Star.
London, England, 1826-12-13 00:00:00

WAR WITH SPAIN.

Mr. Secretary CANN ING moved, that the Order of the Day,
fer the House taking Into consideration the Message of his Majesty
to the Commons be 11311/ read.

The Order of the Day being accordingly.read.
Mr. CANNING rose, and in the most clear tone and
emphatic manner, spoke as follows :—Mr. Speaker, in
proposing to the House to acknowledge his Majesty's
most gracious Message, and to reply to it in terms which
will be an echo of the sentiments, and a fulfilment of
the anticipations of his Majesty, I feel, that however
confident I may be in the justice, and however clear as
to the policy, of the measure which the Message em-
braces, it becomes a British Minister, in recommending
to the House any step which approximates even to the
hazards of war, to use the language of regret. I assure
the House, that there is not within these walls any let
of men more convinced than Ministers, nor any indisi•
dad more intimately persuaded than he who has now
the honour of addressing you, of the vital importance
of the consequences of this policy to this country, and
to the world (hear.) So strongly do I feel impressed
with this opinion (and even berme I sit down I may have
occasion to explain the difficulties), that there is no ques-
tion of denial—there is no question of present advant-
age—there is no question of an anticipation of remote
good, which I would not pass over, compromise, or ad-
journ, rather than call upon the House, at this moment,
to enter into a war. (hear.) Sir, I feel, and it has been
felt, in the best times of EitAl.sh history, by the best
statesmen of this country, and by the Parliaments by
which those"statesmen have been supported, that there
are only two causes . which cannot, under any cir-
cumstances, be compromised or adjourned. I mean,
Sir, the causes of national faith and national ho-
nour (hear.) Sir, it I did not consider the present
question as falling wiihin both these causes, I should
not address you, as I do tO-day, with a confidence that
the communication made to Parliament, in his Majes-
ty's Message, will • be met by the House with such a
mind, as his Majesty confidently anticipates In order
to bring the case under the cognizance of Parliament
in the shortest and clearest form, I must permit myself
to inquire into some of the collateral considerations
with .. which it is-necessarily accompanied. I beg leave to
state shortly, that it is a case, as it were, of law k of fact,
a case of national law, and of notorious fact on the other
Land ; and which, when brought under the considera-
tion of a British Ministry and -Parliament, it is impos-
sible to consider in any light but one—and quite as
impossible for Parliament as for Government to come
to any other than that: one decision. Sir, amongst the
alliances' by which, at different periods of history, this
country has been connected with the other nations of
Europe, there is none either so old in faith, or so con-
scant in duration, or so precise in obligations, or so
intimately interwoven with the whole history, aad with
the most brilliant periods of the history of this country,
as the alliance between Great Britain sod the Crown of
Portugal.lt dates back to distant centuries; it has survived
every great conflict. It is older than the epoch to which
I am about to advert, but it received its greatest vigour
when the present Royal Family of Portugal was seated
on its throne. The House of Brakanza was placed at
the bead of an independent IsConarchy, at the instance,
and by the friendship, of Great Britain. The con.
nezion between the two kingdoms has been continued,
renewed, and maintained, under every difficulty ; it has
been adhered to in periods when the faith of other alli•
agues has been shaken; it has been vindicated in those
fields of blood and glory which remain among the most
brilliant pages of the history of England. Sit, in that
alliance we-have always been scrupulously faithful. It
may sometimes have been burthensome to England,
and there may even new be those who wish to shake it
off ; but a feeling growing out of national faith, *feeling
of common interest, a sympathy between the two coun-
tries, must, upon consideration, convince every body of
the comparative advantages and obligations of this alli-
ance. It is not wholly,bowever,at distant periods, it is not
altogether amongst ages long gone by, that traces of this
union are to be found. In the latest compact of modern
Europe, that which now forms the patent law of the
nations of the world —I mean the Convention of Vienna
—this country, with hi eyes open to all the inconve,
silences of the connection, but with its memory full of

all kr benefits, and with all therieeliege belonging to
them, renewed solemnly the previously existing obli-
gations. This it did in terms so strong, that these is
no possibility of ♦iolating them, without the•most dis-
graceful breach of national honour. The question being
one of public faith, I-take the liberty of referring to this
treaty before I call upon the House for its vote.—
(Here the Right-Thin. Gentliana referred to the treaty
of Vienna). By the third article of the Treaty of Vienna,
dated 22d of January, 1815, the Treaty of Alliance
between Great Britain and Portugal, negociated at Rio
de Janeiro, on the 19th of February, 1812, is thus al-
luded to:

" The treaty of alliance concluded at Ain de Janeiro, on the
19th February, 1810, being founded on drcunutances-olutinpo-
rary nature, which have happily cased to east, the said treaty is
hereby declared to be void in all its parts, and of no effect ; without
prejedice, however, to the ancient treaties of alliance, ftiendahip
and guarantee, which have so long and so happily subsisted between
the two crowns, and which are hereby renewed by the high con-
tracting parties, and acknowledged to be of full force and effect."

