Star.
London, England, 1826-05-24 00:00:00

, ms

2 500 in the next, bat eqaaickptities in both. WAh
respect to the secoif Bill, it was mill less necessary that
he should trouble their I.ordships at length on that stage
of the discussion. He confessed that whatever objection
applied to the first Bill, he did not see that it applied
to 'he second. It rood on a Moil soundir-priaciple.
The po • er which it conferred was an invidious power
to he e.-4, rived to a G .vernment, and they asked for no
coofi.lence o I ich would not be granted to any Govern-
me it. Let them be tried, not as individuals, but as
public men. .Might not circumstances happen between
the present period and the Autumn to make the exercise
of such a power necessary ? It would probably be said,
why apply for that power legally, which you might use
if compelled by necessity without audio/ tz ition, and
then throw yourselves upon Parliament for indemnity.
In a case of unforeseen necessity oo set of individuals
would certainly be fit to exercise the Government if
therd:d not act on their discretion and then throw
themselves upon Parliament. But when circum-
stances displayed themselves before hand, it was the
duty of Ministers to come down and state the case, to
ask for a Bill of Indemnity in advance, and to procure
the power of doing that legally, which they knew
• they would be obliged to do illegally. That was the
course which had been followed by his Majesty's Go.
vernment. They had so desire for such an invidious
power, but he conceived that they would sleep with more
• ease, and that their Lerdhips would separate with morn
ease, also, if that power were invested is the bands of the add-
'nitration, to be exercised en their own responsibility, as neeessky,
might require. He knew that individuals bad been led to hisses
that this was tampering with the general em of the Coss lairio.
frees
(Hear, hoar ! tee Seri ).—Or if not
with the whole system, that it was intended to provide eel=
' as an argument In favour of any fats= alterations which adebt be
in eentemplatioe. He not only denied this, but he should have no
• objection to alter the Bills in such a manner as to show that they
stood on their own ground for the relief of the country in 18514
leaving the general question tgbe fairly aad impartially discussed
in another Session. Ibe Noble Bari then moved that the &M
Corn BiU be read a ascend time.
The Earl of MALMESBURY said that he had no
objection to the partial and occasional introduction of
foreign corn. This, in certain circumstances, might be
highly expedient, and might operate in relation to the
genTral system of the Corn Laws like the safety valve
of a steam-engine. He saw nothing, however, in the
present circumstances of the country to call for the
measures now tinder the consideration of the House.—
The average price of wheat last year was 68s. it was
now only 60:. per quarter. He might therefore approve
of the introduction of foreign corn last year Without
being bound to concur in a similar measure at the pre-
sent time. And wh. n he saw two measures introduced
at once having the same general tendency, he might
think it good policy to support the first in order to
prevent the second from coming into operation, al-
though he had the same objection to both, that they
were calculated to encourage the clamour out of doors.
He thought it impossible that atter these discussions the
subject should ever be approached dispassionately. It
was a subject which ought to have been kept at arm's
length. He did not quite understand the reasoning of
the Noble Earl with respect to the periods at which the
bonded corn was to be introduced. The holder, who
it appeared was to have permission to introduce one
moiety of what he held on the 15th July, and the
second moiety on the 15. h of August, so far from feel.
ing any wish to hold it back, would, he thought, prefer,
if be could, to introduce the larger quantity at the
earlier period, as the second period would reach nearly
