Star.
London, England, 1821-03-01 00:00:00

. . . •
thought the Bill of. Rights wrong, be' one would rejoice more than he should to see all his
!.,Ever) would be the first.to moae the repeal of predictions proved false, and all his arguments re-
Every inducernent had been held out to King futed hy the increasing concord of the two sects.—
onsent to the repeal of the Corporation I (The Right Honourabk Gentleman sat down amidst
winiini to C
The Right Hon. Gentleman here loud and general cheers.)
vid Test Acts.
„ad a letter from. King William, in the year 1687, SirJAM ES MACKINTOSH began by eulogizing,
in which he consented to the repeal of the Penal in an animated strain, the very eloquent speech al
•
vs; bat at the same time said, that neither he, the Right Hon. Gentleman who had opened the de- '
ar die Princess his wife, could consent to the repeal bate. He thought that the Right Han. Gentleman
tithe Corporation and Test Acts, by which the Ca- opposite had imputed to his Right Hon. Friend a
aslics were excluded from offices of trust and power. proposition which he never had advanced, namely-a-
Ada: distinctionrhad been drawn by that great that all the subjects of this realm, without any qua-
Veatch `King illiam III.) betwixt punishment lification whatever, had an equal right to power.
for religious opinions and an exclusion f: on) political The Right Hon. Gentleman had referred to several
ee.. He wanted nothing but the authority of periods between the time of Elizabeth and the Hero-
cissaWilliam for the vote he should give that night. lution. at which existed dangers to the Constitution.
antibere were other authorities still higher than that He (Sir James Mackintosh) entertained no doubt of
King William. In the recital of the Bill of Rights, the truth of these statements ; but he would assert,
dispensing power claimed by James for the ad- that throughout the whole the danger was; one and
of Catholics to power had been specified and the same. Every deviation from the Constitution,
-retied. The Act for the toleration of Protestant as his Right Hon. Friend had so precisely laid down,
Dissenters, was passed in the beginning of the reign of was made on 'a temporal ground only ; and what the
tog William; and in the reign of Anne, an attempt Right lion. Gentleman said, tended only to confirm
Ltd been made to exclude the Dissenters from the the arguments of his Right Honourable Friend. The
feficit of the Act, by a Bill prevent occasional Right Ilonourable Gentleman next referred to the ;
conformity. The Bill passed the Commons with much opinions of those great and illustrious characters, 1
dificulty; but being strongly opposed in the Lords, who flourished at the period of the Revolution.— '
*conference
was appointed between the two Houses. Whatever opinions those justly celebrated men en-
On the part of the Lords, the Bishop of Salisbury, tertained in that age might have been justifiable
Lord Halifax, the Dake of Devonshire, and Loi•d enough, for then danger to the Constitution did exist.
go were appointed to manage the conrerence, Now, however, the Right Hon. Gentlemaa admits
waxer guments were triumphant. In the Act of that there is no danger ; but that, he supposes, may
1705, it was declared that the Church was in no dan- not be the case; there might be danger at some fu- j
Se. At the conference it was stated, on The part of cure period, and on such possibilities and contingen-
aeLords, that every Government might impose re- gies of future danger, he would ground the exclusion I
ltraints on the admission to offices of trust. A cer- of so large and respectable a portion of his Majesty's ;
rain class of Disseaters had been exempted in civil subjects from a participation in the privileges of the
roes, from the necessity of an oath; but the same Constitution. The principles which existed at the I
principle that applied to the Quaker applied to the Revolution, and by which that glorious event had i
Catholic. The case was not imaginary, as a Quaker been brought about, were diametrically opposite, to
had been elected a Member of that House, but was the principles on which the exclusion of the lOnian I
lot allowed to take his seat, as, from his religious Catholics is at present maintained—(Near).--The
principles, he could not take the oath. If he (Mr. political principles of the Roman Catholics themselves
Peel) was asked what danger was to be feared at the had undergone a change. What they were at that time, I
resent day, he should say, that should danger result, anybody who was acquainted with the history of the
the State might not have the power of recalling the country could not but know. What they were at pre- ,
concessions made. He would admit, for the sake of seat, the Petition of the English Roman Catholics, pre-
argument, that none of the • dangers that the re- seined by his Noble Friend, most manifestly declared.
grants were meant to apply to existed at the present The Right Honourable Gentleman had stated, that
exy; but, in legislating for the future, was it not it amounted to nothing less than an alteration of the
necessary to look to the past?—{Hear). In the time British Constitution, to repeal the Act made in the
drug William, there was no danger from the Pope, 30th of Charles the Second, by which Roman Cacho-
ss,noderthe pretence of supplying money against the lics had been excluded from a seat in the I'arlianrent
Turks, it was applied to dethrone King James. But of the kingdom. He would not hesitate to assert,
though no danger might exist at the present day, any before the Right, Honourable Gentleman and before
more than at the time of King William, still he was the House, that no Statute was ever made under such
warranted to look to the possibility of future dan- questionable circumstances. No Statute had ever
ger. •He might be told that the State had nothing flowed from so corrupt, so impure a.source, as that
to do with religion; but in looking to what had Statute, the repeal of which the Right Honourable
taken place in the history of this country, the influ- Gentleman alleges to be an alteration of 'the Constia
act of religious. opinion would be easily preserved. tution. That Act passed in 1678. How, he would
He (Mr. Peel) had objected to the Bill of 1817 for ask, was the Parliament of that day prepared for that
the same reasons as he opposed the present motion. legislative enactment, which was to exclude from the
Bathe would a.,k the Right Hon. Gentleman, bad House such Members as professed the Roman Ca-
that•Bill passed, could it have been executed in Ire- tholic religion? They were employed in the exami•
land? and whether the obstacles would have pro- nation of Titus Oates—(Hear, hear)—that abomi-
seeded from Protestants or Catholics? This Bill had nable wretch, whose impositions disgraced that Par-
ker reprobated by the great majority of the Cacho- liament and that age in which he lived (Hear, hear).
