Star.
London, England, 1829-03-19 00:00:00

oven roviltst. not tempted) the equal and dieing pro.
minion 01 the laws? Such mit the Imosestionahle in-
timate glom the passhges which ha had read. Bit, for
the purpose of removing all doubt upon.the subject, a
•glause bad been introduced at the conclusion of the De-
' tivraciras of Bights, which expressly acknowledge that
the geoeial object of the great political arrangement
• theneffected was that which he had stated, namely, to
swirls to all the loyal and peaceable people of this realm
'the complete enjoyment of their lives, liberties, and
ies. If. the views of King William at the Rem
orlon were those which were attributed to him on the'
- present occasion, then his arrival in this country, in.'
'steal of being accounted a blessing, ought to be cursed'
by the people as the greatest misfortune which had ever,
befallen them. But King had not come to this
toubtry with religions tracts hi one hand, and an ester-
urinating sword in the-other.—Here the Noble Lord,
atter a pause,took a view of (Imitate of Ireland, and
enumerated at some length the features by which the
tondition of that country had been for some time din.
tingui:hed. He then proceeded to ask upon what
• rounds the Parliament was called tipm to endure this
dangerous condition of society in Ireland? It was be-
t tube the Roman Catholics were said to entertain cer•
tali religious-opinions which were inconsistent with the
allegince which they owed to the Sovereign of this
country. It was said that in those circumstances, if a
few Roman Catholic Members should be introduced into
that House, however deeply the Constitution of this
country was rooted in the attachments of the people,
that yet, if SO or 40 Members of the Roman Catholic
persuasion should be introduced into that House, they
would be able to overthrow the solid fabric of Ve Con-
stitutioa. But how this was to be done bad not been
explained. It bad, indeed, been said, that when party
ranhigh, and divisions ran close, the Raman Catholic
• Members may be won over by the Minister of the day
to assist him in effecting some purpose injurious to the
general interests of the State. But the changes which
this_ argument supposed as capable of being effected by
eh Oman Catholic Members of Parliament must be
effected by the whole Legislature united. The argument
supposed that the Government which was compelled to
purchase in so dishonest a manner the support of the
Catholic Members was in a condition of eats eme feeble.
ness, and tottering on the verge t f destruction. But
the changes to be effected by this combination must, in
the first place, have received the recommendation of a
Protestant Cabinet and the sanction of a Protestant
King. And the supposition of such a state of affairs
as lie had described, and of such a coalition between
the Ministry aid the Cabinet, must be to increase ten.
fold the strength of their opponents in the Parliament
and in the couwey, and to strip the Ministers them-
selves of the office which they had so disgracefully
abused. The Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir E. Knatchbull)
said that he did not quarrel with the Roman Catholics
for their conduct, but for the religious tenets which they
held. He (Lord Palmerston) believed that the tenets to
which the Hon. Baronet alluded could not be any other
than those principles which were likely to end in prac-
tice, and to influence the conduct of those by whom they
were entertained. But those obnoxious principles the
Roman Catholics denied, and, it they even did enter
tali them, yet 'he ibsisted that even that part did not
support the' conclusion which had been founded upon
it. The argument alight be admissible it the question
were, whether Ave or six millions of Boman Catho.
lies should sow be introduced into Ireland? But
there they Were, and the question was now, what was,
us be dole with them ? The question was, whether they
were to be estranged from us by a system of insulting
and oppressiveltgislation, or to be cemented into
,fral friends and Joy al subjects, be extending to them the
same privileges, and giving them the same interest in
the prosperity of the Constitution which was enjoyed by
all other classes of their fellow-subjects? lie • as de-
cidedly of opinion, that the fact LI these imputed doc-
trines being tate, taiued by the Roman Catholics in their
prawn state of stealth, numbers, and education, only
fist atthed alp edditional argument in favour of cowssion.
But whit Piet e liltse objectionable tenets about which so
much bad been said? The only one which bad any
practical connection with the subject was, that of di-
vided allegiance—that in the event of a collision of in-
terests between this country and a foreign power, the
Roman Catholics would be induced to prefer the in-
terests of the former. This imputation the Roman Ca-
tholics expressly denied. Let any, even the most jealous,
Protestant frame an oath in abjuration of this obnoxious
and imputed tenet of divided allegiance, and every Ca-,
thotic in the kingdom was ready to take such an oath.
lt it should be said that oaths are but words, and words,
but breath, he would then turn to the army and navy;
and appeal from Catholic words to Catholic 'action
—to the achiev.-ments which persons of that per-
suasion had •perforreed in defence of their King. and
the institutions of this country. But, supposing OR di-
-sided allegiance actually to exist, iu wh..t situation. hasi
it the most favourable oppottunites of operating most
securely and effectually ? He would answer, in stations
f milieu y and naval cern/nand. Yet in such situations
Roman Catholics were admitted to power and influence
•of the most important kind, and the law wide' which
they were so admitted was not an ancient statute of
Charles and %Valiant, but' one enacted under the sanc-
tion of these very. nten by whom this uuwurtby and
unf, %bided imi utation of divided allegiance was now
thrown upon the Catholics. Was it reasonable tar
prudent to commit to the Roman Catholic the milli,*
.guardian.hip of the fortiesser and strongholds of power.
ohilst he was made he obi. ct of distrust aodexclusioo,
Veil Mil rounifed and observe-d by our uwu troops? In
' situations of perilous tiptoe'. t, arid which sae piegnant
with the mr s• important consequences to the elfare of
111• cou-try, where the natural workings of the human
he, rt v cold, if any where, bring a printiple of divide,/
allegiance sir to active operation, whet.: there ea-. the
gre_test chan:e of concealment. and where the sanhest
claw re of treachery might. be destructive to the very
est•tence of tine empire—ru such a situation the Roman
Catholic Commanders were, without hesitation, in-
trusted with power, whilst in that House and the
other House of Parliament—where their conduct
would be' perpetually Q. fil to the olvetitati4ll of ale
MI. try—Name their acts had swam WIZ every
aseranig seat upon the wins of the wind into every
v. met of she 114.pire, and of the civilized world—that
was the situation to which the opponents of concession
Vaa.hiesl IP Uslipit Lb. llenan. Catbabct. it pad been
ite late nisch the fashisa to.saver at the wisdom of our
ancestoss. But in this matter our aucestots had brew
V gch wiser than the present generation. Ole go-
Semis had hared and !erred the Croboli4s, mot bask
soa,e season to do so. The present 110.1111 es of amino
eipatien hated and feared the Roman Catholics *One
any reason at all. Our enamors wanted to eAlirPtite
the gnaw Cruholica. and they tit ip pod soma
r•out 11; -swi the laws of flatus* Miami shit
the effect could have teen prorfrateets Hue cow" which
64 been edeptitil .would haw prothape4 it. They fug
did Not asks it lawful to pot a Raman Caleb( 111
detta slimmer he should be toansl—'hey coratikreft
eta as a wildbeaat—steriatins him as such shay had al-