to the harvest. He feared he had also misunderstood
the Noble Earl with respect to the occurrences of the
year 1816: perhaps the Noble Lord had intended to
mention the year 1818.--for, on referring to the pricer
of 1816, he found that in May the average price of
wheat was 7 ts. in June 745. and in August 82s. [Lord
Liverpool h re Asked, 48 And what in December ?" alter
which a mutual explanation took place respecting the
mode in which the averages regulated importation.]—
The N ble Earl then froceeded to say, that oae cir-
cumstance materially distinguished the year 1816 From
the present ; in the year which preceded 1816, no im-
portation had taken place; last year there had been a
considerable importation, which must operate to some
• extent as a safeguard against scarcity. The Noble
Earl then referred to the present price of barley and
oats, as compared with the price at former periods, to
repel the presumption of scarcity. So far from con-
trivances having been resorted to in order to keep down
the averages and exclude foreign corn, the contrary had
happened. Corn dealers had been convicted on one
occasion of going down to Wales for the purpose 51
selling parcels of corn to each other at high prices in
order to exalt them, with a view to open the ports.
This, he believed, had taken place in other instances,
where such clear proof could not be adduced. He
had trespassed so often on their Lotdships' atten-
tion upon this subject, that he oould confine himself
now to a very few observations. The discuss*
elite two measures at once he found to be incest.
'venient, as be was disposed to assent to one of
them and to resist the other. To avoid a pep
spective and contingent evil, they were inflicting
A present and cettain one upon the country. He knew
that in many of the country mai kets corn had already
fallen six or seven shillings per quarter. The small
farmer who now carried corn to market to Vovide for
tie exp. uses of the nest harvest, would, instead of reali-
zing his 1001. or 1501. sustain a deduction of twenty
per cent. His wife would in consequence be obliged
to wear her stuff gown and he his coat for some time
loager, instead of having new ones. So that the injury
t.i farmers would eventually be shared by the mannfacol,
terers. Or, which would still be worse, the agricultural
labourers must suffer a diminution of wages. The effect
of the measures would he prejudicial also to corn dealers. One
individual had told him that he should be a loser of not less than
5,0004 The House bad not done him the honour to adopt his opi-
nion in favour of a Committee upon the present measures; he hoped
however, that a Committee would be appointed before any altera-
tion of thigetteral system was effected ; he ousted that aU possible
infermadia would be collected before the next Session. He would
recommend applications to oar Consuls abroad; he bad confidence
in them, but Se could put no trust in political economists. If any ne-
goeiations upon the subject of the foreign corn trade bad been entered
into with other Governments, he hoped the papers would be laid
upon their Lordship.' table early in the next Session. He could
never consider it as a fixed trade, and should decidedly object to
any treaty which should attempt to fix it.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that he should
take blame to himself it be did not distinctly allow that
any measure likely to be prejudicial to the agricultural
• interest must be an objectionable measure. Every other
branch of national industry, every other description of
property, was so dependent upon this, that they would
be guilty of the greatest injustice to all if they did not
extend their fostering care to the agricultural interest.
He could not look upon the proposed measures as likely
to produce injury to the agricultural interest, or to pre-
judice the existing system of law. With respect to the
Bonded Corn, he apprehended that, upon the presen

