Star.
London, England, 1828-07-17 00:00:00

-r that expedition—the prevention of the invasion of
rorugal by the Spanish forces. I have now, as far u
im able, given an answer as to the whole of the to-
i);c% tr which I have hid occasion to advert, in come.
quence of what has fallen from the Nohle Lord. I en-
treat your Lordships to refrain from pressing for these
papers at the preseot moment, pleJging myself, that
when the proper time arrives, them will be no ob-
jection on the part of Government to give all the infor-
mation that can be desired.

The Earl of DIIDLEY—I have only a few words to
say on this motion, but I am anxious that your Lord.
ships should not misunderstand a part of my official
conduct to which allusion has been made. In the first
place, I owe it in juAice to my Noble Friend (the Duke
of Wellington) to say, that I am perfectly satisfied
with the grounds on which he resists the production of
the papers, which it is the object of this motion to have
laid before the House. Some of them must relate to
trensactions still pending, and their production, I have
no hesitation in saying, as far as I am acquainted with'
their contents, would be highly improper at the present
moment. There is one point in the speech of the
Noble Lord (Holland) as to which I wish to say a singled
word. The Noble Lord seems to be not altogether sa-
tisfied with what has been done by this country towards
the preservation of the Constitution given to Portugal
by D ,n Pedro. I beg to state, that, whenever the time
comes for the production of these papers, which will
show what has been done, lour Lordships, I have
no doubt, will be fully satisfied that every measure was
adopted, and every thing done that could be effected
by the moral influence of his country towards the main-
tenance of that Constitution. It was very much uncles
the influence and advice of this country that Don.
Miguel was induced to enter into engagements, in
honourable reliance on which there was then a hope,
now altogether vain, that he might have acted.—
The influence of this country was employed to induce
him to enter into those engagements under which he
went to Portugal. It was never considered chat we
were authorised to embark in the contest ourselves,
even in support of free institutions. I cannot conceive
that any good could result from an attempt by this coun-
try to give a Constitution to Portugal, more especially a
free Constitution.l can well understand that theft iends of
despotism might reasonably enough proceed to establish
force by force; but it would surely not be a very fair or
consistent mode of setting up a free Constitution in ano-
ther country, against the will or in contempt of the
choice of the people. It was only such political influence
as we possessed that could be exercised in support of the
Constitution, and that influence, I will say, was com-
pletely and entirely employed by this country, and if it
did not prevail, it was not our fault. I have thought
it right to sae thus much in my own defence. The
documents, whenever they are produced, will prove
what I have stated. They are not yet before your
Lordships, and cannot be, perhaps, for some time, but
I pledge myself, that whenever the transactions that
took place while I was in office shall be fully disclosed,
it will be seen that nothing was left undone that was in
the power of this country, tither when its advice was
employed directly on Portugal itself, or indirectly on
those Allies who had an influence in her affairs to ac-
complish that object.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN—After the able and
comprehensive speech of my Noble Friend, and after
the explanations given by the Noble Duke opposite, I
should certainly feel that it was quite unnecessary to!
trouble your Lordships with more than a few words;
but I deem it important, in the first place, to offer my
thanks to my Noble Friend for giving us the opportunity
of making that manifest to the country and to the world,
which it is essential to the honour of this House to show,
namely, that with regard to the events that are now
passing, and which, both in the opinion of my Noble
Friend, and according to the explanations of the Noble
Duke, must, in more or less degree, affect the future
repose of this country and the world. Parliament has
felt no indifference to the great considerations involved
in these events, and which are admitted to be such, that
if it was consistent with the advantage and policy of
the country, it would be the duty of the King's Minis-
ters to give those precise explanations which I must do
them the justice to say, I believe it is their desire to give,
if they could with propriety. We shall at least show
tne wish of Parliament to receive these explanations,
respecting which, at some future period, it will be the
duty of Parliament to obtain entire and complete saris.
faction. To this eitent and no further does the motion
of my Noble Friend go: But when I heard my Noble
Friend, if be will allow me to call him so, the Secretary
of State forForeignAffairs, defending himself as if be had
been attacked, I looked, bet I looked in vain, for any
specific charge made against the King's Government by
my Noble Ft lend, in bringing forward the motion. I
understood my Noble Friend distinctly to disclaim any
intention of making such charges. On the contrary, I
understood my Noble Friend to state, that what he com-
plained of was, that he had not received either any verbal
or documentary evidence, to enable him to ascertain
whether, in the occurrence of these events, which are
admitted to be unfortunate, any such ground of charge
does lie .or not. It is clear that there is very little
difference of feeling as to this point, atter what has
been said on both sides of the Howe ; because, if, on
the one hand, we are perfectly ready to admit that,
notwithstanding the unfortunate colour these events
have taken, it does not appear on the face of them
that a case of crimination can be made out; yet we
ccntend, on the other hand, that a complete and satis-
factory development of those transactions should be laid
before us, in order that Parliament may rest satisfied,
and that the King's Ministers themselves may claim
that approbation which can only be given them, after
a full explanation and investigation of their conduct.
For what is the result ? We do not say that we blame
all individual ; but we say simply, that there is an un-
fortunate result exhibited in colours too striking to
be mistaken; and that in these transactions, the
honour and interests of this country and, I may
add, the interests of Europe—are deeply concerned ;
for they are seldom disconnected from the interests
of this country. In Greece, where it has been ad-
mitted that it is most desirable for the general
interests cf Europe that a pacification should be effected.
a? to this moment no such event has taken place.—
All those dangers continue to exist which not only
distntb the commerce, but threaten to affect the ge- ,
anal interests of all the European Powers. That is
Me first point to which the attention of every Govern
am has been drawn, but no final settlement has yet
taken place. The next point was one as to which all
persons were agreed. Certainly it etas one to which
tbe whole attention cf the late Government was directed.
E'er, thing depended on that negotiation, for the in•
teifetence of the Allied Powers, which was commenced
by the Noble Duke, under the instructions on which he
acted when be signed the protocol at fit. Petersburgh.
'_( *es highly important that there should be secureu
a simultaneou,, concurrent, and united action of the
three great YOwtfli 0 Europe. In that object also we
Il^ve tailed; thoush we have not lost the security we
sire from the "I r eaty awl ft om the assurances of our

