The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-05-17 00:00:00

MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS.

Lord J. RUSSELL, after a long pause, during which no
business was transacted, and on being called on by the
SPEAKER, rose precisely at half-past five, and spoke as fol-
lows :—Since last I had the honour of addressing this house,
the right honourable baronet opposite (the member for Tam-
worth) has received from her Majesty authority to form the
plan of a new administration to he submitted for her Ma-
jesty's approval. The attempt of the right hon. gentleman
to form that administration having failed, her Majesty has
been graciously pleased to permit the right hon. gentleman
to state to the house the circumstances which have led to
that What I propose, therefore, now is, that the
right hon. gentleman should state to the house what he may
think ne,:essary to state in pursuance of that permission so
granted by her Majesty; and I will then inform the house
of the reasons which have induced her Majesty's advisers to
resume the offices, which I declared, on the last occasion I
addressed this house, they had resigned into her Majesty's
hands. (Hear. hear.) The course I now propose to take is,
to move the adjournment of the house to Wednesday next,
giving notice that on Wednesday I shall propose a further
adjournment to Friday se'nnight for the Whitsuntide recess.
(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL, then rose, and the most deathlike silence
prevailed in the whole house. I have reserved, said the right
hon. baronet, for this occasion, the explanation which I feel
it my duty to offer with regard to the circumstances which
have induced me to relinquish the attempt to form an admi-
nistration for the conduct of the public service. I need
scarcely say that I disclaim all sanction for any other state-
ments that may have appeared ; for them I will not be respon-
sible ; they have been made without my Sanction, and made
contrary to my wishes, if my wishes could have prevailed.
If I were willing to forego all personal considerations—if I
were willing to be the victim of any misrepresentation or
any obloquy—still I apprehend that the public interest is so
deeply involved on any question relating to a total change in
the government of this country, and the practice has so long
prevailed of informing the public mind with respect to the
circumstances which may have led to the interruption of any
government, that private inclination cannot be parmitted to
prevail, but that this house and the country would declare that
that explanation should be fully given in the face of parlia-
ment. (Loud cheers.) I am aware of all the difficulties
which-attend such a proceeding, and of the peculiar difficul-
ties which attend existing circumstances. From part of
those difficulties—difficulties that otherwise would have been
inseparable, I have been relieved by the kind and gracious
permission I have received from her Majesty to give an ex-
planation of the circumstances under which I relinquished
the attempt to form an administration. I applied yesterday
to Lord Melbourne for that permission, and I received in
answer to that application the following communication. It
is dated

