Star.
London, England, 1826-04-19 00:00:00

the whole comma

rot 4 pure Irons 1100 to fr6o4 849,364
And for 5 years from to Int 4 . .
What was the cause of that remarkable difference?
It was because when a -dlmand'Was created from Eng-
land, the most extensive supplies were obtained by every
means throughout the country. Even from Hungary
was corn brought, in order to supply the demand.
Croatia also sent Its produce by the water. The Vistula
vies covered with barks, conveying corn to the port,
from &hernia, Silesiaoind all districts on its banks.
The high prices eXisted, and' the navigable rivers
afforded facilities. From those returns it would appear
that if foreign corn should be imported into this coun-
try, there was not any reason to apprehend that a greater
quantity could be imported, while the price continued
at from 555. to 505., than about 400,000 quarters, and
even if the price should be raised higher, there could
'mit be mere than 500,000 imported, a small quantity
\Oben compared with the consumption of this country,
'which amounted to thirteen miliio:is of quarters on-
o:rally. From the quantity which might be im-
ported, there was therefore no cause for alarm,
and even the prices could not cause any appre-
hension, as the prices at Warsaw proved. If it was
necessary for the improvement of the trade of England,
that markets shoold be found for her commodities, why
should not she find a market for those of other nations ?
It could not be injurious to the landholders, for if corn
did not pay, theyecould cultivate rape, flax, or hemp.
If America, Russia, and other countries, should declare
that they would not take any of the produce, the sup-
plies of the Produce could be lessened in, proporlion to
the deMand ; for the establishments for manufacturing
those goods would not be worked when the prod.ice
could not be sold. In the cultivation of corn a different
case occurred, for then more time became necessary for
stopping the production. Mr. Jacobs had made a cal-
culation of the price for which Polish corn could be
brought into the English markets: not the inferior
specics of corn produced in some of the maritime pro-
vinces of Prussia,. which might be sold for 43-t. but the
Polish wheat of good quality, which would cost 48s. I,
per quarter on importation into the port of London.—
The estimate of Warsaw wheat was—
Cost of Wheat at Warsaw • Us. Od. per. qr.
Conveyance in boats, loading, and stowing Os. 6d.
Freight to Dantsic . ss. Od.
Loss by pilfering and damage . 5 od.
Expense in drying and warehouseing . 2s. Od.
Profit and commission in Dantaic . Is. 6d.
Freight to London . as. od.

.11••••
Amount on arriving in the English market 465. Od.
One of these items would require some explanation ; it
was that of the pilfering and damage. The conveyance
of the wheat on the Vistula was effected in boats, with-,
out any covering, and of such construction, that they
wete broken atter the voyage. Pilfering, therefore,
existed, and also considerable damage was done to the
wheat, for as it was exposed to rain and wet, there was
no part which was thoroughly safe. The only covering
was the matting together of the shoots of the top grains
which vegetated. A cousderable item was therefore
made for the loss. by pilfering and damage, and the
amount of price on reaching the English markets was
48s. The price of the best wheat from Cracow was
somewhat lower. The estimate was as follows:
Cost.iof wheat at Cracow . . 235. 6d. per qr.
Conveyance by boats, and loading 6d.
Freight to Dantaic . 7.. 6d.
Loss by pilfering and damage . 3*. Id.
Expense ac Dantzic 4s od.
Profit on commission Is, 6d.
Freight to London od.

453. ed.
The expenses-of the freight to London, which was at
present effected in Baltic vessels, built for the convey.
ance of timber, might be lessened, by their carrying of
the corn in English vessels, where the damage done to
the grain would be much less. Having thus stated the
amount at which the corn imported from Dantzic
could be sold here, he would proceed to read from Mr.