Jigs; and it had been declared by the Laity, that In what state of mind, he would ask, were the slern-
theyarculd rather continue as they were than accept bers of diet House, at the period when they passed
of power on such terms, notwithstanding the cordial that Act? Alas! how easy it was to pass laws, yet
xquiescence of the Sovereign Pontiff. He cherished how difficult to obtain the repeal of them. That the
so feelings of hostility to the Roman Catholics, as, vilest and the most profligate of his species should be
though he had opposed their claims, they bad done able to impose on the House of Commons of that day;
jrctice to his motives. He took the same ground as that such an execrable miscreant should be able to
king William and Lord Somers, that the holders of infect the understanding of the noble-minded persons
aficeshould be Members of the national taith. Were who were then Members of that House, and influ-
k a Cathehic, and living in a Protestant country, ence them by his detestable fictions, to pass a law,
ie would admit that he would be a fair subject of the repeal of which some of the greatest men who
inspicion. But if he thought this measure was one ever lived—some of the most distinguished cliarac-
that would remove all ground of dissention, and es- ters in the two last generations—wee unable to ob-
sentially promote the prosperity of Ireland, his min. The principles of that great deliverer of his
fears for the future would disappear—(clear, hear). country (William III.), who was more calumniated
As be was of opinion that such consequences would than any one had ever been, were quite explicit on
not leolit, he must oppose the measure. Various the subject of the penal and disabling laws agninst
causes 11.1 d concurred to engender :t spirit of religious his Roman Catholic subjects. These principles were
snininsity, which he seas happy to see was gradually afterwards made known, and it had been the general
wearing away. At the same tima, lie admitted that opinion, founded on the best authority, that atter the
there were other causes operating besides difference repeal of the Penal Laws, William would consent to,
in religion, and he was of opinion the Bill would not the repeal of the disabling Statutes also, if the Re-
operate beneficially. He was afraid there would be man Catholics conducted themselves deservingly.—
a more emhittmed struggle for power between Ca- Occasional conformity had been tolerated, the prac-
tholics and Protestants, than between candidates for tice of which would have reduced the Test Act to
power of the same faith. He had a difficult task to a dead letter, Unless occasional conformity was
perform on this occasion, having so often delivered prohibited, the Test Act was no more than mere
his sentiments before in that House; and he again waste paper. The Right Honourable Gentleman
begged to assure the House, that in deciding upon had adverted to the opinions of Lord Somers, and
this question, the grounds of his decision were by no said his authority had been deemed of the greatest
means determined by his connection with any party importance on that side of the House. They did, I
or any individuals, He spoke independently of all, no doubt, carry infinite weight with them, among
and had not even taken the pains to ascertain what those who sat on that side; and it were much
might be the sentiments of others. Ile determined to be desired that they were more regarded on the
on this question according to its intrinsic merits.— Right Honourable Gentleman's own side. But how-
If the Right Hon. Gentleman brought in his Bill, ever great and illustrious Lord Somers had been,
he assured him that, should the People of England, persons had a right to examine and interpret his
contrary to what they ought to do, nuke any part principles and opinions. The Right Honourable Gen-
against it, he would not quote their sentiments in tleman had dwelt on the laws which affect thelect
support of his own. As he had not regarded what called Quakers. The laws relating to the Quakers •
was termed the voice of the People in other matters, were the grossest absurdity. It was no loss to the I
hewould not pretend to do so in this, because it ac. Quakers that they did not take the oaths which all
corded with his own. He would appeal to nothing others of his Majesty's subjects did take—the loss
but the deliberate wisdom of that House—(Hear).— was to the parties. The tenets of the Roman Cacho,'
If he thought this measure could with safety be lics were not so exclusive as those of the Quakers.
adopted, not the whole voice of England should Of all sects, which rose in modern times, none ex-
prevent him from giving it his support. His own cited greater alarm and distrust than the Quakers.
opinion was as he had expressed it, and with the means Their theoretical and practical principles were op-
af iniuenc.e over others which he had possessed, so posed to the lawfulness of war and of oaths. If those
far from being consulted on the subject, lie had re, principles were to be extended, they would expose
trained from endeavouring to bias the opinions of any. the State to danger, and render the administration of
He had, he believed, been the means of preventing justice impossible. From these principles were de-
many Petitions on the subject from being presented. rived strong arguments against the toleration of that
He had on all occasions declared, Lim; to the delibe- sect. But what was the answer to these arguments?
rate wisdom of the House of Commons, and to that Why, it was answered, that they would be found by
alone, should he appeal, and in that he confided for experience to be a harmless, a loyal, and an indas-
adecision according with his own sentiments, He trious class of people—and the event has proved
ibeeld bele conclude what he had to say to the it. What was the argument against the Catholics?
House, by assuring them that no result of that debate It was that their doctrines were dangerous, and that'
would give him unqualified pleasure. He was bound their admissibility to power would be attended with
to Mali that those opinions which he advocated might the most fatal consequences. What should the answer
rnail, If they did, that sort of satisfaction which be? Experience. It had been asserted, inSt Petition
e guild not but derive from the 6mm/1043:ice, would presented to that House, that all Roman 'Catholics
be
tempered by the reflection that it was tantamount held and practised the doctrine of mental reservation.'
"a> ection oftbe claims of a great portion of their Was that slander spoken of the religion to which be-
go' rang (clime-subjects—(Near, hear).—lf, on the 'longed the most illustrious charaCms that flourished
the ••1r sentiments of the Right Hon. Mover in this or any other countrt? Wel oat spoken of
ha"ld be triumphant, he -assured•the House that no men like 4r ThOmes.MOre, *fib "(IN 'a martyr to

