Star.
London, England, 1826-05-12 00:00:00

and foreign nations had no way of paying for these I
commodities but by disposiog of their corn.. At the
reseal olemint, corn was nearly eee.third dater in
this country theft it was abroad, and surely such a cif.-
I tumstaoce must' most materially affect the prosperity
of the country. and,contribute to cause the present dis-
tress." The effect of the Corn Laws was to make the
produce high ; and, consequently, profits and wages,,
and the rate of interest, would be low. A lose rate of
interest gave rise to speculation, and this in its turn
caused a reaction, and brought a train of evils. He
was convinced there would be no steady system until we altered
the Corn Laws, sod brought down the prices of corn In this country
to a standard nearer to what it was on the Continent.
The Earl of CARNARVON said, that this ques:ion
ought not to be, and could not be, separated trom that
of the Corn Laws,lsecause, if it were, the country would
be left in doubt during the whole of the Recess. The
course pursued by his Majesty's Ministers was most
ambiguous. The Noble Eirl opposite -had but a few
days since informed the House that during the present
Session of Pat liament the Corn Laws would not be
agitated. He (Lord Cat narvon) was surprised to hear
the Noble Esri making use of such a subterfuge as to
say this measure did not come under that head. What
had occurred to alter his determination, when, at the
present moment, the markets were as much depressed
as they could be ? If the motion wee the recent short-
lived riots, the mute consistent plan would be to do
away with the Corn Laws altogether, or to pass an Act
for suspending the use of power looms until next Session
of Pat liament. He could never give his assent to such
a measure as that contemplated by the Noble Earl
(Liverpool), because, if a discretionary power of admit-
ting, doting the whole of the Recess, 4 quantity of corn
into the country, were given to Ministers, there would be a con-
stant fluctuation in the markets, and a total destruction of con-
fidence, for the farmer would not know when to take, nor the
landlord when to let bis lauds. He would not therefore give his
vote for disturbing the present system of the Corn Laws in any
way, without a Cull and fair inquiry.
Viscount DUDLEY and WARD observed, it ap-
peared to him that the object of the motion of the Noble
Earl (Malmesbury) was to prevent any interference
with the Corn Laws during the present Session of Par-
liamEnt. But such an arrangement, considering the
state in which the country was placed, might have a
very iojurious tendency ; and if corn were not to be
admitted into the ports to a starving people, the most
disastrous effects might follow. He believed that time
might be lost ; and that if time were lost, many thou-
sands would fall victims to a fatal policy. He was an
enemy to the Corn Laws, but he was not desirous that
they should be swept away hastily : he believed that if
such a course were pursued, the public mind would not
be sufficiently tranquil to allow that to be done which
was necessary to the safety of the agricultural interest. He world
therefore give his vote against the motion of the Noble EuL

The Earl of MANSFIELD contended that the price
of corn did not in the least cause the present distress
that prevailed in the manufacturing districts. and that
no suck measure as that contemplated by the Noble Earl (Liver-
pool) was at all necessary.

The Earl of LIVERPOOL denied that any change
had taken place in his general opinions upon the subject
before the House ; but it was necessary to recollect
what was the real nature of the subject which they were
discussing. The question before the House was not
like a constitutional question—not a question which
was built upon formal enactments, or which depended
upon freed and permanent principles; but it was in its
very nature, that of necessity it must be varying from
time to time ; that the decision which suited in 1816
would not be applicable to 1822, and that the regula-
tion of 1822 might require further consideration in
1826; but that the system generally must keep adopt-
ing itself to the changed, or changing circumstances of
the country. For, suppose that in the year 1816► the_
price up to which corn should be protected, had been
fixed at 80s.; if, since that year, 27.000,0001. of taxes
had been taken off—if half the assessed taxes, the salt
tax, the agricultural horse tax, and a variety of other
taxes press'ng particularly upon the landed interest,
had been taken off, who would say that a price of 60s.
or 655. at the present moment was not absolutely equal
to a price of 80s. in the year 1816 ? • And if this were
so, where was the absurdity but on the part of those
who contended that to periods so widely different,
as to circumstances, the same rule ought to apply?

