Star.
London, England, 1821-03-24 00:00:00

AFFAIRS OF NAPLES.

The Marquis of LANSDOWN said he rose to
put the questions to the Noble Lord opposite, of
which he had given notice on a former evening—
questions which naturally grew out of the extraor-
dinary transactions now going on upon the Continent
of Europe. His first question should refer to what
had been stated in this country and in- Naples, rela-
tive to the British squadron that had been stationed
in the Bay of Naples. It had been said that the force
was kept there for the protection of British interests,
and also for the protection of the Royal Family of
Naples. It was now reported that this squadron had
been withdrawn, and he wished to know if this report
was true? if so, it was most extraordinary that such
a thing could be done at a time *hen British pro-
perty must be supposed to he more in jeopardy than
at any other period since the commencement of the
present troubles. Ilis next question related to a point
that had already undergone a discussion in that
House; he meant the ciicular paper issued by the
Courts of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, to the differ-
ent Courti of Europe; and declaring their sentiments
respecting the affairs of Naples. This paper first
appeared, in England without a date; but another
copy, which appeared to be an official one, had since
appeared, with the date of the Bth of December.—
What he now wished to know was, whether the paper
so dated was the same which had first appeared in
this country ? His motive for putting the question
was, that he had been given to understand that the
first copy was a correct one; hut, on comparing the
two papers, he found that the last, which appeared
to be the authentic copy, contained a material alter-
ation from the first. The third question he wished
to put was, whether any communication had been
made from the Court of Vienna to our Government
with respect to the interference of that Power in the
affairs of any other Government besides that of
Naples? On this point he
.wished for information,
because, not many days since, a Proclamation had
been issued by the King of Sardinia, in which he re-
ferred to the Declarations made by the Great Powers
of Europe, that they would not allow him to give a
Representative Constitution to his subjects; and as-
signed that as a reason why he was obliged to with-
hold his assent from- the new changes that had taken
place in his kingdom ; and that refusal, it seemed, led
to the unhappy event of his abdicating his throne.
It was evidence that an interference had been exer-
cised in this kingdom as well as in Naples. He wished
then to know from the Noble Lord, whether any
communication had been made to our Government
by the Allied Powers, of an Article by which they
were to interfere in the concerns of Piedmont? There'
wai one other point on which he wished for infor-
mation : it was, whether the copy of a Secret 'Article
purporting to have been entered into between the
Courts of Vienna and Naples, and which was lately
published by the Neapolitan Government, was an ac-
' curate statement of such article; and whether, after
having been entered into, it was made known to the
•liiitish Government? He had in h 6 hand a copy of

The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, that he now
understood the squadron in .the Bay of Nal,les had
no object but the protection of British property and
of the Royal Family. Ile wished then to know, whe-
ther it would not be material to make it manifest to
all the world that such were the objects ; he would,
therefore, ask the Noble Earl, whether he had any
objection to make known to the House the instruc-
tions that bad been sent out to the Commander of
the squadron ?
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, the instructions
were merely confined to two points, the observance
of a strict neutrality, and the protection to British
property and the Royal Family ; but he did not think
it convenient to produce a copy of them.
Earl GREY could see no reason why the instruc-
tions should not be produced. The Noble Earl had
admitted, that in carrying into effect either of the
objects of the instructions an eventual hostility might
take place; therefore such hostility must have been
in the contemplation of his Majesty's Government
and it appeared that the squadron had, at one time
received a reinforcement, which was not now consi-
dered.necessary ; and it seemed very extraordinary
that a part of the squadron should be withdrawn just
at the time when hostilities commenced, and British
property was likely to be in danger. With respect to
protecting the Royal Family, in case of their being in
danger, no one who had any fee:ings of generosity or
honour would object to such an act. But 'the Noble
Earl appeared to have gone a step further: that point
required to be explained, and therefore he hoped the
instructions sent out to the Admiral would be laid on
the table. It appeared to have been assumed by the
NOble Lord, that a violence offered to the Royal Fa-
mily of :thy country would justify An act of hostility
on the part of another country ; but he (Lord Grey)
doubted the correctness of this pi inciple ; and, how.
ever he might deprecate an act of violence against
the King or Royal Family of Naples, yet that could
not justify this country in engaging in hostilities with
that country. It was necessary, therefore, for the
House to know what were the instructions that had
been given to the Admiral, and he hoped the Noble
Earl would lay them bethre the House. The more
he reflected on this subject, the more he lamented the
conduct of Ministers with regard to Naples ; fdr
whatever danger now threatened that country must
be attributed to the system of policy pursued by our
Government. With respect to the secret article be-
tween Austria and Naples, it was material to know at
what time it had.been, communicated to our Govein-
ment. Between the paper first circulated, and that
which lately appeared in the Vienna Gazette, there
were some material differences, and he was anxious
to know whether the amended copy Corresponded
with the copy that had been in the hands of Ministers?
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, if the Noble Lord
opposite chose to move for a copy of the instructions
to Sir Graham Moore, let him fix a day for the pur-
pose; but, for his own part he should have consider-
able objection to produce them. He would again
say, that the instructions were not with . any other
view than that which b? had already stated. He
would not now enter into a discussion of the law
which the Noble Lord ,earned to entertain respecting
the protection that should he afforded to Royal Fa-
milies, but he 'could assure him, that the instructions
seat out to our Admiral had given great satisfaction
et Myles, where every malt ulna' ti.elli as a

