
to differ from many Gentlemen whom be
!WI, and with whom he had generally agreed
''r respects. The late war was in the first in-
directed against the person of Bonaparte, and
that.l object was attained the other events that
/.144 f°11"114 ,
acuul co:MC(I4OICW llits bat

lepul
911,1

• . i • .
object, after the overthrow of Bonaparte, undoubtedly
must have been the restoration of the legitimate Sore--;
reign of France. Louis XVIII. was the legitimate
successor to Louis XVII. as he was the heir of
Louis XVI. who was most unlatifullir, Unjustly, and
cruelly put to death. (Hear, hear). He was
far from being any' thing like an adtocate for what
was called the divine right of Kings; hut in looking
at the different
.orders of society, he was persuaded a
there was such thing as hereditary prescriptive Mo.,
narchy, and such a thing as hereditary prescriptive'
Nobility, not existing by divine right, but in conse•
quence of human institutions. To such authorities
obedience was dtie in virtue of a moral Obligition,
and that obedience of course became a duty. 'There
might, indeed, be eases of imperative necessity, which
would oblige a peciple to take back the Government
from those who held and abused it; but the strongest
argument existed at all times against the doctrine of
election—that doctrine which went to give to the
people of a country the power of electing a Sove-
reign according to their will and caprice. Such a
doctrine was exactly on a par with the doctrine of
divine right; one extreme was as absurd as the other.
But the imperative necessity he spoke of, by which I
a 'people might be obliged to remove their rulers,
never did exist in France. When a Revolution took '
place in our nwn country, it was directed against a
King who attempted to destroy the liberties of his
people ; but in France, the Revolution was directed
against a King who had .been eminently layout*.
We to liberty ; who, so 'far from attempting. to go-
vern in an arbitrary manner, !tad convoked the
States General of his kingdom : that Revolution,
therefore, was frunded in violence and injustice.—
He was fully convinced of this fact, that a great ma-
jority of the French people were attached to L iuis
XVIII. ; such was the disposition of the people in
the Nerds and in the West of France. The very
character of the Chamber of Deputies was a proof of
this fact. It mattered not how the Members of that
Assembly had been chosen, but such as they were,
they certainly must be considered in the light of Re-
presentatives, and it was impossible that such an
assemblage should not represent the sentiments of a
very great body of the French people. When he
looked upon the Monarch now restored to the throne
of France in this point of view—when he beheld a
revolted army disbanded—when he saw the elements
of danger which arose out of a military population,,
nearly suppressed, he could not consider the present
situation of Europe in any other light than one of
comparative security—when he saw that a great
mass of military power had been dissipated as it now
was, he thought there was great comparative security;
but at the same time he believed there was sonic
dagger, such as made great precaution neces-
sary. He never considered it a desirable ttiite.., that
any reduction should take place in the territories o;
France; there was no ground now to dread 11.1
power, and that power was not likely to be increased
by the extent of territory she now possessed. The
dangerous power displayed by France. since the Rs-
volution, arose out of toe distempered impulse of th.tt
Revolution, and the persevering Steetd:llCSS as well as
enthusiasm with which the Revolutionists putsaed
their object. But no such daogeroos impuiies had
ever arisen from the strongest ambition ul Louis Ow
Fourteenth. Under her Monarchy this d tnger was
never to be apprehended from France.- It w.ts
not necessary then to take away Alsace or Lanai:le,
or any other territory; because by so doing there
would ever exist a ground of jealousy and itri•
cation in France. B.;si.les, setting the example of
spoliation once, wouid lead to dangerous spolia-
tion: on the part of Austria and other Powers, and
no one could tell where the danger might end.—
It was, in tact, essential to the liberties of gitropit
that France should retain the integrity
of het tern.
tories. Without regard, however, to the military
force kept upon the frontiers of France, that w.a., n
line of policy which might be imperiously called for
by the existing state of France ; the measure might
be justified on the same grounds which would render
it necessary for a Civil Magistrate to have a military
force in readiness to call out in c ile he should stain!
in need of its assistance for preserving the peace.—
For this reason, he thought that the army kept on
the frontier of France was at least a necessary evil.
Although it was stipulated that tnis force should fir
paid by France, yet it would cause sortie Mere tse of
expense to us on account of the difference in exchange
between French and English money. The additional
expense would be equal to that of keeping use 6400
men, and that was an expense which the country ought
not to grudge. A great deal had been said about ex-
penses, about keeping up a large establishment, and
about the establishment during the peace of 1802; but
must not every body know that there was the widest
difference between the state of Europe of that time
and at the present; that in 18u2 Bonaparte had a pre-
do:ninating influence over die Cola:twat of Europe,
and that he was fitting out armaments iu his ports.
There was no comparison, therefore, between the
peace of that time and the present conjuncture, one
was a period of danger, the other one of comparative
security. At present we had no reason to tear the
navy of any country in the world, we were at peace
with all the world, and therefore our military esta-
blishment might be with perfect safety, and ought to
boon the lowest passible scale. The military esta-
blishment WAS certainly too great ; it would'be insa.
pity to think that we ought to be a continental power;
and in time of peace, when every thing around us was
so secure, he could not see any reason why we should
convert ourselves into a military nation. To do so
would be to cut off the vet y spring of our prosperity;
it was wholly unnecessary, and it any danger should
again arise, we could in a very short time rise op
again in all our military strength. (Hear; hear.)—
lie should now refer to another point. • There was a
fatal word Called ladesusity, which had carried us into
various extremes and difficulties ; and it would be
still attire difficolt to apply it practically to France,
nothing could be more difficult for us than to avail
ourselves olany of the resources il Frante. It would
even be intended with dangerous consequences, and
for that reason he altogether disapproved of the part
of the treaty *MO cothpelled France tO pay any con-
tribution& Upon the whole View of the question,
there appeared to him some parts of the treaty which
he disapproved of, and on that monist he should
oppose the aaldtess.
Mr. SMYTH (of Canibridgey considered the in.
demnity as a mite trifle compared to the vast expen-
d dime of the cowry, He highly censured the con-

