The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-06-28 00:00:00

CHURCH EXTENSION.

On Wednesday, a meeting of members and friends of the
Established Church took place at the Freemasons' Tavern,
Great Queen-street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, to adopt resolu-
tions, and a petition to Parliament in behalf of immediate
measures for church extension.
The Right Hon. Lord Viscount SANDON, M.P., occupied
the chair.

The Rev. R. BURGESS having read prayers,
The Noble CHAIRMAN entered into an elaborate argument
to prove that it was a duty incumbent upon the state to ex-
tend, by every means in its power, the influence and useful-
ness of the established church ; and, after having alluded to
several places where the want of church accommodation was
severely felt, said there was a want still more imperious than
that of funds for the building of churches : there was a fund
requisite for the endowments. (Hear, hear.) If they wished
to have in established churches efficient ministers, they must
have clergy not dependent on their congregations—(loud
cheers) ; not dependent on the humour, nor subject to the
capricious fancies, of the day—(cheers) ; not dependent, as
was unfortunately the case in many dissenting congregations,
upon the humour and fancies not only of the whole congre-
gation, but of two or three of the richer members. (Loud
cheers.) They must not have the clergy of their church
placed in a position, he would not say exactly of personal
degradation and humility, for he firmly believed that if the
cause of God demanded such a sacrifice, the clergy of the
established church would willingly submit to it—(cheers) ;
but they must not be placed in such a position as would tend
to impair their usefulness, and destroy that sacred character
which peculiarly belonged to them. (Renewed cheers.)
The question of endowment was one of great difficulty.
(Hear.) But it was nevertheless for endowment that the
Church of England was more anxious to ask the assistance
of the State. (Cheers.) The insufficiency of the voluntary
system was not confined to the dissenters of this country :
the evil had been, and was still, felt in the United States,
where that principle had had a fair and full trial. (Hear.)
He would take an opportunity of directing the attention of
the meeting to some facts not in reference to the particular
point as respected the improper condition in which a minister
was placed by means of being dependent on the contributions
of his congregation, but as regarded the difficulty which ac-
crued in suplying such congregations with ministers at all.
(Hear, hear.' A minister from the United States, in writing
from New York, said, that not one in twenty of the pastors
could support themselves on their stipends, and then went
on—" And then what is the state of the vacancies among the
various sects, according to the showing of the tables ? Why,
the Protestant Episcopal have considerably more than a
third of their churches unsupplied with ministers ; Lutherans
have five-sixths vacant ; the Universalists, one-half ; the
Christian Society, three-fourths ; the Presbyterian Church,
a fifth ; the Congregationalists, more than a third ; the Free-
will Baptists, a fourth ; the Associate Presbyterians, one-half;
the Dutch reformed, nearly two-thirds; the Cumberland
Presbyterians, one-third ; and the Seventh-day Baptists, one-
fourth. (Loud cries of .` hear, hear.") He (Lord Sandon)
hoped they would take this statement with them when they
read of the flourishing state of religion in the United States
under the voluntary system—(hear, hear;) and that they
would take the liberty of inquiring whether the congre-
gations had ministers to officiate for them. (Hear, hear.)
He would, before he sat down, allude to another circum-
stance of some importance relative to the subject upon which
they had met. He had been much struck with an observation
in a speech of a minister of the crown (Lord John Russell,)
who took a deep interest in the question of education. The
observation was respecting the condition of the convict part
of the population, which the noble lord pressed upon the at-
tention of the House of Commons. Lord J. Russell re-
marked that, from a return of the chaplain of the gaol of
Lancaster, it appeared that out of a large number of the
lower classes of persons in that district, only 995 could say
the Lord's Prayer ; only 37 were occasionally readers of the
Bible, only one was conversant with the principles of reli-
gion ; and out of 1,129, there were not more than 20 or 30
who attended any places of Divine worship. He was glad
that a minister of the crown had pointed to these facts. It
was in vain to promote education, they must go beyond it.