. . .
; ' the open and unreserved profession of his creed 2.
, ! Was that spoken of Fenelon, who was the ornament
and the pride of his country and of mankind ? He,
would do th. grossest injustice to the religion to
which he belonged, if he did not condemn the send-
, meats conveyed in that Petition. It was a libel not
I only on -the Roman Catholics but on Christianity
I itself; and he was sorry it.could proceed from a body
of Clergymen. If he were in the House *hen that
Petition was presented, he would not. suffer it to dis-
grace their table. And be could almost regret, on
that account, that the records of the House were pre-
served. But the question was now whether the dan-
ger to the Church of Ireland was more or less by the
repeal of those degrading laws? In his opinion the
danger, if any could be supposed to exist, would be
greatly diminished by the adoption of conciliatory mea-
sures. In opening to theCathollics all theoffices of State,
would be found the best security that they would not
conspire against the constitution of Church or State.
Whence, he would ask, arose the revolt of the Roman
Catholics in Ireland, in IE4I, but from the cruel and
unrelenting Administration of the Chief Governor,
,Strafford ? Whence originated the Popish plots in
the time of James or Charles the Second, who was
himself the real conspirator? They did not originate
within. the walls of that or the other House of Parlia-
ment. It was out;ide the Houses of Parliament all
conspiracies arose. The danger consisted, not in the
admission, but in the exclusion of those who were by
right entitled to a seat among them. The night Hon.
Gentleman said much on foreign war and commercial
jealousy ; but he spoke not of the internal distinctions
which hag( been kept up, and tended to prolong their
misery. One cause of animosity succeeded to another,
and at One period the• inhabitants were divided into
Englishry and Irishry, ;it another period into Pro-
testants and Catholics, and, subsequently, into new
comers and old proprietors. Why should these badge•;
of distinction be allowed to exist ? Ile, and those Ho-
nourable Friends about him, would propose to throw
into the flames and consumeall the seeds of animosity.
They would efface and annihilate that odious brand
that was stamped on the old natives. They would
draw oblivion over all those odious distinctions. His
,Nlajesty, it was reported, intended to visit Ireland.—
That he considered a remarkable peculiarity. All his
predecessors, who visited Ireland, carried the sword
before them. Henry the Second, 'James, and William,
made Ireland the theatre of war. William was the
emancipator of England, of Holland, and of Europe •
—but he was the conqueror of Ireland. A glory
more pure was reserved for his Majesty. He would
be received as the harbinger of unanimity', and the
messenger of the British Constitution. He would not
be regarded by the Irish as a conqueror by the sword,
as his predecessors had been, but would he received
with acclamation, as the guardian of the people's
rights and restorer of their privilege.
Lord BURY said lie could net give a silent vote
on so solemn an occasion. He lamented the exclu-
sion of so many excellent persons as the Roman Ca-
tholics of England from the offices of the State; the
privileges of the Constitution to which their loyalty
and obedience had so well entitled them. During
the periods of commotion and disturbance they were
never known to be implicated as a body ; and if they
expressed opinions on Religion different from the
great majority of the People, those opinions were
such as the wisest men had expressed before. With
respect to Ireland, where the numbers were great,
that only argued the impolicy of the exclusion.
Mr. D.I3ROWNE rose to speakou the question.
Mr. W. WYNN rose to a point of order, and said,
the Hon. Gentleman having seconded the motion,
might then speak, but having allowed that oppor-
tunity to escape, he had now no right to address
the House.

