Star.
London, England, 1821-07-04 00:00:00

CASE OP OPPRESSION AT LEGNOEN.

Mr. PEEL said, it would be recollected that some
time ago a Gentleman of the same name with him-
self, and nearly connected with him, who had resided.
for some years at Leghorn, and maintained an ex-
cellent character, was suddenly called before the
Minister of Police of the Tuscan Government, and
ordered to quit the territories of that Government in
twenty days; on asking explanation, he was told
that he was a bad moral character, and had inter.
fered in matters with which he ought not to have in-
terfered. Remonstrance was in vain, he was obliged
to submit, and abandon all his connex;ons, commer-
cial and others. He retired to Florence; and there,
by the active interposition of the British Ambassador,
he was allowed to remain upon sufferance, but could
obtain no redress, although the British Factory had
presented a Memorial in his favour, speaking of him
in the highest and most honourable terms. He
wished now. for the justification of the character of
Mr. Peel, who was more anxious about his character
than his property, to have an explanation from his
Noble Friend on the subject. At the same time, he
fek bound to acknowledge, that his Noble Friend
had paid as much attention as possible to his repre-
sentations on this subject.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, his Right
Hon. Friend had done him no more than justice in
having stated that he had given every possible atten-
tion to this subject. From the information he had
been able to obtain, it appeared that Mr. Peel had
suffered in consequence of the malevolent, and, he
had no doubt, unfounded, representations of a dis-
carded servant—a species of malevolence against
which no character could stand. He felt bound to
say, that in his character amongst friends and mer-
cantile men, and those who knew him, Mr. Peel's
character stood as high as it po:.•sibly could.
Sir It. WILSON could not help saying on this oc-
casion, that here was another proof of the ills result-
ing from Alien Bills in this country. which prevented
our negotiating with that effect which we otherwise
should do—(Hear, hear).
MR. BCYBOW.

Mr. HOBHOLTSE said, he had a Petition to pre-
sent from an individual named Benbow, at present a
prisoner on an indictment preferred against him by
the " Constitutional" Association, and wild remained
in confinement in consequence of his not being able
to obtain bail for good behaviour, although he could
get bail for appearance; the difficulty of getting
bail for good behaviour being greater than to get hail
for appearance, 24 in the formzr case any new bll
preferred and found for what might be called a libel,
would forfeit those recognizances. He further com-
plained, that his imprisonment was prolonged by the
;vexatious conduct of his prosecutors, in making this
a Special Jury case ; and he %vas informed that his

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trial cogtl before October next, in
sequence of thee ronation, the preparations for
1 lay dugs in Westminster till
e. amps and august ceremony,
which was to be the solemn compact between the
King and his People, by which he swore to govern
them according to law, was to be the cause of de-
priving one individual of liberty for six months.—
This .unfortunate man had already suffered much ;
his imprisonment had proved the ruin of his trade,
and the recent death of his wife had left him with a
young unprotected family, without the means of sup-
porting them. He (Mr. Hobhouse) must declare, that
unless he received a satisfactory answer from the Law
Officers of the Crown to this case, he should certainly
oppose the adjournment of the House.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, he at present'
was not aware that any determination had been come'
to by the Court of King's Bench to adjourn the Sit-
tings after the present Term. If, however, any such
determination should be come to, he would make in-
quiry into the case of this individual, and would order
him to he discharged on putting in customary bail.
Mr. HOBHOUSE, after this explanation, would
do no more than move that the Petition be printed.
When it was, however, recollected that this unfortu-
nate man had already been six weeks in confinement,
and was utterly ruined, he hoped the Honourable
and Learned Gentleman would lose no time in bring-
ing on his trial.
Mr. SCA RLETT said, this case was a strong proof
of the inconvenience, to say the least of it, of taking
prosecutions for libel out of the hands of the Law
Officers of the Crown, and placing them in the hands
of any body of men, or any Solicitor, however re-
spectable. As to the adjournment of the Sittings to
October, he feared the rumour was well founded.—
He lamented it on account of the Suitors and of the
Public, as well as of the Bar. If the Sittings were to
be carried into October, they would soon go the year
through, and Gentlemen of the profession would be
• reduced to the situation of shopkeepers and mechanics.
