Star.
London, England, 1820-11-06 00:00:00

and, as a fallow jars', be should hart reeked unhappy :frisk ta..
Moose if he had not eadeavoured to sheer to what extremes the
supporters of this Measure were lag to hear).—
The Net& Marquis then pled -W to menment on the course
of proceedings which bed bet# ado Etti miner her Majesty, as
one art rabid with considerable has "Wards her. A Noble.
Lord add yesterday, that public never acted so power-
fully as when it.was not attended to by the Legislature, and that
if their Lordships desired to have their deadato respected, they
must pay some attention to the opinion so expressed, and pee
the Public a satisfactory reason for .their decisions. He fail
agreed in the oPiniod so 'delivered by the *Noble Lord ; and
with thatimpression on his mind, he now looked for a reason
for passing this Bill which should prove satisfactory to the, Pub-
lic. The Noble Lord then conk a review of the evidence both
for and against the BBL He particularly alluded to the transatahlff;
sworn to by De Mont, as taking place at Catania;viz. of seeing the
Princess come from Berganti's room with a pillow under her arm.
He *odd certainly have been better vilified if the Countess of
MI and Brun had been called to contradict this evidence; bat
at the same time, it should bo recollected that no date was Affixed
to the transaction, and that it Wm supported only by De Mont's
testimony, who contradicted herself as to the dress of the Prin-
cess. The ease at Charnita he .considered as fully refuted by abs
evidence of Vaasa and others, as to she dress of the Princeis,
and the continual passing and reputing of persons to and from,
her room. 'Next, as to the sfelles on board the polacea and at
Awn, be must say, that to his mind lieutenant Remnant was
the ready witness of truth; • and their Leedships would recollect
that in his examination in chief by Mr. Tyndall, be was asked,
" If you do net know, who do you believe slept under the
tent?" He was about to }tower, when be was stopped on the
ground of the irregularity of questioning a witness in Ms exami-
nation in chief as to bit belief. To him it certainly appeared
that Lieutenant Hownaan was anxious to answer every ques-
tion and te distinguish between actual knowledge and belief..
Whilst he.said this, however, and declared he did not think a
proof of guilt was made out, be wished clearly to be understood
as not meaning to say no blame attached to her Royal Highness
for placing herself in such a situation of doubt and suspicion as
oho had done, a situation unbecoming her rank and station. But
though she bad by her conduct afforded room for inspleion and
doubt, there was no actual proof of guilt : the witnesses against
her were all persons taken from amongst her enemies, and their
testimony ought to be looked at with the greatest caution. The
only witnesses who really proved anything of a ahninal nature
against her Royal Highness, in her connection with Bergami,
were De Mont and Majocchi. Ail that they proved only
amounted to suspicion. De Mont had the care of her Royal
Highness's linen • why had she not been examined as to the state
of her body linen, and any such marks or appearances upon it as
would have left no room for doubt or uncertainty ?
Half-past four o'clock having now arrived, the Loan Quo-
cswin said, that he was sorry.to interrupt the Noble Marquis,
whom the House always heard with so much satisfaction ;
but as it had been intimated to him by several of the Noble
Peers, that if a vote was Bonn to this night, they would be pre-
cluded from delivering their sentiments as they wished; he
would therefore move, that the House adjourn till Monday.
The House adjourned accordingly.

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

MONDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1820.
Giairowtma PLOT (Kept).—Holiday at the Bank.

THE QUEEN.

It is generally expected that the question of the
Second Reading of the Bill of Pains and Penalties
will be settled this day—the day of the Anniversary
of the Death of our beloved Princess CHARLOTTE.
What a distressing day to England ! But let us not
harrow up unavailing recollections of blighted hopes,
when we have other and important duties to perform
to the Public; and when the same Public is called
upon by every consideration to discharge important
duties to unborn generations.
It is useless to notice any farther the proceedings
in the House of Lords on the Bill of Pains and Pe-
nalties. Every reasonable and plain man" will make
a more effectual comment on what has passed there
thats we can do for him, for he must be sensible that,
for our own sakes, it is necessary that we should
avoid everything that can be construed into a breach
of privilege—especially at a period when constredive
imputations are considered as legal evidence, and, in
contempt of the plain common sense of the country,
reasoned upon as such, with an effrontery that leaves
us at a loss whether to ascribe the conduct of the
reasoners to some visitation of distraction from on
high, or of malignity from below. There are but
few men out of the House of Peers, and none under
the rank of a Privy Councillor, who do ,not
believe but that there has been a most wicked
conspiracy against the Queen ; and_ yet this conspi-
racy is not permitted to be shewn, but all the results
of its machinations are to be visited on the victim.
However, as we have just said, it is useless to offer
comments on the QUEEN'S case. We beg to address
the Public as if her doom was settled, and we en-
treat them to look to their own situation. Compas-
sion may be extended to a deserted woman, whom
her enemies doom to be an outcast, and to derive
the alms for her future subsistenee from the tempo.
rary generosity of her persecutors in the moment of
triumph at having achieved their conquest ! But a
far other feeling must be excited towards those who
have btought the jurisprudence of the country into
the incalculable danger of being no longer, even in
the highest Tribunal, respected by the People.
In the change of circumstances, the effect of time,
and the progress of opinion, the Public are apt to
lose sight of those great land-marks of history which
can never be too often referred to—and in the alter-
cation regarding Radicals and the other modifica-
tions, in which a just discontent has been manifested
against existing abuses, the nation has forgot what
was the state of things which forced on the Revolu-
tion of 1688—an event of which the prelusive indica-
tions bore a strong resemblance to the incidents of
our own ill-starred time.
For what offences was JAMES the SECOND driven
from his Throne? We request our Readers ask
themselves the question, and, if they cannot answer it
at once, we entreat them to look at the history of that
event, and then to determine whether the signs of
the times in 1687, were at all so alarming as those of
this present 1820. In a word, the offences ofJarass
IL were simply the: he continued, on his accession
tC, the Throne, to levy a small subsidy, which had