•
Jun of Government in icept, n ip.solztge a stand-
. .
ins army, in a period of peace, when there wee no
danger,. when.no ground 'whatever existed to Call for
such .an enormous establiOaiellt. He not only oh•
jetted to the maintaining of SJ,00() men- in "'lance,
but thou ht it highly improper that
.they should, be
paid by France. A most Mischievous doctsiur
now got into fashion in ittlitation of the practices of
the Continent; it was that of making this country a
military Power, a thing wholly inconsistent with our
interests, our liberties, and our Constitution.
Mr. BANKES said, he did not think, that al-
though circumstances Might make it necessary to
ic,:cp up a large establishment on the French frontier,
it was necessary to keep up large military establish.'
meats in other places. He cosidered the latter as a
great, lavish, and unnecessary expenditure of our.
resources. With respect to the Treaty, he wholly
differed from those Gentlemen who said that it

held dot no permanent security. • He could
,hArsili
contemplate any Treaty which, altogether, gate us
such a permanent and solid sysrem of tranquillit.
He was sure no party in Fr4nce was so powerful as
that of the Royalists. The restoration of the Bout-

bons was always an object with our Government.—
This was plain from Lord Greville's famous letter
during his administration. It was not entirely the
ambition of Bonaparte we sere at war with ;we
were also at war with the restlessness of the French
armies. In -the dissolution of those arrnies, there-
torsi he- saw every fair prospect of a permanent
peace. We were also secured against the unquiet
spirit of France by the cession- of some of her
fortresses. Our present distresses were only those
common to the ter minatioti of all wars. As to a pre-
ference for the army over the navy, he was sure his
Majesty's Government dict-tot conternalate any thug
like it. The Honourable Oentleinan concluded a
long and argumentative speed, b strongly support-
ing the Address.
Mr. HO It NE R, in rising to express his opinion on
the Treaty before the House, apologitsd for offei inn;
himself at so late an hour, and on isitestinn of such
great importance, and requested its indulgence to-
wards him, as nothing but an anxiety rehir' lie tell
that his opinion might be lumv it, because though he
had no difficulty giving a negative to the Address
and nn affirmative .to the Amendment or his Noble
Friend, there were some principles in that Amend-
ment which, though they received his firm .assent,
were assented to by him in adiffercut sense Irons that
which hid been assigned to them by many of his
aaJ even his Noble Friend ( Lord Milton)
himself. Tnae was one subject which had beets
touched on by every Gsntlentan, anJ on which lie
east eothieg new to offer, in which lie j shied with
the morninsuus aad warm feeling of the House.—
Whateter opinion he entertained as to the originas
non of the war—opinions ma tounisd on the prefr-
bilay of success, nut on other grounds—whatever
opinion he enertained as to the negociationsi
by which that w.tr had terminated, he was not'
sins' to estiit in the glory of his Majesty's armies.
Teeir ga.:ant servants, t!.? defenders of the country,
had, in pet °tieing the commands of the Crown and
Peril:orient, displayed a heroism which had• no elem.'
ple in the history of the stolid ; under the conduct of
4 Cl.int in his own lige at least uneqoalled, brute ace
knowiedgmeat of our enemy, by the acknowledge
swan of Europe, our armies had established the tact,
that the infantry of England had nu Neal i• the
world. This glory was a great augmentehon of our
n ttiorsil streneth ; for it was a narrow and insufficient
ves.v 01 the effects of military glory if we looked only
es tie there momentary satistaction, add treelec:rd'
the strength thus given, and which from 114 tanner
source could be derived. The military strength thus
seqiiired, and to thy possession of which we could
not be properly said to have been entileJ before, was
to be exerted in the sacred tssk of defending oar
cootary, it it siettid he attacked, and also in interte.
,once iii the .flans et the Continent, in so far as that
Owe:elegie: WAS lICC.'SS try to our security, and in pc:).
portion as this glory was important, bbeuld we avoid
us has. trd it in imhocessary quarrels, or in the ex.:la-
:is:4oM) of titijiist ambition. He should not discuss
the diffstene (pest:oils which arose as to the transac-
tions of the Government bt tween the battle of Wa-
terloo and the neg Jciavons of which the result was
then hetore them. Some were duhions ;as to others,
the course which should have been adopted was ob-
vious, he should avoid, because they were questions
of minor iaiportance than the main q iestion, viz. Wiie•
Lim the security prsscnted to thelll was adequate to the
pill pose of preserving peace and repose in Europe; and
S.:Jly, because they were mostly mixed up with ?rend*
politics, and would lead to discussions on those ques-
tions, which howeesr they might interest France,
should be avoided by Members of a British Parlia-
ment. One objection which he had to the Treaty
before them, was, that it implied a great degree of
interierence in the affairs of France—interference net
necessary to which our attention was
fixed on her sufferings, and factions, and withdrawn
front the proper subject of our care, the defence of
our own liberties .and institutions—a subject wide
enough for that House, and sufficient to engage all
its attention. He objected also to the Treaty, that
it did not give this country the security which it had
4 right to expect. The Ministers had at last disclosed
their policy, which .they had at first thought proper
to disguise—Abe determination to.torce the Bourbon
family on the people of France—contrary to their
unequivocal declat loos, and contrary tai the faith of
the Crown pledged to the Parliament of Great, Bri-
tain, and to the nation et France. It must, in-
deed, be within the recollection of the House, that
when it was put to the Noble Lord, whether the re-
storation of tile Bourbons was • the objet of the
war, he distinctly and repeatedly disclaimed k.—
It was notorious that, upon this understanding, se..
veral Gentlemen is that House voted for the war.—
Yet it was now evident, from the Treaties upon the
Tables that the restoration of the Bourbons, and their
maintenaneeupon the throne of France, was !tally
and truly the object of the war. Why then was not
this object Openly and manually avowed at the out.
set ? With what view was it disguised ? Why, ob.
vwusly for. the purpose of obtaining votes in that
Houses and practising delusion upon England, upon
France, and upon Europe.— (Near, hear).—The effect
of this delusion and duplicity upon France was, as he
• undeittood frotu the best authority, to dispose the
well-informed and the reflecting part of France, who
belonged to no faction—who were M hostile so Bona
/'parse as they wets indifferent to Ills Bourbon:a...to.

