Star.
London, England, 1829-04-06 00:00:00

itki lAA 4'. I.i I. 1141.1-'•ii •. i• %AC.. Alaii lie lii.pee
qt. :tlir Milled be treed fro n it that he had with
era an to pritate Isle. • N"vert elates, it did seem to be
ght every Placation thing in Parliament to have a
d„wirehe ohiChancellor. "I, beings to my mind,"con,
tinued theNohlrE4ll, "an anecdote which perhaps, spoor
'tbi.,erious eine damn would be hater to omit. However,
with the patience of the Noose, I will mention it.—l wa•
pace at Bulb* with my ye- enable deceased friend,Lot d
'Therlow, who went them for the Issnefit of the water..
41 veiled upon him one evening at the Inn where he
,eras sitting, when he told me he had heard that th re
:wen -six or eight persons in the piece who meant to
have a dash et the ex-Chancellor when in the b.th
ben morning. I asked hiM what course he intended
to take; and he replied prudently, that he meant to keep
tour of their way. I'he misfortune is, that I have not been
table to keep out of the way of those who hive been de-
Ulnas to have a dash at me"—(Hear a:.d laugh et). Hr
bow came to 'hearer 1807, when a new Admini.tration
brat formed under thciimstanees of clamour which many
ovelit %Menthes. The Sovereign then on the tin one,
his la-i venerable and beloved mister, would not give
his Royal assert to thE Bill for the emancipation of the
Ito-risen Catholics: it was his opinion that he could
hot give that assent canscienti ,ugly, and he was 'psi
the only man in his dominions who entertained that
sentitnent. In the year 1817 his Noble Friend (if he
would permit him to call him so) was a Member of his
Majesty's Government. They had been accused of
doing in 1817 what they had refined to do in 1807.—
The fact was thia It was his opinion-apethaps an in-
conect one, for lawyers sometimes make mistikes—sthat
persons qualified to serve in the army in Ireland§ being,
as military men, under the orders of the Ciown; were
qualified to serve in the same capacity in England. I
Was thought not safe to rest the matter on any less
authority than that of an Act of Parliament, which was
in ez ct accordance with his opinion. He hoped to be
permitted to add this short remark, that in no part of
these discussions had he ever stated his objections
to go further than to resist the giving political
power to the Roman Catholics by bringing them
into Parliament, and allowing them to fill the
great offices if Sate. Here the House would per-
haps allow him to state, very shortly, that he bete
dismissed at once all consideration of the true intent
and meaning of the coronation oath. It bad been said
tonight that this was an extremely delicate qnestion.
He thought so too; and he thought, likewise, that the
envision of it belonged only to the Clown. They would,
indeed, place his Majesty in a distressing situathe if,
by passing this Bill, knnwintg his opinion to be adverse
to it, they were to j lace upon him the whole weight
and odium of refusal. He seas 'therefore inclined, at
the present moment; on this point to say no mote than
that, according to his*present opini,n, the obligation of
the coronation oath must be settled between GOD and
the King. It was not for him or f.r others to say that
in their judgment his Majesty could not safely give his
anent to this Bill, regard being had only to that 'acted
obligation; whether he would or would not withhold
his approbation was a matter he niu‘t decide, and he
was sine he would decide conscientiouly. In so deciding
he might °wools his opinion, and he hoped that hr
would satistactotily overrule the opinions of all who on
this point agreed with him. They now came to the con-
sideration of what aas the constitution of this cotta ry
iu 1688; and Mir, he mat be allowed to say, that be-
cause fundamental laws were then passed, on eve'',
page of every statute of which it was said that they
were to be permanent and established, be did not on
that account deny the competence of Parliament to
change those laws. The Legislature of that day thought
to make a change might again put the Constitution in
Weird, but he did not assert that such a change could
not be made. He Maintained this, however, that look-
ing at the lSth Charles 11. the 25th Charles 11. and
the SOth Charles li. the reclusion from Parliament
operated by the last of these statutes. was in conformity
with the true construction of the Acts of 1688, and with
the Act of Union with Scotland, too, in the reign of
Anne. These were meant to be the ruling and govern-
ing principles of the Constitution, until a strong ne-
cessity for altering it should be made apparent.—
If; the gelid of the nation required a change, a change
might be made; no man denied it; but the necessity
must be established, and there ought to be no strong
and reasonable apprehension for the consequences. The
Comtitutioe of 1688 was the pride, honour, and glory
of the country, rand they could nut Make an alteration'
in it without, in some degree,altering the notions of the
people as to its excellency. To produce doubt, alarm,
and discontent among the people, was a practical evil
which it was difficult to counterbalance by any theo-
retical good. The people were justly at:ached to the
Constitution of 1688—they looked to it as the founda-
tion and bulwark of their freedom. If a part wets
changed, they might change the whole, and that change
they dreaded. Perhaps the state of the opinions of the
people might be more manifest to one who bad risen
from the people, and who had been long in communW
cation with the people,the strength aid ornament of the
Empire, than to most it their Lordships, the proprie-.
ton of hereditary titles—(Hear). They felt it tat be
their Lordships duty, and a duty the most paramount
that they bad to execute, to' preserve in this Protestant
kingdom the Protestant telogion. 'Not a syllable had
fallen from him in' this or in any previous debate to
show that—if the safety and honour of this Protestant,
kingdombe Completely preinved—if they preserved a
Protestant King, a Protestant House of Peels, a Pro-
testant House of Consume; and a Protestam Executive
Governmenttheo, hr not make altentions' in the
system which marlin d Wetter Wit:rides than they had
yet possessed for-the Protestant religion: The securities
offered wet e of two kinda.—first, tho-4 which belonged to
the change as it may Opiate upon the minds oftbeßoman
Catholics-2d, those suincb' are connected wittiihis Bill
before us, and the ukhei enema& by which it is attended.
Finer they bad pissed 'a- laii-to put down the Catholic
Aiamiation; and he agree%l that it was due to the dig-
nity of Parliamnit, and thiVnat oral impulse of the great
mind of the Noble trulti;tliit iiiieniscessiun should be
made while that Assotiatitin existed, the charaiter
which wastroly described'iti the pteamble of the-Billsl
If that BM 'had' iti 'any way •afetteil 'the int-tidies it
common law against the Association or` indiaiduals; it
would wot operate as it was intended; . With regard
to the Daft anctrisenient Bill; he held to be a oleko
sine' or the utmost nioinent, and 'hi' was friesikorz
denying the conspeteme of Peoliameiti to pllftj airs
The Legislature had sanctioned' is ,Bill redwing the
number of voter. ; Wished Noble Lords to con-
sider the :wore. or 1464 tfiriffeas, al that Bill, as it
might oinnaste-up..ti other measures, aff:cting the pre.
scot Conit•Int1011. of Parliament. • Tn.t House, on ail
seek ottihidris, rnicteded in a jodicial'aittrelVas in
leplatille'eapac.ty Perin ed the piuitticlion i f evi-
dent:fist it. bar-41 tinct proof of the malt., and extent
If i4.e4wit.:.:41.,J it oi mid not act tiro the title pv4)&-
611117 .4 what may is may not be the tact. Hastng ate'
tei amid vow ei -cause We
of 101 ers. betati:e :key theft& the preseht cesllifi.:4j
taiu.lOub to the public mints!, t because their