.1 patience in suffering, and moderation, so emiee
entitled them to the consideration of the! 116usea
• Were they to be told—" It is true we feel for your
degraded situation ; we admire your exempla, y con-
duct; true, we admit the justice of your claims to
our sympathy, and to independence; but, if we grant
the prayer of your Petition, we must repeal the Test
and Corporation Acts?" What a reply would this be
to the Petitioners! The Roman Catholics say they
are entitled to the repeal of those laws which still
aggrieve them, because those pernicious principle-,
which rendered their enactment neceasary, have long
ceased to exist. Were they to be told in answer.-
" It is true, you are fully entitled to the repeal of
those laws, for you do not deserve to be vi,ited with
their penalties, but your posterity may !"—( Heoe.)—
His Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel) had said, the situa-
tion of-Ireland was a subject to which he could not
' refer without deep feeling. He agreed with his Right
Hon. Friend, that unhappy country ought to be dear
to him. Let him not, therefore, exclude Ireland from
the advantages which the present motion was likely
to produce. Agreeing with his Right Hon. Friend
in his kindly feelings to Ireland, he disagreed with
him in the harsh measure he would induce the House
to adopt—the rejection of the Roman Catholic Peti-
tion. Ireland was unhinged in every particular—in
this country the distress was loc d—there it was ge-
neral. The democratic principles of the Constitution
in that country produce evils wkich in this are kept
in abeyance by those aristocratic principles which
produce the safety of the State—(Near, heat).—
, Here the persons of property represent popular opi-
nions and popular feelings. What melancholy results
flowed from the unhappy state of society there, he need
not repeat. Whence arose those outrages amongst
a people proverbially generous ? Whence that want
of reliance on the laws amongst a people of all others
disposed to confidence ; and which induced them to
seek redress, not from the laws, but from the indul-
gence of their own passions ? Ile could not agree
with his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel), that Roman
.Catholic disabilities formed no part of the grievances
of which Iceland had to complain. His Right Hon.
Friend said, that in England every man was for the
laws—in Ireland every man against them. He (Mr.
Grant) would say, that in the months of Englishmen
was national distress—in the hearts of Irishmen un-
complaining suffering. If .the Penal system be fol.
lowed from the first moment of its enactment, you
'follow, step by step,' the degradation of the Irish
•1 character ; hut which, within the last half century, has
improved with the amelioration w'iich has taken
place. Whilst Wales and Chester owed their liberties
to Edward, and Durham to Charles the Second, Ire-
land owed its servitude to William. That people,
who deserved so much at the bands cf this country,
was prepared to receive with gratitude and submis-
sion whatever Parliament might in its wisdom be
pleased to giant. He could not but remark on the
inconsistency of that conduct, which, while it threw
open the Bar, the Army, and Navy, and thus gave
political power to the Roman Catholics, would yet
refuse those things comparatively inferior,--(Hear).
A Roman Catholic Magistrate qualifies by an oath
for his seat on the Bench—his brother Magistrate, a
Protestant, by the oath which he takes, insults him.
The Roman Catholic freeholder takes an oath to
qualify him to vote for Member of Parliament, and
is in the next moment degraded by that which his
Representative is compelled to take. We were told
there would be inconsistency in a Protestant King
with a Roman Catholic Council, and yet Parliament
might he anything, provided it were not Roman Ca-
tholic. Did these exclusions produce tranquillity?—
and was Parliament to be called upon to sacrifice the
real interests of Ireland to the technical arguments
and visioning y fears of his Right lion. Friend ? There
was an annual Bill of Indemnity passed to relieve
Dissenters—perhaps one on a similar principle, in
favour of the Roman Catholics, might be admitted.
They had taken their stand in a position which
,hewed the greatest generalship, the most profound
knowledge of tactics; and it seemed to him that
Parliament could only stand on the broad basis of
national toleration. The only mode by which the
question could airly be considered was, by recy,s,
ring to the great principles of the Constitution,
which declared the highest offices of the &ate
open to the lowest of the People—(Hear, hear).-re
And, how many thousands of British subjects lived
and died in ignorance of those great principles, which
had the effect of inspiring confidence amongst the
People? and it would be impossible to recite the
many nameless ties by which a cherished Constitu-
tion attracted to it followers. It was their duty, when
speaking of the Roman Catholics, to claim for them
the benefit of the %hole Constoutien. As a body,
acting with and supporting the laws, the power of
the Roman Catholics would be great, and would
continue to increase, and vice versa. He begged that
the Ilouse would look at,the present state of-Ireland
—its rapidly increasing population, and the virtues
of its inhabitants ; and consider whether it was just
that those who partook of the sufferings, ought not
also to partake of,the privileges of the English people?
He called on the House now to naily the solemn
contract that had been entered into at the time when
the Union took place between both countries—
(Hear, hear ).—fle (Mr. Grant) would ask the House,
what meaning that great !Statesman (Mr. Pitt), who
had proposed the measure, attached to the following
lines, which he had applied to the union of the two
countries

The SPEAKER said, it was not unusual for Ho-
nourable Gentlemen who seconded motions to speak
after several others had offered their opinions; but if
the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wynne) insisted on it, he
should be obliged to enforce the rule of the House.
Mr. BROWNE (being repeatedly called), said his
Right Honourable Friend did not require the house
to come to any legislative measure immediately ; he
only required of them to go into a Committee, in
order to consider and examine tl.e allegations in the
Petition. Mr. Pitt had always intended granting
emancipation to the Irish Roman Catholics, and gave
every hope of the speedy accomplishment of that
measure by the Union, which was preparatory to
the former—( hear).
Mr. DAWSON opposed the motion, but was, from
the continued noise, almost inaudible. He disclaimed
having been ever influenced in private matters by the
religion of the parties—never made a distinction be-
tween Catholic and Protestant—and trusted, there-
fore, his opposition to themotion would not be ascribed
to prejudice or other unworthy motives. The Roman
Catholics of Ireland, at the present moment, enjoy
as great a proportion of liberty as it is possible for
men th enjoy; under which conviction, he would op-
pose the extension to them of political power. He
conceived it would be purchasing Roman Catholic
loyalty at too great a price, by the sacrifice of the
Refigion—(C'orsaiderable naive, and pies'
of Order). He was not surprised at the impatience
of Honourable Gentlemen, when doctrines and ()pi-
! nions in opposition to theirs were maintained (Ikar).
The Honourable Gentleman concluded by saying he
should oppose the motion.
Mr. CHARLES GRANT (Secretary for Ireland)
rose, amidst some confusion and loud cries of Go
on, go on, Mr. Grant !" He begged leave to congra-
tulate that House and the,Nation on one result likely
to rise from the present debate. Hopes might now,
he trusted, be indulged that the Roman Catholic
question had made progress, and this might be de-
duced, not merely trom the inimitable and brilliant
speech 'of his Right Honourable -Friend (Mr. Plun-
kett), but from the moderation, the mildness which
characterized that of the Right Honourable Gentle.
man who opposed the motion, but to which he lis-
tened with sonic surptisg, as that Right Honourable
Gentleman (Mr. Peel) had recourse to stair argu-
ments as if this question were then, for the first time
agitated ; he begged his Right Honourable Friend's
pardon, but be (344. Grant) must
.say. that he con-
ceived the line of argnment follow* by him (Mr.,
Peel) as extraordinarfor I travelled, completely
from the question of the Catholic Choicl.c,.. to the re,.,
peal of 'the Test and Corptiration Acts; -in doing
which, however, he paid the tribute of admira-
tion of his Right Hon. f'riend's dexterity. But what
language was to be addressed to the CatlioliCs,.wilo,,,:

Non ezo, nec Truths Dalt), parere jobeho.
Ntc mihi rtgna putt): ride:mi. ,c kgibw imbz
invictz zentes zterna w feeder.' snittant!
What, he asked, did Mr. Pitt understand by the eter-
nal laws of confederacy, which were in futUre to bind
those nations, not in the relations of conqueror and.
conquered, but in equality of laws?—(Hear hear).
N'Ve prole3s," continued the Right 110 n. Gentic-
man, " to follow the policy of that enlightened States
man in our intercourse and relations with foreign
countries; but on his system of domestic policy we
have not yet acted, nor will the maxims on which
that system was founded be reduced to practice till
the inscription on his tomb records the liberation of
Ireland—(Hear, hear.) Look at the state of educa-
tion in that country, and view its natives pursuing
every means of acquiring knowledge. These are se-
curities springing up where they were least expected,
as if sent by PROVIDENCE to remove a base and
illi-
beral pretext-car). Let us not take advantage
of them to, continue the present system of injustice;
...I'll. let us rather avail ourselves of them, as raised up

.1

by that Puoinprzwe which I believe to be tke pecu-
liar protection of national faith and national jus-
tice—(Loud cheers).
Mr. LUKE WHITE returned his thanks to the
Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, for
the manner in which he had described the sufferings
of his unhappy countrymen ; for whom he was confi-
dent there could be no prosperity, if the measure now
recommended did not take place.

Mr. BANKES said, that at the time the Union
with Ireland had been proposed, he thought that
Ireland was not in a condition to accede to it, nor
England in a condition to accept it. It was impos-
sible that, with such a change, this country could
depart from the laws and institutions by which her
greatness had long been upheld. The Honourable
Gentleinan concluded, amidst loud cries for the
Question, with expressing his dissent from the Mo-
tion before the House.

Mr. HART DAVIS now.said, that he conceived,
its se many Gentlemen wished to speak, it would be
necessary to move an adjournment.
Mr. M. FITZGERALD said be had seen in the
Gazette an Address to his Majesty, purporting to come
from the Orangemen of Ireland. He conceived that
such an Address could not have been sent forth in
such an official shape without the concurrence of Mi-
nisters; and it appeared to him to be nothing less
than an insult, because the Judges of Ireland had de-
clared the body of Orangemen to be an illegal asso-
ciation.-on account of their secretly entertaining prin-
ciple; that were known only to themselves, and there-
fore highly mischievous—(Hear, hear). The Address
in question was brought over to this country by the
Lord Mayor of Dublin, who was his Majesty's Sta-
tioner in Ireland, dnd was greatly disappointed at not
receiving the honour of Knighthood. Indeed, his
Worship was so certain of having that honour be-
stowed upon him, that he was advised, before he left
Dublin, to bear the motto " Pro Patria !" but under
that disappointment, a worthy Alderman, whom he
then saw near the Bar (Sir William Curtis) resolved
to cheer him up, and gave him a dinner at the City
of London Tavern—(Loud cheering, and the cry of
Question, question!) The Hon. Member expressed his
dislike to partiality, which could not fail to increase
the political hostility too frequent in Ireland. He
hoped the King of England would never be consi-
dered the Sovereign of a Faction, instead of being
t'ie Father of his People.

Sir GEORGE HILL rose amidst loud calls for the
question,. and coughing. He said, he had not been
convinced, by any arguments he had heard, that this
motion should be agreed to. Such were not the opi-
nions of our forefathers—(Question, Question). He
contended that the restrictions upon the Roman Ca-
tholics of Ireland were as necessary now as they were
forty years ago, and that no alteration which had
taken place in education could be advanced as an ar-
gument in support of their claims.
Lord CASTLEREAGH could not suffer this
question to go to a division without saying a few
words on the subject. He always spoke on this sub-
ject with pain, because he differed in opinion from
those with whom, on other points, he invariably
acted with the greatest satisfaction. He was sur-
priied at the warmth of feeling which prevailed on
this question on both sides. He could easily ima-
gine that the feelings of the Catholics might lead '
them to attach greater importance to the advantage
expected to be derived from carrying the measure
than it deseived; but he was surprised to hear Gen-
tleinen on the other side of the question express ap-
prehensions of clanger from granting emancipation.
In his opinion, if all the Catholics asked was granted
to them to-morrow, it would not add the least degree
of political weight to the CatholiC population more
than they enjoyed at present. He thought much ad-
vantage would arise from granting Emancipation,
whilst no danger was to be apprehended from it, un-
less we could for a moment imagine a Catholic Prince
on the Throne. He wished to place the Catholics in
the same situation as the other Dissenters were, and
could see no objection to extending those privileges
to them. There was no such principle of exclusion
as that kept up in this country, existing either in
France, Holland, or the Empire of Germany. We
were almost the only great Power in Europe who
persevered in the system of exclusion from Offices of
State on account of religion. His firm conviction
was, that behind could never be settled until Catho-
lic Emancipation was granted to the People. If he
had been able, when he formed part of Lord Sid-
mouth's Government, he would have placed: the
Catholic Clergy in an honourable connection with
Government ; and if he had been able to effect that,
he was sure he could not have done anything more
conducive to the peace and happiness of Ireland—
(llear, hear).—The refusal of this measure would
operate against the system, the open and liberal sys-
tem upon which the Government of Ireland at present
acted. Indeed, he was conscious, that so long as
this measure remained ungranted, it would be a
defect in the security and harmony of the Ern-
pire—(Hear, hear, hear).
Mr. R. MARTIN begged to oppose to the theory
of the Right Hon. Member for Oxford something
that flowed on his mind from experience. Instances
as likely to excite the Catholics against the Protes-
tants, had occurred, as any that might be expected
to rouse the Protestants against the Catholics, but
the result had been satisfactory. The Der?s,
.Jour-
nal being prosecuted by the Catholics for a libel,
a Catholic Jury had given a verdict against a Ca-
tholic Priest, and when Mr. O'Gorman brought
an action against the Duldin Evening Post for
calling him " a dishonourable blockhead,' what did
the Jury tell him ? Why they told hith that, for
being called " a dishonourable blockhead," he was
entitled to sixpence damages—(Laughter).—This
served to prove that Catholics were bound by their
oaths, and resolute to perform their duty. He should
certainly vote for going into the Committee. If he
felt that they could withdraw all the benefits that had
been conferred on the Catholics, they might consist-
ently negative the present motion ; but, having paid
£999, and obtained no receipt, if paying another
pound would procure the receipt; it would be wis-
dom for such an object to make so small an addi-
tional sacrifice. There were other topics which he
(Mr. Martin) should like to have touched upon 1—
E he impatience of the House, however, 4ecame so