• .
• i - i .• • , ? % 4
• • , ..•al• t,t
look to the allied armies as deliverers,as about :z
afford the trench nation en npportuoity of Cbusieg
a Government agreeable to its nwn wishei,and itirea
rests. Tae effete asee. indeed Stich as to rieutrattize a
great and respectable hrpportion of the French, sell fl,
illstead of supporting iloaihatrte, rather ende rvimyri.,l
r•:" keep down the Spirit of tne people. and to eonfist:
in the decLarations of the Allies.—(Hear, hear).--
Many Frenchmen believed those declarations, err.-
firmed as they so often were by the solemn pledges
ef the Ministers of England. But the believers were
dupes.—For hieuelf, as well as for' several of 11:i
friends, he could state that he never was duped by
these declarations, or by the pledges of the Noble
Lord, beciuse he always thought that to be the hole
object of'the war; which events had demonstrated.
But he would :irk same Gentle Men in that Heuse
who ltouglit differently, who grounded their votes
upen ar entire credit in the professions of the NoUe
Lord, how they now felt? But he would appe ti to
the whole House, to Parliament, and the county,
41414 ought to be the feeling of a proud and honest
nation, tenacious of its character for good faith, urn
cdmparing the pledges of its Government at the com-
mencement of the war with the conduc of that
Gentleman at its enisitiusion.—(lfeer, hear, hear.)—
Sorry he most sensioly was to observe, tat at tarp
the melancholy symptoms of the times in which we
lived, the bonds of good faith had lost their former
strength, and it was a most aal ctiog refl:ction, par.
tieularly through the conduct of the Government of
'this count' y —into the description of that conduct he
did net, on this occasion, chink it necessary to eet••r,
several instances in support of his observation must
be fresh in the recollection of that House. But it
was enough to refer to the case upon %ibid. he Fick
been animadterting ; for it was no* manifest; not-
withstanding the repeated pledges of the British Mi-
nister and the Allies, that the war was toidertakae,
nut with a view to remove Bonaparte, or to put down
tile military spirit of France, but to replace and main-
tain the Bourbons open the French Throne. If it
were preteedesi, a, he understood hid been some
where said, that 0 e. aondect of the French army in
itiveding the Multi:lends released the Allies from
their pledges not to force a Government urn
France, he would ask the Noble Loud and his col.
leagues whether they, who always alleged that the
French people were hostile to Bonaparte, and that he
was supported only by the army, could' consistently
maintain that the coectuct of that atmy could relea.6
the Allies from their solemn pledges to the people
sng° force any particular Government upon them ?
But yet this Qtavernmetit was imposed tipo i France,
and it appeired that with a view to in:in:ant it, ce:-
tain precautionary measures, as the Noble Lord
termed them, were adopted. Among those met-
sums a large pecuniary contribution was levied, and
this contribution the Noble Lord called, rather sin.
gelariy, a main feature of the trenqudi•zing policy
to be acted upon in rrancc. This was t zally a most
extraordinary view, perhitr,s peculiar to the mind if
the No:rle Lerd. For it was the first time he had
heard that to subject any people to a large pecuniary
contribusion was a good ...lode at prodheiog their
tranquillity. Certainly the Noble Lord cou' .. nil haire
learned diet doctrine in England, where a large Peru=
