Star.
London, England, 1810-06-14 00:00:00

liberation ; and die moment of their repeal often Ortiz ,
*ed• the wisdom of theit enactment. The same ob-
servation would apply td the pried? of Parliament,
which hating been supported by al the great men of
modern times, and 'uniformly Maintained since the
revolution, ought not to be new ptecipitately repealed.
But it was not upon the ground of authority that he
should rest the defence of these priVileges-,--they were
essentially necessary fir the performance of the in ic-
tions of Parliament, and ought therefore to belong to
it. He was aware of the popular argumeefs which
were generally employed against these privileges, viz.
that Parliament was Judge in its own cause ; that it
punished the offender A ithout trial ; and that for tlee
injury thus inflicted, there was no redress: All this
he was well acquainted with; but such a power was
nothing more than necessarily belonged to every
branch of the legislature, occasionally exercising a .
supreme power. It was not fair to argue against the
privilege from the abuse of it. If Parliament was
to be stripped of this privilege, could they on the
same principle leave to the other House the cern-
mand of the public purse ; or to the Crown the
command and controul of the fleet and arms- ? Na 7,
what would become even (,f juries and their fttnc-
tions ? Yet they found Sir Francil Bur,lett repre-
senting himself as a martyr in the go id old cause for
which Hampden bled, and Riivell and Sydney died.
But these illustrious martyrs to freedom had not suf-
fered in consequence of any contest against the privi-
leges of Parliament, or by an exercise ef the tyran-
nical power of a House of Commons ; bat because
they had not the advantage of a fair trial by jey, in
consequence of the wicked interference of the most
detestable Government that ever existed. Though
these eminent patriots had suffered by an abuse of the
trial by jury, that would not be a good argument
against the advantages of a trill by jury in all cases.
He begged, therefore, to call the attention of their
Lordships to this question, as most important to the
security of the liberties of the subject. But it might I
be asked, whether they should give to the House of 1
Lords, and the other House, powers which were not
given to the King? This argument, however, would not
stand the test of examination. Thefunctionsofthe King
were those of grace, cf favour, and mercy ; and for the
performance of such functions no such powers were
necessary ; because they seldom, in their exercise,
came in conflict with the passions or the prejudices
of the public. Besides, the King had other efficient
securities and did not, therefore, want such po avers.
Another good reason why such powers had not been
annexed to the Crown was; that the King was an in-
dividual; and it might not be wise to give such
powers to an individual who had also the command
of the army, and the whole influence of the Govern-
ment. Parliament, on the contrary, originated all
the revenue laws, and various statutes imposing re-
strictions or burthens upon the public, which would
be likely to excite discontent amongst the people;
and consequently Parliament required privileges for
I its protection. He had before referred to the revo-
lution, and should ask their Lordships, whether they
forgot the violent mobs which had been excited in
support of the doctrine of non-resistance—whether
they could put out of 'their consideration the mobs
and the hypocritical try, which for the worst of
purposes, had been, at later peril :Is, raised under the
sanction of the Government ? The privileges Of Par-
liament, therefore, were founded upon the absolute
necessity of the case, and w:th a view to the mainte-
nance of that freedom of discussion, which was so
intimately and essentially connected with the rights
and liberties of the nation. If this were so, then, he
would ask, what was the danger that this power
would be abused ? And this suggested another ques-
tion,
whether Parliament had the power to abuse ? 1
The power had, unquestio :ably, been exercised in the
best times of the Constitution, though he would ad-'
mit that there may have been cases lately in which
it had been exercised, when it would have been much
better for Parliament to have forborne. He should
deny, however, that the power had ever been abused
to the oppression of the nation : and it was due in
justice to all Governments_which had the administra-
tion of public affairs, however he might have differed
with some of them, on important questions of national
concern, that they had allowed as great a latitude of
discussion as was consistent with the interests of the
Government, and the freedom of the country. Could
this lenient and forbearant practice have arisen from
accident, or was it owing to particular individuals,or
to particular periods ? Or was it not, on the contrary,
the result of a general principle, which was acted upon
by all Governments, and which was not liable to de-
generate
into abuse ? But at all events, the Parlia-
ment was secured against this abuse, by the very na-
ture of its institution. It was not easy to induce a
number of persons to agree to an act of oppression ;
and particularly as their own Members were equally
subj'ect to the power, and consequently had a direct
interest in not oppressing the people. -But even sup-
pos'itg the Mere:els of the House of Commons con-
spired together for the abuse of their power, would
not the other branches of the legislature afford secu-
rities against the continuance of the evil ? Their Lord-
ships \%oUld have jurisdiction judicially upon any
such question if brought before them, and the Crown
could interfere by the power of dissolution. The only
danger of abuse, therefore, would be confined to a con-
spiracy between the three branches of the legislature,
each of which had a concurrent but separate security
against any unjust or oppressive use of the power of
the ether branches. But such a conspiracy was too
monstrous to be contemplated as possible, and would
amount to a dissolution of the compact between
the Government and the People. He had thus
stated his sentiments at more length than per-
haps he should have done, though there yet remained
various other coesiderations which might be urged
upon this important question. He had felt it neces
s try, however, to state thus much, in order, it pos-
sible, to bring back those who appeared to entertain
erroneous opinions upon the subject, to a temperate
consideration of its nature, and a sense of the conse-
quences that might follow from the accomplishment
of their own views. He was fully sensible of the
Danger he incurred of misrepresentation, and foresaw
the obloquy to which he should consequently be ex-
posed. It would have been easy for hint to have taken
the popular side of 'the question, and courted tt,t ap-
plause of the people at the expellee of sincerity and
principle. But such a course was little suited to
his habits, and still less coulistent with the feelings
and principles by which his public conduct had al.
ways been governed.—He was sensible of the