" South-street, May 12.
" Lord Melbourne presents his compliments to Sir R.
Peel, and having already been in expectation of such a re-
quest, he had taken her Majesty's pleasure on the subject ;
and he feels himself authorised at once to signify to Sir R.
Peel her Majesty's full permission to explain the circum-
stances under which he recently relinquished the attempt to
form an administration, and with that view to make use of
his correspondence with her Majesty, which took place on
the 10th of May." alit
I am sure that every gentleman will feel that I am now
fully authorised to give this explanation—(bear, hear)—and,
in giving it, my chief anxiety is, that I may feel mindful of
"the sacred obligations under which I act, mindful to do
entire justice to that illustrious lady who is a party to these
transactions. (Loud cheers.) I hope, under ordinary cir-
cumstances, I should feel the full force of 'that obligation ;
but if anything could add to its force, or to my sense of its
force, it would have been the relation in which I so recently
stood to my Sovereign, and the intercourse which I have
been permitted to hold with that illustrious lady. Of course,
many communications must have passed with respect to the
formation of a government which do not immediately bear
upon the question, with respect to which the necessity of
explanation exists ; but if in the course of my explanation I
omit anything which I may think immaterial, I beg of the
noble lord to invite explanations on those points ; I will
supply the omission ; for, after the permission I have received,
I will hold back nothing of those transactions, but I will
state them without the Slightest reserve or qualification.
In the first place, then, I will proceed to a statement of such
facts as I consider, and as appear to me to have the slightest
reference to the necessity of the explanation I am now called
upon to give. I waited upon her Majesty, by her Majesty's
desire, at two o'clock on Wednesday, the Bth of May. Iler
Majesty had previously seen the Duke of Wellington, and
' had invited him to assist her Majesty in the formation of a
government. The Duke of Wellingion had informed her
'Majesty that, in his opinion, the chief difficulty of a govern-
ment would be in the House of Commons, and, therefore,
partly upon other considerations, but chiefly on that account,
the Duke of Wellington advised her Majesty to send for one
who would have the advantage of appearing in the House of
Commons as her Majesty's minister, and, at the same time,
named me. I waited upon her Majesty, and was asked by
her Majesty whether I was willing to undertake the duty of
forming an administration. Her Majesty observed to me
that she had parted with the administration which had just
resigned with very great regret. (Cheers.) Her Majesty
also said, that in all respects her Late ministry had given her
entire satisfaction, but that it had become necessary, in con-
sequence of their resignation, that her Majesty should take
steps for the formation of a new administration. I need not
enter into a detail, but I must say that no one could have
expressed more fully, more naturally, or more becomingly,
the regret which her Majesty felt at the loss of her late ad-
ministration, nor, at the same time, principles more strictly
constitutional with respect to the formation of a new govern-
ment. (" Hear," and cheers). I proceeded to state to her
Majesty that I was not insensible to the enormous amount
of difficulties which, in assuming the task, I had to encounter ;
but I, at the same time, informed her Majesty that having
been a party to a vote and certain proceedings in the Com-
mons' House of Parliament which had, in inducing the
resignation of ministers, led to the present difficulties of her
situation, nothing should prevent my rendering every assist-
ence which was in my power towards the accomplishment of
her object. (Cheers.) This course I felt it a paramount duty
to follow, in consequence of having been, as 1 conceived, in
this respect, the cause of the difficulty in which her Majesty
found herself placed with reference to the late government.
I therefore undertook to form an administration, and ac-
quainted her Majesty I should return the ensuing day ; inti-
mating a hope that I should then be able to present for her
examination and approbation such a general outline or
arrangement for the formation of a government as should
secure the due administration of the chief executive officers
of the state ; and should also convey to the public an assur-
ance that I was prepared promptly and energetically to per-
form the arduous duty which I had undertakers of forming an
administration. In the course of Wednesday I conferred with
those public men who afforded me the opportunity of imme-
diate communication, and requested their permission to sub.
mit to her Majesty their names to constitutea part of the future
government. Those to whom I referwereeightin number, and
were as follows :—the Duke of Wellington, Lord Lyndhurst,
the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Stanley, Sir
James Graham, Sir Henry Hardinge, and Mr. Goulburn. The
following day, Thursday, I waited upon the Queen, and sub-
mitted those names for her Majesty's approval. I also men.
timed, as requested by the noble- duke, that whilst the
Duke of Wellington placed his services entirely at her
Majesty's disposal, yet his own inclination would be gratified
if he were permitted to be in the cabinet, without filling such
a situation in it as would require him to take the lead in the
House of Lords. Her Majesty expressed a particular wish
that the Duke of Wellington should hold some important
office—(geheral cheering.) I accordingly stated to her Ma-
lesty that I should as a matter of course, state the expression
of that wish by her Majesty to the noble duke, and had no
doubt he would waive any private disiriclination of his own,
and consent to undertake, at her Majesty's desire, any office,
however important, in the conduct of public affaira—(loud
cheers). No question arose as to the formation of the
administration, or as to the conduct of government, upon
which I think it necessary here to make any remark ; but if
I am mistaken in that respect, and the noble lord thinks that
I am making any omission, I will readily, if he' will have the
kindness to remind me of it, supply or explain that which he
may consider defective in this statement. It was upon
Thursday that the difficulty, or miseonceptioln if it may so be
called, arose, which led to my relinquishment of the attempt
to form an administration. This difficulty arose with
respect to that portion of her Majesty's household which is
filled by ladies—(hear, hear.) Her Majesty, lam bound to
say, conceded everything iu this respect which could be ex-
pected from her with reference to the relinquishment of their
posts by gentlemen in the household under the late adminis-
tration. I think it better, in treating of that point on which
the difficulty arose, indeed, upon mature consideration, infi-
nitely better, that before I go into the whole statement, I
should refrain from entering in the first instance into any par-
ticular statement as to the impressions made upon me with
respect to what passed in these communications ; and I there-
fore shall confine myself exclusivelyto the letters themselves
upon the subject; because I cannot but feel, that were I to
enter into and state impressions received, I should be merely
stating them from communications which passed when two
parties only were'present, and that I alone am in this house
to state them and make the explanation—(general cheering.)
I now propose to address myself to the precise point upon
which those difficulties arose, and I shall not state more on
that part of the subject, unless invited or pressed by the
noble lord (Lord John Russell). Although I shall refer exclu-
sively to the letters which passed, I must, I conceive, state to
the house what my own intentions ;were with respect to the
formation of the administration. If misrepresentation has
arisen I consent to be answerable and chargeable for the con-
sequences of imperfect explanation. Whatever blame may

attach to it let that fall upon me ; but as to my own inten-
tions—of those I must be the best judge—and what those
intentions were, I am now prepared to state to the house—
(Hear.) Upon the Wednesday—that is, on the day preced-
ing that upon which I saw her Majesty—l had conferred
with those noblemen and gentlemen whom I intended to
form part of the government, and to submit next day as
ministers to her Majesty's approval. It was about ten
o'clock in the evening that I saw them at my own house • I
then stated to them—and there are now present four Who
,heard the statement I then made : my right hon. friend the
member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Goulburn);
my right hon. friend the member for Launceston (Sir H.
Hardinge) ; my right hon. friend the member for Pembroke
(Sir James Graham) ; and my noble -friend the member for
North Lancashire (Lord Stanley)—l stated to them and to
the others whom I named the course which I intended to
pursue with respect to the household. I had very little in-
formation of, and had very little considered the household—
lam speaking of the female part of it—l really scarcely
knew of whom it consisted ; and I will state exactly the facts
as they occurred. I took the Red Book, and saw there
were different departments of the household. I said to
those who were intended to be my future colleagues, that
with respect to all the subordinate officers, meaning every
appointment below the rank of a lady of the bed-chamber, I
should submit to her Majesty no change whatever. (Loud
cheering.) I said that with respect to the superior class
that I presumed those ladies holding office in the household
who were in intimate connection with the members of her
Majesty's late government, would relieve us from any diffi-
culty by resigning those situations. (Loud and vehement
cheering from the opposition side of the house.) I stated
that I thought it of great importance in order to convey to
the public an intimation of her Majesty's support, and indi-
cating her entire confidence in the new government, that
there should be certain changes in the ladies who held those
higher offices in the household. This passed in the confer-
ence on the evening before seeing her Majesty, and I men-
tion it in order to show my perfect willingness to have
transferred to me exclusively whatever blame may be attached
to any imperfect explanation that may be supposed to have
taken place. Whatever misconception may have arisen with
respect to that explanation I wish may attach entirely and
exclusively to me. (Hear, hear.) On the next day a com-
munication took place upon this subject, but on the nature of
that communication I will not now enter further, as I have
before stated, than by reading two letters, the former stating
her Majesty's views and impressions in respect to this sub-
ject, and the latter my own, and the reasons for declining the
task which her Majesty had done me the honour to confide
to me. The letter which I had the honour to receive from
her Majesty was dated May 10th, 1839 (Thursday), though
not eceived until Friday morning at an early hour. It was
as fo lows
__