teary contribution was not very apt to produce popu-
lar treuqullity. Indeed, he rather apprehended
that sin oppose,- feeling would arise in this country,
it that contrieution were enforced by a foreign
army. Why then should the Noble Lord calcu-
Inte upon a different result in France ?—(firee)....
.But upon this point it seemed that according to the
doctrine of some Gentlemen the contribution' raised
in France, instead of taking into the pockets ea the
people, and being placed under the controul of Pat-
Ilan:eta, uas to become the property of the Privy-
Purse, to be applied, perheps, to enable the Pope to
carry home some works of art front Paris, or to erect
a statue to Henry IX. (Cardinal York.) (A laugh,
ivd Thar, hear.) It: (Mr. Horner) wished, how.
ever, toat this novel (loco ine might now be repelled
as inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of this
c 'Lwy. But as a farther ptecaution.try measure to
keep the Bourbons upon the throne, it appeared Olaf
15ii,000 men, compoi;ed of different nations, were
placed in France.. So it was calcul uted that the pre.
settee of th.s foreign lot ce, under the command of a
General who was the Native of a country always the
rival of France, was likely, by &gees, to reconcile
the French people to the • Government which that
((Ave had imposed upon them. But what Could
he the character of the minds which entertained
such a calculation ? (Loud eels* of Hear, hear.)—
Would not every rational being rather conclude that
the presence of such a force must serve to form a
perpetual fester in the breast of France—(afear, hear,
hear)—instead of contributing to the tranquillity and
contentment of that country ? But according to the
exotesa opinion of some Gentlemen; that whin was
most galling and offensive to the French, formed an
argument to justify the expectation of order and re-
r pose. Those only, howeier, who entertained such a
singular notion could, he believed, alone concur in
the views of the Allies in placing an armed force in
France. • And what estimate must those Gentlemen
have formed of the character of the French people—
distinguished as that people always were for national
pride and military spirit, how, he world ask, was
that proceeding likely to operate upon them, which
was calculated to rouse the most stagnant sluggish
nation upon earth ? Hog; were the French people t,
feel towards a Sovereign twice forced upon them by
an army of foreign bayonets? For when that' army
was on the first instance withdrawn, that Sovereign
was soon compelled to quit the country; and he
would put it to the candour of any Man, if the
French people were friendly to that Sovereign, wily
should it be neceissiry to maintain him on the throne
by the assistance of a foreign army ? The dilemnui
was obvious—either the French were friendly to the
King, or they were not. If the foriner, the foreign
army was unnecessary to the maiatainance of the
Ring; but if unfriendly, the presence of this army
was calculated to augment their dislille.—(Hear.)--.
For what could be more galling to a Frenchman Clan
to suppose his Ling guilty of that which was the
greatest treason any Sovereign could commit,
namely, that of inviting the assistance of a foreign
three: While the French were our active *names
In war, we must rejoice in their defeat; but now
that they were completely fallen, must not nay
considerate man feel for a. people sd circumstanced ?
,Was there, besides, no danger to be apprehended
from the result of a national movement agaiust the

