Star.
London, England, 1811-01-02 00:00:00

the Illyrian Provinces, paned under the power of
your Majesty by the Treaty tsf Vienna, and the allies
of the empire beheld their power increased. * •
" The BritishOideri in Council' hatt overthrown
the lams of the commerce of the world ; England,
whose whole existence is attached to commerce, lied
thus thrown disorder into the commerce of other
nations. She had contemned all its privileges. The
Decrees ot.Berlin amyl of Milan had repelled these
monstrous novelties. Holland found that her posi-
tion was a difficult one ; her Government had not
an action sufficiently energetic ; her custom-houses
afforded too little security to permit that centre of
continental commerce to remain much longer insu-
.lated from France. Your Majesty, for the interests
of your people, and to secure the execution of the sys-
' tem which you. had opposed to the tyrar.nical act of
England, saw yourself compelled to change the fate
of Holland. Your Majesty, nevertheless, constant in
your system, and in your desire of peace, gave Eng-
land to understand that she could not preserve the
independence of Holland, but by recalling her Orders
in Council, or adopting pacific views. The Ministers
of a .commercial nation treated with levity overtures
so greatly interesting to its commerce. They replied,
that England had no power over the fate of Holland.
In the illusions of their pride, they misconceived the
motives of that measure ; they pretended to see in it
an acknowledgment of the efficacy of their Orders in
Council, and Holland was united (4). Since they
would have it so, Sire, I think it useful at this mo-
ment, and I propose to your Majesty to consolidate
that union by a Senatus•Consulta.
4, The annexation of the Hanseatic Towns of liau-
enburg, and of the whole coast from the Elbe to the
Ems, is commanded by circumstances. That territory
is already under the dominion of your Majesty.
~ The immense warehouses at Heligoland, - ould
always threaten to inundate the Continent, if a single
point remained open to the English trade upon the
Coasts of the North Sea ; and if the mouths of the
Jade, the Weser, and the Elbe, were for ever closed
against her. . •
" The British Orders in Council have totally de-
stroyed the privileges of neutral navigation ; your
Majesty can no longer supply your arsenals, and have
a sure channel for your commerce with the North,
but by means of internal navigation. The repairing
and enlarging of the canal between Hamburgh and
Lubeck, and the construction of a new canal which
will unite the Elbe to the Weser, and the Wezer to the
Ems, which will only require tour or five years labour
and an expenditure of 15 or 20 millions, in a coun-
try, the soil of which offers no physical obstacles, will
open to the French merchants a cheap, easy, and sate
route. Your empire can always trade with the Bal-
tic, convoy to the North the produce of her soil and
her manufactures, and draw from thence the articles
necessary for your Majesty's navy.
" The flags of Hamburgh, of Bremen, and of
Lubeck, which at present wander on the seas, dena-
tionalised by the British Orders in Council, will share
the fate of the French flag, and join with it for the
interest of the common cause, in re-establishing the
liberty of the seas.
_

Peace will take place at last ; for sooner or later,
the great interests of nations, of justice, and of hu-
manity, will prevail over passion and hatred. But the
experience of 60 years has :hewn us that peace with
England can only afford to commerce a deceitful secu-
rity. In 1756, in February, 1793, in 1801, in the in.
stance of Spain, as in May, 1803, the period of the rup-
ture of the Treaty of Amiens, England commenced
hostilities before she declared war. Vessels which navi-
gated in the faith of peace, were taken by surprize ;
commerce was plundered, peaceable citizens were de-
prived of their liberty, and the ports of England were
filled with these disgraceful trophies. Should these,
examples be ever renewed, the subjects of England
travelling either for pleasure or business, whose pro.
perties and persons shall be secured in all our ports
from the Baltic sea to the Adriatic gulf, will be an-
swerable for these attempts; and if the English Go-
vernment, for the purpose of making the people of
London forget the injustice of the war, will gratify
them with the sight of prizes taken in contempt of
the law of nations, they will also have it in their power
to shew them the losses which will most certainly re-
rult from it.
41 Sire, your Majesty will persevere in your decrees
so long as England persists in her Orders in Council.
You will oppose to the maritime blockade, the conti-
nental blockade ; and to the plunder on the seas, the
confiscation of English merchandize on the continent.
It k my duty to acquaint your Majesty, that you
can have henceforth no hope to bring back your ene-
mies to mote moderate ideas than by persevering in
this system. The result of it will be to place Eng-
land in such a disagreeable situation, that she
will be at length compelled to acknowledge that
she cannot violate the laws -of neutrals on the sea,
and claim their protection on the continent ; that
the sole source of her misfortunes is in her Or-
ders in Council ; and that the increase of the power
of France, which will icng excite her spite and jea-
lously, is owing to the blind passions of those, who,'
hdving broken the Treaty of Amiens, put an surd to
the negotiation at Paris, rejected the proposition from
Tilsit and Erfurth, disdained the overtures made be-
fore the annexation of Holland, have given the List
blow to her trade and her power, and conducted your
Empire to the fulfilment of high destinies.—l am,
Sir, with respect, your Imperial and Royal Majesty's
devoted subject and servant, (Signed)
CII.IIIPAGNY, Duke of Cadore.
" Paris, thec. S. Mo."