" Buckinghani Palace, May 10, 1839.
"The Queen having considered the proposal made to her
yesterday by Sir Robert Peel to remove the ladies of her bed-
chamber, cannot consent to adopt a course which she con-
ceives to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her
feelings." (Loud cheering from the ministerial benches.)
Immediately after the receipt of her Majesty's letter, I
wrote the following answer : _

" Whitehall, May 11, 1839.
" Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Ma-
jesty, and has had the honour of receiving your Majesty's
note of this morning. '
" In respectfully submitting to your Majesty's pleasure,
and humbly returning into your Majesty's hands the impor-
tant trust which your Majesty had been graciously pleased to
commit to him, Sir Robert trusts that your Majesty will
permit him to state to your 'Majesty his impression with re-
spect to the circumstances which have led to the termination
of his attempt to form an administration for the conduct of
your Majesty's service.
" In the interview with which your Majesty honoured Sir
Robert Peel yesterday morning, after he had submitted to
your Majesty the names of those whom he proposed to re-
commend to your Majesty for the principal executive ap-
pointments, he mentioned to your Majesty his earnest wish
to be enabled, with your Majesty's sanction, so to constitute
your Majesty's household that your Majesty's confidential
servants might have the advantage of a public demonstration
of your Majesty's full support and confidence, and that, at
the same time, as far as possible, consistently with that de-
monstration, each individual appointment in the household
should be entirely acceptable to your Majesty's personal
feelings.
" On your Majesty's expressing a desire that the Earl of
Liverpool should hold an office in the household, Sir Robert
Peel requested your Majesty's permission at once to offer to
Lord Liverpool the offide of lord steward, or any other which
he might prefer.
" Sir Robert Peel then observed, that he should have every
wish to apply a similar principle to the chief appointments
which are filled by the ladies of your Majesty's household ;
upon which your Majesty was pleased to remark that you
must reserve the whole of those appointments, and that it
was your Majesty's pleasure that the whole should continue
as at present, without any change.
" The Duke of Wellington, in the interview to which your
Majesty subsequently admitted him, understood also that this
was your Majesty's determination, and concurred with Sir
Robert Peel in opinion that, considering the great difficulties
of the present crisis, and the expediency of making every
effort, in the first instance, to conduct the public business of
the country with the aid of the present parliament, it was es-
sential to the success of the commission with which your Ma-
jesty had honoured Sir Robert Peel, that he should have that
public proof of your Majesty's entire support and confidence,
which would be afforded by the permission to make some
changes in that part of your Majesty's household which your
Majesty resolved on maintaining entirely without change.
" Having had the opportunity, through your Majesty's
gracious consideration, of reflecting upon this point, he hum-
bly submits to your Majesty that he is reluctantly compelled,
by a sense of public duty, and of the interests of your Ma-
jesty's service, to adhere to the opinion which he ventured to
express to your Majesty.
" He trusts he may be permitted, at the same time, to ex-
press to your Majesty his grateful acknowledgments for the
distinction which your Majesty conferred upon him, by re-
quiring his advice and assistance in the attempt to form an
administration, and his earnest prayer that, whatever ar-
rangements your Majesty may be enabled to make for that
purpose, may be most conducive to your Majesty's personal
comfort and happiness, and to the promotion of the public
welfare."
These, sir, were my sentiments, and I thought myself justi-
fied in thus respectfully stating them to her Majesty. I have
heard it rumoured, and indeed heard it since I came into the
house, that I had made some proposals with respect to the
nomination of certain noblemen and gentlemen to the house-
hold, which were not consistent, or ought not to have been
made. (" Hear," from the opposition.) I can now say,
from perfect recollection, that the single name submitted to
her Majesty for appointment, was that of the Earl of Liver-
pool, whom her Majesty herself had selected, and the only
other mentioned for the household were merely suggested
from the conviction that they were peculiarly fit to fill situa-
tions in the household, namely, my noble friend the member
for Dorsetshire, Lord Ashley, and my Lord Sydney. (Hear,
hear.) I have heard it said, that is, rumoured, I was deter-
mined, in the event of succeeding to office, to remove the
whole of the ladies of her Majesty's household, even inclu-
ding her Majesty's earliest friend, the Baroness Lehzen.
(Hear.) Now, sir, I can, with the utmost truth, declare
that her name didnot on this occasion escape my lips, nor
did I ever contemplate such a proposition. (Loud cheer-
ing.) With respect to my intentions on the subject of
the re-formation of the household, I will appeal to my
right honourable friend near me, whether I ever stated I had
determined upon dismissing the whole of the ladies of the bed-
chamber without exception ?—(loud cheers.) ,Sir, I did de-
cline to undertake the duty of the .formation of an adminis=
tration upon the understanding that the whole of the appoint-
ments to the household should, without exception, continue
in her Majesty. Sir, I did it upon public principle, and from
the sincere belief and conviction that it was impossible for
me to encounter the difficulties with which I was encompassed
in attempting to conduct the public affairs, unless I had the