Allies, and from what is of still more importance,'
namely, the hopes we build on the magnanimity of the
Emperor of Russia. There will now be a double course of
action pursued by that Power, which has now a sepa-
rate object. I say, then, that not only has the paci-
fication of Greece been frustrated, but we have not
now the advantage which we expected to derive from
the united course of action of the three great Powers.
Let us turn again to the other end of Europe, which
has been almost alone the subject of this debate. All
men concerned in the permanent interest and prosperity
of Portugal looked to us to effect the separation between
the kingdom of Portugal andthe empire of the Brazils.
This separation should have been founded on circum-
stances that would have secured peace and happiness to
the people of Portugal, and at the same time it should
have secured to this country that permanent ascendancy
in the affaits of Portugal which for so many years
we had maintained in strict friendship, and with so
much advantage to that country. There also we had
failed. The separation has, indeed, taken place; but
under circumstances which no maa will venture to
say are likely to promote the peace and happiness,
not of the whole population, but of any portion of it ;
and it appears likely that, fur some time at least, the
change that has taken place there will materially affect
the credit and power of this country in the affairs of
Portugal, which, beneficially for both countries, has so
long subsisted. I impute blame to no man, for we have
no evidence before us. But these are the grounds to
which my Noble Friend justly claims the attention of
Parliament. I agree with my Noble Friend on the bench
above me, that the principle on which the army was sent
to Portugal was not that of interference in the internal
concerns of that count. y. It was not by military force
that our influence was to be manifested; but it was
not in any respect inconsistent with the principles
maintained by the Noble Secretary of State, in
which I certainly concur—those of non-interference
with Vie affairs of other countries--that in this case,
considering the friendship, protection, and assist-
ance, we had at different times afforded to Portugal,
and relying on past recollections and future hopes, we
should have exercised whatever influence we possessed
for the benefit of the people of that country. Certainly.
after the speeches of the Noble Earl (Dudley), and of
the Noble Secretary of State, I will not deny that this
influence has nit been so exercised ; but I must lament
that it has been attended with so little effect. These
are the subjects which it is important to present to the
minds of your Lordships and the public; and after
what has passed to-night, I have no doubt they ill
make a deeper impression on your Lordships, and draw
your attention more fully to these sublects at a future
stage of the inquiry. For one, lam not desirr•us
to go further at present. I think my Noble Friend
has fully gained his object in bringing forwaro
this motion. The Noble Duke has admitted the for-
bearance which, up to this moment, has been observed'
with regard to these most important: and threa•ening
foreign transactions. I trust this forbearance may con-
tinue to the end of the present Session. But our da *gels
are not all abroad. Thete are not less alarntin, dangers
nearer borne. I do earnestly hope, that if we continue to
observe silence during the remainder of this Se.ston on
those subjects within the walls of Parliament, or at
least within the walk of this House, that that silence
will not be interpreted into any feeling of indifference to li
those tran,actions, which, I must say, are to' import •
ant to be incidentally discussed, and which, I much
apprehend, will increase to an enormous degree. The
responsibility is cast on Government and Parliament to
exempt, or endeavour to exempt, the nation tenm evils
which, great as are those expected to arise from the
foreign transactions to which my Noble Friend has
alluded, and yet so much greater that I shou.d con-
sider they actually threatened, not only the prosperity
of the country, but the very existence of the constitution
—if they were not fortunately evils which 1 believe to
be within the competence and scope of the authority, as
they also fall under the duty of Government and Par-
liament, to remedy. I do hope, theretore, that any
silence that may have been maintained, as to the e sub-
jects, will not be misconstrued. It has not been the
result of accident, but of a deep conviction that, wider
, all circumstances, this was at this moment the best and
safest course.