tempted to bunt him back from society into his native
wilderness. The Protestants of the present tituomplakby
abhorred the Catholic, and equally regarded bim as a
wild beast; but instead of hunting him back to. the
forest, they bactallowed him to prowl about the streets .
of their cities and the walks of their gardens. and .
fancied that they were sufficiently protected against the
dangers of such a state by no other defence than the
portals of the temple of jostiae. If the Itoatan Catho-
lics were such as they had been sepresented, the Pro-
testants had already gob. too far—if the Roman Catho-
lics did not merit the imputations cast upon them, then
we had not gone far enough. It was vain to discuss
whether we should confer political power upon the
iman Catholics? this had been already done. We had
Towed their numbers, wealth, and intelligence to in-
crease. These were the elements of power, and whether
in the despotisms of the east or in the republics of the
west, would always furnish the means of influencing
public opinion, and even of controulling the measures
and cou:icils of the Sovereign. These elements of power
we.had ourselves given to the Catholics. Wealth we
bad allowed them to acquire,intelligence we had forced
upon them ; and whilst they were growing 'more nu-
merous, more wealthy, and more intelligent, we were
debating about admitting them to the possession of po-
litical power—of power which they already possessed.
Those toes who have an almost absolute command
on the passions, feeling., and prejudices of severs
I millions of men, oho carry in the folds of their gar-
repent the dreadful alternative of domestic way or
ppeace—if these men have not the possession of political
proer, then there was no meaning iii, liPids, nor any
power in things. He called upon the House to strip
these leader: of that poster which cannot be exercised
for nods anal, might be employed for evil. He called
upon them to turn the materials of weakness into the
elements of, strength, and the causes if discord into the
sources of harmony. By returns laid before Parliament
in 1821, it had appeared that the poi Wation of Great
Britain in that year was 14,000,000, and of Ireland in
the same.year 7,900;000. To the public burthens of the
gate. Great Britain in that year contributed 50 000,0004
What was the proportion of than sum which Ireland had
furnished ?„. 25,000,0001. her proportionate share? No
such thing. She had not in that year contributed
5,000,0004 sterling. What could be the cause of •so
extraordinary a disproportion? The soil of Ireland teas
proverbially fertile, and 'he appealed to the most hard-
hearted feeling of England as to the proofs which were
here every day afforded i f the laborious disposition of
the Irish peasantry, It had been said that the want of
capital was one of the causes of the distresses of Ireland.
Ant did not tire very want of capital. itl Ireland prove
that that country ghost have been grievously misg.).
cs
,verned ?• Zngliolt capital ore, flawed in every direction
but one. There was no speculation however bold in which
an English capitalist would not be ready to embark.
—lt had climbed the heights of the Andes, and reached
even to our antipodes. Beyond the bounds of the United
Empire thete was no adventure so hopeless as to dis-
courage, the enterprising spirit of the British mer-
chantc. But around Ireland the wand of the enchauter
had drawn a forbidding circle which British capital was
not allowed to enter. He called upon the House now to
break the spell, and allow the country:to be encircled
with the fertilising streams which were ready to flow in
upon it when they et old do so with security. If he
wished to convince the gentlemen of this country of the
evils which applied to Ireland, fie would a-k them to go
there and.zonvesse with the Roman Catholic people of
that country, and to observe how impossible it was' to
enslave a pe.iple without demoralizing theta. If this
experience should not be sufficient, lie would re-
commend Ahem to go .to the Protestants of the
north, and there to observe how the nob:est motives
were corrupted by the possession of unjust and ills:
gitimate power. They would there find that, not
satisfied with the disputes of the day,. they raked the
ashes of hi•tory fur food to support their malignant
passions, and inv...ked the ghosts of departed centuries
to infuse an additional horror into their political con-
tendons. It had been said that the present system ought
to be persevered in for the preservation of the Consti-
tution of 1688; but what deeper wound cou:d that
Constitution receive than that which was inflicted on it
by the present system? Did the Constitution of 1688
consist in governing per force? His Right Honourable
Friend the Secretary for the Home Department had
stated en a former evertiog that five sirhs of the whole
military force of the couittry was employ..d in keeping
'Leland in tranquillity and submission. Was that ibe
Coostitution of 1688? Was it fur the purpose of esta7,
bushing a military Government that bur brave ances.
Arm had expelled the S;uar,sfrom the throne? Tnis was
... " Propter vitam vivendi prrdere camas."
The Honourable Member fee Newark had recommended, as a cure
for the evils of Ireland, that the absentees should be taxed; that
Christian education should be communicated to the people ; and he
had also recommended the Poor Laws and a civil war. Rut it
trasisraillity were restored to Ireland the absentees would soon find
their way back again. l'lre remedy for absenteeism WAN the removal
of the disabilities of the human Catholics. WWI rev rd to educe.'
lion, if the object were to keep ibe 151.6 in their present condition,
it would be better not to educate Them at all—tor the more en.
lightened they became the more would they be dissatisfied with
the condition in which they were placed. The Poor Laws would pro .
bably increase the ill qualities and nsisforrunts to which the Irish
were said to be peculiarly liable. A system of Poor Laws would
increase their numbers, thelr improvidence, their want of sin.
rasped an of economy. The Honourable Member bad also
recommended that the same harsh measures which bad been at
tended with success against the demagogues of England, should be
misur
nfairce is Inlaid, and that blood should be shed. But the
able; Member would have found in the History of Ireland
time bleed had beesaked, but that the success of that remedy bad
bog! Gulp momentary, and leaving untouched the causes of the
oeLlasitleo of time country, bad only afforded a temporary allevia-
tion advionse 'of la effects, allowing to rankle more deeply the
palmed arrow which bad been infixed in the heart of that de-
emed country. Ir was well, Indeed, fur Hon. Gentlemen to speak
contemprooos4 of danger who lived secure under the protecting
Mildew el also law—whose slumbers were never broken, nor their
tears awakened by coutention and civil strife. Well might they
talk of the groondisamusw of our apprehensions!
But to Pave They *sae scars who never felt a wound."
Marco.' as we bad—to have seen as some Honourable
Members of that Home bad done—tbe mischefs, the horrors, to
wheels deli war' gives rise, and to heir Honourable Gentlemen
wise had known by sad experience the barbarities it engenders
described as any thing but at the last of calamities, was to him
matter of utonipbasserw. If the country was, on the point of in-
Girth% dam eg fllitilltr to UM which proceeded from an -over-
charged thimeaff cloud, we should not, by neglecting the necessary
though etudimpeocaation, tarn it in suicidal fray on (surmises.He
would, for the sake.of aegnorent, grant that the success of such a
Lefral
war would be as sad complete as would be its injustice.—
That gallealtel seen cease with the existence of those who
Oared k-41beg balms ed Basked would Boat over the sinok-
*treble.' itabied's titles, towns, and hamlets, and over the sea-
led. Of !Mr &Mat bask !Nits sue that Ragland would never MIN
=Mb a
to Enennd woad recoil from the bare mates.
et each a horrible. stir* a devilish triumph. Events were
premix. wpio as with a force sad a rapidity which no human arm
midi/ Aar. Wlsilp usewertspeaking about securities the danger was
Wreath oar fcet—the *air of ceavublau was approaching—is.
dead barld-40sers bear). fie trusted he should not be told that
this was the Wimp et latiasidallea—ha trusted be.sbould not be
moped id awakes to the fears, and not to the wisdom and justice
or that blame add the country. He disclaimed such intention;
hue abets wee a grebe of fear of which no din aboultbe ashamed.
The leer to with be appealed was ism the apprehension of danger
Name sebick lea shield saccemb; it was of a digerati species,
and was Iseastigaill described eseribed by Burke as being the metier of
came, ens debberadoa, which, at ether
ImpeNde, might save ea k heen ride i sad that
iegaTZgilgi

