Star.
London, England, 1820-05-03 00:00:00

ture, he was sure, to make every man shudder with'
honor, be thought that not a moment was to beleat
in taking Edwards up, if he was to be found; and
he (Alderman Wood) took it for granted that he
-could be found, for he was known to have been in the
pitissession of certain persons for a long time. ills
plots were truly diabolical, and from the evidence 4
could be proved, beyond contradiction or dispute,
" that Edwards was the sole plotter and founder of
the is hole Cato-street plot!" At present, he knew a
no other way than the motion he had suggested, by
which proceedings might be taken in order to bring
the man to justice. He should now leave the mat-
ter in the hands of the House.
Mr. HUME seconded the motion. There were
particular facts, which could not be mentioned with-
out imperiously calling upon that House to do an
act of justice. It appeared, by the depositions no,
of one person only, but of a great many persons.
that the individual in question had gone about from
house to house with his hand-grenades, and, up to
twenty-four hours only preceding the '23d February,
had been unceasingly urging persons to join with
him in an atrocious plot to assassinate his Majesty's
Ministers. All of a sudden he became quite rich,
and was buying arms in every quarter, at every price,
and of every description, still urging a variety of
persons to unite with him. Now it was veiy .fitting
for the interests of the country, that the country
should know who the individuals were that had sup-
plied him with the money, and then to endeavour to
ascertain—a fact of which he (Mr. Hume) bad
strong suspicion—whether this plot had not been
known to many long before it was put down? The
object of the Honourable Alderman's motion, there.
foie, was to ascertain two or three points which
could not come out in a Court of Justice; and he.did.
hope that his Majesty's Ministers, who had possession
of this man, would give a pledge that they would not
let him withdraw himself from the country. Ile
hoped the Honourable Alderman would persevere
in his motion.
Mr. BROUGHAM—" I certainly, Sir, wish the
worthy Alderman would rather, in this instance, ac-
cede to what seems to be the wish of this /louse,
and withdraw his motion, rather than abide by the
recommendation of the worthy Seconder ; but I can
by no means refrain from expressing my surprise at
the levity with which some Gentlemen opposite
seemed disposed to view so grave and important a
question as the present subject involves. I agree
with them, that this is not such a case as by a dis-
creet and fit use of our privileges calls for their ap-
plication to the particular circumstance. If I am,
however, asked, whether these facts, if proved,
amount to a breach of our privileges or not ? 1 do
not hesitate to say that they not only involve a gross
violation of our privileges—on that point I am as
clear as that I exist—but also what is a thousand
times worse, a plot to overthrow us while delibe-
rating, which is (I mean the ploga high misdemean-
our, according to the old Act of Edward the Third,
which I am not aware has been increased or altered
by the late Acts. The execution of such a plot is, I
know, HigliNTreason. As to what has been said
about a person's implicating himself by his answers
at our bar, that is what is always done in cases of
libel. Ido not, as 1 before stated, think .0 a case
which it would be fit and proper to consider as a
breach of privilege. But is what has been stated
of this man nothing? is it no offence at all?--(,Hear,
hear). Has he not been charged with a plot to at-
tack this House in a horrible manner, while gravely
engaged in the important business of the country?
Is this no crime, or where are we when such a sub-
ject is to be treated with levity and ridicule?—
(Hear, hear). When a plot is .cliscovered 43 murder
the Cabinet Ministers, it is .ealled High Treason, and
men lose their lifts for it; and is it nothing to con-
spire to blow up this House?—(Hear, hear, hear).
this the way to deal with such transactions, to
say we don't wish to pursue the subject? If this
be so, it is indeed to me matter of mach astonish-
ment. I join, as I have already said, in the wish
that this motion be withdrawn, but not in the ex,
pectation that nothing more shall be done in it;
on the contrary, I wish we should hold to the clue
we have now got from my worthy Friend, -and
pursue the matter to the bottom--i(Hear, her).—
Lad why ? because in the proper quarter I see no
attempt likely to be made 40 bring the offender (if
such he shall prove ultimately to be) to justice.
have seen my Honourable Friend's correspondence
with Lord Sidmouth, and the Noble Lord's .answer,
in which be avows, that it it not the intention qf the
Mune Deporment to bring Edwards to trial. Wbea
I say this, I also wish to state, that j do not mean to
be considered as saying, Edwards ought not to have
been employed as a spy—l do not say his informa-
tion ought not to have !teen acted upon; on taw cep-
teary, 1 think, so far as I can see into the business, it
was properly, and wisely, an usefully acted upon.
also differ entirely with my Honourabile ksiendi
who thinks Edwards was the Saleiustigator of the
lase plot; for I think there were others as deeply im-
beicated in it. I am perfectly ready to believe that
was employed as a spy, and, like other spies, .did
leiettaatisfy himself in giving information of what he
paw others doing, but went to work himself, to widen
the circle; that he was actively employed in inciting
as well as espying, and went further than the line of
his instructions; all this I can easily imagine. I do
not, however, blame Government for employing spies,
for acting upon their information, for not producing
them in Courts of Justice on particular trials, or fqr
not prosecuting them for High Treason afterwards.
As long as society can furnish such desperate.cha-
racters as, Thistlewood and logs, Groverinnent is not
only justified, but bound to employ such persons as
Edwards to watch their motions, and thwart .their
diabolical plans. It .is lamentable to bexonapelled
to employ such persons; but so long as the wretches,
they are acting with are found in society, so long is
Government justified in employing these means qf de-
tection. . The office of a spy is always odious, and so
is that of a hangman; but as long as the office of the
latter must stand, so must that of the former. But
when I allude to this always lamentable and painful
necessity, I am ready to say, that he who does em-
ploy spies should have a lull sense of the delicate,
difficult, and grave responsibility, he-has taken upon
his hands, and should consider that in the use he
makes of them he is deeply responsible.to the justice
of his country; that he should take care he only em-
ploys spies, net instigators. 'The existence of such
men as Thistlewood and Ings justifies the envie,-