In order that the House may appreciate accurately
the effects of this obligation, they will permit me, per-
haps to explain the full force of the circumstances under
which this treaty was contracted. In the year 1807,
when, upon the declaration of Buonapar te, that the
House of Braganca 4' ceased to reign." the Royal
Family of Portugal was induced, by the advice, and
upon the advances of this country, to sail for the Bra-
zils; in the act of embarking, a Secret Convention was
signed by Portugal and Great Britain, stipulating, that
in case of the King and Royal Family removing its re-
sidence to the Brazils, this country would never suffer
Portugal to remain under any other dynasty than that of .
the House of Bragansa. It was this Secret Convention
that brought about the emigration, and greatly contri-
buted to decide that step by which the Royal Family of
Portugal was removed from the Power of France. The
King of Portugal having become established upon his
throne,the Article ceased to be a secret, and was made a
part of the law of nat'ons by the treaty of 1810, and from
that time up to the treaty of Vienna. It was clearly un-
derstood throughout Europe that we had determined not
to acknowledge any Sovereign in Portugal, except a
member of the House of Braganca. But that determina-
tion arose solely from the supposition that that Sove-
reign would be compelled to a forced residence in Brazil.
Beyond this it was not binding upon us, as it was felt
that the moment the ground of the obligation ceased,.
there was an end to the treaty. I shall next advert to
the treaty of 1810, which I have already read to the
House, and in which u e renewed those pledges of confi-
dence, alliance, friendship, and guarantee, which had
so lung and so happily existed between the two Crowns.
This treaty was ratified and recognized by the High
Contracting Parties, and was acknowledged to be in full
force and effect between this country and Portugal. But
even if those treaties did not exist ; if by any sudden
convulsion of nature, they had been consigned to eter-
nal oblivion, still I say that Great Britain would be, in
a moral point of view, as much bound. Xs she now is to
extend her protection and support to Portugal. (cries of
hear, hear.) The case, howevet, is not so—the treaties
de exist ; nay, mote ; their exigence has been known to
Spain, to Europe, to all the civilized world. (hear.) So
notorious, indeed, was and is the existence of these trea-
ties, that I shall only advert to one or two of them.—
IL shall first take the treaty of 1661, upon the cenclu-
siois of the marriage between Charles the Second and
the Infanta of Portugal. In that treaty, after making
over Bombay and Tarijier, and some other places, some
of. which are given up, and others of which remain to
us, .was.declaredi a That the King of Great Britain,
with the advice and consent of his Privy Council, took
the interest and welfare of Portugal and her dominions
greatly to heart, and that he pledged himself to protect
and defend her and her possessions with all his power,
both by sea and land, even as though she were part of
England itself (hear) And it was by that treaty
further promised, that his Majesty should send over two
regiments of horse, of 500 each, and two regiments of
foot, of 1,000 each, at the proper cost and charge of this
country. Now, Sir, this was entering into the details,
but I consider it so conclusive, that I scarcely consider
it necessary to go any further. There is, however, one
other treaty, to which I beg leave to call the attention
of the HouSe—l mean the treaty of 1703. By the
treaty of 1708, which a contemporaneous writer de-.
_ _

• - .
scribed as the famous Methuen Treaty], and which was
still held binding. it was • stipulated between this
Country, Portugal, and the States General of Hol-
land (in a defensive article), that if ever it *should hap-
pen that the King of Sinus or the King of France, or
both, should go to war with Portugal, or give reason
that they,,or either of them, meant to disturb her or
her possessions beyond the. seas. in such case his Ma-
jesty and the States General should exert their good
offices to prevent hostilities (hear, hear); and these good,
offices failing, then England and Holland should go to
war with France or Spain. or both; and in such case,
Holland was to supply 12,000 men, and to support
them at her own charge. I am ready to admit, Sir,
that either of these treaties might be, by time and cir-
cumstances, supposed to have relaxed in their force; or
it might be asked, why one party having. withdrawn
itself from the responsibility, say Holland for instance,
the other should be still considered as bound to adhere
to it ? Sat without going into anythiog like,pleading
upon the subject, I shall say that the objections, if any
existed, to this treaty, ought to have been raised at the
treaty of Vienna. There we, with our eyes open, and
in the face of all the world, acknowledged that we felt
bound by these treaties, and stated that we acknow-
ledged them to be in full force and effect. ' It is not,
therefore, so much to those treaties as to what took
place at Vienna, that we now find ourselves briund to
Portugal, and that she has a right to look up to us as
her ancient ally and friend. This is the great moral
and political obligation which I do not feel ashamed to
say we are bound by, and which gives Portugal, in her
apprehension of the coming storm, a right to call upon
us—(Hear). 1 feel it right to state, that no hesitation
on the part of his Majesty's Government has been mani-
fested in answering the call of Portugal. We only
waited, as we were bound to do, in order to ascertain
whether a casus liederis bad arisen, before we took any
decided step—(Hecq In entering into this explana-
tion I have incidentally answered an objection which I
somewhere heard urged, as if any extraordinary delay
had taken place on the part of his Majesty's Govern-
afent. It was only oo the Sd of December that I re-
ceived from the Portuguese Ambassador an application
for assistance. To this application my answer was, that
although rumours had reached Government. through
France and'other pat is of the Continent, yet that we were
not in.possession of that precis information upon which
we could rely, or found any communication to Pgrlia,
meat. It was only on Friday that information reached us
in an authentic form; on Saturday Ministers came to a
decision upon it ; on Sunday the consent of his Majesty

was obtained ; on Monday the -nommunication in,
made to bath Houses of Parliament; and at the vet
moment that !have the honour of addressing this House,
the troops are on their way to Portugal—(Loud cries of
Hear, hear, from both sides of the House). I trust, rhea
Sir, that no charge of unnecessary delay can be made
out agairtst his Majesty's Government; but that, on
the contrary,x in a case of this kind, spreading, at it does,
over such a variety of circumstances, and attended by
such important consequences, it wits our duty not is
lend ourselves to heat say or rumours, but abstain
from acting until we possessed a full knowledge llf
the ACM The statements reached us at first through
Madrid, where the facts were distorted in orcer
fis answer political purposes; they reached as also
through the Press of France, where facts stele
se disfigured, and represented in such curious forms,
that any Gentleman would think the object was to (cm.