erhuirOuld not listen tonna erlinksime fear sitoubi go break his
-whist windmills, and the Court in Cheate.sy almuldrestrain
from meddling with pub* affairs. • •
Laird MILTON said he fled listelie I with much at.
widen to the speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down.
be must say it did him infinite honour, and he (laird Milton)
to beg pardon for attempting to gimpy their time after so
eloquent an appeal ; but he bad been anxious to speak afisr the
Hew Member for Cork Castle (Mr. Banker), btcause hr thought,
him that Lamed Member's great legal knowledge, if there had
bran say onntrary to the spirit of the Constitution in grant-
be would have brought It forward; but he bad
bees He knew it was extremely irksome to talk of
die' of 1680, and he did so only to remark that the
laws sow sought to be repealed were not passed in that year, but
In* year 1678. The Hon. Member for Newark seemed to think
Ilmtish Constitution one of exclusion; he (Lord Milton) thought
'demise; but if he was wrong, and If there was any great objec-
don against admitting Catholics into Parliament, he should hear
'k stated by a high legal authority on the opposite side of the House.
For flue own part he looked upon it as a measure of expediency—
and that was political wisdom. founded in justice. He would not
detain the House with any further observations.
The ATTORN,EY GENERAL rose amid the loudest
cheering ever heard within the House, and stood for
some minutes before he could attempt to proceed. When
the cheering had in some degree subsided, the lion. and
[wattled Gentleman "dikes eJ the House, evidently ,
labouring under deep emotion, which, added to the
continuance of the cheers, rendend his first words nearly
i.raudible. Silence being at length moored, the Hon.
and Learned Member proceeded to the iollowiug effect :
I rise, Sir, to address the House undet 'circumstances of
considerable difficulty, and A, ith a full -ad perfect sense
of the importance of the measure under discussion. - I
have followed lithely:, 'and I can pioduce testimonial.
of it, a fair and independent coui ie. When I thought
I could retain office.% ith hop ur I did set tin it—when
I could uot retain it u ith lint.our, I relinquished
it. Differing on .this Object as I do fro n ma iy Him.
,Members out thisritele f the H.,u e, I entertain lot many
of them, as they well know, a lumen.: of the most
heartfelt -respect and affection; but called upon as_ I
have been, as Attorney Geker.l of a Piotestant Go-
vernment, to state my ser.tinients, I must throw myself
upon the candour. the Avelino, lhe.geneinsi y of tl.e
House—and all these qualities belong to the Hots e of
Commons—while I perform the duty I rose to my coun-
try—the duty e hich, iii .some degree, I noes c its myself
the duty I owe to. the British Parlietneta— sad to that
Sovereign of whom I artinormirally,but nut practically,
the servant (Cheers). I feel myself eatholJened by this
expression of sentiment, unless, tilde. d, I cave heat d anal
interpret it wrongly. I feel convinced I shell be indulged
with a hearing as a Commoner of the realm, as Member
for Ptympton, unconne.ted with the trcsilliClion of my
official situation, and as an indekendent Member of
Pailiamentosbote public c' .ratter and personal lode-
penaence entitle me, as •ell as any Hon. Member of
this House, to deliver my undistembled sentimeots.—
Feeling that it would become tiecessai y for me in the
discharge of my duty to express o.y seotiments upon
this great question, I determined to acquire the utmost
possible knowledge of it, and I will ermine to :4y that
no Honourable Gentleman within the walls of this
House has ever applied himself to the study of the
subject in at its bearings with greater assiduity lit least,
and certainty cot-with more of liberality, than myself,
to see how far, consistently with security to the
Monarch, the Church, and the 'amities of Great Britain,
the Catholics could be admitted to the full enjoyment
of the Constitution. In saying this I claim to myself
not the merit of discei ninety, but of assiduity in inves-
tigating this question. Hawing done this, I m.y be pew.
mined to state that no pain which I, as an in di v.clual. ever
endured cculd be compared with that which I suffered
when, oi.ly seven days before the opening of the
sent Session of Parliament, I is as intimated that the
question. commonly called the Cabolic questions was
to be recommended to Pat lia meet by his Majesty's Gis-
vernitier.t This cheer i id .ces rue here to
state, that if a iy tx,iression snail, in Cie cots. se of my
address to the House, fall from nay tips capable of
being attributed to ill.nat.ire or apetity. I trust to the
candour arid t e lib..r ality of the House in Commons to`
suppose a u-isaid—iodiciartnpula. I abjiiie it. Let me not
be suppo.ed to speak under teelings II n alto e or as-
pe: it ; but, waising such mo:tees and such sets intents,
let me be sledest as au humble individu:sl who has never
in this House resumed to offei his opinion with any other
assumption of import ince, or i .11 .eneeti by any Wu,
f chug than tho e belonging to a B itish Gentleman. To'
resume—l repeat that Inner endured pain comparable'
with thrt which I felt at the c.immunicathin I have
mentioned—when I f..und that at a isoi.Ce of seven days
uniy, that cause which had !iron hitherto so ably, so
nisbly, and so successfully defended by My Iti;,ht Hon.
A Friend near me (alt. Secretary P. el). was to be utterly
abandoned—left without a lender—mid cast Corti' with-
. te any regard to the mescy of the seinsfs and waves.
k•itbW that Hon. Manlier s opposite—much as I 'May
stiffer from then WI this or other subjects. will not per.
mit themselves for a asonstitt t.i suppo a rib =t I have mu.
tertained the lila of Outing myself to ward as the
leader of the party thus abendiinel 1 am convinced
they will believe t eat I co 1.0 lot ward from necessitr
alone. I feel competent, nay, that I am bound, as an
independent Meartier of Path iment, to take this step.
I lament the necessity flit it.
.I p to.fully fdi that ne-
- cessny, and sincerely confess my concern in the presence
of that leader, which the Piutestant patty has now no
longer at its head. A very cetehratedlistolian (Mr.
' Hain )•has told us that a man cannot, without the im-
, puzation of vanity; say more than a words rat him-
self. I have said a good many already, and shall
therefore say a few words more. I know nut whether,
in point of courtesy, I' ought to press myself mote upon
ihe attention of the House; but the situation in which
I stand will, I trust,. operttesas my excuse for further
pt.:seeding on matters partly pet toad' to myself. I
know oot whether., as Memoir for Plympton, I should
be allowed to addicts the (louse; but I have done so
as the King's Attorney General, and King's Attorney
General I will remain. I du not in the least doubt
+h at those Honourable Gentlemen who have been guilty
of the incivility of interrupting me in the first part of my
sentence, without waiting for the conclusion, would be
glad were my determination otherwise, and I will state
why; theNobleLord who has just sat down is,as the House
knows, Member for the University of Cambridge, and
has always proved himself .an able, diluent, learned,
and consistent Member ft.r that University. He has
uniformly supported this question, and is therefore
what is termed a liberal Member. I am old that I
am the obstacle which prevents the University of Cams
bridge from having another Representative on that side
laugh). Now. I have never held office on terms
which 1 should blush to acknowledge. I was the
tool of no Government in the acquirement of office.
I am the tool of-no Government in the retention of
it—(Cheers). And if the advocates of this question of
Catholic emancipation think, that by going to Cam.
bridge they would obtain an scquisition to their cause
in the person, of an additional Member, and by the ex-
pression of opinion by that University, I take the liberty,
' as anindividual Member of this House, to say, that for
the lest three weeks I have.been the occasion of no ob-
stacle of that.nature. I.shall trespass in this way os
theauention of the House but for a few MOMRItio lomat,