fullest and most unequivocal proofs that I possessed the con-
fidence of her Majesty—(hear, hear) ; for it appeared to me
that there never was a period when the demonstration of that
entire confidence was more absolutely necessary for a mini-
ster. The duties of the office of a prime minister are, I con-
ceive, at all times, the most arduous and the most important
that any human being can be called on to discharge. It is
the greatest trust, almost without exception, in the civilised
world which can be devolved upon any individual. Sir, I
was ready to undertake it, but could I look around me, at
the present condition of public affairs—could I look around
me and not see that it was my absolute duty to this country,
and above all to her Majesty, to require that every aid that
could be given me should be given ? What were the questions
which would immediately press for my consideration? The
state of India—the state of Jamaica—the state of Canada—
would all require my immediate consideration, And with re-
spect to some of them, perhaps, the proposal of legislative
measures. Sir, I considered the internal state of this coun-
try—l saw insurrection in the provinces—(loud cheers—l
saw the letter of the noble lord opposite, inviting the respect-
able part of the population in many parts of this country to
take up arms. In addition to the ordinary duties devolving
upon a prime minister, there were, therefore, circumstances
which rendered that position at the present moment particu-
larly onerous and arduous. Sir, I had a strong impression
that, looking to the agitated state of this country, it was my
duty to make every effort to conduct public affairs through
the intervention of the present parliament. (Loud and gen-
eral cheering.) I did not think that the precedent of 1834
was applicable, and that I ought to commence the govern-
ment with a dissolution of parliament—(hear), after the fre-
quent dissolutions that had lately taken place and the balanc-
ed state of parties in this country. But what would be my
condition with the present parliament? I should begin the
government in a minority. (Hear.) Ido not shrink from
the functions that it was proposed to commit to me, but could
I be insensible to the important fact that I should have had
to commence in a minority ? (Hear, hear.) Sir, if then I began
the administration of public affairs without the confidence of
the House of Commons, was it too much to ask that I should
have the demonstration of the entire and unqualified confi-
dence of my sovereign? (Tremendous cheers.) Sir, her Ma-
jesty's ministers retired on the question of Jamaica, being in
a majority of five. I should have had to undertake the settle-
ment of the affairs of Jamaica, being in a minority of five, and
that minority including 10 gentlemen on whose support I
could not calculate on any other question. (Laughter and
cries of hear, hear." The first conflict I should have
had to fight would have been for the selection of a speaker.
On the very night upon which I took my seat as a
member of the House of Commons and first minister of the
crown, I should have to risk, perhaps, the fate of government,
or the question of dissolution, upon the choice of speaker.
Sir, I say that all these considerations impressed me with the
deepest conviction that it would be a public duty on my part
—an indispensable public duty which I owe to the country,
to seek for every possible demonstration that I possessed her
Majesty's entire confidence—(loud cheers)—and, sir, I do
confess—without reserve, and without hesitation—that it ap-
peared to me that if the chief offices of the Queen's house-
hold were to be held by the immediate relatives of those mi-
nisters whom I displaced—(tremendous cheering from the
opposition)—the relatives of my rivals for public power—it
did appear tome that I never could impress the country with
the conviction that I, as a minister, was possessed of the en-
tire confidence of my sovereign. (Reiterated cheering.)
Sir, let me take that particular question on which thy chief
difficulty would arise. Who can disguise from himself that
my difficulties were not India, nor Canada—that my difficul-
ties were not Jamaica, but that my difficulties were Ireland—
(a tremendous volley of cheers)—but what were the facts ?
I, undertaking to be a minister of the crown, and wishing to
carry on public affairs through the intervention of the present
House of Commons—if possible to exempt the country from
the agitation, and, perhaps, the peril of a dissolution—l, upon
that very question of Ireland should have begun in a minority
of upwards of twenty. A majority of twenty-two had decided
in favour of the policy of the Irish government. The chief
members of the Irish government, whose policy was approved
of, were the Marquis of Normanby, and the noble lord oppo-
site, the member for Yorkshire. (Loud cheers.) The two
chief offices in her Majesty's household are filled by the sister
of Lord Morpeth, and the wife of the Marquis of Nornianby.
I do not speak of those ladies but with the utmost respect—
most distinguished they are for all that adorns our nature,
and casting a lustre upon society less by their rank than by
their virtues. (Cheers.) Still they stand in the relation of
the nearest relatives of the two noble lords, whose policy I
cannot approve of, but which was approved of by a majority
of twenty two in this house. Now 1 ask any hon. member in
the house whether it is possible that I could safely attempt
the conduct of an administration and the management of the
Irish affairs in this house, consenting . previously that the
whole of the ladies forming the household of her Majesty
should continue in those situations? Hear, hear.) Sir, the
policy of these things depends not upon precedent—not upon
what has been done in former times—they depend upon a
consideration of the present times. (Cheers.) The house-
hold has now assumed a political character--.(cheers)—and