ceal the real state of affairs. In a word, it was imp.si
Bible that any Ministers could found a grave and ino
portant proceeding upon such statements as those con.
tamed in the Newspaper Press of France. Minis:cis
were therefore obliged to wait until they could come
before Parliament with a confidence that their state.
meats were true; and that they had proper authority
for their communications. There was, however, ano.
they ground fore deferring-the communication in q 4,,
tion to the present period. When Portugal on a tot.
mer occasion claimed our aid, it was sufficient
that she did so in resistance to a Foreign Power,
and on the faith ,of old and existing treaties. But
the claim of Portugal at present requited a differ.
ent consideration; we bad to enquire, before a Britisb
soldier put his foot on the Portuguese soil, nay, belore
a British soldier was pot in motion to embark for that
country, whether they would meet that general recep.
tion to which they were entitled, and whether the consent
of all the Constituted Authorities was in savour of their
lending ? I assure the House that every precaution was
taken to prevent involving this country in prcceedings
which might be found unnecessary; or if not so, at least
unpleasant in consequence of disagreements in that coun-
try. It was only this morning that I received intelligence
announcing that the whole of the Constituted Authori-
ties in Portugal were most anxious for the presence of
the British troops, and that both the Chambers had
been unanimous upon the subject. (hear.) Sir W. A'Coart
from whom the information came, stated in his dispatch,
dated the 49th of November, that, " The day after the
news arrived of the entry of the rebels into Villa Seca,
(as we understood) application was made by the Minis.
ters for British aid, upon the faith of ancient treaties._
The deputies, in a body, gave their assent ; and the
Peers, rising from their seats, were to a man unani.
mous upon the subject ; and the Duke of Carhaval de-
scribed them as all ready to offer every assistance,
either personal or otherwise, in the r power. Sir W.
A'Court's informant stated, that the feeling displayed
upon- the occasion was worthy of the good days of
Portugal. The question of the reception of our
troops being arranged, it came next to be consi.
dered whether the Cam Fcaderis had arrived. Now
it is clear that bands of armed Portuguese, armed and
equipped by Spain, had crossed the Portuguese fron-
tiers, and not in one place, but at several point's. One
incursion had ' been made at Tras-os-Montes, and
other points. It certainly is possible that some
slight aggression might have been committed by a
few discontented persons or stragglers at .a single
point, without mating much alarm ; but when an at-
tack was made in this way upon a whole line of lion.
tier, no doubt could be entertained of the nature and
object of the aggression. It is true, it would be more
undoubteal: if a single Spaniard had crossed the frontier
with a hostile feeling. But the question with the &Milt
Government was this :—ls there less hostility in a Portu-
guese army crossing the frontier when avowedly in the
pay and service of Spain ? The incursionahen,by persons
nurtured on the soil,was at the instigation and by the sup-
port of foreigners. It is therefore idle to say that is not in
truth and in fact a foreign invasion. It is true that Spain
has not availed herself of her own or other merce-
naries, but she has made use of the mercenaries of Pot-
tugal itself,—(Hear). I have already stated, that it was
not his Majesty's intention to interfere with the internal
regulations of Portugal; that is a question which they
must .settle amongst themselves. But there is a wide
distinction between her internal regulations, and foreign
aggressions upon her. And when bands of armed re•
fugees, confessedly supported by a foreign power,
break in upon her peace and quiet, it would be a laxity
in politics, and a solecism in morality, for which we
should be justly condemned by this House, if we denied
to interfere—(Hear). The question, as it appears to me,
is this—there is a treaty, not framed in a corner, but
openly avowed to the world—a treaty, known and ac-
knowledged to other Courts, and I am sure, thatteither
can his Mijesty refuse to act in accordance with it, nor
can the House of Commons consistently refuse to sup-
port his Majesty in maintaining the national honour and
character—(Hear), and giving effect to these treaties.