m • y'

•

:,

great, that the Hon. Gentleman was obliged to sit
down without having completed his speech.]
The Gallery was then cleared, and the House di-
vided: The numbers were as follow :
For the Motion... 247
Against it 221

Majority for the Motion ..... 6

. _
The declaration of the numbers was received by
the loudest cheering ever heard within the walls
of that House. _ _ _

Upon the re-admission of strangers to the Gallery,
Mr. PLUNKETT was congtatulating the House upon
,the decision which they had just come to. To him
and to the Roman Catholics it must afford the highest
satisfaction—(Hear, hear).—But even if that decision
bad been otherwise—if it had been against his motion,
he would also have congratulated the House on ac-'
count of the fair, temperate, and
)egentlemanlyen man-
ner in which the discussion had conducted--
(Cheers).—Those base and unworthy insinuations,
which, on former occasions, had been thrown out
against the Roman Catholics, were heard no more.
Those who opposed the measure upon such grounds,
felt that they had been defeated by the force of truth,
and by the conduct of the Roman Catholics them-
selves—(Hear, hear).—He trusted that the House
would go int? the Committee with the same disposi-
tion to conciliate. So far as he was concerned, he
would endeavour to promote that object by every
means in his power. He hoped that he should be
able, indeed he had every confidence that he would
be able to propose a practical measure in the Com-
mittee, which would prejudice no party, and conci-
liate all—(Cheers).—He concluded with giving notice,
that, on Friday next, he should move the House to
resolve itsell into the Committee—(Hear, hear).
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed
of; and the House adjourned at Two o'Clack.

APPEALS,
HEARD EC THE HOUSE Or LORD% TESTERDAT
saitt.tua, antilant ; rosanstua, respondent.
This was an Appeal from the decision of the Court of Session,
Sunda:id. The Attorney-General was heard In reply.—Judy-
meat postponed.

- -
CJICSAR coLmAucm, ESQ. alp ellant; cmzow, respondent.
This was an Appeal from the decision of the Court of
Chancery, Ireland. Mr. Agar and Mr. Shadwell were heard
for the appellant, and Mr. Wetherell and Mr. Leval for the
respondent.—Judgment postponed.

Till ILIIIT•IXDIA CODIPANE, appellants; Erna sTow, resinndent.
This was an Appeal from the decision of the Court of Ex-
chequer, England. The Attorney-General was heard in part
for the appellants•
-

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

THURSDAY, MARCH 1, 1821.
TIIE FUNDS.
PRICE 01 STOCKS THIS DAY AT OHS (*LOCK :
Dank Stock 226 2251h-3 per Ct. Reduced 731/2 11/2
3 per Ct. Cons. 761/g 72 V2-3i per Cent. 83
1 per Ct. 92 91-1/2-5 per Ct. Navy 106 1/2 $l4 14. 106
Long Anns. 19 1-16—India Stock 2291/2 230
India Bonds 445. 425. pr.—Exchequer Bills ss. 35. pr.
Consols for April 731/2 1/4.