Gentlemen would be driven from the profession, un-
less they would consent to put on their wigs and
gowns every day in the year, Sundays excepted.—
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to
urge the inconvenience ss hich arose from the Courts
being held at a di lance from each other, as they now
were, and to state the necessity there was for building
new Courts contiguous to each other.
After a few words from Mr. M. A. TAYLOR and
Mr.DENNIAN, the Petition was ordered to be printed.
CAPTAIN ROMEO.
Colonel DAVIES then rose to present another Pe-
tition from Captain Rotneo, complaining of the con-
duct of the Sicilian Government, and of the hardships,
imprisonment, and losses which he had suffered, as
the reward of the services rendered by him to the
British Army previous to our evacuation of that
Island. The Petition was a counterpart of that pre-
sented by Mr. Hume on a 'former night, and was ac- ,
companied by letters, certificates, and other docu-
ments, given by persons of rank—amongst whom
were General Maitland, Lord William Bentinck, and
General Campbell, bearing testimony to the services
rendered by Captain Romeo to the British, and de-
claring their belief that to those services might be
impute.' the present hostile feelings of the Neapolitan
Government towards this individual ; the result of
which hostile feeling had been pecuniary loss to the'
Petitioner to the amount of £32,000. 'f he prayer of
the Petitioner was, that his case might be referred to
• a Committee for investigation. He charged this Go-
vernment with nothing but refusing him inquiry. He
was convinced they had been misinformed and im-
posed on, for they bad received their informatiou
• from his enemies, and all he asked was full inquiry
find investigation to ascertain what WAS the truth of
the case. The Hon. Member concluded by moving,
that the Petition be brought up.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY would not
oppose this Petition being brought up, though it
must be understood as asking pecuniary relief; nor
would he now enter into a repetition of the state-
ment he bad made to the House on a former night;
he must repeat,however, that after mature consider-
ation, this did not appear to be a case in which the
Government of this country could properly interfere.
At the same time that be said this, he was not called
on to justify the conduct of the Neapolitan Govern-
ment; but thus much he must say, that it did appear
the conduct of the Neapolitan Government was
founded not on the connection of Romeo with the
British Government, but on other grounds. As to
referring this Petition to a Committee of the House,
that was a course which could not be adopted; for
how was a Committee to inquire? Would they take
' Captain Romeo's es paric statement, or would they
cite the Neapolitan Government to their bar to
answer it? The case, as investigated, had appeared
satisfactory to this Government. Captain Romeo'
had certainlysperformed his office of Agent of Police,
and an observer of the actions of the conspirators,
and he was paid ft; his services at the rate of fifty
dollars per month ; and if be was not sufficiently,
and even liberally paid by the Noble Lord (Bentinck),
be was the only individual who could prefer the'
charge of illiberality against that Noble Lord ; and
it was somewhat singular, if Captain Romeo was not
sufficiently paid, he did not complain at the time, or
that he should suffer his claim to remain dormant
for 1811 to 1817. In 1817 he made his application
to Lord Bathurst, and, in consequence of his repre-
sentations, he had a pension of £5O a-year assigned to,
him. He afterwards renewed his application, and
stated, that if he could have his pension converted '
into its value, and that sum paid over to him, he
would he satisfied, and quit this country. This was
done for him, but he afterwards made an objection
to quitting the country, because he (the Marquis of
Londonderry) would not give hm a passport from
his office. Now it was not customary for him to
give passports, except in the shape of letters of re-'
cammendatinw; and he was ready to confess to the
Milne, that he was not prepared to give Captain,
Borneo letters of recommendation as to character
and-conduct, ender his hand, to travel over Europe,
n:ltil. Udder all the circumstances of the case, he
was sorry if Captain Romeo was in distress, but he'
did not perceive how this Government could do any
snore for him than they had done.
Lord W. BENTINCK could not say that Captain
Romeo had any direct claim on this Government for
setvices rendered to the British Army in Sicily. If
was not paid staciontly, he should have applied

at the time to the governing Authorities in Sicily.—
But the question now was, whether, in consequence
of the conduct of his, own Government, this Govern-
ment would now render him any assistance. With
respect to the pension, it ought to have been more or
nothing. He would, however, have been satisfied
with the sum he received, could he have quitted this
country ; but he was kept here by want of passports
till his money was spent, and he was seduced to the
greatest pove: ty.
Mr. GOULBURN said, had all the circumstances
which had since come to the knowledge of this Go-
vernment been known to them in 1817, Capt. Romeo
would have had no pension at all.