law, when corn reached a cestaid price, it might Ist
admitted. Bat with respect tei the second Bin, wbieh
appeared to him of ascot importance, he hoped for the
isidullrnee of thbir Lordships whilst he addressed a few
words to them upon the constitutional view of the sub-
ject. No man Was more averse than himself to the
assumptinb of power against law. Yet he was con-
vinced that occasions might arise in which it would be
necessary for Government, in which it would be.the
imperative duty of -the Administration,, to take upon
themselves the exercise of such power. Nor could any
great evil arise from such assumption of power in cir-
cumstances of strong and over ruling necessity, pro-
vided only Oat proper recourse was afterwards had to
Parliament to repair the temporary breach of the Con
stitution. But if the occasion were foreseen, to leave
themselves without any ocher resource than the exercise
of illegal power, and then to apply to Parliament for
an indemnity was a course of proceeding not to be en-
dured for a moment. The second Bill was a Bill en-
abling his Majesty in Council to do what his Majesty
by an Order of Council might have done if no stich Act
had passed. It had no connexion whatever with any
future measures. It amounted only to this. Here it
an antecedent power given, but Ministers are just as
responsible as if that power had not been given. Looking at it,
therefore, as it was—was it a measure by any Liir reasoning or just
consequence affecting the Corn Laws? For himself if be thought
it so, be should never vote for it. They mu-t support the landed
Interest if they meant to support the Constitution of the country.
The Act now proposed could no mere prejudice the future dis-
russion of the Corn Law than if they bad acted upon their own
responsibility without law. He would not disguive from himself
that the measure might produce consequences not foreseen; but he
would repeat, if be bad not already repeated too often, that if he
bad thought it was to be taken as a meson pledging any fiwahre
of that House to an alteration of the Corn Laws enfavourable to
lauded interest, he should never have consented to it.
Earl GREY agreed with the Noble and Learned
Lord, upon the principle that illegal power ought not
to be resorted to without an overwhelming necessity,
and also that the public safety might sometimes impe-
riously demand its exertion. But although he had.
listened to his Noble and Learned Friend, if he might
be permitted to call him so, with all the attention to
which his abilities entitled him, he had failed to con-
vince him that these principles had any application in
support of the present measures. The Noble Earl had
described the measure, and described it truly, as an in-
demnity in advance. If he agreed in the expediency
of granting such an indemnity before hand, it must be-
upon the indispensable condition that the necessity was
clearly foreseen. He would inquire if this necessity
existed now, when it began to exist ? Did it exist on
the 18th of April? At that period the distress was as
great as at the present time, and an eminent person,
supposed to be the highest authority u;;on such a su6;
ject, then emphatically declared that any change cf the
Corn Laws could have no other effect than to increase
the distress. Nothing of the kind was thought of till-riot
and disturbance had occurred, and although he felt as
much sympathy as any man for the persons enduring
distress, it was, he thought, a dangerous lesson to the
community, if distress was first to command attention
when it exhibited itself in acts of outrage. Then he Must
inquire whether this indemnity in advance was not likely
to produce greater evils. than those against wh;ch the
measure was intended to gu-rd. This bi ought him totbe
point at issue. Would they not have avoided every via'
by adhering to the same prudent course as upon the
discussion upon the Corn Laws, and waiting fur the
necessity if it should arise. The-Noble and Learned
Lord had admitted that evils.inigl.t aiiiie,.but said that
he did not foresee them, and if he did, that he would
not have consented to the measure. What was the fict ?
Great distress and confusion prevail, and Ministers come
to Parliament and say that they 'Lave no ether m:asure
to propose than one affecting the market for corn.; anus
proclaiming to the community that they look •to an
alteration of the Corn Laws as
.a remedy for distress.
The t ffect of the measure had already been felt, and
might have been foreseen. The Noble Lori then com-
plained that the proposition placed the landed interest
in a new and unheard-of situation. If they resisted it,
they were to be held out as the persons who stood in the
way of relief. He had no other interest than that which
arose from land, but he could appeal to his whole life.
if any person had thought it worth while to attend to
it, to repel the imputation of merely mercenary motives.
—He did not aff:mt more virtue than others, anJ he
thought that every man by attending to the fair protee•
Lion of his own interest best promoted the welfare c the
community. It was impossible that the general ques-
tion could escape prejudice from the present measure.
'—Was it not notorious that many persons had voted
upon this express ground that it prepared the way
for the repeal of the Cr:rn Laws ? Feeling as he
did upon the subject, he had determined to take
his share of whatever obloquy or reproach might
attach to the expression of those feelings. The ques-
tion had, s'nze its first introduction, greatly changed
its ground. At first it was founded upon a pressing
and urgent necessity, but it hrd now dwindled to a
possible necessity. He had taken some pains to inform
himself upon the subject. and he could state that the
prospects as regarded the next harvest were very good,
and that both in England and Ireland the stock acorn,'
whether in the hands of farii.ers or corn dealers, was
greater than usual at this part of the year. The neces-
sity was then reduced to a bare possib lily equally ap-
plicable to any other year. The power demanded ought
upon principle to have been indefinite. But he had
other objections. The act would give Ministers the
power of levying a tax upon the country not appro.'
prated. by Parliament, and this on the eve of a general
election. He thought such a proposition could only be
entertained at a period when the salutary feelings of
constitutional jealousy were entirely suspended. As to
the doctrines of political economy which had been
applied to this subject, the longer he lived the •more he
doubted them. There was much of this science which
he did not pretend to understand ; there were many of
its principles to which he subscribed ; bat be looked
upon it altogether as a humiliating proof of the feeble-
ness of human judgment, and the futility of human
wisdom. Its theories were beautiful—they appeared to'
be unassailable, till so.ne untoward accident, some
unforeseen calamity, put them all to flight.- The sub-
ject of the Corn Laws demanded inquiry, and the
advanced period of the Sesiion was no su4cient reams
for refusing it. In 1815 he had expressed his wish for
Committee, and he entertained the same wish at the pre-,
sent time. He thought the importation price ought to be
reduced, if the system was to be continued ; but he had
no objection to a constant importation at a fixed duty,
although nothing bad occurred under the present system
that could be called a practical evil. Change and on-
certainty in the laws, and particularly in the laws re-
'sting to human subsistence, could not but be preju-
dicial. When frequent changes took place, nobody
could know bow to protect kis intereet. as had bees well observed
and illustrated by she Welds lad. Oa a gantlet affecting the