The E.tri of LIVERPOOL said, the instructions
had for their object to afford protection to the Royal
Family of Naples, under all the circumstances; and,
as a proof of the gratification it _afforded them, the
Duke of Calabria had sent some of his family on
board a Neapolitan ship, which was to be under the
protection of the British squadron.
Lord ELLENBOIIOUGH gave notice, that on Teesdry
next he would stove an Address to the King, besetelaug his
Majesty to offer his mediAtion betimen the Emperor of Austria
and Naples, with a view of adjusting the difference, between
those Powers.—The House then adjourned. ,

MOUSE OF COMMONS.
At a quarter to for-, the Sressca took the ('hair.
A person from the Exchequer Office presented certain Pait.rs
relative to the Consolidated Fund.

Mr. Jamison, from the Office of the Chief Secretary for Ire-
land, presented several Papers, which were ordered to be printed.
ldr. T. WILSON moved that there be Lid before the House
an Account of the Duties on Soft Soap, for one year, ending
July last, and for a similar Account ot the Duties an Hard Soap.
Ordered.

On the motion of %Ir. STIWART, the Irish Notaries' Bill was
real a second time, and ordered to be read a third time on
Monday next.
Mr. R. MARTIN moved for I.•ave to bring in a Bill to regu-
late the office of Coroner in Ireland.—Leave granted.
Mr. S. RICE moved the Order of the Day for the word
reading of the Trial of Treason (Ireland) Bill. The DiR was
read, and ordered to be committed on Monday next.
On the motion of Alr. Rica, the Report of the Bankrupts' El-
fects (Ireland) Bill was read and agreed to, and the Bill ordered
to be read a third time on Monday next.
Mr. RICE then moved that the Report on the Witchcraft
Repeal (Ireland) Bill be brought up.—The Report was read
and agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time on
Monday next.

On the motion of Mr. Lesnixovon, the House resolved itself
into a Committee on the Beer Duties Dill.—The Report ort:esell
to be received on Monday next.
The Commercial Intercourse Bill was read a third time,
and passed.
Mr. 13Y NG presented a Petition from the Trustees of Abe
Bethnal-green Road, against the Metropolis Road Big.—Laid
on the table.

Sir F. OMMANNF.Y presented a Petition from the Mer-
chants and Ship-owners of Plymouth-Dock, relative to tAe Tun.
her Duties.—Ortleitd to be printed.
Lord A. 11.1 M 1 LTON presented a Petition against the
Glasgow Poke

Lord A. HA 3111.T0N moved, that there be laid on the
table an Account of all Parliamentary Grants made to Officers,
of Courts of Justice tn. Scotland, in consequence of the Report
of the Commissioners of Inquiry, as compensation for tees, with
an account of the emoluments of their offices with reference to
the Report; together with the charges of the Commission...—
Ordered.

ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS.
Lord C. MANNERS presented a Petition from the Dext
and Chaptir of the Cathedral Church of Ny, against the Ellis
now it progresi for further concessions to the Roman .Catholics.
Ordered to be printed.
Mr. U. DAVIS presented similar Petitions from the Ps-
fishes of St. Thomas and Temple,. in the City of lisisrol.—Or-
dered to be printed.
Mr. T LK presented a Petition from. the Mayor, Aldermen,
and Capital Burgesses of the Town of Sudbury against the }to..
man Catholic Claims.—Ordesed to be printed.
Mr. BASTARD presented a Petition from tie
Gentry, Clergy, and Freeholders of the county of
Devon, against further concessions to the Catholics.
Sir T. ACLAND agreed with his Hon. colleague,
in saying the desires of their constituents, relative to
the pi esentation of this Petition to the House, should
be complied with. He alto agreed with him that
the Meetingfrom whence the Petition emanated was
most respectable, and the Petition was- signed re-
spectably; so much so, that the first name affixed to
the Petition was that of an Hon. Member of that
House (Sir T. Lethbridge). Having said so much,
be wished be could add that the yraysr of die Pim-

man Catholic question was one which seemed 'ln-',
tined in the hour of trial, always to be visited with
great privations. The loss which it sustained by the
death of the late Illustrious Member for Dublin City,
was a severe one; yet it was scarcely more to be la-
mented than the present unavoidable absenceof die
Right Hon. Gentleman who brought in this Bill
(Mr. Plunkett), and *hose great talents had so lately
dazzled that House, and obtained its approbation—
(Hear, hear). The House would then imagine what
his (Sir J. Newport's) feelings were. when he felt
himself called upon to step into that track which the
Right Hon. Gentleman had left—to fill up that out-
line which his masterly pencil had sketched, or to
place himself in the rear of so many illustrious
names, who had from time to time given this ques-
tion their suppoh. What was his embarrassment
when he reflected, that after receiving support from
such a galaxy of talent, it at length devolved upon
him? But feeble as his efforts would be, they would
at least be made in a spirit of sincerity. He was
called upon now, late in life, to advocate a question,
to the support of which he had devoted himself from
his youth. He trusted, therefore, no want ofability
on his part should compromise the cause in which he
was engaged—(l lea? , hear). Having said thus much
in apology for bringing forward the question to-
night, he would not now occupy the House any
longer—they had already given their opinion upon
the principle of it, and their only, office now was to
judge of it in detail. He would leave the question,
therefore, open to the lights which Honourable Mem
bets in the House would doubtless throw upon it, and
content himself witlrmerely moving the Older of the
Day upon it.
Mr. CROKER, said, that when he gave notice of.
a motion for enabling his Majesty to make provision
for the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland, he did so
upon the full conviction that such a measure would
tend to the security of the' Roman Catholic no less
than that of the Protestant interest ; and the more he
thought of the subject the more was lie satisfied of its
propriety. Ile was aware, however, that many
nourable Members, for whose opinion he entertained
a sincere regard, objected that the time lie propose
for introducing the :Leasure was unfatourable, and
he therefore was anxious that the House should be
enabled to give its undivided attention to the ap-
proaching discussion. With this view, he should
postpone the motion of which he had given notice
until the bringing up of the Report of the Committee.)
The Bill now to be discussed, he considered as the
second Union Act of the country, arid the best safe.
guard .of the dangers which surrounded the empire
—(Hear, hear).--lie was, consequently, desirous that
such a Bill might not be embarrassed ; but he thought
it proper to state, that the measure he intended to
propose, was known to his friends no less than seven
years ago, as being in his contemplation. The Hon.
Member concluded by postponing his motion until
the bringing up of the Report.
The question was then put and agreed to, and the
House resolved itself into a Committee.