(Hear.) What was the value of educating a child up to the
age of 10 or 11 years, if it was then turned loose into the
world without guidance? (Cheers.) Out of these 1,129 but
20 or 30 attended a place of worship. (Hear.) Did not this
point out to the nation that the real want which now existed
was not so much that of schools (though schools were much
wanted), as an adequate provision for the religious worship
and guidance of the adult population? (Cheers.) When
they found that the persons who had transgressed the laws
of the country were those who had in all probability fallen
into the paths of vice through the want of religious guidance,
they might entertain good hopes that if the state would fur-
nish the church with means, the result would be that our
gaols would be stripped of their inmates who now crowded
them, to the shame and scandal of our age. (Loud cheers.)
Lord ASHLEY moved the first resolution, which was
seconded by the Rev. T. DALE, Vicar of St. Bride's.
JOHN HARDY, Esq. moved the second resolution.
The Rev. H. 114'NEILE, of Liverpool, then came forward
to second the resolution :—he said—Having been invited to
take part in the proceedings of this meeting, I do not, as a
clergyman, feel myself at all called upon to decline, upon the
ground so frequently urged, that clergymen should not be
found mixed up with politics. Modern politicians in this
country have introduced into their discussions and measures
many of those subjects which stand inseparably connected
with the most elementary and undeniable duties of clergymen
It is owing to the assaults of politicians against our national
religion, and not to any encroachments of clergymen upon
the region of politics, that it has come to pass that no cler-
gyman of the church of England can fulfil his ordination
vows without having the appearance, and incurring the
charge, of political partisanship. If he preach or speak
against Popery, which it is a part of his sworn duty to do—if
he declare, though it be in the well-considered language of
our church articles, that " the sacrifices of masses are blas-
phemous fables, and dangerous deceits," that " the Romish
doctrine concerning purgatory, pardons, worshipping, and
adoration as well of images as of relics, and also invocation
of saints, is a fond thing, vainly invented, and grounded
upon no warranty of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the
word of God " that the adoration of the sacramental
elements (the host) is " idolatry to be abhorred of all
faithful Christians," immediately he is accused of politics
and bigotry. (Hear, hear.) If he preach or speak against
the Socinianism of that sceptical philosophy which imagines
a Deity all benevolence satisfied for sin with the passing sigh
of self-reproach in the offender, mingled though it be with
self-eomplacency—if he use, in opposition to this, the faithful
decision of our church, that " they are to be had accursed
who presume to say that every man shall be saved by the law
or sect which he professeth, so that he be diligent to frame
his life according to that law and the light of nature, for Holy
Scripture doth set out unto us only the name of Jesus Christ,
whereby men must be saved," again he is charged with poli-
tics and uncharitableness. (Hear, hear.) If he demand, in
the education of youth, the whole Scripture (cheers) without
the mutilation of any thing that is inspired, or the addition
of any thing that is apocryphal, still he is accused of politics.
Nay, if he say or do any thing beyond the namby-pamby
milk-and-water, which means nothing and effects nothing,
instantly the cry of politics is raised. And if I were briefly
to assign a reason for this, I would say, it is because our op-
ponents find it easier to prejudice our advocacy than to an-
swer our arguments. (Cheers.) I am fully aware that our
reference to the formularies of our chin ch will be met by the
retort that they too are intolerant, that they breathe the
bigotry of the times in which they were compiled, and that
only bigotry and intolerance would now have recourse to
them for defence or authority. In reply to this I would re-
spectfully, but boldly, challenge noble lords and right lion.
gentlemen who think so, to come honestly to the point at
once in the face of the nation. Instead of proposing measure
after measure, involving a charge against our church formu-
laries as no longer tenable, let them announce a bill, bold,
clear, comprehensive, for the alteration of those formularies.
