Star.
London, England, 1820-08-22 00:00:00

CORN AVERAGE 3.

A desultrry conversation took place betireen Sir Joutt Xxvr--
PORT, Mr. ROBINSON' Mr. BOLUS 3rserts, 4fol MT. WLiTEllit
relative to the last striking of Averages, by •gi lAA the' Dotty wtrif
thrown open for the importation of foreign Ctrs. Tiv tecuiC
was, an intimation from Mr. ttosivsoN, of kliii;•vrtiun to brinj
in a Bill to amend the Act for the takin2 of Eh.: Averages.

ADJOURNMENT TILE Um; E

- _
Lord CASTLER EA GII rose to move, !het the lions: at its
rising should adjourn to that day four setae Hes eliect ii
moving such an adjournment teat, that the Ileue: shoule be en-
abled to provide for the proper course, iir whatever state the
proceedings of the Bill before the House of Lords may be ..t the
time. go that, in the event of any interruption to the i,eseetd-
inge, by giving time to her Majesty to call evidence from :.broad,
an ulterior adjournment may then take place, or that time might
be given for the fullest attendance by a Call of the Hoese.
Mr. TIER\ EY said; that if he unelestood the Noble Lord,
the arrangement was, that nothing should t..he place at the pe-
riod when the proposed adjournment should end, but to fix a
convenient period (or a Call of the House.
Lord F. G. OSBORNE said, that he rase under the deep
impression of taking a decisive and immediate step to preveet
the threshold of that 1 louse from heieg polluted by such a reoe.-
, aof
goi
nuss
apnde re epresnioailitit_ju(sitirceae
r,a sietr,hre). of
Lii'll'lhmielN'ctoilsml'e °Lot' trhdattalikli;:liel
adjournmentfor the purpose of awaiting the progress of thee
measure in the House of Lords. For his own pert, hetee c
that opportunity of stating, that no power on ea' :h strile! le-
duce him ever to assent to the solemn mockery of jtetice in then
'louse pretending to sit in a judicial form—(l fear, t......wzr). Shoul‘t
that measure he proposed, he should oppose it m .s. ereeuousiy
and should his efforts' he unsuccessful, he should eerie himsee
infromthate degradation
thiiouse.
lie
otf hung a
ttpty
hlrtshteo iiti;,buy4evhaac.dat6ivagnilis nledscittti
character by its judicial proceedings upon the Creeftlie hill
(Hear, hear). Ile should then move, as an amendment to the
motion of the Noble Lord, that are humble Address be presenuel
to his Majesty, praying him forthwith to Prorogue Patliamere.
" Mr. IIOBHOUSE rose to second the Amendment. I:e
stated, that he had that day come :awn to the Hauer under the
full impression of moving a similar amendment to that proposed
by the Noble Lord, if no Member of that House more compe..
tent to the task undertook that duty. He was -most anxious to
take the first opportunity of entering his protest againte that
monstrous measure of iniquity which was now in progress in an- •
other place, to the disgrace of the House of lArds, and the
.de-
gradatien of the Monarchy. If he had no other objection to the ,
measure, the preparations fie had witnessed that day—pre pare-
tions got up by Ministers for the purpose of hedging themselves
in in their alarming course—would alone have compelkd hint
to call upon them to desist. Never, since this country pretended
to be free, was there ever witnessed such an array of • ilitery
force as at this moment the Metropolis of the British Empire
presented, and not alone the Metropolis, but every street and
avenue surrounding that very place where the Commons of Eng-
land were sitting—(Hear, hear, hear). Since the time of ()aver
Cromwell, no such scene was exhibited in this country—(Hears
/sear, htar). What must the people of England—what must Eu-
rope think of a pleasure, which, it is now unequivocally declared,
it is determined to have not alone carried into execution by
force, but has been brought into light, nay, generated under the
point of the bayonet ?—(Hear, hear, hear). What shall poste-
rity think of a measure passed by a Parliament, the very cham-
bers of the House where they sat being crammed with armed
men? Was there an apartment surrounding them tnat was not
filled with soldiers? Was not every Member impeded in his
progress to that House? lie had almost determined to mass,
that the Commanding Officer of that force should be called to
the Bar, to ascertain by what authority that unconstitutional
array was posted?—(Hear, hear, hear). I know, that it has
been stated that the Lords have called for that force to protect
themselves. Was the House of Commons prepared to say, that
