Star.
London, England, 1827-07-21 00:00:00

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MiENcH. PAPERS.
'nom rug siourrzon or wroszetkur, Mt 18.
•ss PARIS, Jim: 17.
11011.01TICLAL ?AST.
For some time the pondon Journals have been speak-
ing of..en 'arrangement concluded between the three
great maritime Powers of Europe, with a view to the
pacificstion of Greece. Tire limes has just published
this arrangement, with all its clauses, troth avowed End
secret. We give only conditional Credit to the docu-
ment of The Times, Not that the MIAs of the news ap-
pears to us suspicions. We are convinced that the Ca-
binets have desired to terminate this horrible drama
from the very day when it began. Whateter be the
opinions of Statesmen on the tights arising from con-
quest, and on those which survive it, " they have con-
. scantly agreed in the wish for otticlpation. Whatever
thetreaty may be, we can, therefore affirm that it will
be worthy of the august contracting patties—worthy of
the impottant and novel situation in which the political
world is placed—worthy of the public law which has
prevailed in Europe for these 12 years. But as there isl
some difference between the spirit of a contract and the
text of its articlei, so long as these articles are not offi-
cially known to us, our respect for the public makes it
our duty to confine ourselves to the discussion of

probabilities.
And, first, the news in The 1 imes is not only probable,
we warrant it very true in this particular—that a sacred.
love of humanity has undoubtedly presided in the co:
tract, and that no thought of aggrandizement has prdi.
faned this treaty. We can affirm it of France, in the
name of the virtues of its King—in the name of the he-
roic patronage given by its Consul to all the unfortu-
nate—in the name of its flag, which has always been
displayed in those ensanguined seas as a signal of safety
and pity. We can affirm it of the other Cabinets, in the
name of Alexander, stationary four years on the banks
of the Froth ; of Nicholas, prosecuting his diplomatic
negotiations in the presence of his impatient army—of
Lord Strangford, stipulating, in return for another in-
tervention, only the right to enlighten the Divan re-
specting its true interests.
It is very probable also, that a note drawn op in com-
mon will precede all hostile demonstration:, and if re-
course should be had to any such, the only object of it
will be to separate the combatants,—to hinder a whole
people from being struck out of the book of life, which
would be like a mutilation of the human race. This
order of proceeding. this slow and gradual march, are
entirely in the spirit of a policy, the essence of which is
preservation,—which does not interfere in fires to direct
them rather to one point than to another, but to extin-
guish them,—which does not favour the weak to further
his vengeance, but to defend him against the vengeance
of the strong.
When we speak of disinterestedness, we understand
this word in the sense of an aggrandizement of territory
or power ; for all personal interest knot wholly banished
from this combination. If it is true that the war of ex-
termination, of which Greece is the theatre, greatly im-
pedes our commerce in the Levant, and obliges civilized
Europe to incur burdensome expenses of protectiow and
repression, such a motive must have had its influence
on the determination of the three Cabinets ; fur to whom
do they owe their firstaffections but to the people whom
Peovinence has intrusted to them ? Here we shall find
the explanation of a fact, which seems to have in it
some obscurity, though it is not without precedents.—
According to The Times, only three of the great Allied
Powers would intervene in the pacification. This pro-
bably is because the maritime Powers only can take part
in a maritime intervention. We must not be astonished
at what we have twice seen. Did not Austria alone
take upon itself in 1820 to pacify Naples? Did not
France take upon itself alone in 1823 to pacify Spain?
Both of them acted without the material aid of their
Allies. but seconded by the labours of their diplomacy.
Thus, in the intimate union of the Cabinets, the means
of execution became more simple, and each takes the
post assigned to it by the opportunity of its situation
and the nature of its forces. Those who never know
how to be contented with present good, will, perhaps,
require of the Allied Powers the reason of their delay in
assuming this magnanimous attitude: we answer them,
that England did not recognise South America till after
having seen it contend for 16 years against the mother
country; that France did not make war till 1823 upon
the Cortes, which had held a Bourbon captive ever
since 1820; that in times farther back, France wasted
four years to declare in favour of the American insur-
gents, and that England employed the same number of
years in preparing hostilities against the revolution in
France. To take precipitately a decisive part at the first
moment, would berunnin; the risk of strange departures
from It (etranges reboots). An event is sometimes only
a symptom, sometimes a transitory anomaly; a meteor
may be extinguished at the moment that it burns. If
these motives are good to justify the delays of a cabinet,
how much more those of a confederation? Is it neces-
sary in the latter case to meet—to concert—to resolve.
Each does not always see the same things in the same
light, especially when the difficulties are numerous,—
when the reasons for refraining nearly balance those
for ascii u. Now, is not this the case with respect to
the affairs of Greece? Has the revolution preserved
the same character in its whole course? Was it the
same in 1821, under the Ypsilantes, as in 1827, under
George Sessini ?
In all the alternatives of reverse and success, might
not the hope be entertained, that each of the belligerent
parties would sacrifice something of its pretensions? —1
Many equally respectable motives clashed with each
other in this examination: against the Turks, the ori-
ginal title, and their strange manners which break the
European unity: for them, a possession of three cen-
turies and a half, and the numerous treaties which sanc-
tion it. Against the Greeks the very principle of their
new Government : for them, the community of religion,
at least as far as concerns the fundamental dogmas, and
that compassion which it is impossible not to feel at the
sight of their sufferings. Was it nct, beside., an abso-
lutely indispensable preliminary that the confederation
should disengage itself from every interest peculiar to
one of its number? and was it not necessary that the
treaty of Akermann should precede that of London?
The supposed arrangement would reconcile every
thing, both the rights of the Porte, which at the bottom
are rights, and those of the Geeks, which are, however,
not a chimera. Tois arrangement would take from each
of the contending parties only a pretension and a danger:
from the Greeks political independence, and the dangers
of a situation too elevated for them ; from the Turks
a sovereignty (ouvernineti),Which gratifies only hatred,
for supremacy (suseroinetei gives much more gratifica-
tion to pride. And how after this bloody divorce should
the ancient relations revive? How could two nations
which have demanded from each other the let drop of