Lord STRANGFORD rose to oppose the motion,
and complained f having been misunderstood and
misrepresented by the Noble Baron on a former occa-
sion. The Noble Lord had done so agiiin that night,
and it was not, perhaps, surprising that he (L mid S
should have been misunderstood. It would have been
much more surprising if what tell from an individual
so humble as himself, should have been accurately re-
tained in his Lordship's memory. But he trusted that he
should be allowed to say that he never did assert that we
were bound by treaties and engxgemelits,as f ir as allianc,
went, toTurkey; but what he said was, and hr begged to
assure the Noble Lord that he maJe the assertion on
the means of knowledge his situation afforded him,
that promises nude 300 years ago by the Turkish G,i-
vernment were now as faithfully fulfilled as the nio t
binding obl gations of any Treaty possibly could be
Perhaps it might be wished that other Governments had
been equally slow to contract written engagements as
those caiumn wed Turks had been, against whom a
Nobie Lord bad poured out the violence of his wrath and
coot mpt. A Noble Lord had rtferred to an anecdote
which was aid to be circumating in the diffe.ent
Courts of Europe relative to M. Minziac'sy and the
Reis bff-ndi. He (Lord Stranglord) could assure
tne Noble Loud that he had heard this anecdote for
t me fir t tale that uight. Wh mt had passed betwe n
M. M.nziacky and the Reis Effendi he was not bound
to know, but the transactions which had taken placr
between himselt and that Turkish officer were pl iced
on record. They would be found in two protocol,, in
which was contained what he had proposed to Turkey,
and that which the Turkish Government undertook to
perform. Upon an inspection of those documents it
would be seen whether Turkey had or had not shown
every disposition to do that which she was in honour
bound to do. It was impossible for him. without a
violation of public duty, to enter into a further expla
nation of these matters, but as far as he himself was
personally concerned, he should not sexist the produc-
tion of the papers connected with tit:: Turkish mission,
for there was nothing of which he was ashamed in all
that he had said or done at Constantinople.
Lord HOLLAND replied. He should not, ex-
hausted as be was, and in the present exhausted state of
the House, reply at any length to the observations which
Ire had heard in the course of the debate. The Nobl
Duke said, that his Majesty's Ministers did not deem ti
prudent or politic to lay those documents now before
Parliament, and he, called on the House to confide hi
them some time longer, and that at the proper period
the necessary explanations would be given. As the Noble'
Duke thought it his duty to resist this motion, he (Lot d
Holland) tell it unnecessary to persist in it, At he
:bought it would have a bad appearance with the public
and the world if this House seemed to differ on the sub-
ject of the great events which were now passing in
the theatre of Europe, and the tomtits of which were