Lord A. HAMILTON could not look at this as a
question merely of pounds, shillings, and pence. It
was one in which the services of Capt. Romeo should
be looked at, as to the nature of those services. He
had performed services for us in British uniform, and
against those of his own country, by which he was
prevented from returning to his own country, and
getting his living there. The 'Noble Marquis, on a
former night, had mentioned that a charge of 1:1,500
was made for a present of that sum to the mistress of
a French General. Now that sum was paid to pro-
cure the liberty of himself and forty other indivi-
duals, by her influence. Three British Officers said
that Captain Romeo owed all his persecutions to the
services he had done to the British Government. He
thought that Captain Romeo was entitled to remune-
ration for his services.
Mr. C. HUTCHINSON stated Captain Romeo to
be a banished man, on account of the services he had
done to the British Government at an eventful period,
and was consequently entitled to remuneration.—
Nothing had been heard of Captain Romeo lor.a con-
siderable time, but the cause was, that Captain Romeo
had been in prison for that time, partly in Naples, and
partly in Egypt ;'and that had been the cause why
nothing had been heard of him. Captain Romeo had
been taken prisoner, and by means of the Lady alluded
to, had been enabled, along with others, to escape.
Colonel DAVIES shortly replied.
The Petition was then laid on the table.
COURT OF EXCHEQUER IN IRELAND.
Mr.W.WYNN brought up the Report of the Com-
mittee on the Ninth Report of the Commissioners
appointed to inquire into alleged abuses of the Coons
of Law in Ireland. There were some points upon
which the Committee could form no opinion, for
want of the necessary information ; and others upon
which a satisfactory answer had nut been given, ac-
corning to the evidence adduced. He now sug-
gested the propriety of having the Report printed,
and of collecting as much evidence as could be got
during the recess.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY expressed his
hope that the Home might he enabled to go into
the subject next Session, with ample information as
to all the facts.
Mr.RICE felt it his duty to abandon the course be
intended to pursue, in consequence of the assurance
just given b) the Noble Marquis.
Captain O'GRADY cordially acquiesced in the
determination to procure all the evidence that could
Ibe furnished. Ile did, howeizer, complain that an
Hon. Member had s::lected the Court of Exchequer
from all the other Courts, as a subject for ulterior
proceedings. If those proceedings did not result
from an abstract love of justice, he (Capt. O'Grady)
knew not how they were to be represented, except as
exceedingly unfa;r
Mr. RICE disclaimed, in the most decided terms,
any undue motives in bringing the question forward.
Captain O'GRADY said, that the inquiry being
partial, he must to that extent think it unjust.
The Report was then ordered to lie on the table,
and to be printed.
•
" CONSTITUTIONAL" AIROCIATION. _ _

• Mr. C. S. WHITBREAD, in rising to bring for-
ward his motion respecting a set of persons who had
the impudence to style themselves the " Constitu-
tional Association," telt that he owed an apology to
the House for introducing so important a question,
when it might be taken up by much abler hands.
Yet he should consider himself guilty of a great de-
reliction of duty, if he suffered that Association to
pass unnoticed, seeing that no other Member was
disposed to bring it formally under the consideration
of the House—(flcar, hear). Ile had long expected
that some Member of more talent and experience
than he could lay claim to, would have undertaken
the task ; but that not being the case, he was, how-
ever incompetent, anxious to slim that the " Consti-
tutional Association" was as odious in principle as it
was unjust and unconstitutional in practice—(Hear,
hear). It worked in the dark—its dceis did not come
before the world till they were unveiled in all their
hideous deformity. It must be obvious to every man
that there was the greatest difficulty- in attacking an
enemy who was sheltered by perfidy, treachery, and
deceit. He was well aware that many persons of
high rank and character had joined this Society. For
those persons he entertained the greatest respect, and
he could not help being convinced that they were
seduced into the vile company among ‘‘liich they
found themselves, by the specious title which a few
obscure and worthless individuals had assumed. If
they had taken their true title of the " Birchin-lane
Plot," instead of the " Constitutional Association,"
they would never have seen men of rank, character,
or station among them—(Cheers). Such men would
have seen that the Society was set on foot by a set
of attornies, from interested motives. Any man who
opened his eyes, must see; hat a Society, with the osten-
sible objects of the present one, was altogether urine-
! cessary. No man would deny that power enough
was vested in the Law Officers of the Crown to in-
stitute proceedings against political offenders. What-
ever might be the offences of Benbow and Dolby, the
Attorney-General had ample power to take cogni-
, zance of them. He did not stand there to defend
sedition in any shape or form, but he would say that
more had been done against. the interests of society
by the "Constitutional Association," than by all the
I pamphlets or caricatures ever sent forth by Benbow
or Dolby, aided by the protected publications in St.
