Star.
London, England, 1826-05-20 00:00:00

Petted to aid in a system which was necessarily destenttion to them-1
selves. The question was, not how far the proposed measure in the
abstract was right, but how far, subject to existing circumstances, it
was either just or expedient ; and if any persons thought fit now to
stand upon the doctrine, that to discuss the single question, how far
could man be rightly the property of man—that this was sufficient,
he would answer such persons, that however proof they might be in
the fancied security of their abstract position, they neither argued
like members of a British House of Parliament, nor like members of
a great and civilized society. And here, however unpleasant it was to
hint to be compelled to advert to speeches or opinions formerly
delivered by hint in that House, it was y et imperative upon him 0u
remove an impression which might have been created in the minds
of lion. Members by something which had fallen—at least inac-
curately—from the Hon. and Leartied Member opposite. No
doubt he had uttered the words on .1 former debate upon the subject
before that house, and the spit it of the British Constitution was
necessarily hustle to any modification of slavery. No doubt he had
uttered these words ; but, was It fair to take them without refe-
rence to the declaration (in the same speech) by which they were
followed—tbat the British Constitution had for years sanctioned,
and even fostered, a colonial system,in which slavery, as every man
must be aware, formed of necessity a principal ingredient ? For the
fact was, and it was impossible to deny it, that, by whatever judi-
cial blindness—by whatever immaturity of perception,—this
country, with all the freedom of her boasted Constitution, had
actually encouraged—actually founded—a system in her Colonies,
to the susten.ince of which, not merely the existence of slavery, but
the manual influence of it—a black Stygean stream of it constantly
pouring in—was absolutely necessary. lie could not hold, as an
unqualified position, that slavery was Incompatible with the spirit
of the British Constitution, when he saw that, in the very brightest
periods of that free Constitution, a system of slavery had not only
been tolerated and defended,but set up. To the similar assertion that
slavery was not to be tolerated under the existence of the Christian
religion, be was equally unable to give his unqualified assent ; for
if such was the case, there not only had been deep crime, but there
was crime in the course which Parliament even at that moment was
pursuing. For,if that unqualified statement were true, a Christian
country like England had no choice. We ought at one blow to put an
end to the system upon which we were now debating. We ought not
to talk of such a horror, but on the instant destroy it ; it was a thing
not to be argued on, but to be universally execrated, that upon
which (with reference to measures to be taken in the next Session)
the House was now debating. But it was impossible, whatever
might be men's wishes or feelings, it was impossible to maintain for
a moment, that slavery and the Christian religion were incapable of
existing together. They did exist together; they had existed to-
gether from the very first dawning of Christianity ; they had ex-
isted together down to the present time. The spirit of that religion,
Christianity, was to tante the proud, and to assist the lowly ; but it
did not do" that by sudden changes—by the destruction of existing
systems—by revolutions of danger and of blood. It mounted to
the throne of all the Cnsars ; it could comfort the poor captive in
his cell: but it had been preached—although its existence was in-

incompatible with slavery—it had been preached in the streets of
ancient Rome, at a time when se-vi cruciantur was the ordi-
nary process of the Forum. Then let the House take tke
facts as they stood repugnant as slavery was both to the
Christian religion and to the spirit of the British Constitution,
British Parliaments had concurred for years in fostering and
aiding that very system which the bettter feeling of the House
now looked upon with horror. How should we deal with such a
system? Should we continue in it? No. But having been
all of us—the whole country—involved in the guilt, and sharers in

the profit of it, what he (Mr. Canning) said was, that we could not
new turn round upon a part, and say to them" You alone shall ex
plate the crime." Tbc he came again to his original question—
those who were ettsbarked in a trail,: which we detested were yet
entitled to justice. What would be the effect of the resolutions
new proposed, but to precipitate the intentions, and to cross and
perplex the policy of Government? The resolutions now 'lig-
ing—those of 11123-11a1 been approved by all parties. Was
there any suspicion—any occasion to suspect that Government
had not acted sincerely and bancifide in its attempt to carry the
intent of those resolutions into execution? [lad they not avowed
their determination, and were they not prepared to abide by
it, if those attempts were met with contumacy and resistance,
to call upon Parliament for that aid to which, under such cir•
cumstances, though unwillingly, they must have recourse ?
The resolutions now proposal--this was his (Mr. Canning's) de•
eided opinion—prejudged the question. They said that the House

had teen with regret the proceedings of the West India Legisla-
tures, and in that feeling he entirely agreed ; but be could not close
with the practical conclusion,—without which the first part of the

resolution WAS good for nothing—that the House would, in the next
Session, take into its serious consideration such measures as might
appear expedient for giving effect to the Bali resolution. The effect
of this alteration of system would be to deter the, colonists from
doing anything. They would say, that there was no hope of satis-
fying Parliament—no utility in mating the attempt. Whatever

hope there was, in the period of six or eight months between
this and the next Session, of their thinking better of the ab.
surd and impolitic course—to apply no harsher term to it—
whicb they so far pursued, that chance the impatience of the
Honourable Gentleman opposite would in all probability destroy.
An Hon. Friend of mine, (said the flight Hon. Gentleman) Sir,
who has done himself so much credit to-night by his speech, has
asked me whether he was to understand that the Order in Council
respecting Trinidad comprised the whole of the system Govern.
ment meant to pursue? My answer is, that so far as the resolution
of this House prescrihos to Government the course they are to
pursue, so far the Order iii Council in question does comprise the
intentions of Government. If the Colonial Legislatures act in e
boa fide manner up to the spirit of that order, not acting as though
with a desire

" To keep the word of promise to the ear,
And break it to the hope;"

if they should proceed by substantial and not merely questionable
acts, with a full determination to adopt the system recommended, I
ant convinced, Sir, that the views of Parliament will be fully rea-
lized.—(Hear).—lt is the spirit of the whole that we must look to.
(Ilear).—But I agree with Iny Hon. Friend that the clause for
compulsory manumission of slaves is that to which we must mainly
look. AU the rest goes it mitigation of the system; but this clause
is certainly a vital part of the system. The great difference be-
tween the plans of his Majesty's Ministers and those Honourable
Gentlemen who are desirous of a more rapid progress is, that they
risk the desired end to arrive at a precipitate conclusion ; whereas
we and others wish to retard a little the attainment of the object,
in order that we may arrive there with a greater assurance of
safety. I agree also, Sir, in many particulars with an I lonourable
Gentleman opposite, who spoke with so much good sense on the
subject ; but I differ widely from him on the subject of compensa-
tion. I think nothing can be more monstrous that to admit a prin-
ciple of compensation in the promotion of measures which all
admit to be measures of amelioration ; and which all who look
upon moral improvement as beneficial must be aware will even-
tually create a ten-told improvement in the value of property.—
I admit, at the same time, that the principle of compulsory manu-
mission is one of force, and that the only remedy is in .the price
which the slave is required.to pay to his lord—and here is thatte-
medy provided—(Hear, hear). Although the discussion upon this
question has been unusually long, and many foreign topics have been
introduced; am not aware of any other practical points beyond
those I have already touched upon, calling for my attention. Nor
at this late hour would it be right for me•to detain the House,