Upon the subject of the Corn Laws he no doubt had his
opinions; but they had nothing to do with the present
measure, escept that—like the arrangement for admit-
ting the bonded corn in the last year—he thought that
those who were the most attached to them ought to be
the first to support it. No doubt, early in the present
Session, and several times during the progress of it, he
had said—and said honestly and sincerely—that, for

reasons with which it was not now necessary to detain
the House, during the present Session it was not the
intention of Ministers to bring on any discussion of the
Corn Laws; and he entertained that opinion as strong
now as then, and it was chiefly on that account that he
objected to the motion of the Noble Lord, because if it
should be carried it would be absolutely necessary to
go into the question of the Corn Laws: he wished the
measures which were now in contemplation for the re- '
lief of the distress to stand upon their own merits; and
he desired their Lordships, before they adopted a course
which would at once place a total bar to any investiga-
tion into the policy of them, to see how they would be
sent up from the Commons, and then they might dispose
of them as tkey appeared to deserve. But it had been
said, why has this change of opinion taken place within
these few weeks, or rather few days, in the minds of
the Ministry ? He replied, that no change of opinion
had taken place—certainly, a sudden and unforeseen
event had rendered a temporary measure necessary.—
He must admit that the distress in the manufacturing
districts bad increased until it had arrived at a height
which had scarcely ever been experienced in this country
before ; it was not merely in Lancashire alone that this
scene of misery was exhibited, ut .Deibysliiie, War-
wickshire, and, in short, all the manufacturing counties
participated in the distress. The poor sufferers had,
with few exceptions, conducted themselves in a most
exemplary manner on this trying occasion, and sub-'
mitted peaceably to the laws of their country ; the dis-
tress had certainly increased much beyond the expec-
tations of Government, and even beyond that of the.
manufacturers themselves; for when the deputations
from the country applied for assistance from Govern-
ment in the beginning of the year, they gave as their
opinion, that if they could get over two or three months,
everything would go on well—that trade would revive,
and the distress be completely at an end. When a
season of calamity unexpectedly came upon us, it was a
question very often asked—" Why did not you do yes-
terday what you propose to do to-day r Indeed, it
was a matter of no little difficulty to know precisely
how to act on such occasi.ms. But to revert to the pre-
sent case—the distress at last arrived at such a height,