while I advert to the distinction between the Attorney
lihmeral and the Member for P., minitio• 1 Jechite.!
thaw the Hill which is owe en thl table of the I lutts4
Lai Commons—raider I order ft—because, locking tit
the oath I took as Attorney Genet al, I thoultt that
se dressing up the Bill I would he Abe. dotting my
deity to the Country and to my King, and itiawii.g •
op the death-warrant of the E-tab:tshed Cloe:L—
I repeat, that when l addie,ted my Mind t. Oar que,-
tion I became convinced wee Ito complyivou e
request made to (Heil should be &a- iiig up the eeath•
watt ant of the Protestant Church, a, coioi hotly as Noy
slid when he advised the levy of shipuntni t. or a. Lord
Chancelior Jeffeties did when he drew ep ti,e commit-
tat of the seven Pr. tes ant Bishops to the Tower. I
may be told that 1 placed myself in a situation of con.
siderable difficulty, and I admit it, but I have cone so
with sentiments which have al •ays influen:ed me.
Having toraterly declined office from a sense of ctni•
acieatious obligation—l retain office tinder the same
feeiing. 1 have a tight, theiefore, in the sittiati.in in
which I staud, at an independent Mein set of l'sris-
ment, to stand in the m;slJle of this House, and coons
to ory:elf at Last exemption ham censure of e the; sine
of it. Alter what I base stated, 1 shall not trouble
the House with a singli ohieivation mote respec.ing
myself, but I trust shall be' permitted to stale,
and I shish do so at no great length, the vest us
why, in my own jusigmera, I could not con en: to
_ _
thaw that Bill. Tye Noble Loid who has jt.st sat
down celled upon me. not by name, ;t is true, but
by implication, as Attorney Geneials to come for staid
and maintain the proposition that the exclu iaa of
Roman Catholics was a principle of the Rev..l.oiol.
If ti.e House will permit me, I shall atteinit to an-
swer the Noble Lo. d s ch.l rage; in doing which it
will be necessai y tor me to icier• to some documents I
have by me, for which also I entreat the per mission
the House. Honourable Gerrileman eertecey well know
(tri.d I hope the argument will not degenerate to a legal
quibble). that because the Bid of Rights does not trate
me statute of Elizabeth, which doects that the 0 :h
of Supremacy thoil be taken ; nor ilie Act of Cloolvrr
which plebe:lnes re auk of Al joratioe ; that because,
I say, these two statutes ate hot recitess in tl:e Bill of
Rights, it is contended that they are notl Sally turd
constiuti: natty recited, and were thereby repealed. This
conclusion I deny. It is true that the 11.1 i of Ity,lits
does not lecoguise the existence of these two enac:inetitr,
and that it does not provide that they should thereafter
continue in force ; but I maintain tnat all those tests
which existed before the Revolu ion were roestaolished,
'waived, and re confirmed by the Mil of Rights.—
It was made a condition betwe n King Wiliam and
the people of this country before he set a foot tti;on
liiitish soil. These illustiiins prisons, the inte and
Pinar:* of flange, were called un- betide the o_oin-
try psoteeded to the extremity of expelling Jso es the
Second from the Throne, to declare wireosei vie) avoid
not consent to become negotiators for effectii g a
settlement, or, to use the modern phrase, the amicable
settlement of what may be called the Catholic ques-
tion, withaut adopting the extreme measure of the ex,-
pulsion of King James? Now, Sir (ad.Jessing the
Speaker), it is very well known that you me supp ied
with a very good library, white lion. Nlembers. may
consult the best historical authorities; of the choicest
works on the History of England, and araong, them
all? wen k. of !lapin. But I mu.* say that Win Mem-
bers on the outer side of the q.sestiroi seem t•, rile to be
very shy of consulting those autholltieti, atm6l piittlCU-
-I.irly the pistol y of the magi) of ‘Vilii.ins and Mar )
The malaria that has diffused i:s p. stite.uo. ii.R.tente
over the House of Commons—the Rom
(Laugh7eit—appears not only to have aireited
went and the principles of the converted tiehtletoeu,
but to !t eve super induced upon them a devAir .on of
mem try Now, haviiig consulted those historical an.
.rities, I will take the liberty of min ndiog the. H.
Member of a few facts that hive quite escaped tlore
♦ ry convenient 1111:111 Ty. Sir, kiln these dO,:tons tits k
ant enabled-to .ta.e, that before the country a4optiM
the measure of expelling King James for (that erupt to .
i:ivade and subve,t the libei ties of this Pio roam tins-
dom, a negotiation was proporest to the Prioce and,
Princess of Orange with a view to pi event that espy!.
son by negotiation; and the hince and Prit.cest of
Orange came over for the purpose of meting vpoa that
neg: dation, by what Hearne& before an amicable ad.
josunent. ,rowe some apolnAy to the House fur enter-
ing on the law argnMent that I am about so use; but
having keen called upon by the Noble .Member for
Yorkshire as the first law authority its the 1101,,e-1 4.1.
wit that in my official capacity 1 am the first law au.
dimity in the House, bift I can assure the Noble Lord
that in that character I am but a most uncertain, pre•
catkins, and fug•citeis first law authority in the 11 use.
However, Mich as Tram, lam still, though so fugitive,
the first law *titian ite in it; and as such. I hope to be
limited with indulgence by the House while I dtha eon
on argument of law. to which my atteatton !.as been m•
vited ny the N lble Member for Yorkshire. Sr,. the Not:le
Member has challenged me to this argument, :sod most
willing do 1 t the challenge; and, with every de-
ference for the N •ble Lord. I must tell taut lie has laid
rdirwa a principle which is contradtzted by ,he testimo-
nies of history, and controverted by undisputed Its
and uncontradicted declarations. the e te,omoities,
Sir, I have been called upon. and I now rise, to state
and to illustrate. Sir. previonNly to the Hew Atition,
King William was asked his opinion as to the wounds
MI which he would consent to a .modification of the
Constitution, and whether he would not c ono t to a
relasattin of laws protec.itsg the Church, and e penal
Roma„
lac"! uCdaetclb oClaicos,,olilcesa tcblitovotisloe,
claims
affien.tifonrgceth,,e.
h icHouses of Parliament, and born ecclesiastical,
and military employment. N..w, what was Itis High-
ness's answer to that inteirogation? That he could
not consent to repeal the Test Acts cleated to pro-
tect the Church, nor the laws excluding the Ca-
tholics which defended the Constittltiou; and that
the Catholics were not affected by the Test Acts, but
the Pt otestant Dissenters. That document, Sir, shows
that the Prince of a ange made it a coriclitiom of
his consent to the Act of Settlement that the laws ex-
cluding Roman Catholics from power should not be te-
pealed. Thit document I have quoted fairly—l chal-
lenge the Noble Lord to show the contrary. This upi-
nion he (King William) delivered before he set his foot
on the Throne of England, when lie was consulted by
thsse who desired to prevent by megociation the ex-
pulsion of King James how the Throne of these
realms. He (the Prince of Orange) distinctly declared
that he could not allow the repeal of the laws excluding
Roman Catholics from offices of State, and that decle.
ration he mat'e as en initiative and inception of site
great, principle of the Revolution. Now, Sir, I. beg le tee
to ask Honourable and Learned Members whether that
declaration was ever cavilled at at the time it was made,
or when the revolution was being accomplished, or
after the revolution? lam aware that the lion. Mem•
ber for•lnvernesshire, ant, nay Hon. and Learned friend,
the SolicitoinGeneralfor Ireland, and other argomen-
tutors of that scale and order, have asserted the cut-