This is the case upon which I stand, and I put it
without reference to any collateral points, because I
with to be clearly understood by those to whom this
statement will find its way. But I have something to
add, to which I beg the attention of the House. When
.l
call for the aid of this House and the Country in favour
of Portugal, it is not to be understood that I call upon
it to go to war with Spain. I beg Honourable Gentle-
leen to bear this in mind, and further to understand,
that though 1 think the conduct of Spain unamghbour-
like, nay, even contrary to the laws of GOD and man,
still I do, not mean to, insinuate that there is no com-
punction, no locus penitentia, no possibility of re•
dress, no hope of retracing their steps, .on the part
of that Nation. Sir, I say- no such thing ; but Ido
say that it is our duty to fly to the defence of Por-
tugal, be the assailant who be may—(Hear). I now
come to the question of who is the assailant? Sir, the
present state of Portugal is so unusual in the history of
nations, its history is crowded with events so extraor-
dinary, that I hope I shall not be considered as uone-
cessarily wasting the time of the House, if I enter
shortly, and as succinctly as possible, into a detail of a
few of its leading facts, and their effects upon the pre,e. t
position of Europe. It is generally known, that the
King of Portugal was anxious to raise Brazil from a
colony to metropolitan condition, and that upon his
Majesty's resurn to Portugal, that colony became
anxious to achieve her independence, and it was appre•
bended that the two Crowns would be separated. The
King of Portugal therefore determined to settle the
sovereignty of Brazil upon his eldest son. This was
hardly done, the ink with which the deed was made
out waS hardly dried, when the premature death 01
the,King of Portugal again united both Crowns upon
one head. The advice of this country, and another nation
connected with Brazil, was tendered upon the occasion,
but not before the King of Portugal had t:etermined to

to
Kl
Jr

- •
the Cft of Portugal in favonr of his eldest'
abdicate
This ro
abdication was accompanied with the
daughter•
offer of a free Constitutional Charter. It was stated that'
this bad been done by the.advice of Great Britain.-. hi
was no such thing—England gave no such advice ; not
because Ministers approved or disapproved of snob a
measure, but because they felt it formed no part of Ater'
dory of an Englisli.Ministry_to interfere with the inter-
nal regulations of that or any other country-,-(11sor,
hear, hear). .It is certainly true, that that Charter-was
brought from Brasil by a Gentleman. who has filled,
and continues to fill, an office of high trust from this
country. Sir Clratlesi Stuart happened to he at Bratil
at that time, and he-was requested by the King of Por-
tugal to take that Charter to Lisbon as he was return-
ing home. Sir Charles Stuart did bring it to Porto-
gal,• but no blame whatever attached to that Gentle.
man, in consequence of having done so. But he was
ordered to return to England in order to prevent
the suspicion that that Charter was advised by Bri-
tish Councils or supported by British Agency. With
respect to that Charter, 1 do not feel called upon to
give an opinion-:-I certainly entertain an opinion upon
it ; but as an Euglisb Minister, all I shall say is, " May
'Goo prosper that attempt at the extension of Constitsw
tional liberty, and may the Nation to which it is en.
tended prove as fit to receive and cherish it as she i$ to
discharge her other duties amongst the other nations if'
Europe— ( Cheers from boa sides of the House)." It is'
impossible that we can desert our ancient Allies—but
at the same time, it is impossible that we could support
the Portuguese it there existed a schism amongst the
constituted authorities. We do, however, go to Portu-
gal in faith of astir- treaty ; when there, we shall do
nothing forcibly ; but we shall, at the same time, take
cite that nothing is done by other Nations, to prevent
the free,t actioa of the Constitution there established
(hear). So much I have felt it necessary to say, relative
to the case of Portugal ; internally, it is not our intention
to interfere with that country ; but external violence
shall not be. used against her while Great Britain has
the power to wield an arm-in her defence. (cheers.)—
External force, strictly speaking, has not yet been used;
but other chihnels have been tried,'ind.persons who
belonged to the internal have now become external.
Assailants, through the instrumentality of another Power
%.. their .encleatruur to gain their ends. Whether the
' aggressliin complained of was, a defect in the Govern-
ment, or arises from the machinations of faction and
fanaticism, I shall not now. stop to inquire—which de-
. Les power in the capital or disobeys it on the frontier,
• I-will trot noW stop to inquire; but this 1 shall state, that
. ,
oly ecnonry which has the honour and happiness of be-
ing -
the allyiof.Great Britain is enritled to her protection,
. and 'Manor be assailed either by renegadoes or external
enemies of *vihatever description. (hear.) The question,
then is, hit. any such conduct been pursued by Spain?
Has any force been used by that country, no matter
whether= directed by faction or fanaticism, tending to
interfere with the freedom and independence of Portu-
gal? It would, perhaps, be unjust in me to say, that
there exists in Spain an unconquerrble hatred of the
existence of free institutions. However incredible the
phenomenon may appear in this country,l am persuaded
that there_exists in a vast majority of the Spanish Na-.
tion, a desisted love of arbitrary power, and a pre.
incline for absolute government. The more liberal
institutions,of countries in their neighbourhood have
not yet extended their influence into Spain ; and
whetheCthePtiblicAuthorities there do or do not partake
of 1.4 e jeaspiel sentiment, no exertion is required to ex-
cite and to call..it . into. atction..aniong the people.
Without blame, therefore, to theGovernatent of Spain,
out of the natural antipathy between the two nations—
the one prizing its freedom, and the other hugging its
•
servitude—may have arisen the mutual inroads, mu-
tual provocations, and mutual aggressions which, per-
haps, even the most active and vigilant Ministry
could not altogether restrain. lam inclined to believe
that such was, in fact, the origin of these differences
between Spain and Portugal; that in their progress they
have been adopted,matured, methodised, combined, and
brought into more perfect action, by some authority
more united and more powerful than the mere feeling
disseminated- through the mass of the community, is
certain ; but I do believe their origin to have been as
-much in the real sentiment of the Spanish population as
in the opinion or'forte of the Government itself. That
is precisely the question .between us and Spain, with
respect to. this Message from his Majesty regarding
iour relations with Spain. .-If, though partaking in
the feelings of the .Spanish-Nation, the Spanish Go-
vernment has never intended to embody and give them
effect—it its vigilance has been surprised, its confidence
betrayed, and its orders neglected—if the repeated and.