it stood in need of io degrading a protection ? If they eotk
not stand uposithe justice of their own measures, they were 30t
upheld by popular feeling ; he would tell theta that a Military
protection would not long avail!—Pker, her, Liar)..
their duty to haVernat force forthwith removed from the Hengf
of Lords, a: it was called. He well knew the ready answer that
would be made by Ministers to observations of this MUM
They would talk of popular violaters, and the necessity dining
protected from popular outrage. lids was always the excuse
when the real object was to intimidate both the Parliament and'
the People. This was the language held by Cromwell to cover
his designs. It was under such excuses that Napoleon Bona-
parte dispersed by the bayonet the Council of Five Hundred at
St. Cloud. It was by such means, it was now manifest; that
this obnoxious measure should be crammed down the throats of
the British people !—(Hear, hear, hear). It was under these im-
pressions that he rose most cheerfully to second the Amendment
of the Noble Lord.
Mr. TIERNEY could not agree to the amendment recom-
mending a Prorogation of Parliament, after the Proceedings
that had already taken place in the Lords. It would be meet
unjust to het Majesty, after what had passed, to stop short and
deprive her of• the means of defence. When he said that, he
begged to be understood as not lending himself in any degree*
support of the form of proceeding. To that no man could fetl
a stronger objection thin himself—(lfear, hear).—ln acceding
to the motion of AdjoUrnment, he felt he was giving no pled
to the course he should pursue, whether to receive the Bill or
to suggest another mode, or that he was surrendering an iota of
the Privileges of that House.
Mr. WESTERN expressed his desided aversion to the erec-
tion of that House into a Court of Justice. In every view pf
the subject, such a course was attended with difficulty and
danger. Ile assured the House, that from one end of the coun-
try to the other there could not be found an impartial person
who did not regret the prosecution that was now going our
Not an individual could be met who did not regret, nay even
condemn, the erasure of her Majesty's name from the Liturgy.
He never yet heard a single ground on which that fatal act
could be defended. The people of this country, from one ex-
tremity to the other, were loud in the expression of their ab-
horrence at the treatment her Majesty bad received. I assessing
the same feelings, he should give his support to the amendment
of his Noble Friend. He did so tie more willingly, because
that House had, by its former Resolutions, condemned the
commencement of the prosecution. It at present stood clear of
the contamination, and he trusted it would never find its way
within its walls—(Hear, hear).
Lord A. HAMILTON observed, that he felt as fully as any
Member the unfortunate predicament in which the House was
placed. He felt as fully as his Hon. Friend (Mr. Tierney) the
conflicting difficulties and dangers that on every side surrounded
the question, but he also was convinced that these difficulties
and dangers were much more likely to be increased by a conti-
nuance of the present course, than by at once putting a termi-
nation to it. it was with that conviction that he should give
his support to the amendment of his Noble Friend.' To justify
his own consistency hereafter, .he took that opportunity of dee
daring, that whenever or in whatever shape the proceeding
came before them, his vote should never be regulated by the
consideration of the guilt or innocence of the accused. Ile felt
then, as he from the first moment declared, that his insuperable
objection to the prosecution of the Queen, whose life, not for
the last six, but for 26 years, has been a life of unparalleled per-
secution, arose front his full conviction of her being precluded
from the possibility of having justice extended to her, on the
consideration of her guilt or
,innocence—(Hear, hear, hear).—
In considering the guilt or innocents of that unhappy walla',
'there must he taken into consideration so many shade-remelt a
, variety of discriminations, such palliations, that he ever must
contend, that those who originated the prosecution, were dis-
quelified by their very own acts towards her, (tom proceeding
against her. When be reflected op the manner in which she
was forsaken, abandoned, and insulted at borne--pereccured sod
abroad—he felt he should not be acting with justice tee