teary. But I shall costradrct those Honourable-Gen-
tlemen by authorities still higher AND those I have ad-
duced, for though a Noble and latacted Lord (niy Lord
Plunkett), has facetiously declared history to be but an
old almanack, still, supposing it toile an old almanack.
its contents. the principles on whiehit was constructed.
may not grow so old as some Honourable Gentlemen
would, a id) them.
NACINTOSICIId so applicable to the.present cir.
eanpasocwa.„ Answer that.
Sir tr.:4IETIIERELL (in continuation)—Sir, the
N.ble Lordliai asked me one question, .and now the
Hon. and 4easned Member for Knaresborough asks the
another. Nat, Sir, I most tell my Hon. and Learned
Friend' that, not being a Scotchman, I cannot answer
two questions attbnce—(Laughter). Ste,' mean nothing
iovidious against the country of my Honourable and
Learned Friend. I merely meant that I do not possess
that double-facedoess and duplicity of logic which can
reply by identicstranswer to two questions of a different
tendency.He was answering theNobleLordowlursalledoir
him as a great law authority, and he was not. annwetiok
the Hon. Member for Knatesbarough. All the law which
excluded Roman Catholics from Parliament existed
Wore the Revolution, at the Revolution..and-ifter the
Revolution. It was known. that James it decla-
ration giving indulgence tas, liberty of noastience, and
at the enel'of it appeared a. sort of freestade
—iicobin religion. Ifni. 4berty of conscience King
James ordered to be teed Will the churches. The Hon.
Member then read several:documents to prove that nei-
tlier King William nor- the country would consent to
that proposition. and that James at last wished to give
tip his design of ditsutbing the laws which kept Corso.
lie. from Parliament. -King William would not repeal
those laws which' kept s out Roman Catholics, but
conseoted to ms•clify- the aa.lrs . regu'ating Protestant
Dissenters. The Attorney-Grown' having. cleat ly esta-
blished the fact of the exclusion of Roman Catholics
horn Parliarilei.t in 1688,.eg0i0 :Wrested to the Brill:re-
use the House. When called on as Attorney General
fur the King to draw tke•Actert:Patliament,Thwas.ria-
furai that he sh uld look .to..what had ,beetr•done by ;
nit yr Ltw o.Hiers. Ile found that Lord Lyndhurst
1•4.1 deteimined by Isis speech inAhat Hoop, when Sir
J she Coll y,. Solicitor General, that he coulati.otitirow
.inch H without injury to the Church of England.
Ile did not wish to d fier hone the Lord Chancellor,who
by his oath was sworn ti doiustice.but he was not bound
to fol:ow the example of any. man.. In his own situa-
ron as Attorney General, het found he could not dtaw
the Bill • ithnot subverting the Protestant Constitu-
tion. It called upon she King to•falsify bib Coronation
Oath, and on that;ground he should.refuse a hundred
times. if required* tst draw the ate ocioos- Bill. the n lying
on the table of tbe,ll .use. I am sure there rue masks,
Gentlemen in Hitt House who will remember the able
and impressive speech made on this question on* forint r
year, by the then Mattes o the Rolls, Sir John Copley;
that distinguished individual. than whom there oat none
more acute in seasoning, mute splendid in language,
shine powerful in delivery, nor more effective and tor-
cible as a speaker in Parliament—that individual, then
of. the Rolls, but now Lord Chancellor, it a dl
he - svmembeted. thought 4..t0 quarrel with the late Mr.
Casinos on the suliect, whether the settlement of this
qoestion was consistent or tips-.with the constitution of
these gelatin. Ant I then, Sit. t-r be blamed for refusing
Itl4dsniva st.borslinate office, to do that which the
then M %stir of th- it ills-tefosed lotto but two years ago?
A it I to he tatint,si for it. and twi ted fur it, and ar-
ta( iced cm every side fug i ? Sir, 'hose been so attycked,
but 1 case nit on which sides o by whim; whesher
from my rglit or wy left---whether by.the Gentlemen
on t as bench (pointing to the Ppposition), vr by the
Gentlenreu on ills bench (%4U-ins to the Minis:nisi
see) I am ready to meet. to resist.. a 1 such attacks
whence-greyer they contr. I am lastly, lam willing, I
an. easepiti 'cast them. Sir, I base no reason to be
otherwise; I have no real motif% to shrink from the
contest—l hue on sveech w eat—(Cheer Mg, turning
to, the Mihisterial Bcncl4-.-i haulm apost.tcy to es-
cus ----I litre no paltry suLtetfuge to resort to—l have
• b en white one day and black another-1 have not
been a Protestant Master of the Rolls one year, and the
neat a Catholic Lout Chancellor. No, Sir, I would
rather remain-what I am, the humble Member feie
PiTmoton, thin be guilty of such disgtaceful di:Clic-
don itf principleawsuch bate, such miserable, such con-
temptible (looking full in the face of Mr.--Peel) such
contentt tible apOatacy. It I were an apostate from the
?rote tont cause,.ll twined not then afford an oppor;
twisty for the imputlition that I prevent the University
of Combs idge fionssexpressing their opinion on one of
their Here eotatites; I should not then be accused of
standing in the *ay of my Hon. and Learned Friend, the
Member for that University: 'But, Sir, what Hitter said
in reference to- Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst does not
depend on my mete assertion; I have proofs and au
thorities fur Vat, as well as for the law arguments
I have already dispatched-pil have documents which
rill jost•fs my refusal, on the ground that a. slink
her refusal has been made before now by one in a
higher office, and under stranger. citcunsstances.
Ti Attorray General read a los% eatract :of a speech
made upon the Cathrai Q iestian two years since in-that
House. It was strongly °mead to Emancipation, and
the n.easuse, according to STJAnCOpley, would have
.oveituri.ed the Protestant.Es)alslishment in Leland.. It
was impossible, after the speYch • he had read, to call'
him an ill natured man.. .Hora could he (the Attorney
Genes al) be expected todo:thit which the Lotd there
cellar had said would upset the PrOtestant Churcli?—
(Hear). All the measures previously introduced ori this
subject contained some security. This contained stone.
They were now in r e ensplitode of concession. It h.el
beets observed by an Hors. Member in the corpse of this
debite, that the water s were Aiming in upon them. It
appeared to him that the waters *ere Hexing out of
Attn. They might not, perhaps, have. been able to
keep the flood-gates u close as might be desired, but
was it necessary to throw theM completely open? They
now granted mere than ever was asked, or. he believed,
expected. He diJ not owe his situation to the Hight
Hon Secretary (Ms. Peel), and even if he did,he ,shoold
still have opposed him on this measure. His Right
Hon. Fi iend, in 'introducing the measure, said, when
carried they would then be able to meet their antago.
lusts, if e contest should become necessary. on a vast .ge
round, for t:.ey would have with them the sympathies
of foreign nations:,..yhen was England ever aided by
foreign sympathy any any of the great contests in which I
she struggled for,.her existence and her dearest insti
tutioas? Was it..in the American war? How diet
France then sym:pathise with her ?—(Cheers) Was
it in the timg df Tames the Second, when she strug-
gled— for her existence and her religion? was it in
the vebelltons of 1715 or 1745; or at a later period,
when Kettolutinnary principles- were abroad, bow
did the Jarsobio Clubs sympathise with England? Goss
grant that the tears of foreign sympathy may never
have Occasion to be shed over ben, either in her foreign
sir uggle-, or in thearrangement of her domestic affairs.
It a as with the most sincere pain he differed from his

Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Pt. el). MI the former Bills upon
this questios opened with a profession that the object was
to knit together 'the hearts of his Majesty's subjects, and
to anialgansitie Protestants and Catholics. This effect he
never believed any such measure would have. These
were merely the ddicia of speculation. This 8.11, how-
ever. did not mean to speak of concord as the probable
result, for it could not be unknown to those who preptred it that 19
nut of 20 of the people. of England were opposed to it. He recut.
levied that Lord Ellenborotieb, sprain of the preamble of a cer-
tain Act of Parliament, which was not WWI is the body of the
Act, said 01 it— •
.4
a Lille a MU bully. lifts its head and Res:*
This Mi. laniessiter, 41 not lie; for it said nothing of 'concord, like
tamer measures. It should be called rather a measure of discord,
'foils many parti of Ragland there were still Members attached
to the Constitution and to the Protestant Establishment who re-
ceived such a proposition with the deepest discontent. Wash the
lhteinion of his Majesty to recommend in the Speech from tbe,
Thrime i measure which, while it gave content to some, would
displease a far greater number? He should not, for many reasons.
'touch twin the state of Ireland—(Cheers from the Opposition). He
would answer that cheer. The King's Speech recommended that
the whole state of Ireland should, its agriculture, trade, commerce,
the whole state of society, should be taken into consideration. Did
they do so? Na, their attention was directed only to one point, and
Ater Seven days notjce be was called upon to prepare this 1411.--,
Saco days before the Speech from the Throne was delivered, mil
one, he believed, expected such a Big as this. There was not, be
felt confident.' Member in that House wbo did not belivve that the
Protestant tart of the Administration still held together; nor could
they believe such a measurewas in contemplation until they beard the
Speaker read the Speech. 'There was no parallel to it in history—.
Nikil simile nut ascissduiss. The Right Honourable Gentlenim
(Mr. Peel) reminded him of a celebrated leader of whom he was
reading that very morning in one of Shakspeare's amusing Comedies,
Sir Jahn Folder The Right Hen. Gentleman, in alluding to the
divisions on the questiott, said that. 'upon woe occasion there was a
majority of four against it, on another of four he favour of it, and on ,
the last occasion a majority of six. 14,10, says the leader, .• I'd not
march through Coventry with these ragged needs:Vs* hundred and
sixty took their course, and the rest will foliow thairkader. His
Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Peel) told' him not to be seri.
munious. He hoped he was not so. The old Protestant firm
of Peel and Co. was broken up, which consisted of four hundred
constant customers ; it was broken up merely because it was short
of the required number by six. What name it would neat assume
be knew not, whether it would tun Cheerios, Knatcbbull, and
Henke; but under whatever noose, it wee. with them he should
keep his cash. He shouldsow proceed with the Bill itself. It
. was nut yet argued ; and he believed the Noble Lord ( Milton)
would confess that he did mot understand it all, though so deeply
versed in histery. It prescribed an owls to be taken by Catholics,
but. these was no means provided of astertairdeg whether the per-
il:Hi presenting himself at the table was a Roman Catholic of not,