James's-street—(Cheers). He maintained that no
corporated body of prosecutors ought to be tolerated
in a country having the slightest semblance of free-
dom. The Law Officers of the Crown were respon-
sible for their acts, but the " Constitutional Associa-
tion" was above all responsibility. A set of persons
acting collectively were not ashamed openly to avow
transactions which, as individuals, they would never
j dare to acknowledge—(Near: hear). From the sys-

tem upon which they regulated their iniquitous pro-
ceedings, those who welt accused knew not their ac-,
cusers. He insisted that this was in open defiance of
the law of the land, and in direct contempt of the Act
of Maintenance, the object of which was to prevent
oppression. In the one case the party prosecuted
might recover damages, if the prosecution could not
be sustained ; but in the other, he had no redress
whatever,. for all the trouble and 'vexation he might
be put to. Upon a recent occasion some persons who
were prosecuted by this infamous Association ap-
plied to the Court of King% Bench, and obtained the
extraordinary privilege of putting questions to the
Petit Jury, to ascertain if any of them belonged to
the Society. The right to put such questions pre-
supposed a great evil ; but the evil was still greater
when the Grand Jury happened to be members of the
Association. If those members formed the majority,
what chance of escape was there for the party? Or,
if not convicted, what chance had he of recompence?
No indictment could take place for a malicious pro-
secution, from the difficulty of fixing decided malice
on the parties prosecuting, whether on an individual,
or on the Association. If the Judge chanced to be
a member, who could doubt of the decision ? This
Society militated against the very spirit of the Con-
stitution ; it poisoned the very source of public jus-
tice ; it corrupted all that was. sound, and disgraced
all that was respectable in the institutions of the.
country—(l/ear, hear). What! were we to endure
tyranny, because it assumed the mask of loyalty ?
Or, were we to endure it, because it was patronized
by Peers, old women, and his Majesty's Ministers?—
if this was to be the case, then Mr. Sharpe and Mr.
Murray might in future supersede the Attorney and
Solicitor-General, and become the recognized in-
spectors of pamphlets and caricatures. If there were
any persons now present who belonged to the So-
ciety, as he believed there were, he hoped they would
take care to withdraw from it before they committed
themselves so far as to become bankrupts in fame--..
(Hear, hcar).—He would ask those who heard him,
if they admit ed the Censorship of France, or the In-
quisition of Spain? The Constitutional Association
was a volunteer censorship on the Press—that Pi ess
which was the best guardian of our liberties. He did
not deny that the power of that great engine might
be abused, but let the correction be left, not to an
interested confederacy, hut to the unsullied hands of
justice. It was true that the Constitutional Associa-
tion had not its fire and faggots like the Inquisition
of Spain, but it had its familiars, spies, and agents,
and narked nut its victims, who were to be seized by
treachery and deceit. If this system was sufferea to
go on, life in this country would be a curse; all free
discussion on public affairs would be put an end to,
and men would avoid each other as in a city in which
a violent contagion raged. It could hardly escape
observation, that since the notice taken of the pro-
cce.:ings of the Society by his Hon. Friend the Mem-
ber for Westminster (Mr. Hobhouse), the members
of it remained in a state of treacherous inactivity.—
were quiet only till after the rising of Parlia-
nient, when they intended to resume their wicked la-
bours with increa•ed energy. The Hon. Member
concluded by moving, that an humble Address be
presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be
graciously pleased to direct his Attorney-General to
enter a noli prosequi upon all indictments by a So- ,
ciety, styling itself the " Constitutional Association."'
Mr. B. BATHURST spoke against the motion at
considerable length; but the principal point urged
by the Right Hon. Gentleman was the inexpediency
of calling upon the House to declare any opinion, as
to whether the Society was unconstitutional or ille-
gal. /le contended that the Honouraile Member
bad not entered into any explanation of the princi-
ples of the Society, and therefore it could not be in-
ferred whether they were reprehensible or otherwise.