Instead of calling themselves friends of our church as she is,
and acting day by day in concert with her avowed enemies,
so that we are compelled to say of them, as the aged patriarch
said of his hypocritical son, " the voice is Jacob's voice, but
the hands are the hands of Esau," let them frankly confess,
that in order to deserve their support, our church must di-
vest herself of her harsh articles and exclusive creeds. In-
stead of leaving the clergy to subscribe the formularies as
they are, and then calling us bigoted because we are sincere,
let them supply us with some more liberal and gentlemanlike
formularies for subscription in the place of those old-fashioned
faithful scriptural broadsides against Deism in all its plausible
sophistries, and popery in all its superstititious abominations. I
repeat, let us have fair play. Let the mind of the nation be tried.
Let a bill for the liberalizing of our church formularies, re-
jecting some, and altering some—a bill for applying an Index
prohibitorius to the Athanasian Creed, and an Index expur-
gatorius to the 39 Articles—let such a bill be presented to
Parliament, and if, after due time for expression of public
opinion, such a bill shall pass into a law, then I frankly con-
fess that the clergy of such a church as the Church of Eng-
land would be, might most reasonably be expected to be
Unitarian or Trinitarian, or anything-arian, good for nothing
gentlemen. (Hear, hear.) Will this challenge be accepted ?
Are our opponents ready for a fair open field-day in the face
of the United Kingdom, or are they afraid ? Are they con-
strained to continue their ambuscade and bush-fighting,
knowing full well that if they raised an undisguised hand
against the ark of old England, all the misconceptions under
cover of which they now meet with forbearance and receive
support would vanish, and an indignant people in over-
whelming majorities rush to the rescue against the detected
Philistines? (Cheers.) Will this challenge be accepted ?
Let not the obscurity, the insignificance of the proposer of it,
be pleaded as an excuse for honourable gentlemen to treat it
with disdain. It ill becomes the boasted attention to the
rights of the people which characterizes the class of politi-
cians to whom appeal is made to turn with disdain from
the expression of his sentiments by any even of the lowest
of her Majesty's subjects, though he should chance to be
of that prescribed class, the national clergy who are faith-
ful to their vows. Let the fairness, the boldness, the
honesty, the straightforwardness of the proposal be looked
at without prejudice, and without partiality. Let the
attempt tacitly to suppress be compared with the pro-
posal openly to rescind. Let the policy which undermines
the city, while it professes attachment to the foundations, be
compared with the frankness which would avow to the citi-
zens that their foundations mnst be altered. Which is the
most honest, which the most English, which the most Chris-
tian course? (Immense cheering.) But should it be deter-
mined that such a bill as I have ventured to sketch would
not be proposed, that the formularies of the established
church cannot be fundamentally altered ; and should we hear,
inconnexion with this, the bland assurance that there exists
no wish to alter them—then, my Lord, in the name of all
that is fair, consistent, true, upright, and honourable, let
not us who subscribe them ex animo be condemned for main-
taining them con amore. Why are we driven to the subscrip-
tion of bigots, and then invited to the quiescence of hypo-
crites ? If we be asked, will we subscribe altered articles and
formularies, our answer is, let us see them and compare them
with Holy Scriptures ; dare to follow out your owu convic-
tions, and I trust we will steadfastly be consistent with ours.
Under such convictions, I must repeat without fear of rea-
sonable refutation, though in the full foresight of vehement
contradiction, perhaps abuse, that it is most proper and suit-
able for a clergyman of the established church to take part in
a meeting like the present, whose object is to urge upon the
legislature and the government of the country the Christian
duty of extending the framework of the national church that
it may continue proportioned to the necessities of the in-
creased and increasing population of the kingdom, and to re-
tain its national character. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.)
