Star.
London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

these cases the interference of a foreigo Power was jus-
tifiable. it possible to effect a Revolution
by any other than some of chest means ? The Allies
cetlainly had abstract ideas of Revolutions very dif-
fereht from corporal ones. Their reasoning reminded
him of a passage in Swift, where Mat lima Scribkrus
.and his fellow-pupil fall tological reasoning, and a.,
dispute arises as to the most abstract idea of a Lord
Mayor : •
" ]Yuri. Scrib.—l think so many things necessary to a Lord
Mayor, that I cm have no idea of one, without a gold dug and
chain."
" go farther, for I cannot conceive a Lord Mayor
if be has hands, eyes, nose, or legs !"—(il !awes).
—So it was with the Austrians. They would admit
of changes, but they should not be brought about
by a sect, an army, by private meetings, or in fact
by any of those means which were indispensably ne:
cessary to such an undertaking. When Revolutions
were accomplished in this way, their abstract ideas
of them were gone, and they thought themselves
called upon to interfere and crush them. But were
they equally vigilant when liberty was invaded ? Did
they interfere when Ferdinand of Spain overturned
the Spanish Constitution ? Were no changes to be
permitted but such as took place at the will of an
absolute Monarch ? He was now come to the second
part, namely, what would be the probable conse-
quences of the Allies continuing to act upon the
principles avowed by them in their Declaration. If
Austria failed in its attempts upon Naples, then would
the principles of liberty on which the Neapolitans
acted, extend themselves, perhaps, into the very
States of the Allies:lE. If, on the other hand, Austria
succeeded, he would ask in what way could their
power be maintained, but by military occupation,
and would not that in effect make Naples .a province
of Austria ? The success of despotism could be but
transitory; and the revolutionary feeling in Spain
and in France, had been already much excited by
the progress which had been made. In the former
country, the Revolution which was accomplished
without blood, was not likely to terminate so peace-
ably. At Paris, it had driven that party which were
occasionally called the Liberaus, or the Jacobins, al-
most into an extremity of excitement. It was not
yet too late for England to interfere ; in former times
it used to be accounted. the fosterer of every spark of
political liberty on the Continent. The greatest eu-
legium which •Lord Bacon passed on Queen Eliza-
beth was, that she assisted the struggles of the Hol-
landers for their liberty. The steps taken in the Low
Countries at that time, were similar to those lately
taken in Naples; the Revolution was brought about
by a sect, misted by a military force. We should
not then be too severe critics—let us only consider
that the Neapolitans are engaged in defence of the
most, glorious cause under Heaven—the preservation
of their liberties. Let us apply to them what Lord
Chatham said of the Americans:
" Be to their faults a little blind ;
Be to their virtues very kind ;
Let all their ways be uncoufued,
Nor clap a padlock on their mind !'j •
It might be said it was now too late for our interfe-
rence, but that he denied. Although every foot of
the Neapolitan territory should be in the possession
of the Austrians, yet England ought not to lose any
time in clearly stating her sentiments upon a question
of so much consequence to all Europe. We ought
without delay to put our sentiments on record, and
r enter our solemn protest against the transactions of
Troppau and Laybach. It was for that purpose he
now proposed his Motion, which was—
“ That an humble Address be presented to the King, to thank
kis Majesty for having laid upon the table of that House a Copy
of the Dispatch from the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the
British Ministers at Foreign Courts, on the subject of all corn-
Munkations made to them by the Courts of Austria, Prussia,
and Russia, with regard to the affairs of Naples—to express our
satisfaction and gratitude to his Majesty, that he had given his
dissent from a proposition which was against the fundamental
laws of this realm ; and to express a hope that, in his wisdom,
his Majesty will use such decisive interference with the Courts
of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, and take such steps, as to pre-
vent those proceedings, on their parts, which are only calculated
'to disturb the tranquillity of Europe, and check the progress of
a system, which, if persevered in, will furnish examples injuri-
ous to the security of the independence of nations."

Earl BATHURST contended that the declarations,
of Ministers had already been explicit enough. If
Ministers took a more decisive step, they would de-
part from that neutrality which they professed. The,
Noble Marquis would do well to point out any step:
by which this country could check the advance of
the Austrian armies. if Austria thought herself ini
danger from the commotions at Naples, he could not
see why this country was called upon to interfere.—
The Sicilians were unfriendly to the Spanish Consti-
tution, whith was forced upon them. The object of
the Catbonari was not simply to effect the revolution
of Naples, but to procure and encourage general in-
surrectionary movements throughout the Continent,
and this had been distinctly proved by Murat's inva-
sion. They stated the resistance made to the Neapo-
litan Constitution, in Sicily, as an argument to prove
the Nation was not favourable to the Constitution ;
therefore, that this Constitution, being opposed by
the King and a great proportion of the population,
'they had no right to recognize it. Ile thought this
country ought not to depart from its neutrality; but
if it did, he asked what were the measures that
should be adopted? It was well known that in point
of fact the Austrians had already entered the Neapo-
litan territory; but whether as friends or as enemies,
remained to be proved. Suppose the former, if their
Lordships voted the Address moved by the Noble
Marquis, it would have the effect of prolonging
the contest. The object ought to be to follow
up that Address by war ; and the consequence would
be, that many of-those men who would otherwise dis-
band themselves, would place themselves on the hills
watching for succour from this country; and this en-
couragement to credulity, this half measure, would
only have the effect of exciting false hopes, without
giving effective succour.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH had no doubt Minis-
ters were endeavouring to prevent, or at least to re-
pair, the injury likely to be done to the peace of Eu-
rope by the hostile movement of Austria to the South
of Italy. If they did not do so, they deserved 'im-
peathnient•=4 Hear, hear).—But considering the situ-
ation Of Austria, and her interest, having no for-
tresses, and relying on the Mass 6f her troops, no
movement could be more -fatal to Austria than a
march to the South of Italy; and Ministers ought,
therefore, to prevent or vepair the consequences of
riaoyement. He thouglit. of Neapolitan
trciops as aut cone, ind oft/14-mila:ince they might make
on chi first onset; Initivhst would be the coatequence,