le .that it might be taken by any person.-.(Cluers from the Oppo:
sition). He understood that cheer. He supposed the Honourable
Gentlemen opposite cheered the Decleration of James the Seer, 'I •
for Freedom of Conscience. It was net him (the Attorney tile
neral) they cheered, but the Right Honourable Secretary (Mr.
Peel), and in him Junes ll.—(Hear, hear), They might, 6, hear,
hear;' he said Yes, they cheered James If. By another clause
a Roman Catholic might 611 the °dee of Prime Minister, but
allecclesiastical appointments were to be valid In a Commission,,,
and that Commission to be appointed by the Lord Chancellor—
by lord Lyndhuru. But then a Lord Shaftesbury, or a 'aeries
nbiglit be Lord Chancellor; and be need nor tell the House that
Jedge Jelliries sent dbwn the warrant for prosecuting the Bishops;
and was, though.. at Protestant, as instrumental ID introducing
Papacy as even the successor of Saint Peter...himself could 611.
Was it to be supposed that the First Lord of the Treasury would
be ignorant where these C.omniissioners lived —that he would
know no more about them than if they resided in New Holland?
The business might be very well carried on somewhat after the
manner of money-lehders. They bad DO tunnel of their own—
they never lent money ; but then they knew a Moses Moms who
lived in some alley, and he would do the business upon proper
security. But who were to be selected foithese Commissioners?
The Hill, in fact, admitted the existence of danger, but provided
no remedy for it, - and no man could stultify him so much as to
draw up such a Mass of folly and contradiction. He was, there-
fore, turned uff, because be would nut add dereliction of duty to
folly and contradiction. A Catholic would be guilty of a misde-
meanour if he advised the Crown in matters connected with the
Church; but bow is advice to be proved? The Ilitl created an
offence with an absolute incapacity of conviction. The Catholic
Bishops were precluded by penalty from snowing the title of
Bishop—a penalty of only fifty pounds. The Bill contains no
higher penalty than five hundred pounds, and* Bishops might'
pay all out of the Catholic rent. There was no veto on their

. .
appointment, no means provided of inspecting the Corres-
pondence with the Pope of Rome, and the trilling penalties,
*ere all they had in exchange for the principles they wets going to
relinquish. Upon this questiou the right of petition bad been rudely
treated. Lie heard it spoken of as factious, that right secured to
the people by the Great Charter of JAN. He considered that the
question was more a religious than a political one. Why was the
late Lord Lieutenant recalled? He advised the people of Ireland
to pursue their object, to &Maud their rights legally and constitu.
To the people of England he (the Attorney General)
said the same. Do nut apostatise, and loaf rights and liberties
cannot be kat. As an humble and private lotliiiidual be should aver
support the great principles of the Constitution. This Bill, he felt
confident, would sign the death wet rant of the Church of England,
and its such he should oppose it in 'eery stage—(Loud cheers,
which continued for a considerable time after the Honourable Gen-
tleman sat down.)
Mr. PEEL said, about three fourths of the 4efence
of the Protestant Church and Constitution had turned
on personal attacks. What did they prove? that if this
measure was adopted for party purposes, it was the
height of fully ; but if, disregarding •party feelings,
Ministers had proposed a. measure for the settlement ci
Ireland, that did it prove but that the time wa, come
when patty feelings must be disregarded for the,
attainment of a great public good.—(Hear, hear )
Foremost in making these imputations was the King's
Attorney-General, who e situation, be should have
thought, would have prevented his disclosing the confidential
communications of blielsters. The time was not strived when he
could state all the difficulties that his Noble Ft lend had encountered.
roil ringleg forward this measure. He could nut yet tell why be
had not given the Attorney General more than seven days notice.
He bad hoped that he might have given his Noble Friend his most
cordial support in a private capacity. He would oil the day on
which he abandoned that intention. It was on that day when the
first authorities in the Church 'told his Noble Friend that they
would not support Catholic Emancipation. -On that day he told
his Hon. Friend be would unite his fate with his, and the Attorney
General was the first man to whom be communicated the linen-
dons of Government. He told him the Catholic Association was
become so formidable it must be pot doves, mod it was intend. d to
grant Catbelic. Emancipation. If the Attorney General then felt all
the horror. he now feels at this atrocious Bill, never did be see a man
preserve a more perfect command of his countenaose. If he
thought the measure included a violation of diarCorameioti Oath,
should be not have warned bine of the darer ? but no such word
did he utter. K as it quite fair for the Attorney General to assist
in the Hill for putting down the-Catholic Aspociation, when be
knew another Hill was to be consequent upon it, which be would
not support ? Hb Noble Friend (the Lord Chancellor) who was
absent had been attacked by the Attorney General. He . re-
membered when his Noble Friend was aged what be would
Jo for Ireland, he said be was not bound to answer that ques-
tion, as he was not a member of the Cahinet ; but be then
added, that if security could be given for the Protestant rush-
lisbnient, ht should not oppose conceselon—(Hear, bear). His
Noble Friend now was a member of the Cabinet, and was
bound to answer that question ; and there was no apostacy in
hie conduct. The AtiorneyaGeneral knew the state or Ireland.
'licked drawn the Bill of 1525, for the suppre.siqii of the Catholic
&socialism. That Bill failed; and the Attorney-General never
tecommendid any other. The question, what was to be done with
• Ireland ? had not been answered by any of the opponents of the
measure. They said they were not bound to answer it. as they
were not Members of the Cabinet ; and when the Members of the
Cabinet, in aswer to the question, prOposed the present mum,
they were accused of apostacy—(Hear, hear, bear). The majo-
rity of the Protestant intellect and property of Ireland was
in favour of the measure; and if it failed those who were
to succeed to the Government of the country could not de.
peed on Pro estal support in Ireland. The Protestants
of Ireland woubt feel the disappointment even more,
than the Catholics. tut the nwa-nre would not fail. The opposers '
of the measure said nothing new had occurred In Ireland to call for
it. lied they read the history of the Clare election? The Gentle-
man who presided over the police of that county came over to this
country to exelain the circumstances to his Noble Friend. He
stated the existence of a eenibmaiiiin and enthusiasm that no man
could contemplate without awe—an eotbuslasna consistent with the
most exact obedience to the urderi of their superiors, and themost
astonishing abstinence from any physical etcitement; though ea.
tirely within their reach. They ineant•no opposition to the law, but
to triumpli.by the use of the privileges they bod.obtained., He saw
-that such a state of things could not last—and therefore determined