It is in evidence painfully convincing, that the spiritual and
moral interests of vast multitudes of our population are ut-
terly, and at present inevitably, neglected. (Hear.) No
man who is impressed with anything approaching to an
adequate sense of immortality, and who knows anything of
what human nature is when left without spiritual and moral
culture, can contemplate such a state of things without the
most lively and penetrating anxiety, both for the salvation of
his fellow-creatures, and the peace and even safety of his na-
tive land. The neglected water accumulating outside of our
national bulwarks, threatens to burst its bounds, and not only
to rush itself into the deep, but to carry with it indiscrimi-
nating ruin into those fences which have served for a season
to embank, but which not having been enlarged to con-
tain, are now no longer able to resist the growing, gathering,
swelling, resistless pressure. (Great cheering.) No man
who has experienced the penetrating, melting, subduing,
invigorating energy of the gospel can doubt its efficacy. It
preserves the kingdom by blessing the people. It annihilates
rebellion by communicating salvation. It dissipates the
gloom of discontent on earth by revealing and pointing to the
bright star of hope in the heavens. (Tremendous cheering.)
Referring as we do to apostolical language for the authority of
the mode of propagating the gospel, there are persons who
refer us to the apostolical model for the support of the mi-
nisters of the gospel. The apostolical model thus pleaded is
gathered chiefly, if not exclusively, from the history of St.
Paul. Let that history be fairly examined. True, he had no
state endowment, but it is also true that his personal income

was not derived exclusively, or chiefly, from the volun-
tary contributions of those among whom he ministered.
We who see no one special mode exclusively prescribed in
Scripture, while we do see various modes prac-ised and sanc-
tioned under various circumstances, do and may with perfect
consistency plead the altered circumstances of the church in
justification of an altered system of support for her ministers.
And more still, we plead the Christian duty of rulers who
profess to belong to the Christian church as demanding their
sincere and strenuous efforts to extend her influence and en-
dow her clergy. The rulers of all nations have ever
considered the prosperity of their kingdoms as dependent
upon the favour of their gods. Whatever may have been
their varying peculiarities in their notions concerning their
gods, in this they all agreed, that the favour of those
gods was indispensable towards the victories of their
armies, and the well-being of their states. It be-
came, therefore, one of the most obvious and imperative
duties of such riders to seek to please their gods—in other
words, to propagate what they believe to be true religion.
And they did so. They built temples to their deities, and
maintained a national priesthood for conducting the worship
in those temples. (Cheers.) They maintained the national
worship, and made all the nations without exception pay tri-
bute for the purpose. (Hear, hear.) They seem to have
been sincere, whatever else they were. Is it too much to ex-
pect the same sincerity in rulers now ?—the same practical
sincerity ? Is it too much to ask them to use in the pro-
pagation and maintenance of what they themselves be-
lieve to be the truth of God all the influence, whe-
ther of personal character or of official station, which
it has pleased God to give them? (Cheers.) The responsi-
bilities of rulers to God in the use they make of their oppor-
tunities to ascertain what is his truth is another question.
They ought to investigate their own souls like other men,
and they ought to investigate with peculiar reference to their
peculiar station, that they may be qualified to fill it. This
investigation is indeed a most solemn duty. There are many
important statements which may not at first seem entitled to
belief, and which it may not then be criminal not to believe,
because belief, strictly speaking, is not an action of the will ;
yet those statements may be well worthy of attention and in-
vestigation, and it may be highly criminal not to attend to
them, because attention is an action of the will. Bat suppos-
ing the governors of a nation to have given their best attention
—to have made the best use of their opportunities—to have
fully investigated and to be sincerely convinced ; then, what-
ever they really believe to be God's truth, they are bound to
propagate with all their influence—i.e. to make national, if
they can. If they cannot —i. e., if the nation will not
allow them, but demands, on the contrary, that they should
propagate what they do not themselves believe to be true,
nor pleasing to God, nor consequently beneficial to the nation,
then what should they do ? Should they, in order to please
men, consent to propagate what they themselves believe to be
offensive to God, and therefore really injurious to men?