r their blood, live hencefatth unties' the same roof? I.
exchange for the sterile domination, the Porte receives
a tribute, which will be guaranteed. In exchange for
ka independence, impossible and even dangerous from
the complication of interests which it would draw after
it, the Greeks will receive, Municipal liberty in its full
extent: they will cease to be in servitude, without ex.
isting as a distinct nation ; they will live in peace, but
as vassals and tributaries. Whatever be the meaning
of one of the clauses insetted in The limes, they will
not be so far freed from the power of their ancient
master as not to bear witness to that power in the acts
of their new existence. Thus we shall not have rescued
unhappy people from the torments of flelfto plunge
them into chaos. •
Far from the three Cabinets be any ambitious design!
We are in a new era ; it must not be judged of accord-
ing to old ideas. A whole world has arises between
the policy of the present times and that of those which
are past. Thanksto the permanent alliance of the Go-
vernments, Europe is only one country. May it never
quit so noble a path ! There alone will it *ld great-
ness and security; by that alone it will maintain itself in
the high rank of arbiter of the world, which is the cer-
tain position of disinterested power. In fact, nothing on
earth ,can present the visible image of Paovrosscs
like a force which, while able to do every thing, desires
nothing for itself; and desires for the weak precisely
what their interest, well understood, would requite of
themselves, if they were able to choose.

PROM TAB CaNSTITUTtuNNIL.
If we suppose that the Powers who figure in the
treaty (for the pacification of Greece) have reserved to
themselves the decision of this important point, all our
uneasiness would not be dissipated. In fact, it is very
possible that England, particularly when the composi-
tion of the present Ministry of that country is consi-
dered, would willing assist in the establishment of a
new reput lie on the ruins of the cities of ancient Greece.
It is also possible that this classic form of Government
might have. less attraction for France, and, in fine, that
it would prove far from agreeable to Russia. But ad-
mit for a moment that the Plenipotentiaries of the
three mediating Powers have at last agreed as to the
external form to be given to the new State, either -by
reciprocal concessions, or by a selection of one of those
modetn creations in which republicanism is slightly
veiled under the appearance of monarchy, there will
still remain to be obtained, for such an arrangement,
the consent of the State, which we have, with reason,
pointed out as the most essentially interested in the
question—namely, the consent of Austria.
And what strong and well-founded reasons will not
that Power be able to advance? She may remind
France and Russia of the principles of the Holy Al-
liance, of those principles which governed the decisions
of the Congress at Verona. She may say to France—
" You sent, at a great expense, your armies into Spain,
to overthrow, a form of Government which you de-
clared menaced your internal tranquillity; and you are
going to establiih close to my states an ill-disguised
Republic." To Russia, she might say—" Are you, then,
weary of that repose which we lately conquered amidst
innumerable dangers?" Prussia would support this lan-
guage with all the conviction which results from evi-
dent danger. Austria would, doubtless, have little to say
to England, after the celebrated speech of Mr. Canning ;
and yet she might remind that Minister, that he had
promised not to revolutionize Europe, without neces.
sity, for England, &c.
LISBON, Jute 5.
The Decree published in the gazette of the 28th of
June cannot be considered as a measure calculated to
diminish the alarm which prevails as to the danger of
civil war. This strange decree forbids the printing of
any discussion of the principles established by article
SO of chapter 5 of the Charter, which treats of theße•
gency. Some persons attribute this decree to the in-
fluence of Sir Wm. A'Court ; and the prohibition con-
firms those persons in the idea that Don Miguel will
come to Portugal as soon as he shall have attained his
25th yeas, the period of his majority, which will be on
the 26th of October next. They even go so far as to
say, that this arrangement has been agreed to among
the great Powers, and that because the opinion ex-
pressed by the liberal papers here is opposed to such an
arrangement, it has been thought fit to silence them.
Our liberals cry out loudly against this plan. They
accuse the English Government of perfidy, saying, that,
it employs its Ambassadors and its troops to support oes
overturn constitutional systems, just as may suit its in
terests or circumstances, and abandons to re-actions the
men who have compromised themselves for it. There
is some truth in these complaints; but it ought to be
observed, that it is the scum of the liberal party which
attached itself to the side of the English t the rest have
always shewn a repugnance to foreign interference. It
is even certain that had General Clinton insisted on
making his troops occupy the fortresses of the kingdom,
the whole of the constitutional army, with a few ex-
ceptions, would have made common cause with the
Royalists against him. It is reported that the Extraor-
dinary Cones are to be convoked. The decree of con-
vocation, it is said, is already drawn up.