that on account of the nature of the appointments which have
been made by her Majesty's present government. (Loud
cheering.) Ido not complain of it—it may be a wise policy
to place in the chief offices of the household ladies closely
connected with the members of the administration ; but such
a change in the appointments.baving taken place has added
greatly to the embarrassment of any person beginning.a go-
vernment afresh as premier if those ladies are to remain. I
do not say that there would be the slightest use made of un-
fair means. It may be said they would be as fit as any others
to hold those offices. lam confident that those ladies would
confine themselves to the duties of their proper situations ;
but observe, that is not the question ; that remark will apply
equally to lords of the bed-chamber. We do not for a mo-
ment suppose that lords of the bed-chamber do at all inter-
fere in public duties. It is impossible that the country
would be satisfied that a minister had the confidence of the
crown while the relatives of his immediate political oppo-
nents fill the highest offices around the throne. (Cheers.)
Upon the impression that I ought not to appear to the coun-
try, on accepting the administration, discredited and deprived
of the usual symbols of the confidence of the crown. I have
acted. And who, sir, were my political opponents ? Was
not the wife of one of them, my Lord Normanby, one of the
ladies who filled, and was, it was contended, still to fill the
part of lady of the bed chamber to the Queen ? And was not
that nobleman stated publicly to be the aspirant and rival
candidate for the office of premier, the office I was to hold
in the new government ? (Cheers.) Was not there another
noble lady in the same situation near the crown, and who
must thus have held her intimate place in the palace, though
her brother, the noble lord opposite (Morpeth,) it was con-
fidently said, was to have assumed the post of leader of the
opposition ? (Laughter, and faint cheering.) I know not
why the noble lord's talents and acquirements might not
justify his acceptance of that or any other pest in the event of
the retirement of the noble lord who leads the administration
in this house. (" Hear," from the ministerial benches.)
Put the case of the administration of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, or
any other minister, and I ask whether they would tolerate,
during the severity of those contests that took place as to who
should be the minister of the crown, that the household
should be in these who were by family connection opposed to
the minister and his measures, or that the weight of high
offices in the household should be in those who were by family
connection opposed to the high minister and his measures, or
that the weight of high offices in the household should be
found in the scale opposed to the highest official adviser and
servant of the crown ? (Reiterated cheering.) I felt that it
was impossible that I could contend successfully with all the
difficulties that encircled me, unless I had that proof of the
entire confidence of her Majesty. As I stated before, I
began without any certainty of commanding a majority of the
House of Commons, without hope of th support of the
friends of government. I began, having only to rely upon an
appeal to their good sense—upon an appeal to their forbear-
ance, for the hope of support in the present House of Com-
mons ; being, nevertheless, perfectly prepared, on the failure
of my attempt in the present House of Commons to govern
the country, to advise her Majesty to resort to the only
alternative which might present itself to enable me to main-
tain my post. (Great cheering.) But if the agreement, if
the understanding upon which I was to enter upon office was,
that I should encounter all those difficulties, and yet that the
ladies of those ministers who preceded me, of those with
whom I was to be in daily conflict, were to be in immediate
contact with the Queen, and, considering the political cha-
racter given to the household, that I was to acquiesce in,
that—there was something stronger than personal considera-
tions induced me to resist such a proposal. Though the
public would lose nothing by my abandonment-of office—
though the public would, perhaps, lose nothing by my eternal
exclusion from power—yet the public would lose, and I
should be abandoning my duty to myself, to the country,
and, above all, to the Queen, if I consented to such a com-
promise, and permitted myself to accept office upon an
understanding that the ladies of my warmest and strongest
opponents should retain the highest situations near the
throne. There was something in that proposition which told
me this was not a time, and this was not a situation, in which
it would be right and proper in me to become the prime mi-
nister of this great country. (Loud cheering.) Sir, I have
attempted to make this explanation in as free and unexcep-
tionable a manner as possible. Such, I repeat, was my
conviction of the impolicy of accepting office under such
circumstances at the precise time, and I owe to myself and
to the truth to add that intervening reflections upon the
whole of these transactions have only confirmed and strength-
ened my previous conviction. (Loud and reiterated cheering.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the misconception which
had existed was not as to facts, but as to principles. First,
with respect to facts. It had been said that the question of
the household had been mooted in the Queen's first conver-
sation with the Duke. Certainly, she had said that she had
been told it was usual to change the Parliamentary members
of the household ; but this was not by any advice of Lord
Melbourne's on going out, for it had not occurred to Lord
Melbourne as likely that any question as to that point would
arise. There was no material difference as to facts between
himself and Sir R. Peel. When Sir Robert waited on the
Queen she expressed her resolve to deal with frankness and
candour. (Sir R. Peel intimated a cordial assent) She gave
him full power as to the men of the household ; he sought to
apply the principle on which Lord Liverpool was selected to
the ladies also ; and on this the antire subject hinged. Her
declaration that she wished the whole of her female house-
hold to remain, put an end to all question as to a total or a
partial change. Matters having come on Thursday to this
stop, she sent again to Lord Melbourne, and consulted him
what answer she should give to Sir R. Peel on the Friday
morning. He called his colleagues together, and they ad-
vised her to send the letter just read by Sir Robert Peel.
The question then was this—whether the required concession
was one essential to the formation of a government'. Whether
the change should be total, or only partial, it must be equally
painful to a Queen's feelings. If the principle had been ad-
mitted, he might, when once confirmed as Minister, have in-
sisted on more removals, which she would have been unable
to prevent without again breaking up the administration.
Unless the usage of former Kings and Queens prescribed the
concession, he (Lord John) was not prepared here to admit
that she was bound to do violence to her own feelings by
yielding it. He then referred to two or three precedents of
continuance in service, which, however, had little analogy to
the present case, having relation to Queen's consort, not
Queens regnant, and cited the very inapt precedent of the Duke
of Marlborough's two daughters, who remained indeed in the
household after a change of Queen Anne's Ministry, but re-
mained no longer than while their father continued in office.
The failure of Sir R. Peel to form an administration, when
the Queen had given him full powers, both as to political
office and as to so much of the household as was occupied by
members of either house of Parliament, could not be imputed
to her Majesty nor to those who had advised her. She
thought that what he asked would destroy her personal com-
fort ; his political difficulties would not have been smoothed
by the removal of the household • that removal might have
proved a source of weakness rather than of strength; she
would not have looked favourably on servants forced upon
her ; and being of a high and generous spirit, she would have
been likely to have felt and repaid a generous treatment.
" On Sir R. Peel's resignation,' continued Lord John, " her
Majesty commanded my attendance. As to the ladies, cer-
tainly she had not gathered the precise manner in which he
proposed to exercise the power of removal. She asked me
whether I thought she was justified in the line she had taken,
and on my answering that I did, she said she hoped, that as
she had had supported our administration, we should now be
ready to support her."
Next day, the former Cabinet assembled, and prepared a
minute recording our opinion that the principle of change ap-
plies to the officecs of the household having seats in either
house, but not to the ladies of the household. This recital
of the opinion formed by the whig ministers, that their own
wives and sisters ought to keep their places, excited a burst
of laughter. Lord John endeavoured to turn the attention of
the house by revertir's to that personal passage of the Queen's
letter to Sir R. Peel, in which she declared the removal of
the ladies to be repugnant to her feelings ; but this attempt
to place the stipulation in an invidious light seemed to pro-
duce but little effect, the less indeed, because everybody ob-
served that this appeal to feeling was only made when the
whole matter was closed, and Sir Robert's trust already sur-
rendered back into her hands, Lord John concluded by say-
ing, that the question for himself and his friends had been
merely whether they were willing to resume office, and be-
come constitutionally responsible for her Majesty'S decision.
They had taken that responsibility, and must now trust to
the opinion of parliament and of the country.
Sir R. PEEL was glad to find that no material difference
existed between Lord John and himself as to the circum-
stances of the' case, and would therefore add but this, that
her Majesty had not only said she would act frankly, but had
acted so'