-shameless violation of its Angagiments have been ode:a,
aimed not by its own goodwill, but against its retain-
mendation and desire—let us see some symptoms of
disapprobation, some signs of repentance ; let us wit-
ness some measures to establish his sorrow and his sin-
cerity—(Hear). In that case, the. Message to which I
propose this night to return a reply, will remain only a
measure of defence to Portugal, and not necessarily
a measure of War against Spain. With these ex-
planations. and qualifications, let us now proceed to
• the facts. Great desertions took place from the
Portuguese Army into Spain, and some desertions
took place from the Spanish Army into Portugal.—
At our earnest advice and exhortation, Portugal refused
all countenance. to the latter. In the first instance, how-
ever, with regard to a lew of them, the Portuguese
Authorities were taken by surprise; but as soon'as they
bad an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it is but
justice to say, that they have•uniformly and manfully
discouraged the desertions -of the Spanish soldiery ;
where they could do so without giving up the indi-
viduals themselves, and without betraying misplaced
confidence, they have given cautions against carrying
such an intention into effect. There exist between
Spain and Portugal specific treaties, stipulating the
mutual surrender of. deserters; Portugal had, there-
fore; an undoubted right to claim of Spain that'
-every such deserter should be forthwith returned.—
, I hardly know whether by its own impulse, or by our
i.t!.ne, for they were nearly concurrent in point of
;me, thePurtuguese Government waived its right under
those treaties ; it very wisely considered that it would
be inconvenient to have those deserters restored, and to
be placed in the difficult alternative of either granting
a dangerous amnesty, or of ordering numerous and
exemplary executions. It therefore took a middle
course, and signified to Spain that it would be entirely
satisfied if, instead of returning the deserters, it would
ti send back their arms, horses, and equipments ; and
I. separating the men from their officers, remove both
from the frontiers into the interior. • A solemn
engagement was entered into by. the Spanish Go-
vernment to this effect—first with Portugal, next
with France, and afterwards with England. That under-

. . . .
.
'taking having been concluded 'One direst *bandana ,to hi ''preneitineaggression, yet as tong at she ie• , had been pat forward-with so much force mid strength
on the next paint thin net only once, lint--the violation tabled • possession of -Cadiz and Barcelona,: shit must as to leave no- othei excuse' than' such as the *:roast
was repeated at least in sit or seven different instances. minister to the persecuting. -patty hi' one shape or and most contemptible individual in the country, or
The deserters, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, other. We are bound alsoe fur our own interests, to such as the Meanest country in the world would offer,
-were allowed to remain together in their depots—they take the steps which. tlie_ Right Honourable Gentle- to eicapethe necessity of taking a decided course. Let
,were enrolled, • trained, dieciplined, and prepared for man recommended—for by what means could we thenenot tell bial* of Bank
.ftestrietion Acts, and eco.
ection: in fact, they Were fitted for the expeditionthey hope to reduce oar •establishments, while that nation noinn.—He had noeheard a word said, since the Right
have slate undertaken.- hay. that with reipect to this continued to keepahl position which she bed taken. Hon. Gentleman sat 'down, Which would justify a
proceeding, there was -perfidy somewhere; and it rests He (Sir R.) thought he bad every reason to apprehend moment's delay in adopting
.the motion pioposed by
with the Spanish Authorities to shew, that it was not it was not the ostensible Government of Spain, with him. It was not now a question for consideration whe.
with -them—(Hears • vhear). , It rests • with them to which the English nation had to, deal at present ;it was they the treaty with Portugal was prudent or. otherwise.
-prove,_ that if their • engagements have not been fill- rather the occult Government—the secret power by The question was, did :eche treaty exist ?—(Cheers.)
fille&-if their intentions .;have been diverted and which the councils of that kingdom had been now di- If it 'did, we'. were boned to maintain if. The pro-
unezecuted, the fault has not been- with them, and rected: He would avoid all topics that might promote position of sending out General Mina anetherefugees
that they are ready to make every reparation for disunion; but he could not avoid saying, that while he would be nothing mote thin the adding cowardice to
the breach of treaty which the case admits. I have recommended no plan of hurtful economy, yet he every other meanness which it was possible to conceive
mentioned, that these-'promises were • made to Por- would express a hope that the burthens of the people —(Hear). Hehad, he confessed, always looked with
tugal and to France as well as to Great Britain ; and might not be increased more than was absolutely necee the greatest jealousy to the state of the Penineula for
I shoold do an act of injustice to France if I were not sary. It was impossible yet to know what would be the the last few years; and he was copyinced that if things
to add that the • representations of that Government result of those measures, whether they would entail din- Were suffered to go on as they hear commenced?* Pottu.