The Bill was read by the Clei k, and on the ques-
tion being put, that the first clause be agreed to,
Sir WILLIAM SCOTT observed, that the present
was one of the many Bills which had been brought
before Parliament by men of great talents, actuated
by the best of motives. The present measure he be-1
lieved to have been introduced by a night Honour-
able Gentleman of equal talent, and with motives no
less good ; and if this Bill should ultimate]) fail, it
would shew that there were difficulties in its principle
which no abilities could surmount. The Bill proposed
to relieve certain Roman Catholics from the Oath of
Supremacy, and the clause for that purpose, after,
pointing to the oath,
the
the adding of an ex-
planation. Now the original Oath of supremacy
contained two propositions ; the first affirmative, as
to the kingly authority over the Church ; the second
negative, as to the exclusion of Papal and all other
foreign influence upon matters ecclesiastical or civil
within the Realm. This was an ancient oath : at the
Revolution it had been modified, and in that state it
continued. It was not matter of concealment, but of
notorious history, that, anterior to the Reformation,
the Papal authority did exist, and was exercised,
though checked occasionally by the firmness of our
Princes and our Parliament. In one instance it had
been restrained by an Act of the Legislature ; but it
remained for the Reformation to decide against the
authority altogether. This was the oath required, and
taken in the kest of times, and which the experience of
two centuries had confirmed. It was particularly ne-
cessaryto observe What was laid down at the time of
the Revolution. It was then considered that a divided
religion, a distribution of authority with a foreign
Power, was inconsistent with the safety of the Rate.
All the intermediate statutes had proceeded • upon
the same principle ; and, with reference to the oath
itself, • he thought no language could possibly be
stronger. The,primary object of the o.ull was, not
so much to confer authority upon the Crown, as to
divest it from the Pope. It was demonstrable that
this was the first principle of the Constitution to the
exclusion of the Pontifical authority even in spiritual
matters. It was impossible to possess a greater au-
thority than that which was mentioned in the oath.
.4 Give me (said the Right Hon. Member) a man's
conscience, and you give me, in some degree, the
guidance of his actions." But to return to the his-
torical part of. the subject. In Elizabeth's reign the
oath was qualified by an admonition which contained
two propositions—one was, that the Queen enjoyed
no other authority than that which was enjoyed by
her Royal Father and Brother. Then what was that
authority ? Why, an authority altogether exclusive
of foreign influence. The other proposition was this
—a slander had gone abroad, that the Queen, as head
of the church, claimed the right of performing spi-
ritual functions. This was an error even as to the
right, for the being head of the Church did not ne-
, cessarily include a right to perform the spiritual
functions. However, against this right the Queen
protested, and this was the whole of the admonition.
Referring again to the terms of the Oath of Supre-
inacy, the Right Hon. Member said it was impossible
for words to be more exclusive. But the clause under
consideration stated that the Reiman Catholics felt
scruples upon the subject, lest the oath might be con-
strued into a denial of the spiritual authority of the
Pope. This he rather conceived to be a gratuitous
assumption, hough undoubtedly it went to the ex-
clusion of authority in civil matters. T 4
in short, he conceived to be an attempt to explair a
modern oviik by an ancient explanation in no way

applicable to the question. He flair time to conker
the enacting part. It WAS ptynted to change the
nature of the oath itself. It was proper to eonsider
the terms. ,The Right lion. Member then• read the
proposed explanation ; and referring to the wards
sdiu any manner conflictinf with the duty due to his
Majesty from his subjects,' observed, that this again
was founded upon a gratuitous assumption; 461 id-
reliance therefore was to be placed upon the expla. .
nation. The interpretation he considered dicey
contrary to the tenotu of the oath ; and he called upon
Hon. Gentlemen to consider whether its introducems
would not be the adoption of a dangerous novelty?`
An *oath was now substituted contrary to the teeeit
of the former; and the person taking the oath witi
to be informed that the words of it were to be es-.
pounded drirerently from their ordiriarf import...i.
This he thought was holding out a dangerms cis;
tinction for the private conduct of individuali
(Hear, hear).—A distinction which he tonsidete
1
fitter for the casuistry of *schools than the diguitv -
Parliament—(Cheers).—He had other objection's 6
the measure, but he should forbear to state then;
and he should therefore conclude by observing the
his objections to it in principle, as well as in detail,
were invincible—(Hear, hear).—The Right lion,
Member appeared much exhauited at the close of
his speech. .
Mr. HOR ACE MISS began by obserVing that the
whole tenour Of our history proved that the exclusiorr
of Roman Catholics from any of the privileges or the
Constitution was to be regarded rather as mann of
accident than of fundamental. law. Without mesa;:
ing to follow the Right Honourable Gentleman who
had just sat down through the whole of his atg,i.
meat with regard to the principles on which theoath
lof supretnacf was founded and explained, he mug.
remind the Right Honourable Gentleman, that pre.
sinus to the reign of Elizabfth, there was no °Ad, of
supremacy whatever. to him it appeared as origin.
ally devised to mark the distinction between an
and a religious conscience. The oath, however, was
considered as affording sectir;ty enough, till the
reign of Charles 11. when the declaration against
transubstantiation was introduced as a new bar. I
Now, if they looked back to the spirit which gays
birth to that latter enactmeat, they would find that
the " necessity" spoken of as its excuse, was de-
scribed as being probably temporary in its duration.
The %%Ng Ministers of 1702 were reminded of this,
and were mid that the Church was then out of dan. I
ger. Their reply was at that time a very proper i
and significant one: it was, that although recover-
ing from indisposition, 'they were not yet in a state
to return to the regimen of perfect he4lth--,ioni,
But the argument nn the other side thight,:ii the .1
principle were admitted, go to any exte.a. knight
be quoted for the perpetual estal.lishment of martial
law, because the'resort to it had been deemed mat.
ter of expediency at a particular season. They were
asked by the opponents of this measure to suspend
for ever, as respected millions of individuals, the
blessings of the Constitution, because that was the
only means of preserving the Constitution itself:

" Et propter vitArthriivendi petdere cams!"
Nothing could be more jest than the observation
made on this point by a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Canning), that in following such a ccritse they were
retaining a law after the reason for it had cmetl.
But were they, the present House ei Common,. pre.
pared to say to the Catholic, "You have been placeci
under a perpetual bar : however we may reform due
otherinstitutions, for ycu and your children there is
no improvement and no change"--(llear,
In the reign of king William, a Memorial was pre-,
rented to Government from a very considerable Pro.
testant authority, in which it was intimated, that the
severer part of the penal laws against the Catholics
might thereafter with safety be repealed. This
shewed that the principle of progressive relaxation
was even then maintained, and was contemplated and
suggested even by the founders of the Ilevolutinn.A.
The system of exclusion had never been establish*
it had only been tolerated by our ancestors. The ma
nopoly of privilege.and power now existing, skis not.
so much their work, as that of the
.present age. how
could any system of penal law be justified in his con-
tinuance, after the circumstances in which it ongs.
nated were altered in every respect ? It would hardly
be contended, that the system to which he was al-
-luing was not penal in its effects, as excluding from
office, just as much as it deserved that epithet when
it disqualified for holding landed property. The law,
at least, regarded with equal respect corporeal ant
incorporeal hereditament,. Most anxious was he—
as anxious as any Hon. Gentleman could be--that
the predominant character of the Legislature ands(
the State should ever continue to be Protestant. If
there did exist any danger of a Popish Pelham%
or of a Popish Sovereign, he should not give thesste
which his conscience demandedfrom him on this OF'
casion ; but the utmost that could happen from the
°aeration of the proposed change was, to admit a serf
few Members comparatively to seats in both Houses
of Parliament. Who objected to the presence done
Military Officers amongst them? Who apprebe,o44
that it might lead to the establishment of a penny
nent standing army ? The admission of a few Ca-
tholics would produce as little impression 00 the
general character of Parliament—Wear,
They would not be able any more than the genelit
Members who had fought our battles abroad to ef-
fect, even although they should desire, any choir
in that character. The House would still remain to
Protestant Representative of a Protestant peoPle- He
could not, therefore, entertain those apprehen • sof
sion
danger which had been expressed by some 'Wu.%
able Members ; and if he did, he should care hot.ht
tle for any views taken-at the time of the Beldame',
'lf danger did actually exist, he should sly—' the
times in which it existed provide against it, noon
they be present or future times. In his opinion
was a perfect fallacy to represent the Churches !!!
Ireland and of Scbtland as being in a similar cool
tion. But was there, upon any view of the cassie
probability that the Roman Catholic religion Weta,
extend itself in this country ? When it was acre"?
possessed of supremacy, instead of making all Pe!
gress in conversion, it declined and had been gee:
dually giving. way. They had now. a PrProw
Monarch on the Throne ; they had an establi
which was altogether Protestant. The whole
sent on the other side stopped short Of hintingt
there was any danger of a Popish Kingi and
was that the alleged dang&s were equallY eb
col. The dominatioa and infhenco of .6054

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