Reasoning from the analogies of the Cons'tirution, he
thought that a prosecution, which was to be carried
on according to the regular forms of law, was less
exceptionable than a prosecution by the Attorney-
General, who stepped over those forms to a certain
extent in particular cases. It might, perhaps, be true
that the Society in question had originated in the pri-
vati: views of professional individuals; but he thought
it very improbable, when he considered the great de-
gree of public attention it had excited. One thing
was certain, that the Society was doing a great deal,
and lie was convinced, that the more its merits were
discussed, the more it would triumph—(llear, hear).
The Right lion. Gentleman then proceeded to notice
other Societies of a similar nature, which had been
instituted at the time of the French Revolution, and
the legality of which was sanctioned by the highest
Judicial Authorities. He maintained that it was most
unjust to say that the Grand Jury would be preju-
diced, from the mere circumstance of their happen.
ing to belong to that Society.
Dr. LUSHINGTON thought it a little singular,
that after the lapse of thirty years, during which pe-
riod so many disgraceful Acts had been placed in the
Statute Book, a Cabinet Minister should rise up and
defend the Constitutional Association, as if all that
had been previously done was not sufficient for his
purpose. According to the argument of the Right
Hon. Gentleman, Sir John Sewell, Knight, and W.
J. B. Sharpe, rendered useless the office cf the Attor-
ney-General. The Right Hon. Gentleman said, in-
deed, that this was not an unconstitutional Society,
and contended that it had a parallel in a Society
called the Crown and Anchor Society, which existed
in 1792. He (Dr. Lushington) was not old enough
to recollect that Society, of which he believed Mr.
Reeves was the Secretary. But he believed that no
prosecution had been instituted by it--(Hear).—No
doubt, by the common law, any individual who
was aggrieved was competent to prosecute the o&
fender. But he would ask whether, prior to this
Society, any association of individuals had ever been
theformel State,for tlie
except,
of
the promotings Society
iet crimes
fothe
against
r Sup-
pression of Vice ?—( Loud cries of Hear, hear).—
• Society which carried on its proceedings in the
most partial manner—prosecuting bakers for baking
shoulders of mutton beyond the fixed hour on Sun-
days, while it passed over all the violations of the
Sabbath which were openly committed by the higher
ranks of life at the west end of the town (Hear, hear).
He did not know what hypocrisy was, if it was not
hypocrisy for a Society to assume to itself the title of
and
enhegd which,notwithstandingela(nHceeara:gha hear
nasrt p
0 o
jr—Withi
rt
respect
professions,sarnedc tleftto tttee sr bentcchie,
ut
nel
an Association for the general Suppression of Vice,
titiouvc

for prosecuting felOnies, the crimes, ;
in 001 cases,
were robberies; and such other offences of a moral
nwaatsurea
saosonoietymfoanr
peroouslocloohtamg p
have any
yliticadoubt of; but here
l crimes, vines
upon which almost every second individual had a di/.
ferent opinion. So various were the sentiments of
men upon such crimes, that one Jury had convicted
an individual for the same Jibe' of which anon
Jury had acquitted a different person. This actually
occurred in the case of The Examiner, some few year*
ago. But if the writings of Burke himself, one of
the greatest men and ablest writers that this count?y
had ever seen, were brought before a certain descrii;
tion of Jurors, and if there was a corrupt Judge is
charge them, it was very probable that the same pu-
nishment might be inflicted on the publisher of diem
that had been inflicted on other publishers. At au
events, he supposed it would not be maintained tint
any of these Associators could sit as a Grand Junw
on any indictment offered by the Association; foe
then, clearly, he would so far try a person whom, by •
his subscription, or by his participation in the election
of the Committee, he had contributed to prosecute.