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!!e:, if ha rfisi ant protest :gaiilt a tria!, instituted utt&r
Etch circumstances, and conducted by such accusers. That
was net the proper time to cast imputations on his • Majesty'e
Alinisters; but he could not help saying to them, that they
cculd with a vtry ill pace accuse others of inconsistency, who
lad themselves given such frequent proofs of the must palpable
contradiction. In what a petilous edicament, he would ask
the Noble Lord, would the Country be placed, if, after the
llcuse*of Lords approved the Bill of Pains and Penalties, the
House of Comthons rejected it? The House would recollect,
that at the 'ame moment a Green Bag was sent to both Houses;
and yet his Majesty's Ministers had themselves declared, that
nothing could be more unadvisable than that two proceedings
should be going on at the same time in both Houses. He felt, in
common with every man in the country, an insuperable aversion
ton legisletive proceeding which constituted the offence, affixed
the clime, judged the criminal, and infl.cted the sentence.—
hat above all, when he considered that this anomalous proceed-
leg was to be carried into execution in defiance of all public
topinios—(Hear, hear)—denying that power of recrimination
which the law of the land afforded to every other person la-
bouring under the same accusation, he must continue to view it
as a must fatal prosecution. With that body of evidence before
eim—with such a mass of misapplication as the whole proceed-
presetited, be found himself obliged to make a choice of
reads, and he felt he took the least when he voted for the
amendment of his Noble Friend. Referring to the moeien
leech had been made on a former occasion by the Honourable
.Member for &amber, he observed, that the effect of that too-
ern; had been to fortify his Majesty's Ministers oh the question.
was impossible that the Honourable Member's motion could
h..ve .seceeded ; for it was, in fact, to ask a person who had
elready suffered great injury, to submit to still greater. If the
Amendment which he (Lord A. Hamilton) had moved to ad-
dress the Crown to restore her Majesty's name to the Liturgy
hol been carried, all the evils which had ensued, and Which
would ensue, would have been obviated. Ile apologised for
having trespassed so long on the House, but he could not vote
in silence on the question.
Lord CASTLEREAGH was of opinion that nothing ought
to drag the House, under the present circumstances, into any
teing like a discussion of the great question at issue. On a sub-
yet so extensive, so important in all its bearings, and requiring
so much calomel.* aid time, the I louse ought not to he forced
into an bur:testi-oh de.iberatlon. He was not aware of any ex-
isting circumstance which shouid lead the House to depart from
the course they thought best at the period of their last sepa-
ration. He was cot sorprised that the Noble Lord thought fit
to object, in a constitutional point of view, to the mode of
kreceteliag which had been adopted. Ile was not eurprised
that the Noble Lord differed from him (Lord Castlereagh)
ca the subject. Whenever it should be the pleasure and COI:VC..
tience of the flume, however, to make the Inquiry, he should
be quite prepared to justify his colleaeues and himself, both with
respect to the merits of the ineasare itself and with respect to
their conduct upon it. But that was not the question on the
present occasion. After the extended and elaborate debate
st•Yrll preceded the LIS! adjournment of the House, it was consi-
dersd txpeditrt to separate' leaving the question as It was at
eett titre it pending before the: Howie of Lords, and which might
y ..obably bring the Bill before them (the House of Commons).
was them understood that it was probable no other subject
would wise at their re-assembling, than what would be the
ulterior adjournment which it would be expedient to adept.
73 press any other subject at present would be rather a surprise
co that part of the House not present, and who had no idea
vest any important business would be transacted without notice.
U. 1113. the Noble Lord, therefore, could show that something
h. el occurred since the last adjournment, that afforded a new
seew of the case, he did not think it would be expedient to in-
teeeece the important subject intu discussion in the present at-
teneanee of Members, which, although great, was not what both
seles of the House must wish for oa this serious and eremite-
urinal question. What circumstance had occurred since the
earanun ces. the House, to make it mole consonant to wisdom'
ate justice to interpose and quash the proceedings? When the
Ileum last separated, there was of necessity some doubt whether
or not the other House would take any proceeding. But they
row knew, by the examination of the Journals of the House of
Lords, that a proceeding had been adopted by that House. It
was a matter, indeed, of public notoriety, arid he might therefore
perhaps say so without being very disordetly, that all the facts of
the case hs4 been opened to the other House, and would neces-