upon this point have been as urgent, and,-alas! as aster or success on the kingdom ; but, whatever that gal through Spain, and Spain through France,. would
fruitless, as those of the British. Ministry (hear). Upon issue might be, he hoped no unworthy apprehensions be under the subjection of that. Power which, of all
the first irruption into the Portuguese territory, the would induce them to shrink from a proceeding to others, they had most reason to dread. It might be
French Government, to testify its displeasure, recalled which their engagements compelled them—( Hear). baid that the French Government was friendly, but
its .Ambassador, and directed its Charge d'Affaires Mr. HUME rose amidst much noise. After the man, their conduct was such as our ancestors never would
.to signify to his Catholic Majesty that Spain was to nor in which the House had listened to his Hon. and have been satisfied with. But whether France were
look for no support -from France against the collie- Gallant Friend, he could scarcely hope that any indul- sincere or not, we now took the proper means of assur-
quences of this aggression, and again to recommend that gence would be shewn to him. If, however, they would big ohrselves. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded to con-
he should retrace the-steps already taken. I:am bound in allow him to speak his sentiments, such as they were, tend that the country was fully adequate to thc.expenses
justice to the French Government, to state, that with he should say, that he thnught the Right Hon. Gent. of the undertaking ; that it was not a case to be looked
this object it exerted itself to the utmost. I have no only took one view of this subject, with regard to the at in the light of a- Turnpike Bill above stairs. (a laugh).
I right whatever to impute any want of sincerity or good treaties existing between England and Portugal. If and that if it were not acted upon at once,England would
faith to the exertions made by France to force Spain to those treaties were such as the Right Hon. Gentleman no longer be worth thinking .of as se fQwer or Coun-
the execution of her engagements. It will be for Spain, stated them to be, he regretted their existence, because try. If the Court of Spain had looked into the Portu-
lupon a communication of the step now taken by his they rend: red this country liable to a call for assist- guese Constitution, however, they would have foiind no
Majesty. to consider in what way she will meet the call. ance at all times when Portugal should require it, cause for such alarm as they manifested. He supposed the very
Constitution ys enough iii frighten them.
My earnest hope and wish is, that she may meet it in without the slightest possibility of their ever -re-
name
suet a manner as to avert thereturn. consequences of the Mes- ceiving any So late as 1815, the Right of a
1. BANKS confessed that the speech of the Right
sage before us. To those consequences I only allude, Honourable Gentleman said they bad been sanctioned, Hon. Gentleman had not convinced him. He' objected
to the measure, as an infraction of that law of nations
and beyond that point I will not pursue them, in the and he called upon the House to act upon what he
which allowed no interference on the part of a Foreign
hope that they may not be necessary—(Hene, hear.)— declared to be the law of nations at this moment.—
Gov meat with the internal Constitution of anycountr
I set out with saying, there were: many reasons which He (Mr. Home) hoped, however, that they would not
This had been an Oh' to the occu of Spain b Y.P
induced me to think that nothing short of a point of na• plunge into hostilities without proper caution. The and this was nothing alma than an Interval struggle inPortugal.
slightest disrespect to the Hon. Member for Aberdeen.
Itional faith or national honour—l will not say, wouldßight Honourable Gent. forgot to ask, was England in
I
Mr. BROUGHAM said, that it was without the
justify, but would make desirablia .any approximation a situation to maintain a war,' bettheoed as she was at
but with great disrespect for his motives, that he rose
to the possibility of a dangerous war. Let me be on- present? Were they to keep faith with Portugal, and
derstood, however,-distinctly, as not meaning that I break faith with their own population at home ? He to protest against the amendment. If he thought that
dread a war in a good cause (and in no other may it contended that the Right Hon. Gentleman had not this was indeed, as had been asserted, a commencement
be the lot of this country to engage!) from a distrust of made out a cams fatderis, on which it would be incum- of actual war, he should, with amore equable Mind and
the strength of the country to commence it, or of her bent on them to iatinch out into war. The Court of temper, be prepared to listen to the calculations of his
resources to maintain it. I dread it, indeed, but upon Spa n said, that they bad not allowed the aggression Hon. Friend. But there were situations in which na.
far other grounds: I dread it from a consciousness complained of; and were we, on the information of bons, as well as individuals, might be placed, in which a
of the tremendous power Great Britain possesses of a single letter, to proceed to these extremities? He computation of cost became. frivolous, and disgrace-
pushing hostilities in which she may be engaged to thought the House would not be warranted in support- ful to the country, or to the person—(Hear, hear).—
consequences which I shudder to contemplate--(Hear, ing the motion of his Majesty's Ministers, and why He was at issue not alone en the principle, but on the
hear, hear). Some years ago, in the discussion ef the did he say se. Because he. recollected an able and facts, with the Hon. Member. Was it admitted that a
negeciations with Spain, I took the liberty of adverting eloquent Speeeh made by the Right Hon. Gent. on a nation might be bound by treaties--that she might be
to a topic of this nature—that the position of this coup- former occesioa, which urged in the most forcible lan- restricted to a certain line of conduct from year to year,
try was one of neutrality, not only between contending guage the advantage of peace, and used the most and from century to century ? He presumed that was