BREAM—Yesterday there being no Court of Alder.
men, the LORD MAYOR, after inspecting the Returns,
I ordered it to continue at present prices.
CORN MARKET, MARK-LANE, JANUARY 2.—To-day
1 there are but few arrivals of Wheat at Market,...net
much remaining on hand, and last prices fully sup-
,
• ported—Barley at the last advance—Malt at little va-
• nation—White and Grey Peas somewhat cheaper—
, New Tick Beans 345. to 40s.—Old as under—the re-
: maining quantities of Oats' re rather considerable, and
prices nearly at our last quotation—Flour without al-,
teration. 1

CLXIMILII CV/CRISICY AS (INDEX.
Wheat, MK Rds air. Beans (old), Ana. 561.
Fine tttto, 96. 106 s, 't IA duro (old), 454. 51s.
Rye (new), 24.. Sec Oats, 231 v7s. 3&*.
Barley, 255. 411. Poland dlrto, Sri. 354.
Istal., 66. 731. Putatoe ditto, S6s. 6d.
White Peas (boilers), SO& Ms. 'tape Seed, £45, £4)41.
1 . .Fuw Flour, Ws. %Ric —Sezvakis, 7so. W ilk.


• MitLIABIIINTARr PROTBEDINGS.
dimmannm•limamil
HOUSE OP COMMONS, JANUARY 1.
The House having resolved itself into a Committee
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
rose. He said, ticit after what he had alreadY stated
upon the subject in general, but more particularly
upon that part of it which now came under their con-
sideration, he should not delay them long. There
now remained little more for him than to repeat what
he had said upon the former occasion, and recom-
mended it to the particular consideration and aiten*-
tion of the Committee. The general substance of the
Resolution which he was now to submit, whatever
might be the opinion as to its particular points, was
of great importance. lie felt no hesitation to press
upon their minds, on this night, as he did the night
before, the consideration of his Majesty's feelings. If
after an early recovery, which no man in the House
could say might not take place—( Rear, hear, from the
Opposition Benches;)—if atter the lapse of sir weeks
his Majesty was to surmount the dangers of his dis-
order, and recollecting what had been done in the
former instance, should find that he did not meet with
the same consideration now, as under similar circum-
stances he had then experienced, he (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) would ask, what must be his sen-
sations on such a discovery ? (Some dissatisfaction ex-
pitted on the OPp.fitiOn Jae.) He observed, that if 1
there was any impropriety in what he had said, he
' hoped Gentlemen would have the gOodness to state
it, in order that he might have an opportunity of no-
ticing the objection ; but till some reason was advan-
ced, he should feel himself entitled to contend, that
if any duty was binding on them after a due atten-
tion to the public service, it was the duty of consul-
ting the feelings of the Monarch under the present
distressing circumstance.. He would with to know
whether he could be called to order for a sentiment
of his description. (Har, hear.) Or whether he
wit to be prevented from putting to the feelings of
the House what operated so strongly upon his own ?
( Hear, hear.) He would beg the Committed to con-
sider, that the question this night was, whether any,
the smallest, pause should be interposed with, lie
would not say a sanguine, but even with the smallest
hope of his Majesty's recovery. Surely Parliament
would not think it necessary, with much less grounds
of expectation than they had at present, to re-establish
the Household, and prepare a different state of things
than which his Majesty could be presumed to wish.
He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) should think,
that even if the smallest period was allowed to inter.
pose, it would be better than nothing; but was at
the same time confident that no national injury nor
constitutional danger could result from agreeing to
the period he proposed. He knew that some Gentle.
men considered the question of economy involved in