And assumed such a v ry ser'ous appearance, that it'
became at last imperatively incumbent on the Govern.
ment to see if some specific re medy could n t be-
devised for its alleviation, or at any rate if sr ma.
thing could not be done to prevent its spre dies
wider., He particularly wished that he should nor
be misunderstood, or that it should be supposed
that he thought the high pike of corn• was the
origin, or had anything to do with the present dis-
tress; he had never said, 'or` even imagined, that such
wasthe case: he considered that the pie cut calamities
had arisen from overttading, and an abuse of the pros-
perity which the country had lately enjoyed. But at
the same time it would be equally absurd to say that
the high price of provisions was no addition to the evil ;
he, therefore, wished their Lordships to examine into
the grounds which called for the adoption of the present
measures. Every one who had at a 1 examined into.
this matter must have ascertained that this countif
grew scarcely suffi.ient corn for its own consumption..
If such, then, were the case, what would be likely to be
the effect on the country if there should happen to Le an
' unfavourable harvest? He wished this to be considered
quite as much with a view t ► the agricultural interests.
as to the manufacturing, or to the interests of any other
class of the community; There were two periods at
which great injury might be sustained by the corm—.
one when the wheat was in the Rawer, another when it
was neatly ripe. We were not without z sad experience
on this subject. If the accounts of the various harvests
for a period of thirty-two years, commencing in the
year 1791, and ending in that of 1822, were to be ex-
*mined into, it would be found that there had been
eleven very defective harvests. There was no trusting
to first apprarances or fair prospects in this matter : a
single week, nay, a single day, might blast the la'rest
hopes, and turn an apparent abundance into a mo.t
terrible scarcity : he himself perfectly well recollected
lan instance of this. In June, 1816, there was every
prospect of a most abundant harvest, when one single
day entirely destroyed this prospect, and caused an ex,
cessive scarcity: indeed, so much so that the price of
corn rose from 535. to 100 s. and 110 s. per quarter.
Their Lordships would readily conceive what a dis-
astrous effect such a circumstance and such a flac na-
tion in prices must have caused in the country ; but if
such a calamity were to occur now, in the existing
state of the country, what terrible consequences might
be apprehended? In the first place the poi is could
not open until the 17th of August, and even then,
if the averages should happen to be against you, you
would have to wait three months longer, until
the 14th of November. This was the case in 1816.
If this scarcity should come in times of pimp, rity• it
might be tolerated ; but when great distress prevailed
amongst the manufacturing population, the case was
widely different. Would, then, their Lordships, with
the present state of the country before their eyes, refuse
this power to Government ? Whatever might be their
opinion as to the propriety of granting it for another
year, except as to the general defects of the system, he
trusted they would see the necessity of conceding it at
present. He felt persuaded that their Lordships could
not think it right that no provision should be mad 'T
Parliament to enable Government to interfere, is it
should so happen that corn should, as it bad done at a
former period, rise to 100 s. or 110 s. per quarter. His
Noble Friend had said, where is the proof c I the necessity
for this measure? He had already stated his case, and
he thought he had sufficiently made out the necessity;
he would leave it to their Lordships whether they were
willing to run the risk, and place the country in the
situation in which it would be placed if a bad fieriest
should occur,and Ministers should not have the power to
remedy the evils which would be occasioned thereby. It
had been urged against this measure, that the poor ma-
nufacturers were in want of work, not in want of bread.
He was ready to admit, and with sorrow he said it, that
many of them were without work, but still many more
who had work were obliged to work at the lowest pos-
sible wages. Several, who a short time ago could make
from 18s. to 20s. per week, were now reduced to Irk
at from 7s. to 6s. or even ss. per week. WAS it no con-
sideration to persons in this unhappy situation whether
they paid a little snore or a little less for the qtiartern
loaf ? But it had been said, that this was calculated to
injure the agricultural interests. If corn were to rise to
100 e. or 110 s. as it did in 1816, he was convinced that
the Noble Marquis would be the last man in the Coun-
try who would object to the importation of foreign eons
to alleviate the distress, or rather the rarvation, ,which
would be occasioned by such a rise. Government did
not propose, at all events, to exercise the poWer which
they asked to have intrusted to them, they only.desired
to be prepared to use it, if adverse circumstance.. should
render the exercise of it necessary to preserve the coun-
try from famine. He did not wish Government to be
intrusted with this power on the ground of any peculiar
confidence being placed in them. It was a power which,
in his opinion, under existing circumstances, ought to
have been intrusted to any Miniary. It was theinterest
of Government not to- abuse this power, and he wished
their Lordships to rely upon that mote.t► an upon any
confidence they might place in . them. It was
not the intention of Ministers to exercise this
power except upon the utmost emergency, and fur
the purpose of saving their fellow-subjects from famine.
It bad been objected that Government were willing to
sacrifice the agricultural interests, in their negotiations
with foreign countries, for the purpose of advancing
their plan of a free trade. Now, in ord.r that their
Lordships might judge as to how far this imputation
was correct, be would state to their Lordships what
answer had been returned to Prussia, which had endea-
voured to obtain favourable terms for the admission ,of
its corn, upon condition of taking our manufactures in
return, and which answer was in substance as follows:
That the British Government could never entertain a
proposition for any alteration in the Corn Laws of this
country which did not originate in the British domi-
nions themselves. This answer was re.urn*d in the
month of Fobtuary last, aid he thought it would pretty
clearly evince the sentiments and feel ngs Of Ministers
on this subject, who, in doing away with that system,
of prohibition which they ceitainly did wish to get rid
of as far as it was possible, had refused even to make
this a matter of negotiation. This, be thought, suffi-
ciently proved that Ministers were no enemies to the
agricultural interests; they wished to look at the goes-
Lion, taking the agricultural as well as all the other
great interests of the country into consideration ; and
they wished that a just and equitable arrangement should be coals
to between aU parties, which should be settles' and final, as far as
circumstances would admit of its being so. Sat be must again ob-
serve, that these measures hat nothing to do with the Corn Laws;
they were special provisions to meet special Circumstance, and they
wiauld nut be had recourse to unless the safety of the castarrY should
require it.
The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, that in rising
to give his vote in favour of the motion of the Noble