sarily go forth to the world. Under such circumstances, he
thought that ha man who had a value for justice, for the dignity
of the Crown, for the murals of the countri—(Hear, hear!)—
and, lab ere all, for the personal honour of her Majesty, would
pronow that the subject should be nuashed and extinguished;
end thereby leave her Majesty in the calamitous situation of
having such a case oreaed against her, without giviny; her the
opportunity of answering it. Did the Noble Lord who spoke
Lst, look to the perils with which the Constitution was assailed,
only in the form which thou: perils assumed in a Bill of Pains
and Penahies? The Noble Lord did not always contemplate
Penal Statutes with so much horror. The Bills fer reforming
the Representation of certain Boroughs in Scotland were
tellerably penal. The Noble Lord, however, seemed to have
made up his ntind, more like a stoic than a friend, to leave bet
Majesty is: her painful and degraded situation, without giving
her the means of justifying her character from imputation.—
Coo forbiu that he should consider that anything which had yet
raised is ih anise of Lords had been proved; but no man
who regarded the honour of the Qieea, the Crown, or the coun-
ercpose to arrest the case in its present site. To ad-
&est bas eiejesty to prorogue l'arliarnont would be to quash
ana evaimvndsh the whole proceeding, without affording leer Me-
jeaty any anode of vindicating herself. He could not but con-
sider the Noble Lord who had last spoken, a singular kind of
Liens' to her Majesty to recommend auch a course. The I:ouse
would feel that the Queen would be placed in the cruellest situ-
ation that woman was ever placed in, if they were now to tender
advice to his Majesty—advice which, indeed, under the circum-
stances of the Cale, would be scarcely constitutional—to prevent
the other. House of =Ent nom proceeding, and thus to
extinguish their deliberative faculties. What interpretation would
sack an Act bear in the eyes of the country, contrasted as it
wuuld be with the grounds on which the House had last sepa-
rated'? Would it he attributed to considerations connected with
she public interest or safety ; or would it not be rather imputed
to feet and intimidation—feelings which every effort had been
wade to excite since their last separation? There was nothiee
before the House to induce them to accede to such a proposition.
L would, therefore, be ascribed to a base surrender to the en-
deavours so actively and perseveringly made to create a flame
in the coentee, to inculcate the belief that a conspiracy against
her Majesty had been got up by Government, for the'purpose
of inflicting an injustice upon her which every honest mind
abhorred. Although in that House he felt it unnecessary to din-
eoint ally such intention on the part of Government, it would
he in vain to make such a disci-linter to the persons to whom he
alluded. In the name of Goo he adjured that House not maid
the.t inform* in disseminating this delusion. Let them do
their duty fairly and steadily. They might depend upon it, that
ees facts would tranquillize the country one way or the other.
Either the honour of the Qiieen would be vindicated, and the
charges ageinst her Majesty would be proved to be destitute of
14)i:oda:ion ; or the accusation would he substantiated in a way
that would Leave it to the wisdom of Parliament to deal with it.
The House might rely upon it that the moment the facts were
known the country would be tranquillized. It the House
wished to keep the country in constant Lever and agitation, open
to every daring spirit, fit for the purposes of every base conspi-
retor and pohtical adventurer, they could not succeed better
than by addressing his Majesty to prorogne Peiliaraent, as if
there was no consideration of public justice or public safety
which required that they should remain assembled. He would
trouble the House with one further observation in reply to
'what had fallen from the Ilonourehle Member for Westminster.
':'he Honourable Member seemed to regard with something like
cenetitetionallealousy the military force then in the neighbour.
hoed of the Houses of Farhat:nein, and appeared to consider the
clacieg of that force in such a position as quite a novel proceed-
If the lion. Member would inquire, he would find that it
was not a measure of the Executive Government's that the
Veep' were so stationed. It had been done in consequence of
a•-. Address from the other House os,Parliament, which Address
eras 0:111{11.4 on precisely the same Resolution as that agreed to
at the impeachment of 111 r. Misch:go when no one supposed
that there wen any necessity fur au armed force to be in the
at.ieielsourhaest ti.r the security of Parliament. It would be re-
:membered, that the Peers invariably went to the Hall accom-
reeied by a body of Horse Guards. He said this to repel Ike
ristipa mat there was anything in the measure which had not a
prece,L at in the best of tin.e.--at time when it could not be
prete.al,ll by city one, that the hbertieffW the subject were in
day way the:etc:lee.