_
ealmbernaset anff retitle* of France 1 What, gem:
walld be the amsegilliees ? • k would, perhaps,. be
said, that no danger whatever was's° he apprehended
/min the ambition of any of the Allies—that none of
them were capable of meditating any wrong. Bat
the Noble Lord had written much against the plans
of aggnmdimment entertained by Prussia. His letter
to Count Haldenberg on this subject was in the re.
collection of the House, as was the Treaty which he
concluded in January, 11816, with France, and Aus-
tria, to guard against the danger of those plans; and
here be must observe is passing, that while the No.
ble Lord (Castlereagh) declaimed against the views
of-Pressia, be was quite in a rage, if any obietration
whatever against an "of our foreign allies happened
fir proceed from his (Mr. Hornet's) side of the House.
But to return to France—if that country should be
dismembered—if it 'should cease to be a substantial.
Power in Europe, by the division of its territory
among the despots of the North, what then would be
the state of this country In such an event what
must be the amount of our establishments, both naval
and military, in order to guard against the dangers
naturally to be apprehended from the occupation of
France, by those formidable Powers ? Now as to
another point.—li was stated by the Noble'Lord, that
he was pressed by several reflecting persons in Franca
to secure the guarantee of the Allies to the mainte-
nance of the Constitutional Charter. But this the Noble
Lad refused to accede to, while an unreserved guaran-
tee was granted to maintain the King upon the throne.
No stipulation was_made to support the Constitution,
which, by the by, had since been repeatedly violated.
While every arrangemeat was made that appeared
aide* Allies necessary to provide for the maintenance
bf the King, nothing was done to preserve the privi-
leges of the people.—(Hear, hear).—The Allies, in
their eagerness to support the former, overlooked the
policy of conciliating the latter, although that eon.
eili,tion would have been the best policy. But such
.policy was not within the consideration of despots.—
(Hear, hear, hear).--The Honourable Gentleman
said, he felt it necessary to make a few remarks
upon the assertion, that the Whigs of the present
day forgot or departed from the doctrines of those
'whom the Noble Lord called their progenitors.—
But this assertion was grossly erroneous, as would
appear upon a review of the Address moved by Mr.
Fox in 1793. Fur in this address that great man did
not propose to protest against our interference in the
affairs of any foreign State as a general principle,
but against such interference under esisting circuits-
StALCCS. The effort, therefore, to fix any impute.
tion upon those whom the Noble Lord denominated
the modcrn Whigs, by contrasting their conduct with
that of the Old Whigs, was totally ineffestoaL The
Noble Lord's cry of victory was quite groundless,
was indeed clumsy. Bat it was strange that the
Noble Lord should quote precedents (rum those whom
he never before affected to admire. It happened,
however, that in all the Noble Lord's reference to
the conduct of the Whigs, he betrayed a total want
of bigot ical accuracy. This want was indeed para.
eularly evident in the Noble Lord's reference to the
quadruple and triple aliment, for neither furnished,
any precedent in favour of the Noble Lord's course.
On the contrary, i‘ was notorious, that in the former
the Whigs obtained a guarantee from the Allies-thet
they sboui.i not iiiterfele wan the sight of this coun-
try to choose ai ow,. o:f:eminent, which choice was
made decidedly against the doctrine of legitimacy
sal the divine right of Kings.—(gar, hear.)—
For this country, on that occasion, dismissed King
James with his hereditary rights, and selected William
with a view to establish a Government congenial to
the Constitution and assent of the people. Then.
again, as to the triple alliance, the object of that con-
federacy formed by the Whigs, was to withstand the
principle of legitimacy by preventing the House of
laArbon trom becoming possessed of the Throne of
fipiti. How, then, could either of those alliances be
said to ; urnish any precedent in favour of the conduct
of the Noble Lou ,1 and the Allies, in forcing a Go-
vernment upon France according to the doctrine of
legitimacy ? But there was a precedent on the oc-
casion of the Triple Alliance, which the Noble Lord
might have quoted in support of his views. For
Louis XIV. at that time sought to force a Govern-
ment upon Spain, according to the principle of legi.
Wrigley ; and the Noble Lord, in overlooking this
circumstance, :hewed that he was quite as ill versed
in T, ry as in Whig precedents. (4100, and Near,
hear.) The Noble Lord should, therefore, before he
Ventured to quote again, study history with more at.
tenthn. (Laughter.) But with respect to the prin-
ciple of legitimacy, he (Mr. Horner) fully concurred
in what the House bad heard so eloquently urged in
an early stage of the debate by an 'Hon. Member
(Mr. Law) upon that subject, namely, that heredi-
tary right Was not essential to the maintenance of
Monarchy.—lt was, in fact, but subsidiary to that
object, as our own history demonstrated..—For
the maintenance of this principle was subordioate
to the preservation of the Constitution ind laws of
any country, and meant not that the direct lineal de-
scendant should be preferred, but that some such
member of the family of the Monarch should be se-
lected as might be best disposed and calculated to
maintain the laws and liberties of the country. This
Was the true and sound doctrine sanctioned by the
wise example of Eogland. But the sole object of
the late war and of the Treaties whjeb 'followed it
manifestly was, to place a Monarch upon she Throne
of France, without any regard to the laws, the liber-
ties, or the wishes of the people. The'restoration of
that Monarch was, no doubt, thought a most desira-
ble object with a view to le-establish the peace of
Europe by some great statesmen, boils in that and
the other House of Parliament, who maintained
that this object ought. to hive been avowed at the
Outset as the great end of ebb war —(lher.) But
this object was disguised by the Noble Lord from
the consideration or the Hanle, although it was
now evident that it was really the chief end of the war.
The Noble Lord, no doubt, also wished to put down
all ti.e principles of the Revolution, which he might
conceive a 'very desirable end, and it was consistent
with his views, that every thing that could .be ac-
Complished should be done for Sovereigns, and no.
twos for the people. That such was the intention
was pretty evident front vitae bad taken place within