to ci
that

,y class of the common*, and erealiswi with danger
emicate themselves from the difficulties in which they were in.
vity4Wthlttione
wassthrusopithwt oreotadtor
pmeto erdter.iviik"lt west intleufrienlyUrany.
volved, and to silence the clamour which their measures had pro-
ducal. He could not reconcile it to himself to give a silent vote
upon this occasion, and be would now conclude with expressing his
concurrence with the Noble Earl.
The Eail of HARROW IVY observed, that the aver-
age price of 11505., the price fixed for opening the ports,
admitted of corn being much higher in particular dis-
tricts, or for given periods, before such importation
could take place, The question of price, too, must be
taken with reference to the cif cumstances of the coun-
try ; 60s. which was now considered to be a fair price
both for seller and consumer, was as much, in the pre-
lent situation of the country, as 804.11 .d been when the
laws were passed. An inquiry into the general system
of the Corn Laws would be, as it seemed to him (the
Noble Earl) peculiafly inconvenient at the present
moment, and it was a course which he should certainly
object to. Noble Lords asked when it was, however,
that the new light(vpon which they were acting had
Woken upon Ministers? That was a question which,
from the nature of it, it was impossible to answer. It'
'was the accumulation of distress, proh,bly, which had
determined Ministers finally as to the course they should
follow. Hopes had been entertained that the distresses
of the country would have subsided far more rapidly
than had been the case. But it ought to be stated, and
distinctly, that nothing like intimidation at the late dis-
turblnces had weigheJ with the ministry in its deter-
mination ; perhaps, indeed, the existing Government
had shown itself firm under circumstances of far
greater tumult and aggression. Few persons, he be-
lieved, would wish to meet Parliament under such cir-
cumstances as those that must inevitably occur, if
the course pursued by Noble Lords opposite were
adopted—if, instead of doing something for the im-
mediate relief of the suffering manufacturers, they were
•content to go into the consideration of the whole ques-
tion. He thought they might now look forward with
confidence to another Session, when that great question
could be calmly and deliberately discussed. If Ministers
had nor, in the present exigency', come fairly before
Parliament, and requested these additional powers—if
they had, on their own responsibility, broken the law—
that, indeed, would have afforded scme reason for not
intrusting them with such powers if they were called for
at some futne pet iod. The Noble Earl (Grey), in ad-
verting to the speech of his Noble Friend (Lord Liver-
pool), had asked whether more mischief would not be
done by introducing these measures than it Government
had stood sti'l, inasmuch as that which had been pro'
.posed by Ministers would have the effect of prejudging,
in a certain degree, the question of the Corn Laws.
Now he would say, that nothing could possibly be more
remote from the *lntention of Ministers than to prejudge
those laws by anything they proposed at present. Wh,,,
be asked, had in reality prejudged the Corn Laws? In
his opinion, the Noble Loads opposite—if they bad not
actually prejudged those laws, they were at least more
'ready to do so than he and his Noble colleagues. The
two principles on which the proposed measures were
founded did not at all apply to a prejudication of the
Corn .Laws. The first measure admitted into the
market 100,000 quarters of bonded corn, at a duty of
12 shilling's, the price of corn being now 60s. and be
certainly-- did not think it far to argue from thence
that it wilt intended at all times to allow all bonded
corn to go put when the market price here was 60s.—
.But the Noble Earl opposite contended that those
measures would produce no relief. Why, by the first
measure, a certain relief, to the extent of 500,000 qrs.
would. be given; and by the second, a relief, possibly,
to the extent of 500,000 qrs. Now really, as this WWI
the case, he couli not conce.ve how any one could pre-
tend to say that these measures would afford nn relief.
Whether the relief which they would effect would be sufficient or
not he could not say; but if the pressure grew more severe, recourse
must be again had to Parliament. lie trusted their Lordships would,
by the success of these measures, ensure to themselves this consola-
tion, that, even if the distress of the country increased (qf which
there was not the least apprehension) they had done much towards
the alleviation of that distress.