Jacob's Report h s recommendation for imposing a
small duty of ten or twelve shillings per quarter on
foreign corn, in order to place that corn on an equality
with the produce of this country. The recommenda-
tion was at the close of his Report. It ought to be
recollected, that Mr. Jacobs had been sent out by the
L'ircis, of the. Treasury, for the special purpose of in-
vestigating the subject fully, and of making a Report
thereat. The recommendation(in Mr. Jacob's words) says
If a duty in this country of 10s. or 12s. per quarter
was imposed, it would not allow of such a profit, on the
supposition of the price being from 60 to 61/4 as to in-
duce very great exertion to increase cultivation in the
districts bordering on the Vistula. The chance of a rise
occasioned by war, or by a winter so severe as to injure
vegetation, or by a rainy season, might induce those of
a speculative turn to increase their growth of wheat,
hut those who have that turn, and who have the
means of indulging it, are so few, that they would
produce no sensible increase in the general surplus,
I see no reason to believe, that with such a duty as
I have mentioned for England, and a price from 60 to
64, and with some similar regulation in France, that
the surplus corn produced in Poland, including all the
countries near enough to the Vistula to send their Corn
to that stream, would materially increase a common
season, or very much, if at all, exceed the average pro-
duce of that country ; the greater part of this might
probably be wheat, and if the duty were alike on all
the qualities of that grain, none would be sent here but
that part which is the driest, heaviest, and whitest. The
inferior descriptions would not pay for importation un-
less the average in England was much more than 645."
This opinion upon a Free Trade in Corn, from an indi.
vidual(Mr. William Jacob), who was once decidedly
hostile to any such freedom, must be allowed to have
the greatest weight. He had recorded his opinions in
opposition to any such measure, by a work published in
1814-.. he had expressed his continuance in the same
cortviction before the Committee of 1821—and it was
therefore a proof both of his sincerity, and of the force
of the facts which had come under his knowledge during
the period of his inquiries, that he bad, in the very face
of his former declarations, given such decided testimony
in favour of a syltens directly opposed to that which he
had foreiserly advocated. The present average price
was *out 88-shillings, but he had no hesitation in de-
clarin& that the Agriculturists—and he was himself an
Agricultuiist—would be well protected at an average
price of iiss. There was, he was convinced, no landed
proprietor or farmer who would not, if he looked to the
at ste of the country,and the security which it would give
hisyroperty, be content with that price for his grain,
or even something lower, provided that he could give
permanence to the present state of things, and obtain
security for the payment of his rent? If the price was
lower, the income from land would become still more
available; and he put it to the landed proprietors whe-
ther the regular payments of such pikes, and the com-
parative cheapness of every thing else, would not be

Compensate . I amount oftent,whicn
no real benefit to those who received it. If they persisted
in their present course bat for a time, it required no great
penetration to discover that they would be, ere long,
afflicted with the most frightful miseries. For his part,
as long as he had the honour of a seat in that House,
he would continue to raise his voice against a system
which he had periodically held up to their condemna-
tion, and which he hoped yet to see give way before
the united force of reason, common sense, sound policy,
and every consideration which regulated the principles
Id trade with regard to all other productions. If they
considered the effect of their at one time calling in a
large supply of grain from foreign countries in anti•
cipaiion of or from the effect of a dearth-_.a supply
which continued long after the causes which caused
the dearth had ceased to exist; and if they contemplated
the long train of evils in the shape of high tithes, high
rents, and high poor rates, which were created by such ,
a bounty upon that importation ; and if they turned
their attention to the ruin and misery inflicted upon the
agricoltoral interests, and every other interest in the
kingdom—viten the fear of that dearth has subsided,
tad when they make an attempt to return to their former state of
prohibition—if they considered these things. and feinted that such
bad been their condition not very long since, be confessed they
Must have stronger nerves than he had who would look back with-
' Olt emotion upon the continuance of a course which might, by any
rZtity,prodtsce a return of that apalling state of misery and
Upou every principle, therefore. of common sense, cam-
eon honesty, and liberal feeling, he called upon them now to rescue
the country from the evils to ',Lich it must be subjected if the pre-
soot Corn Laws were allowed to remain unaltered. To advance
that nest desirable object to the utmost extent of his power, be
would wow oeiclude by moving," That the House do resolve itself
into a Committee of the whole House, to take into its consideration
use present state of the Corn Laws."
Mr. G. PHILIPS could not see any reason why corn
should be exempted from the principles of free trade,
particularly as the tendency of manufactures was to
become cheaper while corn became dearer, a strong
reason, in his opinion, why the importation of the latter
should be permitted in preference to the former. Some
merit had been claimed for the landed interest, un ac-
count of the greater quantity of labour employed in the
;production of iheii commodities. He doubted the ac-
curacy of the statement. The annual amount of ma-
nufactured cotton was 24. millions, to produce which it
was calculated that labour had been employed in one
way or another to the amount of 14 millions. So that
to compare with the employment of labour at the rate
of 25 per cent. according to the statement of his
Hon. Friend, he had produced a case in which em-
ployment was afforded in the ratio of about 60 per cent.