effect of tlioid arts, Wlfich reefuired eettber talents nor
Virtues to practice ; but, on the contrary, succeeded'
best hi the absence of both, in Vilifying and caluthni•
r
ating the„ehatacters of public M2ll. He beheld with
indignation and disgust the mean artifices of tbosi
who, rent un:ing all the obligations of faith and he:
nciur, and breaking through all the bonds and env..
ments that hold the various classes cif society cvn-
r
nection, had the baseness to traduce and defame the
conduct and characters of those who may not be di`.
posed to accoMpa.,y them in all their Fri:fleets. Such
arts he held in sovoreigit contempt, and should never
descend to employ them even to acquire the ap.
probation of the p:ople. —lt was not- without
feelings of regret and mortification rhat he found
himself d.:prived of such approbation by the basest
Misrepresent it;on and the foulest calumnies. Bat
k this he must submit to with patience, as it was a
defect inhere: a in all free Governments. Every
! thing proved that. popularityblind as for.
tune. If it :Wald fopllow Vs humble efforts, he
receive it as .• grateful proof of his havilz
faithlylly diseharp,.,:t his duty i but if he should '
be redti,i-ki to an alternative between popularity
j' freedom of conductand action, he should never
hesitate a moment MI it dezision to m lice. Nothing
I should ever induce him to submit tO th At basest descrip.
tion of setvitiide, that vilest degree of slivery, : ►be
content to flayer the worst prejudices of the people.
The most dam. :tons consequences were to, be appre-•
bonded, if the feelings of the people w: re :o be genera i
ag..i Ist the privileges of Parliament ; because if they
should once succeed in overthrowing these privilegrai
they would destroy the fiunest security for the
liberties of the nation. The Noble Earl then briefly
recapitulated the various subjects to which he bad felt
it his duty to call the attention of their Lordships—
the establishment of some stable system of finance—
the conciliation of neutral Powers--the adoption of
measures for re-establishing a free currency—a speedy
endeavour to allay the discontents of the people, par-
ticAnly in Ireland—economical reforms, as far a 4
may be consistent with the public service—iand, lastly,
a temperate, and cautious, but sincere measure of re-
i form. These were the principles, which, if attended
to, would enable the country to meet the dangers and
difficulties with which it was surrounded. The Noble
Earl then concluded a very able and eloquent speech
by moving :
That an A4.l:ress be presmted to beg Majesty, earnestly to en•
treat his Majesty's attention to the advice, which, impressed with
a deep sense of the increasing dalgers of the country, his Ms.
jesty's faithful subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Par.
liament assembled, bare let It to be their indisper.sible duty,
humbly to submit to his Majesty's Roy.:lconsidera

To state to his Majesty, that we cannot doubt his Majesty's
readiness to embrace the fit st opportunity of concluding a paw
on just and reasonable terms ; but, that lookiog to the nature of
Vie COQICSt in seltit.h we are etsgaged, to the power of France, now
unhappily established over M. greater part of Europe, a:.d to the
spirit and character of the Govtruraeut of that ct•un:ry ; wave
convinced that this event, so ax liously desired by his rvlajesty
and his loyal people, will be best pentauted by proving to the
world that, while his Majesty is actuated by the most jt.st and
moderate views, we possess the Instr.n, of permanently supporting
the honour and independence of our country against every specks
of attack by which the enemy may hope to assail as i.
That far this purpose, it Is indispensably necessary that his Mad
jesty's Government should henceforth adopt a wise and systematic
policy, regulated not only by a just estimate of our present diffi-
culties, but by a prudent foresight of'the probable talgeucies of
a pr.Anacted warfare; that we have deeply to lament that the
conduct of his Majesty's Minisrerohas been, in this respect, di-.
rectly the reverse of what the interests and the safety of his Ma•
jesty's dentitions required; tha' they have blindly involved them-
selves in schemes of continental ape:ado:As uhen they amid:oot to
no power capable of affording them an adequate support; and
rasWy t ngaged in expeditions so deft ctive in their plan, so imps.
litic in their objects, and so ill-combined as to the time at which
they were itudertaken, that they could terminate only in an us.
profitable waste of the resources and the blood of 1111 Majesty's
fAithful subjects.

