Star.
London, England, 1820-08-14 00:00:00

w:t:lont ary cOmplaint haring been cominzoicated
to her: let the world judge of the employment of
Ambasiadors in such a business, and orthe
of foreign Courts in the enterprise:: but on the misq
sures which have been adopted to give final effect to'
these preliminary proceedings, it is for me to speak;
it is for me to remonstrate with your Majesty ; it is'
for me to protest ; it is for me to apprize you of
determination.

I have always demanded afair trial. This is what
I now demand, and this is refused me. Instead of a:',
fair trial, I am to be subjected to a sentencelq the.l
Parliament, passed in the shape of a law. Against
this I protest, and upon the following grounds :
The injustice of refusing me a clear and distinct
charge, of refusing me the names of the witnesses, of
refusing me the names of the places where the alleged
acts have been committed ; these are sufficiently fla-
grant and revolting ; but it is against the constitution
of the Court ittqf that I particularly object, and that
I most solemnly protest.
Whatever may be the precedents as to Bills of
Pains and Penalties, none of them, except those re-
lating to the Queen of Henry the Eighth, can apply
here ; for here your Majesty is the plaintiff. Here it is
intended by the Bill to do you what you deem good,
and to do me great harm. You are, therefore, a party,
and the only complaining party.
You have made your complaint to the House of
Lords. You have conveyed to this House written
Cocuments sealed up. A Secret committee of the
House have examined these documents. They have
repotted that there are grounds of proceeding ; and
then the House, merely upon that Report, have
b:cught forward a Bill containing the most outrage-
ous slanders on me, and sentencing me to divorce
a Id degradation.
_ . . .

The injustice of putting forth this Bill to the world
fcr six weeks before it is even proposed to afford me
an opportunity of contradicting its allegations is too
manifest not to have shocked the-Nation ; and, in-
cited, the proceedings even thus far are such as to
c3nyince every one that no justice is intended me.
list .if no :e of these proceedings, if none of these
clear indications of a determination to do me wrorg
had taken place, I should see, in the constitution of
the House of Lords itself, a certainty that I could
expect no justice at its hands.

Your Majesty's Ministers have advised this prose•
.cution ; they are responsible for the advice they give;
they are liable to punishment if they fail to make good
their charges; and not only are they part of my judges,
but it is they who have brought in the Bill; and it is
notorious that they have always a majority in the
House ; so that, without any other, here is ample
psoiii that the House will decide in fnvour of the Lill,
Ord, of course, against me. • ,
But fusiher, there are 'reasons for your Ministers
having a majority in this case, and which reasons do
not apply to common cases. Your. Majesty is Me
plaintyl: to you it belongs to appoint and to elevate
-Peers. I4any of the present Peers have been raised
to thst dignity by yourself, and almost the whole
can be, a: your will and pleasure, further elevated.
ihe far greater 'art of the Peers hold, by them-
stives and their families, offices, pensions, and other
emoluments, solely at tbe will and pleasure of your
raajesty,.-and-these, of course, your Majesty can take
away whenever you please. • There are mote than
four-fifths of the Peers in this situation, and there are
many of them who might thus be deprived of the far
better part of their incomes.

If, contrary to all expectation, theft should be
found, in some Peers, likely to amount to a majority,
a disposition to reject the Bill, some of these Peers
may be ordered away to their ships, regiments, Go-
vernments, and other duties; and, which is an equally
alarming power, new Peers may be created, for the
plrpose, and give their vote in the decision. That
) our Majesty's Ministers would advise these measures,
if found necessary to render their prosecution success-
4, there can be very little doubt, seeing that they
have hitherto stopped at nothing, however unjust or
ol:ou:. To regard such a body as a Court ((Justice,
would be to calumniate that sacred name; and for
-t.e to suppress an expression of my opinion 'on the
s .'-ject, would be tacitly to lend myself to my own
L,truction, as well as to an imposition upon the
audtlte world.

In the Hours of Commons I can 'discover no better
g::::rds of security. The power of your Majesty's
lki'.aisters is -the same in-both Houses; and your Ma-
je:ty is well acquainted with the fact, that a majo-
rity of this House
_is composed of persons placed in
it uy the Peer:, and by your Majesty's Ti easutY._ ,
,It. really gives me pain to state these things to
your•Maje_sty ; and, if- it give .your Majesty pain,. I.
beg that it may be observed:aid remembered, that'
the statement has boort forced from me. I must-
e;ther protest against this nrodootteial,or, by taciUr
consenting to it. suffer my honour :gibe sacrified.
o innocence eau- secure the accused if the•Jpdges-
aad Jurors be chosen by the: accuser ; and. if I were.
tt.-.ltly to submit to a tribunal of this description, I
be instrumental in my own dishonour.
Oa these grounds I protest against this species of
trial.. I demand, a trial in a Court where the Jurors
a:e taken impartiAlly-from amongst the people, and
v *ace the proceedings are open. and fair. Such a
1...1;,.1 I court, and to uo other will I wanly submit.
lota Majesty.persgvere iu the present proceeding,
1 shall, ,even iu %Ise Houses of-Parliament, Cutup,
;:but I shall recgaid• any decision they may

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