to separate himself from his Noble Friend—the deepest pang he
ever felt.--but he clearly saw that fighting the battle in that House,
witi6 alternate success and defeat. must terminate in Catholic *lmre.
many. He Would mad an extract from a speech delivered by a Protes-
tant Clergyman, whose statements were above suspicion. The
Right Hon. Gentleman here read a statement that the Protestants
of Ireland were fast emigrating to America. He would ask, was
it for the interest of the Protestants of Ireland that such a state of
things should be continued ? The power of the Catholics in
land was too formidable fur the Protestants, and It was it present
inaccessibk to the influence of the Crown. He thought it better
to take ow chance, by edmittlacCatholics into the Constitution,
than continue such a state of things. He bad said this was nut a
'religious vacation. He did not mean that religion was not costs.
blued with the question, bet be meant to answer the argument
that it was a question of conscience, and that they were about lis
unite themselves with idolaters. He meant to say that. es States'
men, they were not precluded from considering the question. The
Honottrable Baronet who spoke last night (Sir E. Knatchbel).
after loading hint with concocted sarcasm, at last said be would give
Catholics every thing bus seats in Parliament and the Po ivy Council.
He would ask the Hun. Barooet when his conversion took plat?
The Hun. Baronet had formerly agreed with hint in refusing to
consider the question—now be was willing to give all hut seats in
Parliament and the forty offices filled by Privy Councillors.—
Yes; the Hon. Baronet declares himself ready to give to the
Roman Catholics all the Offices in Ireland save three—fur that is
not more than the number of offices there which are necessarily
connected with the Privy Council. Every executive office in Ire-
land the Hotioarable Baronet will bestow on the Roman Catholics
—(llear, hear). What'• then, becomes of the question of re.
ligionists there?. What becomes of the solemn quotation, which
be made with upraised hands to the Howe, Nwrgrugor lota fides,
—(Hear, bear). What becomes of h's exclamations about con&
dens never again to be restered to public men? If the Hon.
Baronet is ready to admit the consideration of this lutanist. and
to give every thing but seats in the Privy Council and iii Patna-
ment.to the Roman Catholics—if be is ready to admit Roman
Catholics to be competent to fill every executive nice in Ireland,
to sit on the Judicial Bench, and to bold every situation connected.
with the Administration of Justice in that country—lf he is ready
to make a Roman Catholic Solicitor•Genecal, or, if peed- be.
Attorney-Central, for it is not necessary that an Attorney'. General
should be a Privy Councillor. and at this nsWiteur the'raftitor..
General is not a Privy Comicillorwill he tell etc When be conies
to defend his nice diatincliona—will he tell me, f leY, he* will
let Roman Catholics fill these Hikes in Ireland, and yet exclude
them from seats in Parliament? What, then, becomes of the Hun.
Bartmees argument about the intimidation pruduted by factious
demagogues on Governntent ? Why. if be tears so nsuch to be
thought afraid, why should be yield anything? But then," says
the Honourable Member fur Newark. " this h the most unfit rinse
of all others to consider this quessi.m." And why? because,
forsooth. it is the latem:--ae objection which, It it is, worth any
thing, will continue to acquire accumulated energy every ad-
ditional time that the question conks before Parli (Hear).
Another Hon. Member hit said, that the Gierersiment had no
right to propose the lettl•ment of this question in the present Par-
liament—that this Parliament was not competent to decide it—and
that there must be a new appeal to the sense of the people; This
Janine the Hon. Member rested upon two arguments. The first
is, that we have all tale.the declaration agaiost-trausubstandation,
and that we are therefore locumpetent to alter it. If this be so, low,
be would ask, was that declaraticin ever to be-altered? If Parlia-
ment be not competent to alter the oath of suPreniaty. Of the des
claration win* transubatantiation, bow did it happen that *at
the time
.of making the Union with -Scotland, and. also at
-time of making the Union with Ireland, a party'. both in 'Scotland
and in Ireland, with a, view of defeating the Union, had proposed
that the oath of Supremacy and Declaration against transubstan-
tiation should be made' fundamental' branches in both A.;t. of
Union? That was, however, refused in each Act of Union ; and
if Honourable Gentlemen will take the trouble to refer to the
words of those Acts they will find in each of them a provision
is made that the Oath a Supremacy, and the Declaration
against transubstantiation, shall be taken by Members of Parliament
on taking their seats, until Parliament shall otherwise provide.
So far, then, were the Parliament' of former d aye from considering
those oaths as permanent parts of the Acts of ()Moo, that they. ab-
solutely contemplated the necessity of altering them. As to the
appeal to the country, let him ask Hon. Members to consider whe-
ther it would be wise to set such a precedent as to declare their
own incompetency to legislate upon any question which- the
Crown might think proper to submit to their consideration?—
(Hoar, bear.)—Would they so far stultify diemselveis as to begin
to consider what questions they were competent to debate?
Supposing that they were to• make such an appeal to the coon•
try,-how many ipsestisos did they think would arise hereatter
is which it would be said to them—" There k a precedent set to
you by the Parliament of limo, which dissolved itself, besauee it
hilt halt incompetent to act. do You folios, its example?: I
dial, Sir," continued Mr. Peel, "the necessity fur making such
• precedent. No, we will not stultify ourselves so much as so
say that we are not supreme as to every measure of legisktion
w may come before us—(Cheeri). But then we ire told that
this is a religious question, and that it is to be diseased a. web.
When I hear Hon. Gentlemen raising up in their places, and
solemnly declaring that it is an -offence against Gun to attempt
the settlement of this question in a -conciliatory manner, I feel
that they have armed me with a conclusive argument for not mak-
Ins any appeal at present to the people. Would you agitate Eng-
brad and Ireland from one end to another on so tender and delicate
a subject?• You might, indeed, by resorting to such a course, oh-
street' for a time the settlement of • the question, but it would at
the expense of the reverence due to religion itself. If the question
be rested, as I think it ought to be rested, on the grounds of
public expediency. let us assert our own powers to make the ad- 1
moment of it effectual—(Loud Cheers). I believe that it mar he i
safely and permauently adjusted on the grounds which I have ,
tasted. I believe that it may be so adjusted as to ging security
to the Protestant Establishment and to the Protestiot Interests in 1
Ireland; and it is because I believe so that I am Potent to
abandon the course which I baste Itlthetto pursued, and to glee I
relief to the Roman Catholics which they have so lin prayed
for. I entreat Honourable Gentlemen who differ from me is epi.
Moo, to consider the altered position of affairs in Ireland afoot the
annunciation of these measures of grate and favour has ban madd:
To be defeated now, to threw the question back rpm us, when ar
greater mini has been produced In Irelandlitan I ever knew to ell*
there—when there is no spirit of vulgar triumph displayed on the
part of Roman Catholics—and in justice to the Protestants I must
say it. when their disappointment has been milked by the most
patient submission—to lose the advantage which we have now
gained, and to reject the conciliation which is within our grasp,
would be attended with consequences so fatal to the repose of
the Empire, that' I cannot 'even in fancy bear to contemplate
them—(Loud cheer.). One parting word, and I have done.—
I have received in the speech of my Noble Friend (the Member
for Donegal) trinisumnies of approbation which are grateful to my
soul; and they have been liberally awarded to me by Gem Iciness on
the other side of the House, in a manner which does honour to the
forsearance of party among us. They have, however, one and all
awarded to me a credit which I do not deserve for ietding this
question. The credit, if it be a credit, belongs, to othersind not
to me. It belongs to Fox.—to Grattan,—to Pilleil'ett,to the
Gentlemen opposite,—and to an illustrious and Right Min: Friend
of mine. who is now no more—(Cheers). By 'their rem%
in spite of my opposition, it has preyed' ' tilinuphant
and victorious. I wiU not conceal from the Hulse that bribe course
of this debate allusions have br:n made to the meniory 'unity ROO
Honourable Friend, now no more. which' hair Veen "Mostpainful
to my feelings. An Honourable Baronet has spoken of the crief
Runnel in which my Right Hun. Friend was bunted down. Whether
the Honourable Baronet was one of those who hunted hint down, I
know not; but this I do know. that whoever jolnedio the lahuatan
cry which was raised against him, I was not ooe—s(Cheeri). I was
on terms of the most friendly intimacy with that illustrious States-
man downeven to the day of his death, and I say.with as much sin-
eerky of heart as man can speak; that I wish be was now alive
among us to reap the haven' which be sowed; Ind to enjoy the
triumph which his exertions gained. I would say- of Mm, as be
said in his own eloquent language of the late Mr. Perceval—A" Would
that he were bete to enjoy the fruits of his victory"— • r
" rum* ten attnis ; doe to poteremur Achille.**
I am well aware that the fate' of this measure cannot now be al-
tered :• if it succeed, the credk will redound to others ; if it fail,
the responsibility will devolve upon me, and upon those
with whom I have acted. These chances, with the loss of
private friendship and the alienation of public confidence, I must
have foreseen and calculated before I ventured to recommend
these steasures.—(Cheers) I assure the House. that In con-
ducting them I hive met with the severest blow which it bait
ever been my let to experience in my life; but I am convinced that
the cline will come, though I may not perhaps live to see it, when,
cull justice will beeline by men of all parties to the motives on,
which I have acted—When this question will be folly settled. and
when others will see that I had no other alternative than to act as
I have acted. 1 hey will then admitthat the course which I have
followed, and which I am still prepared to follow, whatever impu-
tation It may expose me to .is the only course, which is necessary
fur the diminution of the undue, Illegitimate, and dangerous power
of the Roman Catholics, and for the maintenance and 'security 'of
the Protestant religion.—The Right Hon. Gentleman then at
down amid loud cheering, which lasted for some time.
• The ATTORNEY. GENERAL said, that the Right Honour:
able Sitcretaiy, in the early part of • has speech, bad charged - hint
with libel" betrayed the confidential communisations of the Cs-
,hinst. my," coatinued •the "Learned Gentle:ma, “ it is pot
true. I belltye that no one out of the Cabinet knew of their in-

tendon to propose thew measures erten sis7s before the mettles
of Parlfausent"—(Cries of hear). That's my 6. hest" too; I say
6' heat"—(Loud cries of " Spoke"). I have not *tared to the
House what wes communicated to me by the Bight Ilnuourshh