The Earl of LAUDERDALE, after eulogizing the
speech of his Noble Friend (Earl Grey), referred their
Lordships to the King's Speech at the opening of the
Session, and contended that the Government had acted
most inconsistently in bringing forward these measures
after such a Speech had been delivered to Parliament.
There were then nine months of the consumption of the
year to be. provided out of the last hzrvest, and now
there were only three, the price being then six shillings
more than it was at present. If there was not sufficient
corn for the year's consumption, what were Ministers
About in November last when there wete ten months to
be provided for, and the price was ten shillings higher
than n .w? He strongly objected to the measures, and
not less to the manner in which they had been brought
forward, and he maintained that they were net mea-
sures of relief. He was surprised to hear the doctrines
which had fallen from the Noble Earl at the head of the
Government, when he recollected the ingenious ar-
guments with which he supported the Corn Bill of
1815. The Noble Earl told them he did not mean these
measures to interfere with tt,e Corn Laws. He did
not care what his meaning was. (Hear, hear, hear.)—
He cared not for the meaning when the effect upon
every man in and out of the House, as they might see
in every street of the metropolis, had barn to prejudge
the great question of the Corn Laws to such an extent
that it could not have an impartial heating for years to
come. Formerly, in a period of agricultural distress,
they had been told that the evils of the country arose
from over production ; and now it had suddenly been
discovered that we could not produce enough. The
Noble Lord had stated, that even many agriculturists
admitted that we must rely upon foreigners for a por-
tion of our supply. Where these agriculturists were to
be found he knew not ; and combining these doctrines
with the measures before their Lordships he thought
he saw a just ground of alarm, and there he would_,
take his stand. He contended that the evidence
taken in the inquiry of 1814, proved the capacity of
this country and Ireland to produce enough for our
wants upon ordinary occasions—(Hear, near). Since
that time the importation from Ireland had very
greatly increased, and her means of producing further
supplies to almost any amount could not be doubted.—
To talk of a system of free trade in cern was absurd.
Even in the silk trade, where the principles of tree trade
had been said to be applied, there was a protection et
thirty per cent. ad Worms,. The Noble Lord then went
into a statement of prices from the time of Charles H.
downwards, contending that the periods when the trade
in corn was most tree front restriction, were not those
in which there bad been the least fluctuations, and con-
sequent distress to the manufacturing consumer. Rather
than. very low prices, he would prefer a continuance of
vary htgb prices; and he was sure they would be wore