the vote of that night, and the proposition of his Right
Honourable Friend (Mr. Canning) under the gal-
lery was calculated to give some countenance to the
opinion ; but did that question of economy bear with
any weight upon the subject ? There was the Lord
Chamberlain, the Lords of the Bed Chamber, the
Groom of the Stole, and some few others ; and the
Prince of Wares would probably not require so many.
' The whole expence would be covered by fourteen or
fifteen thousand pounds, so that if Gentlemen would
*consider it lairly, tale question of economy was not
involved, at least to any degree, that should make
them apprehensive of the consecoenCes. When they
considered, in addition to this, that the grant was not
required for any length of time, but merely for the
space of twelve months, surely there was not a liberal
man in the country who would wish for any altera-
tion while a hope remained. But it had been urged
that this establishment, being in the power of the
Queen, might be 'considerably abused. lie would
allow that it was possible a Member might be dismis-
sed for his conduct in Parliament by her Majesty,
and this he would allow to be a great abuse of the
powers with which her Majesty was entrusted ; but he
would put it to their own common sense whether they
could suspect her of such an attempt, with a powcr
so limited with respect to time? Yet.still, if Gentle-
men would be satisfied with dashing out the words—
" power of removal," he would not object to such a
modification. In principle he conceived it to be
wrong ; the porter at his Majesty's gate was appoin-
ted by the Lord Chamberlain ; the scullion in his
kitchen by the Lord Steward ' • and others in like
manner ; yet this should not interfere with a Parlia-
mentary regulation. Such being the view he took of
the subject, he would leave it with the Committee to
decide ; but again he would intreat therm to consider
the mischief they would do if they did nut agree to
the proposition for a little time ? He allowed that
the question of Peerages was a much greater Consti-
tutional consideration than the present, but the pre-
sent had a nearer application to his Majesty's perso-
nal feelings, and was more calculated to secure his
easy return to the functions of his high office, and the
resumption of that power with Which he was invested
by the Constitution. He concluded with moving the
fifth Resolution.—The question being put,
Lord GOWER stated his objection to the expence
which would attend the proposed establishment, and
which was now unnecessary. The nation, he was
persuaded, would willingly give every thing requisite
to support the proper magnificence of the Executive
Government; but dining his Majesty'sretirement there
was no necesaity for external splendour, besides, the
granting of it in the present instance would go to con .
s:itute another political party. For these reasons he
should move, as an amendment to the Chancellor of
the Exchequer's Resolution, that that part which re-
lated to the removing of his Majesty's attendants
should be left out, far the purpose of insertng, 4,to-
gether with the sole direction of such portion, of his
Majesty's Household as should be deemed suitable to
a due attendance and regard to the Royal Person."
Mr. MARTIN protested against that mode of ar-
guing, which consisted rather in professions of per-
sonal attachment to the Sovereign than in observa-
tions upon the merits of the question. He did not
wish to be judged by his professions, and therefore
should make none. The measure proposed was not,
of a mere negative kind ; it did not merely refuse
to intrust the prerogatives to the Regent, but it
entrusted them to a person not recognized in the
Constitution. As to the question of economy ?be
not consider it as disconnected with the present
question, as had been represented. Did the Right'
Honourable Gentleman mean to propose ne.w Wes)
supply 'the