looked to with co much anxiety and attention. The
Noble Lord oplawite, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
had quite misunderstood him .(Lord Holland) in sup-
posing that he intended by this motion to prefer
charge against his Majesty's Government. He could
assure the Noble Lord that he (Lord Holland) hall
no such intention in bringing forward this motion.
It was said :hat he (Lord Holland) was animated
with such a romantic love of libetty, that he would
involve this country in a war for the mere purpose of
destroying the Turkish empire. He had no such object
in view. While as an Englishman and a Christian he
would rejoice in the downfal (.f that Power which had
for so many centuries possession of some of the fairest
regions of tie world, and which never did any one thing
to advance the good of mankind—while he wished for
the destruction of that great, enormous, and detestable
empire, as Burke and all our Statesmen up to 1780
described it—and while he was convinced that it:
downfal would be advantageous to all civilized na-
tions, he should be the first to oppose the spending of a
halfpenny of English money, or the spilling a drop of
English blood to accomplish such a purpose. This was
the sound policy which it became a wise Government
to adopt. The Noble Lord (Strangford) had charged
him with a perfect indifference to the downfal of Tut-
keys He denied he had avowed that indifference;
nevertheless he was free to say, that better would it be
for the peace of Europe, better likewise for the inn-
' provernent of the civilized world, that that crumbling
column in the structure of its dynasties should be per-
mitted to fall to pieces in its progress to decay, than
chat these constant attempts should he mate to prop
and bolster up its dilapidated condition, and hold out
a prospect throu4ll the vista of treaties, of its standin
still longer upon its sunken and ruined base. This, too,
was the opinion of all the great statesmen of Europe
op to the year 1778, and it were well that such
an opinion had never been departed from. He denies'
that in any thing he had said he had endeavoured to
precipitate any interference in the internal concerns of
foteign countries, for he knew well that such principle
was subject to many and serious exceptions. The only
interference which he had sought was one, not to see
how far the legitimate rights of D in Pedro or Don Mi-
guel were affected by divisions of the people subject to
their rule, but to see how far these factions were upheld
by foreign agency, and governed by extlrnal intrigue.
When the Prince of Orange was called upon to inter-
fete in B. his's affairs, the call bad emanated from Bri-
ti h subjects and though made to a foreigner, was
made for the preservation of the constitution of England
against the machinations of a danerous isteign State,
so that the call tar the aid of the ''rinse of Orange
was a perfectly legitimate appeal. He repeated this
desire to ascertain how far Don Miguol was acting
under Portuguese or foreign influence, for on that would
mainly depend the view to be taken by another foreign
Power of any rigl,t of interference in bis affairs. His
(Lord Holland's) view of this principle was in some
degree like that of Demosthenes upon the interference
of Athens with the Khodian democracy. He could
not venture to quote the Greek words, though he knew
his Noble Friend the Earl of Aberdeen, and his Noble
Friend near him (Earl Dudley) could give them off
hand—(A laugh); nor would he venture to trust
his memory with a literal quotation; he should,
'therefore, be content with a paraphrase, which was,
441 am for maintaining and restoring the Rhodian
democracy, because it is within the spirit and letter of
our Treaty ; but if it were not, I should still be for it,
because, while I saw all the neighbours of the Rhodians
keeping themselves strictly apart from interference, I
should held it infamous for the Athenian people to in-
terpose. When, however, I see the contrary, that they
are always running into interferences, I say then, it is
fitting in us to counteract the efforts of our enemies."
He knew that consi lerations of this kind required much
ieflection; he hoped the Noble Duke would come to a
firm de. ision, and that such a decision would be a wise
one; but seeing anything but decision in what his Ma-
jesty's Government had recently done, and that as far
as they had acted, their influence had not been fortu.
nate, he could no longer place full confidence in their
views, and should theref ire persist in his motion.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, in explanation, beg-
ged to say, that whether the Noble Lord was right or
wrong in his quotation from amosthenes, he was
clearly wrong in his quotation from the protocol. The
preamble of it did not st tte his Majesty's expressions
upon the affairs of the Greeks ; but the application of
the 1-tier for the interposition of his good offices. The,
words therefore were those used by the Greeks, and not
by his Majesty's Government.
Lord HOLLAND thought this explanation partook
of sophistry, for the Noble Duke could not mean that
all the words in the P otocol were not conclusive upon
those who had signed it, no matter on which side the
particular observations had arisen. If this were not the
case—if the terms of the Protocol were not binding
upon all—there would arise perpetual quarrels in the
adjustnsent of Treaties; and wars, instead of peace,
wosild be the too frequent result. The Noble Doke,
however, was certainly responsible for all the parts of
the Protocol, unless he had protested in his Majesty's
name (whose honour was involved in the issue) against
those which were inconsistent with his instructions.