for the general advantage of. the country. The Noble
Lord supported the latter position by :hewing the corn-
paratiye influence of high and low prices upon labour,
and maintaining that experience nad proved its correct-
ness. The manufacturers, he insisted, did not pay the
tithe of the poor rates, and the burthen of the indemnity
fell upon the Landed Interest. The discussions, to which
the agitation of the measures led, were very much to be
regretted; but they were not caused by those who opposed
the measures, but rather by those who supported them.
Noble Lords were not asreed as to what price ought
to be fixed on. One said that 50s. was a fair price,
while another conceived that 80s. was a famine price
in this country. Such language, he thought, was more
formidable than the measures themselves, from the
apprehensions which it must necessarily produce. He
called upon their Lordships to look to the extra supply
from Leland, which was now increasing, and which he
hoped for the benefit of that country would continue to
increase. He did not wish to oppose the Noble Lord
at the head of the Treasury ; he had no object in such
opposition, and he was anxious that the Noble Lord
should afford him an opportunity of s•.rpporting his
measures. He had heard him in 1815 say thst the
country was able to support itself, avid he now under•
valued the quantity of grain which wai cal ed for. At
first it was stated to be 500,000 quarters, afterwards it was raised
to 500,000; but not only the grain warehoused, but that which
was to be warehoused, was included in the measure. It was clear
that they were claiming this extraordinary power at a time when
they were ignorant of the grain which was to be let in under the
Other Bill. Ile thought it wrong in the Noble Lord to take a qua-
lified Indemnity Bill; for supposing the supply allowed to prove
inadequate, they certainly could not so easily approach the subject
a second time.

The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, that the Bill would
never have had any effect upon the Corn Laws in the
estimation of persons out of doors, but from the oppo-
sition which it had met from their Lordships; and the
same objections also originated the opposition iaised
against it in the other House. The Noble Lord who
last spoke, had st.sted the system which existed Lein*
the year 1765. But it was since chat period up to the
present that the great growth of the manulacturing
interests, and the great increase of population had taken
place in this country. It was not the fact, however,
that very considerable fluctuations had not occurred in
the price of grain prior to the year 1765. This would
appear by references to a statement of prices, as they
stood in the early part of the last century. In 1706,
the price of wheat was 235. per quarter; in 1707, £st.
in 1708, 365. in 1709, 695. 7c1.. Again, in 1740,
the price was 48,. Iod. in 1741, 41s. 91 in 1742, 28s.
and in 1743, 225. The Noble Lord bad charged in-
consistency upon him because of the language which
he had used in 1815. It was true that he did sup-
port the Corn Bill of that year, because he thought
it a just and useful Bill at that time, stud the circum-
stances of the period rendered it a necessary measure. He
wished that Britain and Ireland could produte sof&
cient corn for their own supply. Nothing could be more
desirable; but it was quite clear, from the imports.
dons, that they had not done so yet. In 1815 he had
supported the measure which fixed the import price of
grain at 80s. The Noble Lord had done so as well;
and why, he would ask, had the Noble Lcrd fixed upon
the price of 80s. ? In the preceding year, 1814, a Bill
was brought in by a Member of the House of Coen.
mons to settle the import price at 120 s. which Bill
however was then thrown out. The Noble Lord and
himself went on the principle that the agriculturist
should be protected as they required. .At that iitne
80!. was considered a proper price for the purpose ; but
neither the Noble Lord, nor his Noble Friend who
argued on the same side, could :hew that that was a fit
price now. Sixty-five shillings was at present a fair
price. They both contended that the agriculturist
should be protected up to a fair remunerative price.—
It was plain that they agreed in principle, however they
might differ in matters of detail. Protection was due to
the manufacturing interests: but then the country must
be secured against the possibility of a, failure of supply.
The Noble Lord had also objected that the present was
no measure of relief. In this he confounded two things
which, in their nature, were completely distinct. He
(the Earl of Liverpool) thought that the price was the
cause of the distress; but when distress existed in the
country, no matter from what cause, to say that en ar-
rangement for lowering the price of corn was not a mea-
sure of relief, was altogether unreasonable. When it
was asked of what avail was a small price, when the
poor, being destitute of means, could not purchase corn,
however cheap ? the answer was, that by far the greatest
number of the distressed were those who were employed
at low wages—some at five, some at four, and some
even at two shillings a week. To such persons and
their families it was of the utmost importance that the
price of provisions should be brought as nearly as pos-
sible within the reach of their means. When their
Lordships retired to their beds, and reflected on the pos-
sibility of a bad harvest in the present year, could they
contemplate any evil more terrific ? Could any man
say that he looked ton bad harvest this year with only
the same degree of apprehension now, which he
would have felt upon the subject last July? The
question was, how they were to meet this very bard
case; and their Lordships were called upon to decide.
The Noble Lod said that he would prefer the other
mode of proceeding; but in that case if a power were
to be exercised against law, it would be the duty of Mi-
nisters to advise his Majesty to call Parliament imme-
diately ; and for what purpose? Why, to deliberate
upon an alteration in the Corn Laws. And could they
conceive a moment more inauspicious for such a pur-
pose—more inconvenient fir the country? The whole %Bestial
would then force Itself epos their considered= ; but the present
Bills did net affect the general qosetloo at all; on the contrary
they set It mere remote from investigation.
The Earl of LIMERICK could not agree to the statement that
the United Kingdom was moursoniens man, equal to its own sop-
' port in the supply of grain. He was aware that at Dantsic sera
I stood at sus. a quarter, which, with all other charges attending ite
importation, would be brought up to no higher price than eon. Bet
what would be the fate of our unfortunate farmers sad landlords,
if anything like such a price should obtain in this country?
Lord KfNO congratulated the Noble Earl at the
head of the Treasury on the signal success which he
had obtained over the great domestic enemy—(A lave.
Everybody must have observed the reluctant support
which had been given to the measures in a particular
quarter; indeed, it was more like opposition than support:
o Imam
" Vinci, recusantum."
Ministers had two modes of proceeding open to them.
One was to act on their own responsibility, and the
other to come to Parliament for a special authority. He
was glad that Ministers had not pursued the former
course, because then nothing would have been said:
and speaking on the subject of the Corn Laws did good.
Many people in that House were inimical to free trade
—there were persons who were enemies to free air, and
to free conscience—