If, as was pretended, the Corn Laws kept up the price
of corn 20 per cent. above what it would otherwise be,
it must follow from what he had before stated, that the
poor labourers in the cotton trade, who spent nearly
the whole of their wages in food, paid an annual tax to
the agricultural interest of not less than two millions.
It was contended that 20s. protecting duty upon wheat
and 10s. upon other descriptions df grain, were no more
than nearly adequate to place the British upon an equa-
lity with the foreign grower. He learned from a speech
published some years ago by his Honourable Friend,
the Member for Essex, that the quantity , of wheat-
grown in England was ten millions of quarters, and
of other descriptions of grain thirty=two millions. It
would result, then, from the :hewing of the agricul-
tural class themselves, that the people of this country
paid them in effect a tax of 20s. upon ten millions of
quarters of wheat, which would be ten millions sterling;
sod of 10s. upon thirty-two millions of other grain,
which would be sixteen millions more, making in the
whole no less a sum than 26 millions sterling. (Hear).
He believed that one party greatly exaggerated the
evils to be expected from a repeal of the existing law,
and that the other • as greatly exaggerated the benefits
the repeal would produce. The effect he was persuaded
would be much less than was expected by either party.
The agriculture of this country was in a much more
advanced state than in any part of the Continent. Of
this a judgment might be formed from the circumstance
that whilst on the Continent, according to the statement
of Mr. Jacob, four fifths of the population were emt
ployed in agriculture, no more than one third of the
_people of England were so employed. The poor rates
were not, as had been represented, paid exclusively by
the land. The returns for which be had moved shewed
that out of six millions, two were paid from other
sources. Of that portion of the, poor rates paid by the
land, much was composed of the wages of labour.—
This system of paying wages out of the poor rates
tMould, he hoped, soon be abolished. It had a most
deteriorating effect upon the character of the labouring
dosses. A free trade would also prevent excessive
fluctuations of price. The present state of the law pro-
duced dissatisfaction amongst artisans, and disposed
them to emigration; if it were altered, perhaps other
nations, and particularly the United States; might be
induced to relax their commercial restrictions. He
thought a pledge had been given that the whole subject
would be taken up by the Administration. He should I
'rejoice at the substitution of a duty of 10s. or )2i. for
the present complicated regulations. The highest
authorities, amongst whom he could mention Mr. Ri-
cardo, Mr. Blake, and Mr. Tooke, thought that 7s. 6d:
would be i duty fully sulclent to countervail the peculiar burikof
of land tax, poor rates, and tytbes, to which the lend-owners were
anlajUet. He should have no objection to ifs. The Hon. Member
sosduded by seconding the motion. (The moment be sat down,
these was a loud and general call for Mr. Huskisoon).
Mr. HMISSON.—Sir, ill rising to reply to the
observation, of the Hon. Member, I do not intend to
follow him through the various and important details
into which he has entered. My only object is to dis-
suade the House from entering at present into any dis-
cussion of the Corn Laws, inasmuch as it can only ter-
minate in inconvenience and disappointment. It appears
to me that a general understanding has existed, that it
would not be desirable to enter during the present Ses-
sion upon the discussion of certain questions with re-
ference to their final adjustment. This understanding
had certainly not been founded upon any pre-con-
certed agreement, but from a general coincidence of
opinion among all parties that such a discussion
cannot, in the present circumstances of Parliament,
and of the country, render justice to the great qttes-
tions themselves, or to the public interests. That,
therefore, it will be a wiser course to leave these im-
portant questions, as it were, in' abeyance, until they
can obtain in a new Parliament that full and mature.
consideration to which they are entitled. The Hen.