nations, but between contending principles; and that it powerful arguments to persuade the 'nation to an eb- not among the propositions which were to be denied on
was in the posnion of neutrality alone we could maintain servance of neutrality. n Was there a man," the Right that night. If, in the reign of Charles 11. a treaty
that balance the preservation of which I believed to be Hon. Gentleman then asked,'" who did not know, from had been entered into for a sum of money, which that
essential to 'the peace and safety of the world. Four the experience of 44 years, that if they once entered abandoned and profligate tyrant had squandered away,
years' experiente (it is now more than three years and upon hostilities, they would be compelled to take the and it wed
that the treaty was not valid,
a half from that date) has confirmed rather than altered whole burthen of it upon themselves." Such an incon- he believed the computation would there stand on
my opinion. I fear that the next war to be kindled in sistency—an opposition, he might call it-..0f sentiments the wrong side of the account, while it Would be
Europe, if it spread beyond the narrow limits of Spain appeared to him most extraordinary, especially-when impossible for them to restore the money that Charles
and Portugal, will be a war of a most tremendous cha- not a Member of that House ceuld say that there
U. spent. This treaty was not a very ancient one, as
had been alleged ; for it was renewed in the 17th and
racier—a war not merely of conflicting armies, but of existed now a greater capability. in the nation of sup-
conflict ing •opinicass-4Gaerer Sem. I know that if into porting expense than at that time. If they wished 18th, and, not ten years since, in the 19th centuries,
that war this-country enters (and if she do engage, 'I to prevent aggression on the' part of Spain, let the during the time that the Hon. Members for Aberdeen
trust it will be With a mostsincere desire to mitigate ra- Foreign Enlistment Bill be repealed, rather than con-
and Dorsetshire had taken part in the affairs of the coon-
ther than exasperate, and to contend with arms rather mence measures which must end in a war with France. try. But then the treaty was said to be an imprudent
than with the more fatal artillery ofpopular excitation), Instead of agreeing to such a motion at once. he bad one. He granted that would have been an excellent ar-
she will see under her banners, arrayed for the contest, expected that all the Members of that new House of
gument at the time when Lord Castlereagh set his seal
all the discontented and restless spirits of the age—all Commons would be allowed a little time to deliberate to the document; but, after having admitted its yeti--
those who, whether justly or unjustly, are dissatisfied on the question. He recollected, op a former occasion, dity so long, are we now to be told that we can escape
with' the present state of their own countries. The the Right Hon. Gentleman's coming. down to that
its observance with honour to ourselves? If so, he
conselotitneis o such a situation excites all toy fears; House, to say that he had been entirely mistaken in would say then ought at once to proceed, and deprive
for it :hews that there exists a power, to be wielded by certain matters relative to the state of France. Let them the Executive Government of its functions—of the
Great Britain, mole tremendous than was, perhaps. ever wait for more information, and it was probable that
pmriinter of making treaties, which they were deter'.
should not be observed. What would the next
yet brought into action inthe history of mankind (hear.) this business might issue in a similar announcement.—
—But though it may be " excellent to have a giant's If France were sincere in wishing to maintain peace,
Power, whose alliance they might find it needful to
power," it may be tyrannous to use it like a giant."— let her be called to withdraw her troops from Spain
; seek, say in answer to their proposals ? They would
The knowledge that we possess this strength, is our or else, as he hadn before said, let the Foreign Enlist. certainly reply, n Before we allow you to say one word
security ; and our business is not to seek opportunities ment Bill be repealed, and let Mina and the Spanish
--before we speak of commerce, navigation, the with.
of displaying it, but by a partial and half shewn can. Refugees be sent out. Let not the House be lett astray drawing of the French from Spain, or any other sub.
bition of it, to make it felt that it is the interest of ex- by the eloquence of the Right Hon. Gent.'s speech, the act, we must tell u that with you there can be no
aggerators, on both sides, to shrink from converting last part of which he contended was a complete answer
faith. for you have broken the treaty which you made
their umpire into their competitors (hear). Thesituation to the first. He had already " let slip the dogs of war. with Portugal, your oldest ally I" But it was said,"
of this country may be • compared to that of the Ruler They were on their march. --But -the Right Hon. Gent. that the occasion for acting. on the treaty was not
of the Winds, as described by the poet : was mistaken in supposing that the people of England yet made apparent. . The Honourable Member for
I . Calm sake /CONS MS wished to join in that war while they were unable to Dorsetshire said, that it was an internal disturb.
1 Sceptra tenens • maligns ant:novel tenspetat irm : ' procure a bare subsistence for themselves. It must in- ance and nothing more. Did he hear the facts stated
Ni facial, man: at: terra@ essienume pretends=
the Right Gentleman (Hear.) If all the
Quippe fen= rapidi mum, verrantque per auras. valve an increase of taxes and burthens of every kind, by
The consequence of letting loose passions at resentpatcountry groanedstatements of cerrespoodents in Portugal, the accounts
a time when the
imposed. He could only say, that if Portugal cannot put brought by persons just arrived from that country, and,
chained and confined, would be the productiOn of such
than all, the au • fthat informations thorny o
down a few rebel regiments of her own subjects, with
a scene of desolation which no man can contemplate
the alliance of Spaia, of France, and the declared more than
the Right Hon. Gentleman was responsible,
which
..