No man could be said to have a fair trial if such a ,
person sat upon his Grand Jury; and hence he thought
that the Court of King's Bench had, much to its ere.
dit, directed, that with regard to the Petit Jute, „t
least, the question should be put to each Juror,
titer he was a member of the Association? No;i.t
would ask the Right Honourable Gentleman whether
he and the Court of Kin's Bench were not at rail.
ante on this subject? That Court thought that no
Associator of this kir d could be an honesthror; but
the Right Honourable Gentleman, on the contrary,
was of opinion that he was!—(Hear, berr.)—in 14 -
vie v, them were several constitutional objectiung
against this Society. In the first place, he would beg
to ask his Honourable and Learned Friend opposite,
what redress had a poor and an inju:ed party against
this Association? They had for the prosecutionlaege
funds at their disposal ; and when they had from me
Irish Peer one item of LAM— (Hear, ha-0-Ihry
might w.-. 41 afford to fee Counset to ;in), extent. sup.
posing, however, that a defendant might fortunately ,
emerge from the Pandemonium of this Society, uhe
was to answer for Mr. J. B. Sharpe?—what process
could be taken against Lord Powei scowl ? If his
Honourable and Learned Friend could give a satis.
factory answer to this question, he would be ciratent
to change his opinion. But the 'peculiarity of the
case was, that, in the name of the Society, a nns
of straw might be set up, who was incaril!le of
paying any damages, hou ever small, that might be
assessed against him! Another objection to this Se.
ciety was, that it created its own offences. The Corn.
mittee, in one notorious instance, sent an individual
to a shop, to induce the owner to commit the very
offence which they afterwards charged against him!
(Hear, hear).—This, every one must confess, was a
most odious and illegal proceeding. It was asserted
openly to have been done, and it was not denied—
(Hear, hear).—He did not think that his Honourable
and Learned Friend opposite (the Solicitor-General)
would vindicate such a proceeding as this. Thai Ha
nourable and Learned Gentleman's political opinirm
generally had differed, indeed, from his ova; but he
confessed he had a better opinion or him than to be-
lieve that he would not desire to restore the country
to its former liberties by the good old forms of law,
than by the agency of such new-fangled Instituriaa
as that now before them. The Honourable aid
Learned Gentleman then proceeded to say, that
if he thought a counter•association were legal, he
would become a member of one; but he apprehended
that by such opposition the country, instead of sub.
siding into a state of peace, would soon become the
theatre of universal rancour and contention, so that
it would be impossible, on any question of a political
description, to find Grand or Petit Jurors who were
not prejudiced on one side or the other (Hear, hear).
He protested against a system of that nature; and,
feeling as he did that this Association was likely to
be injurious to the best interests of the country, be
would give his Honourable Friend's motion the most
cordial support—(Hear, hear).
Sir M. CHOLMELEY complained of the wide
diffusion of seditious publications and indecent prints.
He himself had, some days ago, overheard some
children, who were looking at some prints of this de.
scription in a window: one said to the other, Are
not these pictures very fine?"—., Yes," said the other,
" they may be very tine, but they are totally com
Crary to what our masters have taught us."—Was it
to be doubted that such publications were most de.
trin.ental to the morals of youth, and that they ought
to be put down, and punished in the most exemplary
manner ?—(Hear, hear).
Mr. WILBERFORCE defended the Society fee
the Suppression of Vice from the attack which had
been made upon it by the Hon. and Learned Gentle.
man who spoke last in the debate. He stated its oh-
jests, one of which was the prosecution of indecent
prints, and out of forty-five such prosecutions that
the Society had instituted, not one had failed. Whet
the Society first began their career, they found prints
of the most abominable kind making their way into
seminaries where youth were instructed--(Haar,
hear).—With respect to the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman's remarks on the prosecutions that the Society
had instituted for the profanation of the Sabbath, he
must say, that it seemed to him as if the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman advocated the lower orders. as
if they bad a right to violate that sacred day, he'
cause some of the higher orders had been guilty oft
similar offence—(Cries of " No, no.")—lt might easel
be conceived that persons in the higher sphere of lie
had the power of concealing their violations of the
Sunday—(Hear, hear).—They might, for installcer
lock their doors, and might do many things which
were not in their own n 'tore capable of being prose;
cuted. But, with regard to the Society itself, it
might be recollected that it had received the recto
mendations and encouragement of many of the best
law authorities, and most venerable men known to
the country. With respect to the motion before the
House, he had to observe, that there never was 2
period when the licentiousness of the Pre >s was s,O
great as it was at present—( Hear, hear, from lige,
Ministerial Benches).—Calumny, and slander,. and
falsehood were circulated in every shape, and pos.lle
_
as well as public character was assailed in the foulest
and most insufferable manner—(Hear, hear, hear).--
Such being the case, he considered it, so. far from
being unconstitutional,, to be strictly conformable to
it
the very genius of the Constitution, that individu.ii.
should ..uciate to make personal exertions 14 u