very

while
gent.
a bad

Privy
Mr.
from

to _

expellee An 4 did ht not know that

i

is was Nat se mull the such, as the consideration that it
might isespatrod,which would operate upon thepeople,
All thiy-weernow called upon to do was, to provid.
for his Majesty's comfort and conienience, for splen.*l
dour was a thing W. could not now enjoy ; it there. I
fore would not be right to impose an additional taxa-
tion on the people for the purpose of supporting an
additional household. Seeing nothing to dread from
the management of the hotisehold by the Regent, be
should heartily support the amendment.
Mr. G. .Net-INS I'ON F. declared, that he was ac. '
tuated by no other motive than the eon,' of the coon.
try in the conduct he pursued in 'that Home. He
approved of the sentiments of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman under him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
with regard to his Majesty, and would have thought
that be was wanting in that respect which he owed
to a beneficent Sovereign if he had delivered himself
in any other teems. ' But although he approved of
his cot-KlWl...that respect, he vfrotad .no: agree with
him in filite"te he 'should give this fight. •He had
,
considered the precedents upon the"subject to the best
of hii abilitys'especially that of 1788, and though he
agreed sirith it, as far as it Rent to recognise the ri
in the House to supply the deficiency that had
tunately taken place, he did not approve of ,
'frictions which were then intended to be put .upon
the Regent, or consider them as judicious; and the
same motives that should induce them '
to consider
r the powers of the King to be granted for the good of
the people, should influence them to look upon the
powers of the Regent as granted for a similar pur-
pose. He was surprised 'to hear the expences of the
Household stated at so low a rate, and believed that
he was not mistaken when he asserted, that it would
give the Queen the command of £406,001. He would
de the Right Hon. Gentleman on the bench under
him the justice to say, that he did not see in his con-
duct
a wish to arrogete-any power to himself; he didl
not wish to go out of his way to pay him a oomph-
ment, he had not done so when his power promised to
be of longer duration than it did now ; but in justice I
he must remark, that he had shewn an independence
and vigour of conduct which did him honour.
- • 1
Mr. ADDINGTON said, that he rose principally
for one purpose, and one only, to advert in a manner
not quite so cold as the Honourable Gentleman silo
spoke last, to the extraordinary language which the
Learned Gentleman, who spoke last but one, lied
made use of. He could not but express his esontiA-
ment, in which he hoped a great majority of the House,
) would concur, that the Learned Gentleman should '
have had the indecency almost to call his Right Hop.'
Friend (Mr. Perceval) to order, for having made use
of his Majesty's name, in the way, and with the vire
with which it had been done. It had been made staid
)in the strictest correctness of argument—for what wls
lit adverting to ? To the much-desired event of Ins
Majesty's restoration to health ; that which a greater
national object it was, at this time, in every point of
view, impossible to contemplate. What, when we
were discussing a subject, in every step we took anon
which his Majesty's rights and deareit interests were
involved, were we to be told that k was our daty
carefully to abstain from even making use of thel
Royal name ? I; such was really our duty, be defied
Any Member of the House who might be delivcrr
'hie sentiments, to execute it, whatever might• be his
efforts. He would tell the Learned Gentle %an that, on
parliamentary grounds, heeds i n a complete ems-, al-
would assert, without fear of contradiction, die t
whole question might be argued exclusively; :
i
round
Sovereign on the Throne. Where was the maisa.,
~
had a spark of generosity or loyalty in his breast, w..•
would disclaim such feeling ? He (Mr. A.) w , •
not rest on that ground, conscious that hi the part.
was taking he stood on firmer ground —ou the spi t
of the Constitution itself—not to be trampled op,iis
but to support him. And yet he could by no mean,
wish that the question should be argued quite ee dray
as the Learned Gentleman seemed to recommend.
He would not do it himself. " Este mei memeres„"
might surely be supposed to be the sentiment even
now, from the bed of sickness itself, uppermost in the
Royal mind, as directed to his Houses of Perhiment
assembled in deliberation on this distressing and pro.
mentous occasion—" Este mei memores," not from sym-
' pathy in my affliction—not because I feel that I have
any claim on your gratitude and that of the country
at large for my unceasing efforts, during a long and
eventful reign, to cherish your rights, and to protect
per privileges, but because I know that the preser-
vation of my tights is inseparebly connected with your
present and future welfare—because I am still your
King on the throne of my ancestors, with my polio,
' cal capacity entire; and as such, which you all know,
an integral part of the British Constitution.—Mr. 4.
added, that not having quite made up his mind to the
immediate question before the House, he was de •
rous to hear the opinions of other Gentlemen upon 3
before he decided. He rather thought the amen -
ment too loose and indefinite, and was inclined at
present to think, that on the resolution now move
it might be safest to adhere to the precedent of 1788,
at least.in principle; and, amongst other reasons, foe
the very powerful one given by the Chancellor of tilt
Exchequer. Perhaps some useful modifications of it
Might be introduced in the subsequent stages.
• Lord MILTON said that the question now was
*not Whether the Prerogative.should be withheld from
one, but whether it should bc taken, and* given to
another, whether they would ereateean Estatg,wiehia
an estate ? The Right Hon. Gentleman wits desirous
to give the influence to her Majesty, he (lositel,M.)
entertained every respect for her Mejesty As the wire
of his Sovereign, but he did not sell why any one
should wish to place in the hands ofahe Queen those
powers which they would not entrust to,the,harels.9f
the Regent. The object was to separate the ..--
from the Government, and create an influence ag+.
which . - '• • -- to struggle.--
The Ri) a to be'

jurious
Gentle
would
for the
would

ich the Government would have to struggle.--
e Right Honourable Gentleman appeared to bey
y cautious of establishing a bad precedent, but
ile he was so anxious to guard against a bad It..
t, he forgot that it was necessary to guard against
ad Queen, as if ambition might not be equally us.
ions in one character as in the other. He begged
atlemen also to carry in thpir minds tliat they
ild hereafter be called upon.to vote same proVisioit
the notitica:'n aof the King's recovery and that
31d probably e not by Parliament, but by the
vy council, vonic4 wa# the Council ut the Queen.
Qr. STEPHEN ;yid, he coull-Larslky rvir.ii:4
n ;uttering his .Qf eij