The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the Noble Lord
was certainly uninformed upon the teal meaning of a
Protocol—(Lord HOLLAND -" No, I know it very well")
—for it was merely an authentication of the respective
statements of the different parties, by which they were
not thereby understood to Adopt each other's senti
ments, or pledge themselves to unanimity, but merely
to record what had occurred.

Lord HOLLAND repeated that he knew what a
protocol really meant, although he admitted he had
often asked, in the words of the learned Cujacions
" Quid ea protocol?"—{A laugh). He knew that
strictly it meant nothing more than the minutes of a
conversation, and took its name from the turning over
of t'ie corner of a piece of paper, which was pasted on
the side to refer to or explain the memorandum. It had
heel), however, probably by the abuse or misuse of
terms which had to) often crept into modern phrase°.
lisgy, represented as signifying the preliminary basis or
agreement upon which a Treaty was afterwards to be
founded.

The motion was then put and negatived, and the House adjourned
at a Omani" !AST Nitig O'CLOCK.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Lord F. L GOWER took the oaths and his seat on his re-elec-
tion for Sutherland.

Mr. COURTENAY brought up the Foreign Sugar Duties Bill.
Read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time to-morrow.

CLA Lit ILECTIuN.

Mr. W. O'BRIEN said, he had ;ietition to present from a
number of respectable Freeholders of the County of Clare, com-
plaining of the return of a Member who was not duly elected for
the •aid county; but he felt at a loss to know whether it was per-
festly consistent with the forms of the house, that he should pre-
sent it; but he hoped the Speaker would instruct him?
The SP HA MIR took the Petition and read from it, that Da-
niel O'Connell was returned by the Sheriff as duly elected, having
a majority of votes; but that the said majority was but a colour.
able majority, as it was notorious that the said Daniel O'Connell
was a Roman Catholic, and could not sit and vote in rarlianuot ;