" Ravening wolves, whose conscience is their maw."

Some Noble Lords even on that (Lord King's) side of
the House were enemies to free trade. One interest
. would shut out corn, another wool, another butter.—
This was the essence of the celebrated cocks egrestis of
the Members of Parliament for Somerset and &folk.

But all their arguments proceeded upon the suppotition
that we were to be sellers, and not buyers; but how
'could we be selleri,unleiss we allowed other nations to

- -----•-
buy? I"ae Noble Earl said he would renounce para-
dox, and argue logically ; and immediately after said
.that low prices would produce great distress, which was
as great a paradox as was ever uttered. If foreign corn
was imported, it was because tt was lower t►an our own in price,
if it was esclededi we were obliged to eat core at a higher price
-than we ought. Reference had•been made to the tithes ; they were
.paid on produce, sod therefore paid by the consumer, as much as
if they were net taken in the held, but the tithe•holder collected
them at the oven's mnuth. The Noble Lord concluded by stating,
tbat he liked this Bill because it made an inroad upon the Corn
.i.aws, and because his object was to bting corn to a moderate and
fair price.--The Marquis of Sausousy opposed the motion.
The Earl of CAltNAltVONobserved, that although
there :night be no great objection to the taking out the
.bonded corn, yet if th s ineasure was to be repeated, a