the last two yearn 'gait Seatesitlas. hid AS
Obit:Ned, thit of tesolatiONl restoration- witsibe
greatest, and that of all ineo,aten an atbkrary Me•
earth was the most dangeromi This, Indeed, was
fully evinced in what had taken place- in Wurtene•
burgh, in Prussia, and in certain States upon the
Rhine, where nothing whatever of tight was restored
to the people, while the authority of Sovereigns,
whether crowned since' or before- the .Revoltation,
was established and confirmed. The total disregard,
indeed, of popular rights was . manifested in various
parts of the recent arrangements, but it was sufficient
to refer to the instances of Venice and Genoa. But
the most odious part of the late arrangements, which
appeared from a Treaty on the sable, was the league
of arbitrary Sovereigns to oseecannually, for the pur-
pose of considering their interests, for what rational
man could doubt what such Sovereigns would in the
long-run consider their interests.—(Hear, hear, dear.)
How they would decide upon every indication of po-
pular feeling, or upon any movement in favour of
popular principles. The Noble Lord even, who was
tie advocate of every act of those Sovereigns—who
was ready to take up the gauntlet in that House for
eierynne of them, could .not be much at a loss to
decide upon their probable views, if he would only
tare- he trouble of looking with but common atten-
tion to history. Let him look, for instance, to the
conduct of Austria towards Hungary and the Low
Countries ; but let him look at the conduct of three
of those Soveveigns.with respect to Poland.—(Near,
hear).—Hence it might, be concluded how these So.
vereigns were likely so decide for their own interests,
and against the privileges tithe people. But it ap.
peered from the Noble Lord's own statement how
those Sovereigns felt ekb regard to popular privi-
leges, from the jealousy which they expressed re-
specting the freedom of debate in that House. He
should like to know whether these Sovereigns ex-
pressed that jealousy in the Noble Lord's presence,
and whether they obtained his acquiescence ?—(4
loath, mu I hear, hear).—lt would indeed be surprising
if the Noble Lord, who had himself acquired so much
distinction as a Parliamentary orator, especially in,
tavour of popular privileges, and who was said to have
made such long speeches to these Sovereigns them-
selves, no doubt in the same strain, could silently
listen to such an expression of jealousy with regard to
tt..? freedom of the British Parliament--(Hears 'seer).
et the Noble Lord had observed, that these subi.
trary Monarchs were truly indisposed to follow up
some arrangements which they had in contemplation
for the establishment of popular privileges, in conse-
quence of some speeches in that House. What a
compliment did the Noble Lord thus record in fa-
vour of the virtue and firmness of these Sovereigns—
So they were dissuaded from doing that which they
themselves thought proper, in consequence of Parlia. .
mentary speeches in England ! They declined to do
right, because some of them might have been cen-
sored for doing wrong—because, for instance, such
an able Senator as the late Mr. Whitbread—because
that great man, who had perhaps more of the good
man in bls composition than any great man that ever
existed, felt it his dpty to expose and reprobate some
a:t of oppression, or anjustice.--(Loud chary.)—He
(Mr. Horner) trusted, however, that such a feeling
of duty would ever be found to prevail in that
House. But seriously, could it be believed, that the
Sovereigns alluded to could have been prevented from
making arrangements in favour of popular liberty, by
any thing that happened to fall from an obscure mi-
nority in that House, seconded as their disposition
mast have been by the Noble Lord himself, at the
head of his immense majorities. (4 laugh, and hear )
He (Mr. Homer), however, notwithstanding the
Noble Lord's assurance, could not derive any encoa.
ragement either from general history, or from a
knowledge of the particular character of those Stn.!.
reigns, to calculate upon the inclination of arbitra, y
Monarchs to do any thing for the cause of popu:•ir
liberty. But even the recent conduct of those Mo-
narchs peculiarly discooraged the calculation; for
their utmost desire appeared to be to repress every
approach to liberty and general reformation. But
their object was unattainable, notwithstanding all
the expedients they adopted, and all the securities
they sought to establish. What was the nature of
the evils against which those securities were re-
quired t It should never be forgotten, that the pro-
gress of the French Revolution had worked many
changes, in which Europe must acquiesce. Any
attempt to force things back into their original
condition, would be attended with the most dims.
trous consequences. It seemed, however, to be the
very basis of those securities, that every thing which
could he undone of what the Revolution had done,
was to be attempted. But the task would be found
impossible. There had been a change of property
in that country, and a change in the whole habits
and sentiments of the people, which could not be
eradicated. With respect to the real securities which
ought to be required, and the only securities that
could either preserve the liberties of Europe, or the
permagency of peace.' were, first, to maintain the
present integrity of France as a territorial and 'sub-
stantive Member of the European Confederacy;
coed, the establishment of a Government possessing
the confidence of the people. And such a Government,
in his opinion, was the only lawful Government.—
There was no chance for any long continuance of
tranquillity, hut by adopting consolatory and healing
measures') but while the army of _occupation con-
tinued in the country, it would be impossible to dis-'
cover what were the wishes or the feelings of
the nation, end whether the Government possessed)
its confidence. The Chamber of Deputies, he eon-'
tinned, were no adequate representation .of the peo-
ple, from the manner in which they were elected.—
_ With regard td the domestic establishments which
might be considered as resulting from the general
arrangements contained in the Treaties, then under
discussion, he should abstain from entering upon
any consideration of them at that moment, as other
and more fit opportunities for so doing would occur.
The Honourable and Learned Gentleman then sat
down,' amid the loud and repeated chters of the
House.