We have to congratulate the People of Ireland,
and the Friendi of Religious Toleration in every part
of the Empire, on the result of last night's discussion
of the question of Catholic Emancipation: Mr.
PLUNKE rT introduced the subject, in a speech of the
most splendid eloquence and commanding talent,
and concluded by moving " that a Committee of the
whole House should inquire into the propriety of re-
pealing the Laws which prevent Catholics from hold-
ing offices in the State."—Mr. PEEL took the lead on
the other side, and to great ability in his arguments,
joined a spirit of moderation, which former leaders
in the cause of exclusion have but rarely displayed.
The other speakers were—in favour of the motion,
Sir JANI ES MACK INTOSII, Lord CASTLEREAGH, Lord
BURT, Mr. CHARLES GRANT (Chief Secretary to the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland), and Messrs. L. WHITE,
M. FITZOERALD, D. BROWNE, R. MARTIN, and DAW-
SON ; against it, Mr. BA NKES and Sir G. IT'LL. The
House divided at two o'clock this morning, when the
motion was carried by a majority of six, the numbers
being, for the motion 227, against it 221.
Previott to the general discussion on the question,
Lord NeGENT presented the usual annual Petition
from the Catholics of England, and in the course of
his observations mentioned, as a curious fact, that all
the Baronies whose Representatives signed Magna
Charta, are extinct, with the exception of four. The
Representatives of these four Baronies are amongst
the Peers who signed the Petition.
We do not observe that, in the course of the
debate, any notice was taken of a certain pecu-
liarity in the situation of our present KING, which
we think may be looked upon as one of the most
favourable of the many favourable circumstances
under which the question of Catholic Emancipa-
tion is now brought before Parliament. The law.
KING, in refusing his assent to Catholic Emanci-
pation, was always understood to be actuated by a
conscientious scrupulousness with respect to the
Oath he had taken at his Corunaticn ; and the pre-1
Sent KING, as long as he administered the govern-I
ment merely as Regent, could not with propriety
consent to an act which his Royal Father, had he
been in the exercise of his functions, would have
thought k a point of conscience to oppose. Since the
accession, however, of GEORGE the Fouaru, to 'the
Sovereignty, his MAJESTY has become absolved from
all such restraint ; nor can he, as yet, have any occa-
sion to entertain the same scruples of conscience on
the subject, which prevailed with his predecessor,'
GEORGE IV. has still his Coronation Oath to take,
and, should happily the Constitution be amended in
the way proposed; before that important event takes

-r
_

.~ti

-• • •

place, his MAZISTY can have no difficulty in swear-
ing to the Constitution as he finds it.

Advises have been receives in town direct from
Naples, of as late a date as the •10th of February.—
We subjoin the substance of them, as also a copy of
the letter written by his SICILIAN MAJESTY to his
son, the Panics REGENT. The letter is not of a
Inature to 'make any person feel angry with the old
man. Every line of it is in so cannot-be•helped a
tone, that it must rather excite a strong sentiment of
commiseration for the aged Monarch. He went to
meet the Allied Sovereigns, in the hope of nego-
tiating; but had the mortification to find that he
had only been sent for to receive their imperious
Commands. His MAJESTY'S letter confirms the ac-
count which we before had of the ultimatum of these
lordly Potentates. Nothing less than the military
occupation of Naples, for a term of years, was to
avert the scourge of war, even though the Neapoli-
tans should forswear the Constitution which has
brought upon them the wrath of the Allied Powers.
Could a Nation, with the least spark of independence
remaining, however inferior iu numbers, however
poor in resources, make any other than one answer to
such a proposal ?—We brave your threats, and shall
resist your invasion to the last drop of our blood!

LETT= TRANSMITTED TROY! LATRACII

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS TIM PRINCE aLOOiTe

.4 DEAREST Sos—The sentiments which animate me to pro-
mote the happiness of my people, and the motives by which I
have been impelled, at an advanced age, and in a rigorout sea-
son, to undettakca long and painful journey, are well known to
you. I perceived that our country was threatened with new
misfortunes, and was convinced, therefore, that no consideration
ought to prevent an act imposed on me as the most sacred
of duties.

" After my first interview with the Sovereigns, and subse-
quently receiving the communications which were made to me
relative to the deliberations that had taken placer the part of
the Congress assembled at Troppau, I no longer retained any
doubt of the judgment formed by the Allied Powers of the
events that have occurred at Naples, from the Ist of July to the
present day.
" I found them irrevocably determined not to recognise the
situation of affairs that has resulted, or that can by possibility re-
sult, ft one those events ; they regard our present system as in-
coinyatible, both with the tranquillity of my kingdom and tke
security of the neighbouring States ; and resolve to attack us•
by force of arms, if the force of persuasion does not produce an
immediate cessation from that course of action.

" This is the declaration which the Sovereigns, as well as
the respective Plenipotentiaries, have made to me, and from
which nothing can induce them to depart.

" It is beyond my power, and, I believe, all human possi-
bility, to obtain a' different result. There remains, then, no
uncertainty as to the alternative in which we are plated, nor of
the only means which remain to save my kingdom from the
scourge of war.

Should the conditions on which the Sovereigns insist be ac-
cepted, the measures to which they will give rise will be con-
ducted solely through my intervention. I ought to inform you,
however, that the Monarchs exact certain guarantees which
they consider indispensably necessary to the security of the
neighbouring States.

" In regard to the new system which is to succeed the pre-
sent situation of affairs, the Sovereigns have communicated the
general point of view under which they regard that question.
" They consider the measures that are to be adopted to give
the stability to my Government which is necessary, a subject of
the highest importance to the security and tranquillity of the
States bordering on my kingdom, and consequently to the whole
of Europe ; but withcut assuming the power to restrain my free
choke in the selection of those measures. They derdre that, sur-
rounded by the wisest and most honourable men among my
subjects, I may cor.sult the true and permanent interests of my
people, without losing sight of those involved in the maintenance
of the general peace ; and that there may result from my cares
and my exertions a system of Government calculated to guaran-
tee for ever the repose and prosperity of my kingdom, and at
the same time to give sechrity to the rest of Italy, taking into
consideration all those moliees for inguidude which the late events
have caused them.