iota. A. li A Al I LTON, in explanation, statod that what he
L.eo vas. that being hound to voze 01 the resent occasion,
'"•• e.a.lstr-oting re the 4:lEatltics which prceit.l on both

• •
sides of the question, would give Lis reluctant vote for the
amendment. The Noble Lord had talked of him as being the
friend of the Queen: Hr wished to be understood as the friend
of the country, and in that capacity he was anxious to put a
stop to the present proceediegin;
Mr. WILBERFORCE wad not have troubled the ifouse
with any observations on the present occasion, had it not been
for what had fallen from a Noble Lord, who hadAuded to the,
motion which he (Mr. Wilberforce) had some time ago made on
t:.e subject of her Majesty, but which had not experienced the
success that he expected. But for that he should have contented
himself with silently acquiescing in the motion for the adjourn-
ment, it being distinctly understood, that in doing so, no Hon.
Member pledged himself to any opinion on the Bill of Pains
and Penalties, if it should come down to that House. The
Noble Lord had stated hi that House what st ould be studiously
a:td industriously repeated elsewhere ; that be ( Mr. Wilber-
force) had been anxious in making the motion to which he had
alluded, to fortify ..inisters. He declared, from the bottom of
his soul, that nothing could be more sincere than his desire on
that occasion to put an end to the necessity of any further pro-
castling. lie had no intention to fortify blinistets.
Lord A. HA MILTON observed, that what he had said was,
that the Honourable Member's Motion had that effect; Lot that
the Honourable ';ember had that intention.