Mr. C. GRANT considered that there could not
have been a treaty concluded,that was better calcu-
lated to inspre tranquillity to the world, and to eta-.
bhsb, on a firm foundation, the liberties of mankind..
Some Gentlemen had been inclined to talc favour-
arlly of the French, Revolution, of which he could
never hold a' goid opinion. He believed that the
•rebellicus spirit which bid bees roused by that Revo-

LONDON.

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY VI, 1816.
PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT 'IWELVE O'CLOCK:

Reduced 614 I—Cons. ma 61ii—for ace. 6i if
4 pet Cent. 771,4-5 per Cent. 90f—Sonde 71. as. pr.
Omani pr.—Do. pay. 181--E.sch.l3dls par, 4s. pr.

Last night the .Paris Papers of four days in suc-
cession, being all that were due, reached us. The
length and importance of our Parliamentary Debates
prevent us from giving their contents at length. In
the Chamber of Deputies on the 13th, a M. ROY
was called to order for what we fear was but a too
correct representation of the state of the public mind
in France : " The national character," said this de-
spondent patriot, " is altered—the Royal Authority,
our sole resource, is weakened, and almost destroyed!
There is no more common good, no more public
spirit, no love of country, or love of the general
weal lI" Here the orator was stopped. Arrests
continue to take place' in various parts of France.
Ti e plague in the vicinity of Naples has been stayed
in its progress.

Brussels Papers to the 18th have been received.
They state the arrival in that city of a great number
of the French Regicides, few of whom are of any
particular note. MERLIN set off on the 11th for the
United States. Soma. who had been at Mon:., pnsed
through Brussels onthe, ltth, oa his journey to Ham.
►urgh. His fortune is estimated at 12,000,000, and
that of MAMMA at 15.000,000.

. _,T,

A Flanders Mail arrived this day. Some of the
German Papers received by this conveyance announce
the military occupation by the Austrians of the
country of Salzburg, except the Cityk which is stated
to be in a state of siege i—tbiinewi, however, needs
confirmation. It is feared that the disputes which
have arisen between Austria and Bavaria may inde-
finitely retard the opinions of the Diet of the German
Confederation at frankfort.
The intelligence from• the Netherlands relates

trendy tn the It at-Ch oi troops, 'l4 eometineitt
military occupitone kte.v.l by the let 1,414
• BERLIN, FEEPtAIitY to •
His Majesty the King of P, n„;,, ha, t
upon his Excellency Filed Mar:11110e pit::
of the First Cliss, on the pits,... II
lmgtan, the Order of the 'Lack Et.i, : ttut 1
Red Ealtle,
General Liodenau ; and the Red E,04711
coed Class, oa General Bran Nlufflii 'ili
• VIENNA, FERRU AR v 3
The „lie conni-il ..1 Wm. 1., .1 sill
of srveral corps ut troops which ha latel oftit:
in motion. Yesterday the army nal:lnm_,
"ed to be broken up. gaol