" It is my desliv, dearest son, that you give to the present
letter all the publicity that it ought to have, to the end that no
one may be deceived concerning the perilous situation in which
we are placed. If this letter produces the effect which I feel
permitted to hope, by the conscious rectitude of my paternal
intentions, and my confidence both in your understanding and
in the just judgment and loyalty of my People, it will-be your
task to maintain public order, until I can convey to you, in a
more explicit manner, my will concerning the re-ordainment of
the Administration. In the meantime, I embrace you with all
my heart. (Signed) " FERDINAND.
" Laybach, January 28."

" NAPLES, FEBRUARY io.

" Although the letter of the King has produced
much agitation in the city, the effect, on the whole,
is not so great as might have been expected. Per-
fect tranquillity is everywhere Preserved ; but you do
not meet an individual who is not venting execra-
tions against the Austrians. The Parliament is now
sitting in deliberation on the King's letter; and such
is the general anxiety to dknow the result, that the
streets leading to the Parliament House are ren-
dered completely impassable by the crowds who are
waiting for the decision. There can be no doubt
that war will be resolved on ; for the proposition to
garrison the fortresses with Austrian troops, which
is the guarantee demanded by the Allied Powers, is
an insult to an independent nation, and a thing im-
possible for her to grant. It is generally believed,
indeed, that secret orders have been already sent off'
to the frontiers .to prepare the Army for immediate
I action.

4. I understand a telegraphic order has been sent
to Sicily for the immediate embarkation of the whole
of the garrison of Palermo, consisting of about ten
thousand men, who are to reinforce, without delay,
the army on the frontiers; and this alone proves the
determination of the Parliameat to make every ex-
ertion for the defence of the country. The removal
of the troops from Palermo will, however, it is feared,

I•

be productive of serious disturbances in that capital
as it is owing to the strong garrisons placed ire
that its tranquillity has b een preserved for the last
few months.

" The „Ferdinand First, one of the line•of
ships, took fire in the Mole, on the night of theft.
and is nearly burnt to the water's edge. She •as
not employed, but was to he broken up and sold,
The remainder of the squadron was :weed by the at.
tivity and zeal of the boats from the British flat,.►
Had not the wind been off the land, contiderabh
dimage must have been done to the merchant ship.
ping : as it is, they have all escaped. It is not kzowe
whether the fire arose from accident or design.'

Extract of a Letter from the Agent to Lloyds se
Genoa, dated the 13th of February War bat
determined on with Naples, if that Power &ciao
accede to the terms dictated by Austria, an :!<u
raise which was loading here for Nlessina and
pies, has received orders to discharge."

Extract of a letter from the Agent to Lloyd's,*
Genoa, dated 17th February:—" By a Courier az.
rived this day, we learn that a division of the it,•
trian army has arrivei at Silna on 13 way toward,
Rome. This event has put our underwriters caa
the alert, who have
risen
the premium of insurano,
and feel more reluctance to cover risks under ce
Austrian, Russian, and Neapolitan flags. *Welton,
that a premium of eight per cent. was paid
day upon an Austrian ship which has arrived hoot
Constantinople, with a large cargo of wheat for di
port. They ask three per cent. to insure for England,
with a British flag."

The Paris Papers of Monday arrived this fin.
noon. They furnish some articles from the South of
Europe of more recent date than those before re.
oeived, but no new fact of importance with respect
to the operations either of the Austrians or Neil&
tans. The King of PRUSSIA is said to have posi•
tively determined on "setting cut from his capital for
Laybach on the 15th of February ; in consequou
of which the Emperors ALEXANDER and Funs
had postponed their intended jaunt to the quick.
silver mines of Idria.

01
to

3
-do
iss

The agitation which recently prevailed in Mekii,
appears to have extended itself to the province, is
several parts of which there have been partial cern.
motions. The prisons are said to be filled with era
rested persons.
The Second Chamber of Hesse Darmstadt kw
called for an account of the share of the contribmine
from France, received by their Government, in order
to its being made available for the pubic service,
The demand appears to have caused a good deal of
sensation.

Dr..DA sr PE and one of his accomplices in the recent
project for revolutionizing Denmark, have bees capi-
tally sentenced.

ka
A

•• . s

the pubic service, ►
sed a good deal of
nplices in the recent • P
trio, have beta capi- • 2
3 BATE, in
held at the East lola
Mre SWOT into the tes• 1.
gin T. HAvistivids .11
he Bombay—he alts
he Thomas and Noy
Sth ultimo. ;1 j
—Arrived the Diet I I
-sailed the 19th ism,
:het going in. The smr
Smyrna, was On
e S.S.E. of the ISA
I hours.
vely Cruiser, Loom ,
3 of bowsprit and sob' ••
111
y.--Arrived the Li,
JORDAN, from Cek; k
V.—Arrived the law LI
Barbadoes. Sad is
urge and James, CIA!:
to River and sailed, tk Tr'
d sailed again, the ,
"badoes ; and the Lin'
lam for Boston. Mt 4,1
iding in the North Bob
Betsy was oseff A
carried into =fpm
of the night signal fro
ed by order of the Co in
boat was immerfordf
s ship before daylight.
;wards :—The and.,
'ord ; Endeavour, fro
; Ann, from Annear
se,_ from Ostend; Tos
I.Stangate Creek;
le, from Antwerp; 1
twards :—The This, kr
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; Louisa, for Taber;
', Godfrey, front DO'
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Walton, from MAWS.
t, Bogle, for Grams
/corn Liston to links 4
m Liverpool to /door
. Norval, from Calk
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le. 41. lung. 7. 4°' V
a is in the enjoyment
has not appeared
rday, but has often
he Stamford Pori' W.
Fazuhaves gr. Formai
yesterday on the DO
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sewacondl%tile 1194{
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•
•
• _