they, therefore, prayed that the BUght Hon. Vevey litegerald
weight be declared duly elected.
The SPEAKER having read thus much said, it was very evi-
dent that the Petition was an Election Petition. and could only be
decided on by an Election Committee. 'the Honourable Gentle-
man would, therefute, exercise his own discretion, whether he
would present it, unless prepared to move for the appointment of
'uch Committee ; perhaps he would think It expedient to consult
the persons from whom he had received it.
Mr. O'BRIEN said, he hared be should not have time to con-
sult the treeholdera from whom he bad received it.
The SPEAKER said, the presentation of the Petition, as an
Election Petition, would be in good time within a fortnight after
the return of the writ ; the Honourable Gentleman had, therefore,
had 111 t morrow se'nsight to present the Petition.
Mr. O'BRIEN said, tie should not present the Petition at present.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the third
reading of th Customs Duties' Bill.
Mr. P. THOMSON, said, he was sorptised the third reading
should b. moved at such an early hour, and before the Right Ho-
nourable the Vice-President of the Board of Trade was present,
who had promised him the question should be brought on at half-
' past four o'clock, which it was not yet. He was determined to
bring the question of the increase of Duty on Silk trom India is
again befire the House. It was clearly understood that the duty
should not exceed thirty per cent. and if the scale of duty in the
Bill should be persisted in, he should take the sense of the House
on it. The Honourable Gentleman moved, that the duty on the
importation of 'ilk from India be thirty per cent.
Mr. COURTENAY, who entered the House while the Hon.
Gentleman was speaking, said he had mentioned half-past four
o'clock, zapposZng it would be the earliest hour at which the third
reading could be moved. The Bill only continued the present
duties far one year, after which the present scale of duty might be
altered ; but a precise was given the manufacturers, that it should
not be changed in the present Session.
Mr. HUME supported the amendment, and said the Govern-
ment was pledged to the support of the principle, that the highest
duty on the importation should be thirty per cent.
Mr. HOBHOUSE add, the duty new attempted to be im-
posed was, in fact, going back in legislation. All the intelligent
part of the community were agreed in the principie of free trade,
which had been so ably supported by Mr. Canning and Mr. Hue-
kisson.

Mr. M A BERLY said, if the amendnient was rejected, the
Public would lose all confidence in the intentions of Government
in support of the principle of free trade.
Mr. FERGUSON said, this was the first time a measure was
persevered in that was admitted by all to be unju,t. it was agreed
by all that the duty on silk should be equal to thirty per cent. bet
it was foetid by experience, that the duty was in reality much
more, amounting in many cases to sixty per cent. The amendment
only went to fulfil the pledge given by Parliament. It would be
discreditable to the Government if the pledge given by the former
Government,and concurred In by the prevent, should be disregarded.
Mr. W. WYNN said he had not heard any argument against the
amendment, and hoped the House would persevere in the principle
to which it was pledged, and which was called for alike by justice
and policy—(Hear).
The House
divided—
Ayes
Noes - 48
Majority against the Amendment -
The Bill was then read a third time and passed.
Mr. HERRIES brought up the report of the Butter Trade
(Ireland) Bill.
Mr. S. RICE wished to know from the Vice-President of the
Board of Trade, whether it was the intention of the Government
to give Ireland a real Bill for the relief of the Butter Trade? The
present was a most delusive measure, and would not effect any
good purpose. The Right Hon. Gentleman had abandoned his own
efficient measure, and brought in ibis most fallacious measure.
Mr. COURTENA I said he had positively stated that he could
not persevere in the measure he was about to introduce and did
introduce, unless the Government could satisfactorily arrange the
interests of persons whose emoluments were to be affected. He
could state that it was his intention as early as possible next Session
to bring in a Bill of a more efficient nature.
Mr. S. RICE said, after that declaration he should not give any
opposition to the present Bill; but he hoped Parliament would
remember that a great public measure was postponed for the pur-
pose of making compensation to persons who claimed to have
rate interests.
The Report was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a
third time to-morrow.
Sir A. GRANT brought up the Report on the Benefices Role
nation Bill.
The Report was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a
third time to-morrow.
The Deserted Children in Ireland Bill was read a third time
and passed.
The Welland Canal Bill passed through a Committee.—Report
to.morrow.