His Serene Highness tt-r. Pri:vt.e of
arrived yesterday at Dover, troth c.i4i
the King George packet, Captain
ness travelled perfectly incvnito, Accomp(Ai imp
single servant, and set off for Lund '
on his landing.
Hurray Al/DINGTnN, Esq Secretary or
the Swiss Canton', lift town on Saturday
his return to that country.
Mr. WARD well soon depart for L.
GRANIOUS, C. praius Wltst. Mr. WAllbit
Minister to the Prince of the Bitazu,s,ie
Cower or CHANCRllf—YeStrday
Seal after Taros th. LuND .r:teual,7
Littcohes-lon-liall try ten o'clock, to a/7
dance at the B. Mr. Houtovn was'
&I:SMAURI. RDA:ILLY, Mr. APISH', and A 1
tohave the oaths ..!ministered as Serjeaatit
preparatory to he:ng sworn in one or the
th.? King's Brich t !laving tendered tie •
cokens of affection to their Mat.tartzt,
his L .echglip's priv ate room.
At the Old Batley, yesterday, u'iSas •
Cushy Beau, was ci.nvieted of stealing a ~,
raining Bank-notes, it. on the Windsor mad,
who was indicted w ih him as an ace anplice,
had been admittLa to bail, was called um 1,1
cognizance, but did not appear.
ATTNAIPTED AR...sAINIATIoN or Min It
This young Lady rias been coafiaed, two
ilisposith.n, since the au ick upon her on
night. Some .it the see acthaily passed IL,
the skirts of Mr Kutetre's coat. Thema 80.
young man who fired tie pistol, has, since is
finement in Br-Klee:ell, been s„,
posed. He has seen his rel itious and hinds,
number of persons Dan been to see him WIC
city. Yesterday being the time appointed
cond examination by Mr. l3titxiE, Balv•streft
was extremely crowded. A ong the comply
Lord Montforil, Mr. Ca v. tnorne, M. P. seised
dies, Mr. Dibdin, Mr. It Mr. Arnold, lad
the whole of the Theatrical Corps of Druryd,a,
Covent Garden Theatres. Alp.rit three teelsa
nett was placed at the bar. Hs le aura areraa
prepossessing. The evidence produced on Sur
night was again gone through. I:, addition ini
Mr. George Rurauer, of the 13.)x•office of Ortupa
Theatre, stated, that he had exanun.d the Tote
after the close of the Farce on SAR:dily nigitek
the scenes were put up again w!.ica were arsi
when the pistol was discharged, :Lod f,hod nola
them ; hut whether they w..re occasion-d blip
passing through them or not, he cLuil ny,
canvas would have that appearance sAa..tialeb
though scenes were painted on it.
found fiat shots had pierced the stlge lair v.t
King's side of the Theatre, being the sik
stage on which Miss K. liy and M. iilightirete
ing at the tjme the pistol was eged.
found several shall on the stage :IA iii the ode
Some of the shots had entered me back pat t
orchestra.

1116

TI
IS 1

fistt
ow -

littg

Mr. Taylor, a merchant of Thames gm,
duced st plan of the Pit of the Theatre, sloe;
situation where the prisoner sat in the Pi, vie
considered to be on the tenth raw, and mei,
in which he sat before the prisoner, r: hick teas
left, ot about the diitance that two or three
would occupy. At the' tinie he heard the no
the pistol, the wadding passesi and struck hs
cheek, and the force was so great, thaw the
ing morning his cheek was black. He if.
picked up two shots in the orchestra.
Baker, the constable, who aisprehthded the
'
ner, produced a turnscrew of a p,stol, which be
upon him, in addition- to the shots and g
previously found.
The evidence being gone through, Mr.
asked the prisoner what be had to say fir
he replied, it was not true that the shots had
through the scenes.
Mr. hie vt la.--66 That is not material, but yes most
the contrary. What have you got to say to Snag the
Palsoma4." /did not swan any harm "
Mr. 11111.111 t." Don't you think It bans to takes
pistol to a public theatre and discharge It there!"
Pa ISON only parent to Warns and Mews.*
Mr. BIRNIZ.." What do you 'New !,y only t•
' alarm when the pistol was loaded with shots ?"--1 rm.*
inner made no reply.
All the witnesses who saw the pistol
spoke to its being in the direction where Mit
was standing.
Mr. Stafford, the chief clerk, hiving read ont
the evidence that was taken !n writing, he a
to bind over -Mr. Ward, the Secretary to de
mittee for managing the affairs 01 Drury-lAA
are, to prosecute the prisoner at the airtt
charging him with unlawfully song 114
intent feloniously to kill and siaktrda, 1.12110
Kelly. The witnesses were hound over
evidence.
The last letter sent to Miss Kelly by Bust
ion Friday. 'The first letter bore strong Dub'
nacy : it was a'chillenge to Okth : he 620
seen her fire a musket on am stage, ani,
the could not plead inability to fits apistol.
Come-Excleascis, Fes. 210... There wWerto/_
arrivals ot any qrain this Mt rning, and
mained from 'Monday's supply, e;Prielge°
heavy sale, but titers:is no variation in Wr '
any article.
STATEMENT OF THE ODDS ON THE DFile
OAKS STAKES, me. —FEBRUARY 01.
; Dcaar.—a to 1 apt c. by %Vakon, out th P.:!01 rrag:.
Taken:. 10 to 1 set John of Paris (hte Dt,:k
' t apt Orontes, brother to Zadora; 10 at 41111F1=.„
. tiler to Squib; 10 to 1 apt e. by Weill:, dam by wr"-ri
.OAXIII.II to' 2 offered on the
I 4 betted p. p. on -Sir Joshua *grit Rho ales

:-Go'
rein!

LONDON : Pnuted by Laval. Kiwi easbeit
published there, audit the Sat C 1154, Twit

-• • .
Dm/ ylidds die'. • were* SO ;grievously*:
preload. Tint great politer, of the Allies would, no
eleebt, defeat such a movement I and could any man
court that the effect of such defeat would be the, dis-