Mr. WILBERFORCE said, that when a proposition such
as that which the Noble Lord had advanced, was accompanied
with a guard, the proposition generally appeared elsewhere, but
without the guard. That was generally dropt. it veould, in
all probability, be stated elsewhere, that the Noble Lord had
said. not that such was the efthet, but that such had been the
object of his (air. Wilberforce's) Motion. He had frequently
been subjected to the most detestable calumny, so originating.
He was obliged to the Noble Lord, however, for the explana-
don. As to the Amendment proposed by the Noble Lord on
that occasion, to address the King to restore her Majesty's name
to the Liturgy, he had not made such a proposition to the
I louse, because he knew he should never have carried it. It
had been declared by his Majesty's Ministers, that they would
lose their places rather than advise his Majesty to acquiesce in
any such recommendation. How, therefore, could he hope to
carry his Motion? Ile solemnly declared, that when he made
the Motion alluded to, he thought it would be successful. Ile
argued thus :—The assurance of so large a majority of the (louse
of Commons, that her Majesty's acquiescence in the request of
the House would not be construed into a disposition •to shrink
from inquiry, but only as manifesting a wish to coalesce with
the wishes of Per:lament. He did not think but the character
of the House of Commons was so high, that it would be a far
greater boon to her Majesty as an equivalent, than that proposed
in the antecedent negotiation by her Majesty's Law Advisers.—
He certainly never did wish to stop anything so much as he did
to step that proceeding. It had already produced insoy evils;
hut ha did not think the House foresaw all that would ensue.—
Already disclosures of the mest injurious moral tendency hau
been made : but the niatter would be much worse whet' the
evidence :Appeared, and was followed by the necessary discussion.
With reference to the form which the proccepng had assumed,
he confessed that his mind had been so completely occupied
with a eLeposition to quash the matter altogether, that he had
i.ot paid rafikient attention to that particular. This, however,
was not the time to discuss the question, but he reserved to him-
self the full right of expressing a future opinion upon it. He
must say, however, that if the Bill were to be brought down to
that House, it appeared to him that it would become an abso-
lutely interraiiiable proceeding. The House of Lords was accus-
tomed to act as a Court of Justice. ALI, Members of it had
filled the highest °lced situations, and of course were listened
to by the other Peers on questions of law with great deference.
If necessary they had also the twelve Judges to refer to. But
how was the House of Commons situated it' that respect? Every
single question to a witness might become the subject of debate
for an evening. hit Legal Friends knew that the other Honour-
able Members of the House demurred, allowing that they had
more legal knowledge. There would, therefore, be as much dis-
evasion on the points of law, as on any other pan of the subject.
lie regretted exceedingly that same other mode of proceeding
had not been preferred. There had been a necessary deviation
from precedents. In the establishment of a new proceeding, it
ought to have had at least some analogy to other proceedings.
For instance, formerly in the House of Lords, the Lord High
Steward summoned a Committee of the Lords to investigate
cases of Treason ; at which the whole House might be called at
pleasure to attend; although th K was abrogated by the 7th or
Sth of William 111. Ile wished that some such proceeding had
been adopted in the present instance, that, by way of guerding
against the frailties of our nature, a reduced Committee had been
framed, such as, so much to the honour of that House, was ef-
fected under the Grenville Act—that a secure firm spot of land
should be rescued from the great ocean around. For tee Noble
Lord's proposition to address the King to prorogue Parliament
he could, however, by no means vote. It would be uat neither to
the Queen nor to the country to leave her Majesty tn herpresent
condition. Most heartily should he rejoice if her Majesty should
acquit herself of tb a charges preferred against her ; although
in that event he should be far from admitting what was so
roundly asserted, that a conspiracy had beers formed against her,
"for he was satisfied that those who had preferrel these charges
had done so Eddie. and honourably, and not with any caiumui-
ating intention. But, without eetermining the questiou tit guilt
or innocence, tee leave her Majesty's character in its present
state, would be derogatory to the dignity of the Royal &may
and to the interest or the country, of which the dignity of the
Crown nom ever form an important part.
Mr. BROUGIIA NI observed, that perhaps this was a ques-
tion on which he ought not to say anything, but, with the per-
mission of the House, he begged to say a new words. No man
who had attended to the course of the proceedings ni that i louse
would accuse h:m of having sheave a ty anxiety to pros, this sub..
ject on, or any disinclination to alone et any interval which
might afford a chance of doing justice, without any further Pa-
namentary investigation to the high parties implicated. On the
contrary, from the time at which the Message from the
Crown was presented to the House, he had intreated Par-
liament to pause before it was too late. Parliament did
listen to iris advice by acquiescing in the motion which the
Honourable Member had made at his suggestion. He had
stated this to remind the House that he had shewn no dis-
position to precipitate the measure, hut quite the reverse. Ile
had implored the House to pause before it was too late. The
period for pausing had now however gone by. With great sub-
mission to the Noble Lord, and to those who supported the
Amendment, it was now too late to step. Whose fault it was
he would not pretend to say. The proceeding had, however,
commenced, and it was too late to stop short. The House were
well aware of what had passed elsewhere. The case had been
opened. The whole of . he facts had been stated certainly with a de-
tail and particularity which he had seldom observed in any other
ctet. Nay more. A witness--the chief witness—one whom they
had all been expectiag--onewho was to prove almost the whole
of the case, had beetiexandued. His examination in ch:ef had
nearly ended; but ho had not yet been cross-examined. Now at
such a moment his Noble Friend, fur whom he had a great respect,
must excuse him,but hecould nut conceive any proposition so in:-
tenable as to propene to Parliament to stop. Ile could not con-
ceive anything more unjust towards her Majesty, than now
that the accusation had been promulgated, and a witness heard
in its support, to propose to pause even before that witness had
undergone any cross-examination. This would indeed be a
most crying act of injustice. There was another reason why
it would be peculiarly so. Tire House of Lords, on the present
occasion, had acted on a different principle from that which
they had adopted on any former occasion.. Whereas on a corn.;
partitively triCing case, that of Lord Melville, which, though of
considerable importance, was certainly comparatively trifling, in
• a case in which there could have existed no delicacy in the.pub-
licadon of the evidence, the House of Lords thought fit, doubt-
less with a view to the endsof public justice,. strictly to prohi-
bit the publication of a tittle of the evidence until the whole
should have been produced ; in the present delicate and itnpor-
taut question,• when so much might
.depend on the pub-
lication, their Lordships had never taken a single step to
prevent the disgusting details from bring served up for the pub-
lic palate, and presented morning after morning to the whole
country. What the grounds were for this proceeding be could
not pretend to determine; but it furnished the strongest reason
for not stopping the proceeding. To stop it, would, in fact, be
the grossest outrage to justice. He did not impute any motives
to the House of Lords; they were all honour and justice; the
arrangement which they had made might turn out to be a just
and wise arrangement, but it would be converted into a crying
injustice against her Majesty, if the amendment proposed by
the Noh:e Lord were acceded to. He had implored the House,
therefore (if he might presume that he had any Influence with
them) not to listen to the proposition. On the merits of the
great question itself, he would not say a single word. It would
be time enough to discuss them, if, which he could not antic".
pate, they shanld her any more of the proceeding in that House.
Lard 4. nvssELL, felt the great diiltieuities which attende4