Member for Bridgnorth has stated that the absence of
certain information, respecting the intentions of Govern-
nr:ut in regard to the Corn Laws, has checked the in-*,

ftf.to
ftsta • 7
,near use e (the -
e 3
his.place, at the
that his Majesty's Go-
__ the question of the
during the present s•
Sion; and a similar declaration was ma de in the Session
of UM. If, Sir, there is any oncquestion more than
another which it isuafit for us to entertain—which it is
unfit for us to agitate in this House—.which it is unfit
for us to set afloatia the country, unless we are prepared
to go through with it—unless we think that the time has
arrived unless we think that the present opportunity is
a fit and convenient opportunity for discussion—that
question is the most momentous one of the present state
and system of our Corn Laws. I say momentous, Sir,
for it connects itself with the subsistence and comforts of
the great mass of the population, for it connects itself
with the well-being and prosperity of a class most nu-
merous, and, in many respects, most important, either
by their right of property in the soil, or by their capital
employed in the cultivation of the soil—l mean
that class which depends for their situation in so-
ciety upon the cultivation and produce of the land.—
But when I state that this question is a momentous
question, and surrounded with difficulty, I beg leave
to ask, are there not difficulties which grow out of the
situation in which this country has been placed, since
the law which regulates the Foreign Corn Trade was
changed? It is no easy matter, no trifling undertaking,
at any time, but more especially at this advanced
period of the Session, and in the present 'state of Par-
liament, to consider that which most be maturely 'con-
sidered before any sound conclusion can be formed
upon this question, to consider what is the amount of
the direct charge upon the land, in consequence of the
peculiar establishments of the country. It is admitted
on all hands that the landed interest, or therm employed
in cultivating the soil, are enti led to compensation
and protection. I own,' Sir, the amount of that corn •
pensation is not the only ground of' difficulty with me;
for it must be clear to every one, that if for some time
a ruinous system in 'any branch of foreign trade has
been pursued, and I, for one, have no hesitation in
saying that a system of absolute prohibition in this or
in any other branch of foreign trade, is a vicious system
—I say, that if a ruinous system has for some time
been acted upon, it becomes our duty cautiously to tread
back our steps with reference to the consequences which
such a system has entailed upon us; that course of pro-
ceeding, I contend, is sound policy, not only for the in-
terests of the parties more immediately affected, but for
the interests of the consumers of corn. Let not Gen-
tlemen deceive themselves by entertaining an opinions
that any sudden change, which would affect the pecu-
niary engagements of the landed interests—which would
Materially affect the value of leases—materially affect
all descriptions of landed settlements, and which sud-
den change would be an act of injustice towards the
parties who are the object of the change—woeld be pro-
ductive of any immediate relief--(Hear.)— On the con-
trary, I am fully persuaded that such sudden changes,
independently of the injustice which they would work to-,
wards those parties, would do more than any other mea-
sure that could be devised in the present state of the coun-
try, to aggravate the difficulties that already existl—
My Hon. Friend opposite has made frequent refereirces
to papers and documents; but they •hoppen not to- be
before the House. They relate to-a very important part
of the subject: to the changes which have taken -place
in the situation of the Northern Nations, and those
who were competent to supply corn ; and particularly,
to the changes produced by the interdiction of the-corn
trade, established by the law 'of France. The difficulties
have been increased by the aceumulatienof corn, which
has been the result of that prohibitionrand which has
brought the parties to ruin who have grown it. I did
feel it my duty, after the last Session of Parliament,
to direct the Gentleman who has drawn up the Report
—I allude to Mr. Jacob, a person, whose fitness and dili-
gence cannot be praised too highly—to proceed to all the
capitals of countries connected with the supply of corn.
The information which that Report furnishes, cannot be
always perfect, or quite conclusive upon the subject ;
but it is, at least as far as it goes, a most valuable addi-
tion to the information which we already possess ; and
I say that we ought not to come to a decision on this
question before we have had an opportunity of reading
this Report. There is also a most valuable Appendix
to die Report; and this very circumstance, therefore,
is a reason why the country should have an opportie
nity of acquiring and weighing the information which
the Report contains ; and I do sincerely believe, that if
it be read without those extravagant fears and ap-
prehensions which I know to prevail throughout a great
part of the country, and without those prejudices which
sometimes reject all evidence in matters of this descrip-
tion; it will enable us to decide the question better than
we can possibly decide it at the present moment.—
Gentlemen ought not to exclude entirely from their
consideration the que: tion of price; and this question
of price, I must beg leave to observe, intimately con-
nects itself with the state of our money system. In the
feverish and unsettled state in which our currency has
been, and in which, 1 regret to say, it continues to be,
can any man think the present a desirable or fit mo.
ment (joined to ether circumstances) to enter upon the
subject ?—lf we decide filly, can we dismiss from our
minds the state of our currency, which is the very
soul and element of price. It therefore is desirable
not now to proceed to this discussion. Sir, I think
I have stated sense good -grounds which at all
times would make it desirable that we should have
more leisure, and better opportunities, for entering
on this inquiry ; but I freely owes that there cannot
be a more unfit moment than the present for this
discussion. It is a period when every body must
be aware that the public business of the Session, as far
at least as it originates with Government, is already in
a very advanced state; and every body is expecting an
impending election. The present is unquestionably
an ill chosen time, and when the Honourable Gen.