Lord JOHN thought it might be satisfactory to Sir R. Peel
to know that he found nothing in Sir Robert's statement, to
complain of. He explained in answer to a question from
Mr. T. Duncumbe, that the adjournment from Wednesday
to Friday in next week was proposed because Thursday would
be the Queen's birthday : and added, that on Friday the
election of a Speaker would take place.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—TUESDAY.
The royal assent was given, by commission, to the Eccle-
siastical Appointments Suspension Amendment Bill, and
several other bills.

After the presentation of numerous petitions, and the for-
warding of some bills a stage,
Lore MELBOURNE entered into explanations regarding the
late negotiations for the formation, by Sir R. Peel, of an ad-
ministration. The statements of Lord Melbourne did not
differ materially from those made on Monday by Lord John
Russell. Lord Melbourne, like Lord .John, of course, ap-
proves most cordially of all that the Queen has done—and
like the Home Secrerary, Lord Melbourne would stand by
her Majesty at this crisis!
The Duke of WELLINGToN.—I will endeavour, in the ob-
servations which I am about to address to your lordships, to
follow the example of moderation shown by the noble viscount
in part of his speech. (Hear.) In doing so, I shall do that
which is most becoming my own situation, most suitable to
the subject which we have to disduss,- aria which- I •know will
be most agreeable to your lordships. My lords, in order that
1 may sustain that tone of moderation with which I have
commenced my; observations, I shall take the liberty of lay-
ing out of the question altogether the reports to which the
noble viscount has referred, and which, in my opinion, have
nothing to do, with the subject. (Hear.) Probably, if we
were to go into a discussion respecting reports, I myself
might have a little to say respecting them ; but, as I have
said, such reports as those alluded to by the noble viscount
are quite foreign to the matter under consideration. My
lords, I think I have one advantage over the noble viscount—
! have been in the service of my country for fifty years, and
have served my Sovereigns, and through the whole of that
period, through "good and through evil report," I have still
the satisfaction of thinking that, whether the report was evil
or good, my services were not deemed useless ; and this I
know, that I was perfectly indifferent to reports. It has
been said within the last few days that I and my right hon.
friend have ill-treated our Sovereign. Was it likely that I,
who was about to take upon me an office for the performance
of the duties of which I was responsible, and bearing a share
in carrying on the government, should do any such prepos-
terous thing? (Hear, hear.) As respects these reports,
too, I think I have a little advantage over the noble viscount
with respect to the preservation of my temper. The noble
viscount has been pleased to announce to your lordships that
he expected that I should have commenced the discussion,
and not that he would be called upon first. Ido not know
why the noble viscount should have expected me to state
anything. A satisfactory explanation has been given in ano-
ther place by my right hon. friend, no longer ago than last
night. This your lordships are, of course, aware of. Your
lordships have every reason to expect) when a minister in
your house is placed in such a position as the noble viscount
is, when he has taken part in such transactions, that he will
explain the part he has taken, and state to your lordships
what has passed upon the subject. My lords, it is perfectly
well known that I have long entertained the opinion that the
leading minister of this country, under its existing circum-
stances, ought to sit in the other house of parliament. There
are advantages by such an arrangement, in carrying on the
services of the Sovereign, which do not exist otherwise. I
have thought it my duty to give such advice to the Sovereign,
that the minister having the charge of the government should
be selected from that house. When the noble viscount at-
tended in this house on Tuesday last, he stated that he and
his colleagues had resigned their offices. It then occurred,
my lords, to my mind, and my attention was particularly and
at once directed to the subject, with, respect to the royal
household, and all those circumstances connected with it, in
case I should be called upon to assist in the formation of
another government. My lords, I confess it appeared to me
to be absolutely impossible that any set of men should take
charge of her Majesty's government without having the usual
interference and control over the establishment of the royal
household—that influence and control, in short, which their
predecessors in office had. (Hear, hear.) I confess it ap-
peared to me to be absolutely necessary that such should be