- 31

The House resolved itself into a Committee on the Consolidated
Fuod Bill. The several clauses were agreed to.
'I he House resumed. Report to-morrow.
The Exchequer Bills Bill passed through a Committee.—Report
to-morrow.
Mr. °TWAY CAVE presented a Petition from the rate-payers
of Leicester, complaining of the conduct of the Corporation, and
praying redress. The Honourable Gentleman gave notice that to-
morrow he should move that the Petition be referred to a Select
Committee.
Mr. HUME presented a Petition from a Mr. James Bilsat,
merchant, of Montrose, praying for compensation for vessels seize
by Spain.—The House adjourned.

THE EVENING STAK.

LON DON.

THURSDAY, JULY 17, 1828.

STOCK RXCHANGK, TWF.I.VE O'CLOCK.

Consols opened this morning at 881 fur the Account ; but at
present the market is not so good, and Consols may be quoted at
118§ 4, with little doing.

CITY, HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK,

Consols hate been fluctuating, during the morning, between 881
and ssi for the Account, and at present may be quoted at 881 I.
Forty thousand money stock came to market, which caused a de-
cline. It is reported that the great City Capitalist has already pro.
'tided one million and a half to take Stock at the Account day.
The Metalliquee at Frankfort, on the 10th initant, was at 93i,
and at Vienna on the sth, 92f.
Letters have been received from Vera Cruz of the 224 May,
via Bourdeaux. They do not bring any poaitive accounts of money
I going to be forwarded to pay the dividends. The Mexican
Minister of Finance was there. The Valorous hai not arrived,
but the Sheidrake packet from Jamaica, with English Mail, had
arrived.

PRICE OF STOCKS AT TWO O'CLOCK.
Bank Stock 2111 101 India Bonds 105
3 per Cent. Red. 87; 8 7; Old Annuities
3 per Ct. Cons. 87; 171 ex div. New Ditto
34 per Cent. 951 £lOOO Exckeq. BUR 72 3
31 per Cent. Red. 951 ; £5OO Ditto 72 3
4 per Ct. New,loll aex div. £lOO and £2OO Ditto 72 3
4 per Cent. 1226, 104; 1 Advertised
Long Ann. 19 13-16 4 Bank Inc Acet.
India Stock Consols for Acct.BBl I i I
FOREIGN FUNDS, TWO tECIAR:K.
1 Brazillanßds. 5 p Ct. 621 Mex.8d5,1825,6p Ct. 411
DoAcct 621 1 1 1 1 Do. Acc. 411 1
Bums+ Ayrts Ms. 6p C. 44 Portwg.Bds.spC.s6l 1 51
Do. Acct. 451 Do Acct. 561 1 51
Chili= Bonds, 6 per Ct. 27 Pruss. Bonds, 1822, S p Ct. 102
'olonibiati Bond., 6 per Ct. 21 Russ. 841.61822, 5 per CL 1141 i I
Do. 80ad5,18k4,241 I Spanish Bds 5p Ct. 101 11
Do Acct, 244 Fr. Rentes, .5 p C. 1050
Owlish lids. 3 pCt. 621 &change, 251359
BRITISH AND FOREIGN SHARKS, TWO O'CLOCK.

SHARI.

PAID.

Brazilian 35 20 76 77
Ditto National 25 5 64
General Mining Asso. 50 5 14
Hibernian 50 $ 5
Marine Alliance 100 5 51
Omni: Gas 50 53 53i ex div

Lord HOLLAND made last night his promised motion
for the production of Pipers tending to throw light on
the state of affairs in Greece and Portugal. There will
be little difference of sentiment on the concluding part
of his Lordship's address—that however important it
might be to preserve public credit—to keep faith with
the fundholder—and to maintain the landed interest un-
mpairecl—yet when these came into collision with the

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