datum reproaches me so vehemently with having
departed from the pledge which I have given, let tne ask,
What is the pledge which 1 have givea ? merely that it
the necessary information could be obtained upon the
subject in time, and lithe question could be brought
forward early in the Session, I hoped we might arrive
at a satisfactory adjustment of the subject. The pledge
I gave ,was qualified by, or rather it was dependent oil,
two very material and indispensably necessary circum-
stances. Neither of these has happened, for we are not
now at the beginning of the Session, and the requisite
information hits not ,beets obtained early enough, but
cireunistaaces are to prevent our entering into the sub
ject at the presenteristi, they would not be conclusive, in
my mind, if anrchangeor relief could be given to the
distress whic.h ,Qpfa'sbaea; 44:.anuntry foe .there does
I exist in the maned rehiring i districts, and n other

, .
'pot.. -9t tin- rower}, IMI • Riety-3e-- uh---a Wry
considerable degree of disti (He ,jr, itearis
bitt I cannot find any nth ' ci; after the, best efussii.,
et i
duration which I have el, . die subject, It is thy
firm bpinion that the measure plipdsed will hot obly Ina
crease the difficulties and distresses of the country, but
it will destroy the best hopes of their ultimate termi,
nation. (Hear, • hear). Fur, in the difficulties under
which the manufacturing and Commercial interests of
the country are now so unhappily labouring, and con- '
sidering the state of the foreign marke-i, the best rdief
for the country is the unimpaired consumption between
the internal consumers of the kingdom. Let me not be
misunderstood. I mean to say, that I think prohibition -
with respect to corn not only to be a most is-national
andpernicious measure, but it is a tenfold greater eVa
than prohibition with reference to any other article whit-
, ever. (Hear).—This is my molt firm conviction; but,
nevertheless, I do say, that any immediare'or very sud-
den change in the condition of the agricultural classes
would aggravate the distresses of a;l the other classes.
But I have no difficulty whatever in stating, and I sure
it in the most unequivocal and decided terms, that lam
most thoroughly opposed to all further prohibitions,
and I think a speedy reprobation of this law is called
tor, in order to prevent those evils which the Hon.
Gentleman has pointed our, and to guard against their
recurrence ; but in the present state of the country, the
public mind ought not to be agitated upcn the 'idol*.
My wish is, that the que tion should stand as it'ackw
stands. I give my assurance, and I hope the House
will take that assurance—that in the next Session of
Parliament the intentions of his Majesty's Govern-
ment upon the subject will be known. 'My Hon.
Friend has argued the question of free trade, as if it
were the absolute removal of all diffietilties throbn
in the war of the supPlf otforeign productions to.the
inhabitants of this country. This is not my view of the
question, and we are talking a totally-different language
upon the subject. The Hon. Gentleman has talked of
free trade in sugar—of free trade in timber—and offset
trade in various other articles. But there are two
distinct grounds of imposing duties upon articles of
trade—one of which, at least, the Hop. Gentleman seers
to have (merit:diced. One ground of imposing Buttes
upon trade is totally distinct from the system either of
prohibition or protection. I allude to taxation or revenue,
which.in this country ii material, in order to meet the.
public expenses, and to pay the interest and charges
open the debt. The duties on timber are laid on in
'order to raise the revenue. The duties on sugar are
sources of almost the largest revenue which the country
receives; and this duty is not laid on, as the Hon. Gentl-
eman imagines, as' any .protection to the sugar trade.
When we come to the discussion of the relative duties
laid upon East and West India sugar, I shall be ready
to show that the protection to the West India sugars is
more nominal than real. I do not know why protecting
duties should not be granted to a certain degree- oo the
productions of this country,or upon whatever might
be produced by British skill, or by the application of
British capital. I mean only to say, that the peculiar
or favourable productions of this 'country ought"te'be
• put upon the-grounds ota Pair cOMpetition with aitiOar
. prOdeetians- of other countries. The Principle ,isi to
. cotiessereil'sbea4antages that other tenntries mayhave
I so that the productions of each may enter the ditferent
buirkets-uponeqoal tern* What are the printi Ott of all
: the measures relating tcilree trade'which I have fah the
! honour of sobmitting to Parliament? Not free trade, in
! the sense in which'some might state the term; but trade
free from all detiei, etcepting those which are nftes-
tart to give the trader of direrent ciruntries.:4,Mual
footing in the markers, and so protect. them from:the-4x.