• • • . .
the case, in ehnsequeoce Of the anomakui nature of the proceed-
ings upon it. Among them was the strange fact, that a Message
had beenpresented from his Majesty, which Message that House
had promised to taleinto immediate consideration ; but which;
notwithstanding, they had never yet considered. The appre-
hension which his Majesty's Government had expressed, that
the country would be deluged with the 'impurity disclosed
this inquiry, reminded him of the Jesuit, who, in writing a book,
the avowed object of which was to investigate the morality of
certain amatory actions, contrived to describe circumstance;
most offensive to decency and morality.
Lord F. OSBORNE disclaimed the slightest intention of
proposing anything that would be severe or unjust towards her
Majesty. Ile was aware of the difficulties which attended an
acquiescence in his proposition ; but what course could be adopted
in this affair free from difficulties ? Ile had no disposition, how-
ever, to take the sense of the House on his amendment.

The amendment was then negatived without a division ; the
original motion was agreed to, and the House in consequence
adjourned to Monday, the 13th of September.

TIM EVENING STAR

LONDON.

We have received many communications, announcing the ci--
cumstances attending the loyal celebration of the Duke of
Yoax's Birth-day, at different places. To notice any of them
individually might appear invidious to others, as we cann6t
possibly-find room for all of them.

TUESDAY, AUGUST 22, 1820.
PBICI' OF SToCKS THIS DAY AT ONE; O.c.L.WK
$ per Cent. Reduced 68/ 1 1-3 per Cent. Cons. 671 68 673
3} per Cent. 763 3-4 per Cent. 87 884 Ir
5 per Cent. 103 1023—Long Anns. 17 15.16 18
Tndia Stock 2151--Llitto bonds 20s. pre.
Exchequer Bins 3s. Is. 4s. pre.— Omni= 3 3 dis.
Consols for Accouet 68 673 3