withoot honor, and -1 should not sleep easy on my couch
alliance of England, with a fleet stationed in the Tagus, were to be relied on, there had been .an aggression on
if I thought by a single moment I had precipitated it—
(Hear., hear). This, then, is the reason—a reason the why, it was hopeless to attempt to place her in a situation
the part Spain. of It was their duty to know of rte
which she was perfectly unable to maintain. Oa a former aggression committed by four or five thousand Portu-
reverse.of fear —a reason the contrary. of disability, why
gum; and if they bad known it to prevent it. As
occasion the Right Hon. Gentleman had said, that " War
I dread the recurrence of a war. That this reason may
however, they had not done that, it should now be done
ought to be well considered,before it was undertakereand
be felt by those who are acting on opposite principles,
s). Suppose the case our own. If a
that the grounds for entering upon it should not only be by us—(Cheer
before the' time for using our power shall arrive, would
justifiable but absolutely necessary, consistently with the '
number of the subjects of Great Britain, he would not
bear much, and I would forbear long ; I would almost
national welfare of the country which declared it." Now, he
say from what part of her. dominions, were to be mar-
pat up with anything that • did not touch. our
would ask, whether it was deliberating this question shelled at Boulogne, and equipped in French gun boats
faith and national honour, rather than let slip the
well to have the Cabinet, after sitting one day in con•. for the Coast of Kent and Sussex, bow would the Eng-
furies of war, the lash of • which .is in our hands, sultation, call upon that House to enter into their plans fish nation like to be told, on remonsttating with Frances
While we knot, not whom they may reach, and doubt
where the devastation may end•(coatinued cheering/.
the on the very next? Actuated by these considerations, he that this was no aggression ? A small sum now would
love of peace which the British Government acknowledges, a
Buda is
-,,-A should move an Amendment,which would, if agreed to,procure them
save a
at least a week further. to discuss the cue. They might receive by,
cate—(Cheers from all sides). In obedience to this conviction, the next packet accounts that the regiments great deal beteafter, and we should have interest
such the dety of peace which the circumstances of the world Jaen6
c
omplained of were all upon interest, and compound interest in abundance.--.
bur put down, and what would then become of the preparations they (Laughter). He felt the weight of the situation in which
and with thehope of avoiding extremities, I will push no fart
should otherwise have made in the mean time? The Hon. Gent.
the country would be placed if they should unions-
the topics of this part of the Address. Let us defend Portugal,
concluded by moving, as an Amendment ou the original motion
nately be disappointed in the result of this measure;
whoever may be the assailants, because it is .a work of duty;
that the House be called over to consider the question this day week.
and lane end where that duty ends. We go to Portugal not to moment whea a different spirit actuated the
Mr. WOOD (Member for Preston), rose to second but at the present , .. .
r.
le not to govern, not to dictate, not to prescribe—bet to plant Cabinet. and when the Government held within their grasp, If is=
auk,
' Wh r the standard the Amendment. Although he might never have the within their hems, the great
lever of public opinions, it was very
our standard, and to secure her independence. e e
of England is planted, there foreign dominion shall not come. I The
L----. honour to sit should be proud
in that House again, he
world
it
arms.
improbable that it should ever be the fate of England to meet the
Cheers lasted for some minutes after the Right. Hon. Gentleman
of
having given his vote as he proposed todo on this
had resumend his seat. He rose again merely to inform the House, Mr. B NT said this was ane preliminary Dep to an
night—and of bating been one of those who raised
that the Address was merely an echo of the blesuge, pledging the. expensive war.
House to support his Majesty in the maintenance of public faith, their voices against this highly perilous measure. It Mr. Secretary CANNING.—I rise, Sir, for the pee.
and to protect Portugal against foreign aggression.] was brought before them at a time when many -Hon. pose of making a few observations, not so much in
The SPEAKER read the Address, which was received with
Members had left town, under the impression that no
answer to any general arguments, as in reply to :orris
muck applause, and put the question thavit be adopted. •
important business would be uodertaken previous to the
particular objections which have been urged against the
Sir ROBERT WILSON had felt anxious to -bring
holidays; and however the Right Hon. Gentleman.
motion. In the first place, I candidly admit that I
this subject before the House. This .country was bound
might seek to disguise, it, it was neither more nor-less have understated the case against Spain. I.lteve done
to act upon the treaty she had entered into with Porte-
then a declaration of war—(Hear). Every penon who
so purposely and designedly, and 1 warned the House
gal. The Right Hon. Gentleman talked aboutroo room agreed to it, should be prepared also Rto
riagrr toAacr high Psiraepsztiv
a that I did stew isbing to attack no more of the conduct of
for penitence, but if the King of Spain bad been inclined Tn—to
__ the rehneicwhalaußt
tthneot to bke oval:lit:was, that Catholic Spain than was suflficient to establish a cassis feltderis,and
to retrace his steps, he would have brgun long ago.— moue t
ncripatait'nwwsuld now no longer be sued for as a favour but a not to attack so much of it at would have rendered it
Could the Right Hon. Gentleman deny the fact, that
right. Sel&preservarion was:Die first law of Nature—and ibey absolutely impossible to avoid o wear, which the full
the King of Spain had sent to the Pope of Rome to know
were bound :to the intereatieftheir own fellow countrymen, by ties
statement of the.case would have done.. The Hon: Gen•
whether he could obtain a religious pardon for recoge Sorer than those which connected them with their Allies, the tks
easing a Constitution which he in his heart abhorred.? St Nature—(Hear). - . tleman who spoke last, in:his extteme-.love of peace,
The Hight Honourable Gentleman had said
much Mr. BARING said, that though he had listened to 'would do two things which would make War absolutely
about the disposition of France to discountenan
co the s ech -of the Right Hon.-Gentlemaa with an anzi•; inevitable—(A lams h). •. He *would. not.biterfere at a
•
acts of oppression towards Portugal; but :appose ous desire to find some ground of evasion-in the argte moment when Spain may yet hesitate as to clue course
seven that France professed herself waling to co-ope-
meats it contained, yet he now confessed that the case she may adopt; and the language which he would held

I

1