eloaivs advantages which many.nations would with to
I establish in'their own favour. in the Silk 'Trecleir-the
old prohibitory duties, to the . erent Of repivitig 'the
country from the injuncrus effects of suinggling,,, upon
which the old rate of duties operated at se high a bounty,
that k was absolutely impossible to suppress It.. The
smuggling was equally injurious to the manufacturer
and to the revenue, and therefore the protecting duty
was not withdrawn; but it was modified so as :o' dace
the British Manufacturer in a state to compete with
Foreigners. Whatever might have been the fears and
alarms which had been entertained' by persqua in-
terested in the silk. trade, lam convinced'that those
persons are now satisfied that the present-rate of duties
is sufficient for the protection- of their interests.—
Mr. Webb Hall stated'that It was Infllcient to put to agriculturist.
in a fair state of competition-.so impost upon one trade ditties of
ten, on another duties of fifteen per tent. This'll. been 'hone:
and under these circumstances I do not now feel it aocessnry to go
into the question ; butennfine myself to the principles ,a.ndl.sneve-
niences of the case, Which render it tallat that' iie shout! Wed
further in the discussion. I shall, therefore, mare `the' n ions
question. , , . ;!.
-a The arsaxas then put the question, amidst tut adterasieleries
of the House.
Lord MlLTOlfsaid,that if he Was now 411 a. ',Rioted
at the flusher postponemeot of this great. q4estspol by
his Majesty's-Government, be could not but. look for
the same disappointment on future occasions, biome
the same arguments blight be' nsed,.and itufeAct ex-
pected, from Session to Sesaloo. He 'confepnd be
thought the Right Hon. Gentleman had not compli-
mented the House, when he stated.th/k they were not
competent to discuss the question, beiause of the • im-
pending dissolutiOn of Parliament. It appe+ccd,trifiim
that the sooner the question was dealt onth,the *Ater,
and that it ought to be a good reason lot prolonging
the 3c:ion. • By the course which the GpeConseakhad
taken, every thing Wan, left- in, suspcnip, „ -Who
could know what the value orrenta, and leases
.would be, when his Majesty's Ministers wrapped up
in mysterious language or in silence what their in-
tentions were. He did not believe thnt a fair consi-
deration of the question, and an adjustment upon equit-
able principles would be injurious to the landed interest.
Certainly they would be obliged to reduce their rents,
but that would be made up to them by a correspr sating
reduction in the price of corn and all other articles of
provision. He denied that t!re farmer at d the agricul-
tural labourer were interested in the high price of fors;
and when landed Gentlemen pretended to bopro:ecting
agriculture, and the farmer, and labourer, they were in
fact pleading their own cause, They were the only
parties who benefited by the high price of corn. It
appeared to him, that if there was, a. time whco the
qleersctiiaoin
distressought to ;
be
becauseh
considered,eit believedw was
tahtear
et impt
cu law m-
in snag
in the commercial code of this country more inineious
to its commerce than the Corn Laws, which shut us out
friar, almost all the neater ports. of Europe .144 Irons
the Baltic. In whatever point of. view he contemplated
this law, it was equally ()him ionabll ; he f sand Its im.
politic, unjust, and dnchrtstati.: It was tinelThkifiani
because it enhanced to the ptisir. Ihe price of the open-
saries of life. In short these law; were not_lo be
maintained by any argument, .short, of fatio.oil inde-
pendence ; and he apprehended that no one would say

preferable to a•biaal.ef. ;simile, *hl the* •Itala* tosespoiti ski& in i
_midi : I. bet
1
411 nowsinaqhigh, the
_re.* ved but lair the rightillit Houle that spy Itittlao. Pei
tb l'q It .away :With the left.--4flear.)-4Rf Iwo-old:ask .teq ftir reteigii ALI* declared,
them,-whether the security to. property, the .adianiogt ceeteweeemitot of the &Woo, tin
bestowed on manufactures, the general activity given to vernmentdid bot intend to bring I
the whole commerce of the country, would nut amply Corn Laws before Parliament duri
compensate for a nominal mount of rent,which produced don : and a tirniiim A... 1..........--
...- __ I • . . _