(Loud cheering.) Should they, in deference to the opinions
and feelings of men, give up a conscientious duty, and cease
from the propagation of what they do indeed themselves be-
lieve ? Supposing the nation to be determined against what
the rulers are conscientiously for, or to be determined for
what the rulers are conscientiously against, then those rulers
have a choice ; they must either cease to be the rulers of
that nation, or they must begin to be hypocrites in their
language and practice. (Immense cheering.) They must
either abdicate (renewed cheers) to obtain a good conscience,
or they must dissemble to retain place and power. (Conti-
nued cheering.) If they be conscientiously Mahometans,
and the nation insist on having the Christian religion, they
must either boldly subdue the nation to Mahometanism, or
they must cajole the nation by pretending to be Christians,
or they must give up the nation as impractiable to honest
men of their sentiments. (Cheers.) If they be conscienti-
ously Papists, and the nation insist upon having Christianity
purified from the falsehood and filth of the middle ages, as
condensed in the Creed of Pius IV, or if they be conscienti-
ously Trinitarians, and the nation insist upon having Soci-
nianism, the alternative for honest men remains still the
same. (Loud cheers.) If, as in our own present position,
the nation be divided in opinion, and the members of the
legislature, I may perhaps say and of the government, be also
divided—(great cheering)—is it too much to expect and
ask that each individual shall be sincere, and that no man
shall lend his influence to propagate among his fellow-men
what he himself believes to be falsehood against God? Is it
too much to ask that every man shall consider his conscience
towards God as possessing a higherclaim upon him than even
his kindliness towards man ? And that when they come in
collision, he will abide by the honest as well as Christian
determination of serving God rather than man ? (Much
cheering.) If this were universally done, many of the most
important questions which agitate this kingdom would speedily
be decided. If Sir Robert Peel, for example, boldly declared
his own religious sentiments to the nation, and said that
whether they were right or wrong in themselves, they were
right in his mind and conscience, and consequently he would
use all the influence he has, or may have, to maintain and
propagate them—that he would force no man to subscribe
to his creed, or to conform to his worship, but that he could
not conscientiously, and therefore would not be induced by
any consideration to lend his influence in any degree to the
propagation of what he believed to be false and injurious ;
that, if a member of the government of this nation, he
would hold out no false colours, but plainly and honestly
tell the nation that he would vote public money for the ex-
tension of what he himself approved, say the Established
Church : if Lord John Russell in like manner declared his
own sentiments, and his determination conscientiously to
abide by them in every act, public and private—if my
Lord Lansdowne ldid the same, and Mr. Daniel O'Con-
nell the same, frankly telling the nation their sentiments,
and avowing their honest determination to use all the
influence they have, or may have, to propagate those senti-
timents, and make them national, if possible, then the
people of England would know their men, and the mat-
ter would he adjusted. What we ask for is sincerity, plain
practical sincerity, in public men. (Cheers.) The nation
has decided by an overwhelming majority in favour of our
established church. If the population of the United King-
dom could be polled to-morrow, it would repeat that decision
in a way not to be misunderstood. No men avowing them-
selves the enemies of the established church could continue
to constitute the government of this country. If such sin-
cerity therefore as I have described were universally the
order of the day, we should have no difficulty left in the way
of church extension. The rev. gentleman then referred to
the relative numbers of the Dissenting congregations and
those of the established church, showing that in 1829 the
number of Independents was 1,289 ; of Baptists, 888 ; and
of Presbyterians, 25S ; and went on to remark that it had
been asserted that number had since increased to 175,330.
On the other hand, one of the religious papers stated the
number of " the orthodox Dissenting congregations of the
three denominations to exceed 2,200 in England alone, and
the aggregate of attendants as estimated at nearly 1,000,000.
Well, if they were to allow that number to be trebled, even
then it would fall wonderfully short as compared with that of
Churchmen." (Hear.) After some further remarks, the
rev. gentleman concluded a speech of much power and force
by seconding the resolution.
The resolution was then put and carried.
Several other resolutions were moved and seconded, and
the meeting separated after a discussion of five hours.