. .
temptatian would be held out to the corn-factors to

'overload the warehouses with foreign corn, anJ it would
be injustice and ruin to them to refuse admission to it.
Since, the commencement of the present Se,sioil, the
measures of Nlinisters had been calculated to prolong
'the distress of the country. The distress was, in fact,
owing to the imbec,le,wavering, and changeful measures
of the Government. None of those measures had been
Isdapted to afford.a remedy to the evils they professed to provide for.
in consequence of this, the dissolution of Parliament was looked to
without regret by the co entry., It was his (Lord Carnarvon's)
"opinion, that the Corn Laws should be entered into at once, and
established on a solid foundation ; for want of this, the country,
during the intermission of Parliament, would be left in a state of
• confusion. The speech of the Noble Earl (Liverpool) had been
filled with false logic and panegyrics en Ministers; at the same
time that it was not very complimentary to the House, and held out
a sort of threat. Notwithstanding the taunts and threats of the Noble
Berl, he (Lord Carnarvon) hoped their Lordships would do their
duty—not from a sense of interest, as landed proprietors, but out
of regard to the, country. He objected to the measures before the
House, because they were foolish and mischievous measures.
Lord REDESDA LE confessed himself hostile to both the mea-
sures, !illicit had unfortunately, he thought, emanated from Go.
ointment in order to attempt to afford some relief to the nunufac. ,
tuners io their present distreu. He considered them unwise as
well as unequal measures ; and they were in effect nothing short of
taxes imposed' on the agricultural classes, to aid the dis:resses of
another class. Even in Poland, according to the report of Mr.,
Jacob, there was a stimulus now requisite to induce those Polish,
agriculturists to grew corn as an article of commerce with this and
other countries. If their Lordships consented to the first of thew
Bills, they would do an act of manifest injustice to the agriculturist,
in order to relieve the manufacturer. New be should like to knew
whether something could not be done to discourage the growth or
the increase of our manufacturing population, rather than adopt the
opposite principle, namely, discouraging the home cultivation of
cern, which last must, in the end, tend to raise the price of corn by
diminishing the general stock of grain. The case of Holland was
not analogous, for Holland was not a separate insular country, but
ad' Bent to many great corn countries.
Earl DARN LEY said this discussion had run very unnecessarily,
in his opinion, into the general question of the Corn Laws. When-
ever that question came regularly before the House, and it could
not, be thought, he longer delayed than the next Session of Parlia-
ment, the agricultural interest must make up their Minds to coati-
' derahle alterations. The system of prohibition must be relinquished
' * entirely. and open ports, under a protecting duty, be established ;
be meant such a protecting duty as would be sufficient to place the
grower of corn in this country, laden as it was with taxation, upon
a footing of equality with countries less pressed upon by the de-
' mands for establishments and the payment of interest on so large a
nationzi debt. He did not think that there was muck probability
of Ministers raking upon themselves the responsibility of the weep
• sore for allowing the further importation of corn, as, unless there
was a total failure of our harvest, of which at preseut there was OD
appearance, the provisions of that bill would be altogether inopere.
time. But as it might do some good in quieting groundless appro•
bension, be should vote for it.
• Lori PO A LMESBURY said be should not have made any
further observations if the Noble Earl (Liverpool) bad not stated
that the present measures would have passed by acclamation if it
bad not been for the opposition made to them in this Hesse. Hs
(Lord laintesbuty) had taken an active part in these messereas
, and be wholly disclaimed what had been stated by the Noble East
. He did not regard the " Nen cilium ardor prove jwierikeiw, not
minus insonstis tyronni." He should' any, if twelve boys wen
whipped, and if the twelfth boy who was whipped cried, while
the rest were silent, it would not be the fault of the boy, but of
the man who had hell the rod over him. He (Lord Malnsesbiary)
considered himself in the situation of the twelfth boy.—(A laugh.)
The Duke of SOMERSET 'objected to the measures proposed
to be carried Lute effect by the Bills before the House.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question, that the
House du divide on the second reading of the Mt Bill relating to
the Bonded Cern.—The House then divided, when there appeared
Contents 64
Non Contents . • 13--Maj. 6i
the division of the second reading of the Importation of
foreign Corn Bill, the monlhers were—
Contents 78
Non Contents ss--Maj. 50
The House then adjourned at Tvemes o'Clock.

ALL LOTTERIES END FOR EVER WITH THIS
DRAWING. SIX PRIZES OF Mom% ALL IN ONE
DAY. THE PRICE OF TICKETS AND SHARES WILL
Urn AFTER NEXT SATURDAY.