SMYRNA, Mar 29.
PRIVATE CORREEPONDRECR.

I have this instant (ten at night) been informed of
an event which has taken place at Chesme, opposite the
island of Scio, and which will offend no less than three
great European Powers.
On the 26th current, the consular agent of France at
Chesme, two Austtian, and one Russian, subjects,
were attacked in their respective homes by the local
authorities, seized and dragged before the Pacha of
Scio, who has loaded them with irons, and cast them
all four into prison. On learning their imprisonment,
the Austrian Vice Consul at Scio hastened to send his
principal dragoman to the Pacha to learn the cause of
so violent and irregular a proceeding; but he received
for answer that no dragoman would be received, and
that no account was to be rendered to Consuls.—On
receiving this strange answer, the Vice Consul repaired
to the castle, dressed in his uniform, but the gates were
closed against hiin, and the Pacha refused to give him
audience. After having received this double insult,
the Vice Consul withdrew from the island and went to
Smyrna. in order to inform the Austrian Consul Gene-
ral and the Internuncio of what had happened to the'
two Austrian subjects, and the one Russian, and to seek
satisfaction for tie insult he had personally received.l
Up to the present time the Consul General of France
has not received any advices irons his Vice Consul, but
he is himself expected every instant.
PARIS, Jucv 17.
The English J urnals have announced as a probable,
piece 01 news, that the Pacha of Egypt had just declared
himself independent of tie Porte. This news seems to-
day to be confirmed, and vie hope soon to be able to
communicate some curious details upon this subjects)

it Is an event of high interest, and which will have a
particularly beneficial effect on the affairs of the Gear..
It is to be hoped, if the news be true, that Ibrahim will
put a stop to the war of extermination he has too long
waged in the Peloponnesus; and that .he will consider
himself happy in returning to Egypt with the troops
under his command ; and In that case the cause of the
Helenists is secure.
This news appears to us of so important and decisive
a chatacter, that we impatiently wait its•confirrttation.
We have some grounds of hope. It cannot be denied
that the innovations of Sultan Mahmoud ate of a nature
to sh'-ck Mussulmen in their old habits, manners,
and prejujces. It is generally at such periods that
agitations arise, and that States fall to pieces. The
Pacha of Egypt could not seize a more favourable op
portunity for declaring his independence. He can come
to the determination without danger ; the Ottoman
Porte, exhausted by a war of seven years, which has re•
quired immense sacrifices, and which has been mingled,l
at least, with as much defeat as success, is not fn a state
to engage in a new contest with Egypt. Where will
she find pecuniary means? Upon what army can she
reckon ? Her troops will not be inflamed with the fa-
naticism which has sustained them in Greece; they will
have to fight against fellow countrymen exercised in
European discipline, and led by an experienced Chief.
All the chances would be in favour of Mehemed Ali.
—We sincerely hope that the news announced by the
London Journals may receive a full confirmation. It
is time to render powerless a barbarous nation and Go-
vernment, natural enemies of Christians and all civili-
zation ; it is time to put an end to that atrocious
tyranny, which can only reign in Greece by death and
destruction.