the course taken. I considered well the nature bf the for-
mation of the royal household, under the Civil List Act,
' passed in the first year of her Majesty's reign. No doubt
' there is a difference between a Queen consort and a Queen
regnant. The Queen consort has not the same political
[ rights as the Queen regnant possesses. My lords, I con-
' sidered all those circumstances. The noble duke then went
on to notice what the course was taken by Sir R. Peel,
• who would, as regarded that household, have consulted not
only the honour of her Majesty's crown and the royal state
[ and dignity, but also her Majesty's social feelings—(hear,
hear), her convenience and comfort—(hear, hear), and indeed,
' everything which could possibly tend to render her happy.
(Hear, hear.) Considering the age and comparative inexpe-
• rience of the sovereign upon the throne, he (the Duke of
' Wellington) must say that, if he were one to be consulted
upon the exercise of the controul over the royal household,
he would recommend any inconvenience to be submitted,
rather than that a single step should be taken incompatible
• with her Majesty's personal comfort. (Hear.) Such was
[ his opinion, and he called upon their lordships to consider,
the whole of the case ; and if they should entertain the
opinion which he did, they would say that he had acted
rightly. There was another subject,Ahowever, which he took
into consideration, and that was the possibility of pressing
• conditions or stipulations in respect to the exercise of this
influence and controul over her Majesty's household. It ap-
peared to him that the person about to undertake the direc-
' tion of the affairs of this country would make certain stipu-
' lations or conditions, that he would do nothing more or less.
But he thought that no man could make such stipulations as
that of not exercising a controul over the household, and con-
sider himself worthy of her Majesty's confidence, or to con-
duct the affairs of the country. He had thought it abso-
, lutely impossible that such conditions should be made ;
neither had he thought it necessary that the sovereign should
propose such stipulation to any man. First of all, the sovereign
who might make such a stipulation must suppose the minis-
ter to be unworthy of confidence—(hear, hear.) But
supposing him to be worthy of the confidence of the sover-
eign, and to break off all communication in consequence of
such proposal or stipulation being made, why, he really
thought that the sovereign would be placed in a very awk-
ward and disagreeable situation ; and that the sovereign was
placed in a position she never was before, and he hoped
never would be thrown in. But he had attended at her
Majesty's command to wait on her on Wednesday last. He
had tendered to her Majesty that advice which he felt it his
duty to give upon its being asked. The result was that his
right honourable friend Sir Robert Peel was sent for by her
Majesty, and he believed that-his right honourable friend
had stated elsewhere the nature of the communications made
by him to her Majesty, to which fact the noble viscount had
alluded. After his interview with her Majesty, his right
hon. friend Sir Robert Peel consulted his (the Duke of Wel-
lington's) opinion, as was stated in the papers which he held
in his hand, on the important point of the continuance of her
Majesty's household. In respect to this, he, with some
other noble lords, and amongst others, his noble and learned
friend near him (Lord Lyndhurst), gave an opinion exactly
in conformity with that which had been stated in the papers;
and they tendered to her Majesty on the third day such pro-
positions as they thought were fitting and proper. In the
course of the conversation which Sir Robert Peel had with
her Majesty on Thursday, the difference of ,opinion which
existed in respect. to the 'ladies of the household occurred,
and her Majesty expressed her desire, or he (the Duke of
Wellington) believed that his right hon. friend offered to send
for him (the Duke of Wellington), in order that her Majesty
might have his opinion upon this subject. His right hon.
friend came up to his house and informed him of what
had occurred ; he consulted him on the subject, and what he
(the Duke of Wellington) proposed was entirely in conformity
with the principle which he had laid down, and which he con-
sidered to be correct in this transaction. He (the Duke. of
Wellington) returned to Buckingham Palace, and was shortly
afterwards honoured with an interview with her Majesty.
His right honourable friend had stated correctly in his letter
that part of the conversation which related to the interpre-
tation and decision which her Majesty came to ; which com-
munication he made to his right hon. friend in an adjoining
room at the palace. The noble viscount had stated that he
gave her Majesty his advice upon the subject on a statement
whicll he admitted to be erroneous. Now, le did notknow any
other conclusion-to which he could come than this, that the
noble viscount should have taken more pains to come at correct
information before he drew his conclusion. But whether the
statement were erroneous or not, the noble viscount certainly
had a right, if he chose to tender his own advice to her Majesty,
that their advice (the Duke of Wellington's and Sir Robert
Peel's) should not be taken ; and he only mentioned this to
show that noble lords ought not to be in so great a hurry in
future to give their advice, until they were sure their infor-
mation was correct. Now, in respect to the principle itself, ,
which he had advocated in the case of a Queen regnant, he
believed it was a valid and correct one. He admitted too that
the Queen had no political conversation with those ladies of
the household ; but what he contended for was, that the pub-
lic would not believe that her Majesty had not these political
conversations, and that a political influence was not exer-
cised, particularly when they took into consideration who
those persons were. Perhaps a number of instances might
be cited, in which a secret, improper influence was exercised
by certain conversations P • and perhaps he spoke with some
feeling cn the subject. He had himself unworthily filled the
station which the noble viscount now so worthily filled as her
Majesty's prime minister, and he must say he had been in-
convenienced by the anomalous influence, not of the ladies
of the household, but by influence of this description, in the
way of simple conversations. He believed, and, indeed,
he was certain, that he could show to the noble viscount with
the utmost facility, that the country was at this moment
suffering from the inconvenient exercise of these very secret
conversations and this secret influence. (Hear, hear.) But
this he must say, that, at the same time, he would put his
right hand into the fire sooner than have proposed to her
Majesty to make any arrangement which should be disagree-
able to her, (Hear.) He felt it absolutely impossible for him,
under the circumstances of the present moment, to under-
take his share of the government, which he should otherwise,
have done. He hoped that in making these observations, he
had preserved more of the tone of moderation than the
noble viscount had done. He had now only to add the ex-
pression of his gratitude to her Majesty, for the gracious
condescension and attention with which she had been pleased
to listen to what he had to say to her Majesty; and he must
say that he quitted her presence, not only with a feeling of
deep gratitude for her condescending kindness, hut with a
feeling of admiration for the firmness with which she urged
her objections.
Viscount MELBOURNE explained the statement that Sir
Robert Peel proposed to dismiss all the ladies of the house-
hold, not stating the extent to which it was to be carried
left an impression on her Majesty's mind that it was meant
to carry it to a greater extent than was intended. That im- "
pression he had said on the mind of her Majesty, he believed
was erroneous.—Adjourned till to-morrow.