Gentleman. I have not disclosed soy part of what the Right llos.
Gentleman stated to me. I fistly, positively, sod directly deny
the a‘scl tine%

Mr. PEEL—Eve►y Gentleman will at once perceive, that k
may be extremely inconvenient fur an officer of the Government tb
take upon himself to state the precise moment at e►hich a combs.
ideation was odicblly made.
The Gallery was then cleared, and the !loess divided, *ben
there appeared,
Ayes 353 Noes ITS I Majority..... In&
The liall was read a second time, and ordered to be committed
en Monday next.
The other Orden of the Day were then disposed of, and the
Douse adjourned at a QU RRRRR FAIT TN KU O'CLOCK.

t ti K H.V EN I Nl* Nri'A it.

140 N 1h .

-.we -
THURSDAY. .%IAIICI-1 19. 1.0.9
Pltltli o Slut KS AT TWO tre/Art.K.
Bang Stuck Shut India Lt.on I.
3 per Cent.lted. Shut South Sea Stock
3 per Cc. Com. B7* i i £100(i Rickey. lien, 54 3 5
5$ per Cent. lslB. Shut £5OO Ditto 34 3 5
I/ per ('eett. Ural. Shut , kiwi and .X2OU Onto 56 4
4 per Ct. New,lol/ 3 / Commercial
1 per Cost 1/425, Sbut Adeerti.ed
I.ting Atm. Shut India for Acct.
lulls Stock Shut . Cl/11r4411 for Acct R7s 4
IFOILKION FONOS, TWO Ot:t.to Ai. •
DoliA 11,1 q. 3 pet. 643 • I Ito Acct.9s
Hass. 144t.1822. 5 p Ct. 914 I Do. Acct. 1
BRITISH AND FOItKION SIIAIIKS, TWO trcptcr. '
*HAUS. P•lffi. .t.
100 100 al
50 9 3
400 400 125 130 t
40 :911 101 114
100 10 • 25`_>;3

A.,210 llezicao
Iliberaiip
Heal del Monte
United Mexican

Guardian Fire A...

Vass Diemen's !And Agrie. inn 7 11
The second readists..t-slie—C4llio:it Bill was carded
last night in the House Of G. mtoon, by a•majoritj of

180, the stumhets bring,
For the BA 353 I Againot it, 173 I Majority, 180.
Thus it •will he seen, that since the division on the first
reading of the Bill, the cause of the Constitution has
gained thine, n, while that of the Papists has gained
only five. The majotity, however, is still so large, that
'the Protestant cause is vittually lost in the House of
Cu:ninon' (is we always expected it would be). and the
hop of the nation must test on the }Luse of remand

the Sovereign.
. The length of the debate precludes our making many
".;bsei teatimes upon it; but we would earnestly entreat
pie attention of our Readers to the manly, independent,
oarecierstiout, and constitutional speech of one of the
soundest lawyrs which the C. unity hAs ever produced,
the Attorney Genets', Sir CIIAULES Wsrazettu.. If
his declarations of tie violation of the Constitution
which will be made by this Bill. wire,' he tie-ignates
by the epithet of attocsouv, and of the dangerous con-
sequences yr! ich must result from its effects, do nut
awaken rerieus Apprehensions in the minds of many who.
may have been.wsvering in opinion, we sh4ll.indeed, he
surprised ; and that its influence will be telt in d e
Upder House cannot be doubted. Mr. Past., in his
rei.ly. showed how much he felt the keen reply:aches of
so learned an authority, and evinced a doubt tf the
final adoption of the measures lie proposed, which was
well calculated to alarm his friends, and to encourage
those who ate the true friends of their country.
Of all the speeches which have been delivered in
Parliament upon the Catholic Question fee some yeas.,
that delivered by Mr. SADLIR, the newty.elected Mem.
bet for Newark, on Tuesday evening, was the most
powerful and convincing. The whole train of its rte•
soiling was consistent and irresistible, • hile the lan-
guage in which the constitutional, manly, and sound
pi inciples which it avowed, were expressed, would have
done honour to a PITT, a Butts; or a Ctuntso. In fact,
the speech was worthy of the cause it advocated—'
mely, that of the'People of England in defence of their
revered Constitution in Church and State, against the.
inroads which liberalism and apostacy are atria to
make upon it. Mr. SADLIR spoke the sentiments of
ake-tenths of the virtuous and the intelligent pat of the
community, and his arguments well, we hope, go far
towards convincing the other tenth of the impolicy,--
tlie_ folly, and the danger, of the intended change in
the very first principle of the Constitution of our
country. It is truly gratifying ter find, in ibis time
of genet al apostacy among men long hacknied in the
sr ys of politics, that there are others, like Mr. SADLItIy
to be found, without the walls of Parliament, who are
firm to right principles, and who have the Went, im-
mediately on being admitted, within its walls, to advocate
those principles with an energy and eloquence which
immediately command attention, and eclipse the best
endeavours of most other Members of the House. ft
is encout aging ton, as proving that if there should
be a dissolution of Parliament, there would not
he sn much difficulty as has been asserted in find-
men as capable of directing the national Councils,
or influencing the deliberations of Parliament as
'those, whose long possession cf place has vainly
led them to suppose that no Government could
be formed • ithOnt their being component pats
of it. A good cause, founded *on the unerring princi-
ples of justice and true religion, will never want able
advocates in this enlightened country, if power and
possession do nut deny them the means of stepping
forth in its behalf.

Mr. SADLaIt has at once established a reputation
which must place him in a prominent post in the battle
now fighting ; and he will no doubt p►ove an able and
useful Member on the various other great questions of
nation •1 policy which must necessarily won occupy the
attention of Parliament.

TwaLva o'CLocc.

Although the wind has been to the Westward for these two days
past, we are still without arrivals de riendag, naps two Hun-
burgh and sue French Mail. The Iriner does not bring soy hob
accounts fie& the Raw, acne that tbe Escheat's on Landes
ic;lg'inesete..rneafThylimila";laitabliSishorrals.:64
vendobegralFindestainteuigeore wadi the. same
The debate of last night draws the admit= it the Public:che
wonting. •
Consols opened at wri j for the Acconal, and $m for Mosey,
at which price they realm steady at present, with little ee melba(
'doing.
CITY. HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK: _

Consols which were in the early part' at die metning at
rod the Account. receded to 87j j, and at pima may be gssise
and for Money 871 to g. with on Wetness 611707:00 yobs-
ncept tie Chancery having purchased
at en for Money.
The Bank meeting. which took place this 1111110111116 la over, god
the dismission related to the aid luides at %lig the memo
'before Me Proprietors. Ntithingef wok pillee-
_ The Foreign market remains
. LORD HlLL'ins—R k, Main 11i.
Lieutenant. General .81r. Wiliam Cockburn. Sir John Brow%
Rear-Admiral Sir IL lianalltfe, Lord Willem Thrum. aid &beet
twenty others.
Lorvos: Natalia Pabllibed b Jew Mardi, —7l—v

at the Demi Clettee.Ne I,

4, the _ tupristar.
Temple Bar.