That whilst the war has been thus unfortunately conducted,
and our future means of di fence thereby materially impaired,
the conduce of hi. Majesty's Government, with respect to neutral
powers, has tendA to alienate tlouse wham it was most our ur
terest to conciliate, and unite wit.t us In opposition to the nick.
sures of France.

'1 hat ter the professed purpose of counteracting those mea-
sures, a system has been adopted, under which no independent
power could be expected to acqeitsce ; and new and visionary
projects in legislation have been resorted to, which have br ght
almost every branch of our trade to depend on the penni,stort,
and to be exercised under the controul, of the executive Govern.
mere; whilst a considerable pouion of that trade has heel trans-
ferred to a foreign navigation, thereby improvidently sue prying
the enemy with a new resource for ths improvement of hi, navy.
That in what more immediately concerns our domestic policy,
we have equally to cop•plain of the total want of wisdom and of
foresight in the Councils of his Majesty.
That instead of any well-considered and permanent system of
Finance adapted to the exigencies of a protracted warfare, thee:.
pensive and improvident operations of the last three ye ire have
been supplied by temporary financial expedients, of the. neon
ruinous description. .1 hat out paper circulation, from which the
restriction imposed on the Bank had removed the only adequate
and elle t:tual limitation, has bt en extended to a degree highly d:.o.
gerous to the pecuniary interests of the country. That no attempt
has been made by wise and equitable arrangements to allay tbq
discontents arising front religious differences amongst his Majes-
ty's faithful subjects, more particularly in Ireland ; and that tine
der the unexampled pressure of taxation, necessarily burdensome
in its amount, and severe in cellection, no measure has been taken
to remove the causes of jun complaiut, either by introducing en
effective cecenomy into the great branches of the public service,
or by the due consideration ,f such timely reforms as may, in any
instance, be found 'Aniline for recoring to our Government that
practical excellence which the gradual corruptions of time may
have obscured or diminished.
That we should ill disc:large our duty to hie Majesty and to the
Public, if we were to disguise from him our well-founded appre.
liensions, that owing to these and other caue-s, discontent and dis•
trust are begiening to diffuse. themselves amongst his Majesty's
faithful People.
1 hat we intreat his Majesty not to listen to those who would
persuade him that such discontent and distrust, in whatever de-
gree they may exist, are solely to be attributed to the evil arts of
men hostile to the interests of their country, and seeking to excite
the people to an invasion of those Institutions on which their fro.
dons and happiness essentially depend. That we are firmly con-
vinced such designs have as yet found no favour in the hearts of hie
Majesty's loyal subjects; and that nothing can afford to those who
entertain them, any hope of success, but tha• impolitic and Mien.
sive inattention to the re al sufferings and j ist complaints of the
People, that determined resistance of every proposed curr,enion
of abases, which in our own times we have seen yrs:flier such
fatal effects in other countries.

" That we humbly pray, that his Majesty will be pleasi.d to
talcs this, our dutiful representation,into his immediate and most •
b ionaideration That he will see the necessity of adopting
such measures di iroy deprive the ei...my of all hopes of since.%
front a failure of our nation ii resources: That he will, thertfete,
actively coi4.ur with his Parliatu;nt, in giving .41. ct to acououti-
cal and syatematic arrangements, for the conduct of the war lu
prodding !or a recurre,:ce to the true principles of a free Cym.
nierce and cirmlation, both at holm: and abroad ; is end:news..
Ly a weir feral p..slicy; to unite in the bonds ',la com-
mon interest an chaos of his big •sty's subjec,s, o', whatever
aef‘ioos fisrsuasion and, hotly that he will be grad Au •pleased
to countenance the reatpt nue cons.dastmoo,
41„eliberate adop-
tion of 101..1h thuely refs:Mations, huh ceconom'A4 and poimagla
las may satisfy his 1 _uya_ 1 peoplett oat the saastie " required of tbsas•
'are strictly limited, and fothfutly applied
the real interests and
safety tithe Public ; and that, both for preventing the growth
of auy dangerous abuses, and lot cut
the misessodusn of