HOUSE OF LORDO.—WEDNESDAY.
No business of importance was transacted.
Lord DUNCANNON, previously to their lordships separat-
ing, gave notice that Lord Melbourne would next day move
that the house, at it's rising, do adjourn till the 27th instant."

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—titsEDNtSDAY.
Mr. PRAED referred to the extract from the " cabinet
minute" of the 11th iastant, that had been read by Lord J.
Russell, regarding control over the ladies of the bed chamber,
&c., and inquired whether there would be any objection to
the production of the whole of that document?
Lord J. RUSSELL answered that he had the most decided
objection to its production.

Mr. LAROUCIIERE explained the circumstances attendant
on Col. Prince's order to shoot certain prisoners in Canada.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that he would state, " after the re-
cess," when it 'was likely he should move for a bill continuing
the authority of the poor law commissioners.
Lord J. RUSSELL, on moving that the house, at its rising,
do adjourn till Monday, May 27, stated that, on re-assem-
bling, the first business would be the appointment of a
Speaker; that, with respect to Jamaica, the Under Secre-
tary for the Colonies or himself would, on the 30th instant,
submit a motion regarding the affairs of that island.
The SPEAKER, in a brief but neat and appropriate ad-
dress, took his farewell of the house as the occupant of the
chair.

Mr. C. WYNN expressed astonishment at the long ad-
journment proposed when the internal state of the country
was so alarming. . _

Lord J. RUSSELL said, that the proclamations issued had
produced salutary effects ; though he had not biought the
matter before Parliament, he did not say that some new
measures might be requisite; and with a full conviction of
his responsibility, he had repeadly consulted the attorney-
general, and directed the attention of the cabinet to the
subject. _ _

PAKINGTON deferred till June 4, the further consi-
deration of the bill regarding the sale of beer.
Mr. Humn moved the appointment of a select committee
on " the lighting of the house," which, after some conversa-
tion, was agreed to ; and it was arranged that the new plan,
of an application of the Buae light, should be tried the two
following evenings, from 10 till half-past 11 o'clock.
Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice that On the 3lst of May he
would move, in a committee of supply, a grant of £30,000
for the purposes of pubhc or general education in England.
The house then adjourned till Monday, the 27th inst.

The last accounts state that the insurrection at Paris had
been completely suppressed.
TRIIILTWE Of RESPECT.—On Tuesdaj, evening last upwards
of thirty gentlemen met at Mr. Cooper's. the Royal William,
West Derby-street, for the purpose of presenting to Mr.
Ambrose Byforl his portrait, painted by Bishop, which
was some time since subscribed for by the gentlemen fre-
quenting the bar. The likeness is au exceedingly faithful
one. Its presentation was alike honourable to Mr. Byford
and his friends.

THE NATIONAL PSALMIST.—We call the attention of the
musical portion of our readers to this publication, which is
announced in our advertising columns. The work will con-
tain compositions written—expressly-by almost every author
of eminence in England, including the celebrated Mendels.;
sohn ; together:with.a selection of the most admired now in
use of Handel, Haydn, Mozart, &e. &c. From the author
having adopted the plan of harmonizing the tunes, .so that
they may be sung by one, two, three, or four voices, we do
not doubt but that the publication will be anxiously looked
for by ali who take an interest in the improvement of this
solemn and delightful portion of public worship, as well as in
more social 'end domestic circles.

CHEMICAL NUISANCES.—We beg to direct attention to
the advertisement of Mr. Gossage in another column. As the
suppression of chemical nuisances has excited great interest
at Liverpool, and as the parties forming the deputation, whose
certificate is given, consist of Mr. Fincham, who is well known
as a practical manufacturing chemist, but not interested in
alkali-making, Dr. Reynolds, who has been emOoyed by the
corporation of Liverpool, to report on these nuisances, and,
Mr. George Rogerson, whose evidence was so very powerful
on the occasion of Muspratt's and other trials, we think that
proprietors of all alkali works will be very glad to find from
the evidence of these gentlemen, who were appointed by pur-
ties complaining of nuisances, that the employment of Mr.
Gossage's apparatus is a complete remedy for the evils which
have hitherto arisen from the manufacture. All that the public
require is to be protected from annoyance, and this protection
is completely afforded by the proper use of Mr. Gossage's
apparatus, and is guaranteed by its being the direct personal
interest of the manufacturer to effect a perfect condensation ,
of his vapours.

On Saturday last, the directors of the Glasgow, Paisley,
and Greenock Railway made their periodical visi to the road.
After inspecting the new carriages at Glasgow, which are of
the most elegant and comfortable description, they proceeded
along the line to Greenock, examining every part of the
works with much attention. Between Glasgow and Paisley
the progress is rapid, and a great part of the permanent road
is in course of beino. laid. The drift-way through the Ar-
kleston Tunnel is almost completed, and the tunnel is widen-
ed out for a considerable part of its length. In Paisley th e
bridges and walls are very forward, and the large bridge over
the Cart has its centre ready for turning the arch. Proceed-
ing westward beyond Paisley, the walls and embankments
are creeping up, and the railway is already carried over the
moss : the consolidation is becoming daily more apparent,
and there is no doubt that an excellent bit of road will be
the result of the precautions adopted. At Bishopton all is
bustle and activity, and nowhere is there greater evidence of
the late delightful weather. Between West Ferry and Port-
Glasgow the work is comparatively light, and has made great
progress since the last inspection. The directors, we learn,
were much gratified with the energetic measures taken to
secure the completion by the Ist of June 1840, and anticipate
at their next quarterly visit having a long run on the loco-
motive. Indeed, there seems no question but that most of
the road will be laid this year. In the evening, the directors
entertained at dinner Mr. Wallace of Kelly, the active sup-
porter of the railway in parliament.